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FOLK METAL CRAFT OF EASTERN INDIA
By

MEERA MUKHERJI

EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION

Bv

PROF D. P. GHOSH, M. A., F. A. S

ALL INDIA HANDICRAFTS BOARD

MINISTRY OF COMMERCE
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - NEW DELHI
WEST BLOCK 7, R.K, PURAM, NEW DELHI - 110022

PubliatioEs Divisie®,
nl Information & ^ SoOO
Potiala House, I Ml
V,
• 't M 1
 contents

Page

INTRODUCTION

BY PROF. D. P. Ghosh 1

chapter I

CURRENT DESIGNS AND DESIGN

DEVELOPMENT POSSIBILITIES 3

chapter II

DIFFERENCES IN TECHNIQUE IN
MADHYA PRADESH, ORISSA,
BIHAR AND WEST BENGAL 6

chapter III

GHANTRARS AND SITHRIAS OF

ORISSA 10

chapter IV

ON CONDITIONS GOVERNING
THE PRODUCTION AND ORIEN¬
TATION OF FOLK METAL CRAFT 13

PLATES 17—42
*

V
 This is a special report prepared by Shrimati
Meera Mukherji on the folk metal craft of Eastern
India. The report covers, among other things, the
different techniques employed by the craftsmen, the
social environments in which the craftsmen live and
work and the design and production difficulties they
face. Smxt. Mukherji has also illustrated her report
with a number of photographs and line sketches
which show not only the tools and implements the
craftsmen use but also the production processes
and finished products.

The manuscript was seen by Prof. D. P. Ghosh of

the University of Calcutta with a critical eye, and he
has also written an introduction to the report. The
All India Handicrafts Board is grateful to him and
also to Smt. Meera Mukherji who surveyed the
craft and prepared the report.

ALL INDIA HANDICRAFTS BOARD

 INTRODUCTION

The present report is concerned mainly with folk Beyorid, London 1966, pp. 93-97). So, is there not a
metal craft as practised in Eastern India today. Still surprising kinship between the vagabond craftsmen
retaining the undying legacy of the primeval man, oi Neolithic eastern India and their present day des¬
conditioned by wild natural environment, this folk cendants, the wandering Dhokras of the same region ?
craft is, none the less, distinguished by unique signifi¬ According to Ruth Reeves, another expert who
cance in technique, conception and aesthetic appeal. devoted the closing years of her lifetime in India to
This is one of the compelling reasons why these un¬ study this fascinating segment of culture, “So robust
conventional products of Indian handicrafts should be is the Indian craftsmen’s reluctance to take leave of
kept alive and encouraged despite the development of their traditional craft materials, techniques and
sophisticated designs often influenced by overseas design roots that it might almost be called one of
buyers. The peculiar sense of form and excellence of their most outstanding culture patterns. Perhaps this
design is directly attributable to the environment and is the reason why India is virtually the only country
tradition of these roaming aboriginal people. in the world today which stands with one foot still
It may be stressed here that the folk metalware firrnly planted in a handicraft era reaching back over
of Eastern and Central India is produced by primitive a time cycle of five millenia.To take but one
hereditary metalsmiths (kamaras) who live in and example of these governor-bearings, the shelter of
around the great forest belt flanked by the Vindhyas India’s Neolithic people was probably constructed of
and the Eastern Ghats, bordering Bihar, West Bengal, cane and bamboo, a building material widely used for
Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. Extremely poor and this same purpose in many villages todayl and mil¬
sometimes socially despised by the rural people, these lenia later, first wooden and then stone dwellings and
folk craftsmen are generally known as Dhokras and temples evolved . Furthermore, because of the
Dheppos in the districts of Purulia, Birbhum, Bankura, probable abundance of the raw material, the first
Burdwan and Midnapur in West Bengal, Molars in artefacts of the people of upper Palaeolithic Age as
Bihar (allied to the Malo of West Bengal, Malas in
well as the Neolithic period in India were cane, bam¬
South India; the word Mai may be of austrio origin
boo and grass baskets, traps, mats etc.” (Ruth Reeves,
meaning upland region) scattered over in the Sou¬
Cire-Perdue Casting in India, Crafts Museum, New
thern districts of Palamau, Hazaribag, Ranchi, Santhal
Delhi, 1962, P. 14).
Parganas, Dhanbad, Singhbhum and locally known as
Ghungur-Gharas, also specially known as Ghantrars Similarly, another renowned field worker, Shri
and Sithrias in Orissa and Ghoruas in Bastar in Sudhangsu Kumar Ray, who has made substantial
Madhya Pradesh. Perhaps, migrating from their contribution to the study of folk art in India and
original homeland in the dense forests of the hillj; specially West Bengal, also alludes to the botanic ori¬
terrain of Dandakaranya in Madhya Pradesh, these gin of the different types of objects and feels that the
wandering artisans still set up their mobile foundries metal statuettes of Kailuiya Mals, Jadu-Patuas or
by roadside although most of them have now settled Dheppos of West Bengal which appear to have origi¬
in villages in the regions where the borders of the nated in tribal magic and beliefs, gradually replaced
four States mentioned above meet. These Ghantrars, the cane and bamboo images and utensils of the pre-
Sithrias and Ghoruas must, however, be differen¬ metal period. “The religio-magical statuettes were
tiated from the folk artisans of the plains. actually constructed with cane and bamboo long be¬
It is interesting to note that recently some thirty- fore the beginning of the use of metal by their inven¬
four Indian archaeological sites have produced a dis¬ tors. The reason why I support this opinion can be
tinctive series of hoards of copper, rare bronze imple¬ appreciated upon careful study of these primitive
ments and anthropomorphic objects occurring over a statuettes in which the vivid mark of wickerwork is
wide stretch of the country, mostly in Uttar Pradesh, conspicuously stamped.We could almost say
Madhya Pradesh, Vindhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, that they looked at metal through the medium of
Bihar. Orissa and West Bengal in post-Harappan cane and bamboo. As a result the metal images of
period (1700-1000 B.C.). “All that can be safely said” first stages were cast (in cire-perdue method) in com¬
observes the noted archaeologist Sir Mortimer plete imitation of cane reeds, upon a pedestal made
Wheeler, “is that copper implements are shown by in imitation of a bamboo stretcher with criss-cross
their frequently specialised character and skilful reeds”. (S. K. Ray, “The Artisan Castes of West
casting and hammering and their distribution of 800 Bengal and their Craft”, Census 1957, West Bengal,
miles of jungle landscape to have been the work of Calcutta 1953, p. 303, “Primitive Statuettes of West
substantially wholetime experts who were probably Bengal”, Journal of Arts and Crafts. January, 1939,
also (as in other parts of the world) itinerant” Calcutta pp. 1-8).
(Wheeler, chapter on “The Ganges Basin-Vagabond Although some scholars think that the motif of the
Craftsmen” in Civilizations of the Indus Valley and spiral was perhaps suggested by the sight of the
conchshell or by the twist at the tip of certain plant the figure riding the elephant. The rigid legs remind¬
stems, the uniformity of technique and design, ed me of knotted bamboo stumps, the fiat spirals of
specially in elaborate composition and decoration, in the ears of carefully coiled cane and even the head
tribal crafts throughout Eastern India was no doubt was curiously patterned on a Kula, a winnowing fan
inspired from the very outset by botanical elements made of split bamboo strips. Moreover, the vertical
viz. the cane and bamboo which occur in such abun¬ drop of the trunk as opposed to the wavy trunks of
dant measure in the forest belt stretching from the Orissa a-nd West Bengal elephants, in fact , the entire
Vindhya Range to the Eastern Ghats, the homeland form, was more conventional and stylised than the
of the pre-Aryan Adivasis. It may also be mentioned more sophisticated forms in the neighbouring States,
here that long ago, in course of scrutiny of a metal perhaps because of almost inaccessible centres away
image of Danteswari from Bastar (Dandakaranya) from civilization where they were produced.
collected by me for the Asutosh Museum, I was also
amazed to notice the undeniable botanical stamp in D. P. Ghosh
 CHAPTER I

FOLK METAL CRAFT OF EASTERN INDIA

CURRENT DESIGNS AND DESIGN DEVELOPMENT POSSIBILITIES

In this report we are concerned with metal arti¬ Sometimes, two figures are made together identi¬
facts produced by folk artisans mainly of Eastern fied as Jori Mata or Mayee. With a trident in hand
and Central India. In the most mature form and ex¬ which pierces her tongue, the Mata is known as Kali
cellence of products, they are currently found in Kankalin often characterised by a protruding tongue.
Bastar, Madhya Pradesh and parts of Orissa, Bihar
and West Bengal. The articles produced by the folk Some gods are purely local, to be discussed pre¬
craftsmen are basically ritual objects. However, the sently. Four types may be distinguished in semi-
vitality and direct appeal of these articles have drawn classical images of gods in Bastar viz. Mata (PI, VI.
a mass of appreciative buyers in this country and 5) who can become Chitla Dei (Sitala), Ganga Dei,
abroad. Sophisticated buyers from outside use these Linga Dei, Kali Kankalin etc; the horse with a rider;
objects as decorative pieces to enhance the aesthetic the elephant; and jhula (a swing).
appeal of their homes. The local buyers use them ex¬ The horse rider is Shiva, locally called Bhairam
clusively for votive purposes. Types of articles pro¬ (PI. VI. 2) and also Bhangaram. In the stone images
duced in Bastar include images of gods, utensils, orna¬ found scattered in Bhairamgarh and Barsur, the rider
ments such as anklets (Payeri), Hansuli, ear-ring and images, however, represent heroes. In South India
miscellaneous objects like temple bells, bells to wear, such a rider is called Ayyanar, a god who protects the
sounding horn, Kalas, Dull (throne for gods) and villages. In Bengal the rider and sometimes the horse
DuU (money container). alone is called Panchanan, i.e. Shiva. The Bastar
The names of the village in Bastar District where metal Bhairam carries a sword or a spear and some¬
folk metal craft is practised are Jagdalpur, Konda- times a gun (PI. VI. 3).
gaon, Chilkuthi, Besoli, Baniagaon, Khorkosha,
The elephant image is known as Danteshwari (PI.
Sihawa, Sonabar, Bastar village, Narayanpur, Gidam,
IV. 2). Danteshwari is the State Goddess of Bastar. In
Bastanar, Temra, Dilmili, Chhote Dongar, Kainkabera,
the original image of the goddess, there is no sign of
Sirmur, Hirakot, Narpar, Nangonar, Bara Dongar,
any elephant. The craftsmen who belong to a
Paorbel, Nandpura, Garenga, Besali, Kund Gura,
low caste are never allowed to see the goddess. Their
Bhind, Mangadapadar and Mandar.
only contact with the goddess occurs when the annual
The names of such villages in Orissa, are Naogara, procession is brought out, which allows them to see the
Phulbandha, Baramba, Barasingha, Narasinghpur, State elephants, horses and the chariot with the Jhula.
Chakragara, Kodala, Begunia, Konnleipur, Patrapur, The goddess is not shown in the procession; her
Nuapento, Naupara, Padmapur, Jogalaupur, Sundar- umbrella, carried in the procession, symbolises her
pur, Oria Dhamansei, Nanda Bangra, Hendur, Kukuta, presence.
Hindolgarh, Bahabandha, Keonjhar, Ganjam, Berobo,
Berhampur, Pratappur, Purushottampur, Puri, Damo- Often, one, two or more of the Gharua figures are
darpur, Chandanpur, Balugaon, Bano, Nimkheta, shown sitting in the same (pi. V. 7) swing. They
Jhagarpada, Bangura, Kuktapsi, Bairani and Baripada. are freely composed in any manner the Gharuas like
to represent them. Sometimes one figure on one
The areas of concentration in West Bengal are simple swing, sometimes two on one, and sometimes
Kuttigiri, Purulia, Bankura, Ekloki, Burdwan, Jhar- multiple swings are skilfully composed to fit the struc¬
gram, Dariapur, Dibru and Rampur. tural pattern of their choice. The figures in some cases,
are made to swing from the arms of a large figure one
Folk Metal Craft on each arm. The Gharuas of Bastar are absolutely
free in their creative ideas and they make anything
Among the Bastar craftsmen, there is no hard and they like. When the small-pox epidemic spreads among
fast rule to give a particular image a set of signs to the tribals, Gharuas keep on making Mata with spots
fix its identification. Generally they make images of on her body and have a big market for this. Each
a particular type and give them one or other of the Gharua locality has a particular style, noticeable in
many names of Sakti. Mata is a figure of woman who varying shapes and decorations on the figures.
holds in one hand a plate and in another a fiowerlike
object. This is the most common form. But some¬ The names of local gods of figures are Dular Dei,
times, a sword held in hand replaces the flower. Kodai Budi, Gappa Dei, Lakkad Dei, Mitku Jhitku,
Pendre Undrin etc. Gappa Dei and Lakkad Deo are a Folk Metal Craft of Orissa
pair of local gods. They have their fixed symbols of
identification. Lakkad Deo, before becoming a deity, Orissan products may be divided into the follow¬
was a woodeutter, so they never forget to put an axe ing images of gods, ritual objects, ornaments and mea¬
on his shoulder, while they put a basket on the head sures.
of Gappa Dei and a Sahal in her hand. These two
figures are almost always made together. They are Of the images, the most important is lakshmi (PL
also called Mitku Jhitku (PL VI 4) or Pendre Un¬ 11. 2). The forms are Maha-Lakshmi, Gaja-Lakshmi,
drin. Even if they are made singly, the axe, the Dipa-Lakshmi. Lakshmi, being the goddess of pros¬
basket or Sahal would easily provide identification. A perity, is shown with a number of tokens of wealth
hat on the head clearly marks out Doctor Deo, another and prosperity. There is a wide variety of such tokens.
significant local divinity. Fromi this selection, a vuyer may choose twenty-one,
eleven, or nine varieties, represented by Lakshini-
All Gharua images made for Adivasis, have some¬ Narayana, Saraswati Ganesha, Dipa-Lakshmi; fruits
where about them a sign of crescent star (Chand such as mango, vegetables like Uchchhe, (Karela);
Tara PI. VIII). The artisans are unable to explain birds like owl, peacock, pigeon as also fish, elephant,
the significance of the symbol. They only say that horse, money and vermilion containers, water pot,
the Marias want them. According to Marias, this lampstand—with or without elephant (Jagor)—in¬
symbol is added to an image to make it divine. Others cense burner, measures, Kathua etc. All of these are
say that the symbol is .peculiar to Chandravangsa signs of prosperity. These items may also be sepa¬
Kings i.e. ruling chiefs of Bastar. rately available or combined in a set. Lakshmi is
^;ometimes seen seated on a pair of elephants. (Pis. II,
Of the utensils made by Gharuas, the Karhei is the VII, XVII, XIX, XXII).
most important (PI. IV. 3) followed by the Lota
(Handi) to cook rice or dal, and Batki (bowl). Al¬ Although the cultivators as buyers show a prefer¬
though the utensils are of excellent quality, they are ence for Lakshmi, the artisans also make images of
Rama, Sita and Lakshmana.
now considered expensive compared to brass or alu¬
minium wares. So now they are made rarely. The
articles are presently made only on order. Folk Metal Craft of West Bengal

During annual Maria festivals, the dancers wear One of the most important crafts of West Bengal
strings of bells around their waists. They also take a is Lakshmir Saj containing 21, 11, 9, or 5 kinds of
bunch of bells and tie them on sticks which again are articles together forming the world of Lakshmi. The
used in dancing. Besides these, cow-bells are also group of articles together forming the Lakshmi en¬
made by Gharuas. In addition to these, tiny jingles semble consist of Lakshmi-Narayana (PL V. I),
are made for images, and as an alarm device, fixed Ganesha, Ekalakshmi (PL V. 4), Dhanakuber
around the lid and body of money containers (PI (guardian of wealth), Bhagabati, Garudapakshi (bird-
XXII. 1). mount of Narayana), owl (mount of Lakshmi),
pigeon, peacock, deer, fish, horse, elephant, Kosha
Among the miscellaneous objects, mention may be (water container) and other holy vessels, Ananta-
made of horns, used in religious festivals; cornet deva, mango, Karala, vermilion box, paddy measure
(Muhuri), made in brass, used in festivals such as vessel. Those who are wealthy can afford to buy all
marriage, religious ceremonies, and particularly in the 21 pieces. Less well-to-do people buy 11, 9, or
processions (PI. V. 6, 8); Kalas, a pinnacle (PI. V. 5 varieties picked up from the entire set. The most
9) designed to be fitted on the top of a wooden pole important and indispensable item is the paddy mea¬
brought out on the occasion of festivals of the State; suring bowl or Kunke which symbolises Lakshmi in
Dull, a small shrine for the image, now seldom made her totality (Pis. II, XVII, 1). Other items of interest
as the demand for them has shrunk and Duti, an all are Ghungur (bells) and Dhupushi (incense burner)
metal money-and-valuables box, with a lid fitted with (PI I. 2).
bells around it so that the opening of the lid is always
heard. The artisans from Bankura make many Hindu gods
and goddesses (PL I. 1) in addition to all these. In
Of the popular ornaments Payree (PL V. 5) or West Bengal, buyers are not only confined to culti¬
anklets, follow a traditional design which can be vators but consist of a wide cross-section of the people
slightly altered in details of decoration. These are including artisans, landlords and others.
still in good demand and fetch profit to the artisans.
Other ornaments such as neck and ear-rings are also This is, more or less, a complete list of the existing
produced together with Gharua anklets. Apart from designs. It may be remembered here that in develop¬
horses and elephants, which are ritual objects, ing new designs, the designers should make them¬
Gharuas also make other animals (Janwars) like selves thoroughly acquainted with the minutest details
Snakes, lizards, scorpions, tortoise, deer, tiger, bull, of technique, form and the local style of the existing
buffalo and little birds, designs,

4
 Stylistic and Technical Peculiarities brings out the forms without complications, specially
in money containers (Pis. II. 3 and XXII. 1).
Everywhere, the artisans produce metal objects
primarily to sell to their traditional buyers. In Bastar, There is a difference in forms in West Bengal
the images of gods are sold to aboriginal Muria and between different centres using the Dhuna technique.
Maria Gonds. In Orissa, the buyers are local cultiva¬ Dariapur forms are rigid but they are strong and full
tors, among whom Adivasis are also included. This of vitality. The decorations are crude but not with¬
diversity accounts for the different forms of out a special aesthetic appeal. In Bankura, where not
handicrafts. In Bastar the dominant god is Bhairam, only Dhuna but wax is also used, the work is finer;
and the goddess Mata or Danteswari, whereas in the older work resembles the work of artisans in
Orissa, the goddess of the cultivators is Lakshmi (PI. Hazaribagh, Bihar. It is not surprising that there
II). should be a close affinity between the works of Orissa
and the older works in the contiguous district of
Comparing the shapes of the works of Bastar and
Midnapur in West Bengal. In spite of subtle diff¬
Orissa it is observed that the Bastar forms are rather
erences, there is, however, a family resemblance among
longish and bony, while in Orissa these are rotund
the works of Hazaribagh in Bihar, Bankura and
and stocky. Bastar artisans have developed the
Midnapur in West Bengal and Orissa. This is reveal¬
technique for producing items of larger sizes. Of
ed in the use of finer wire with great skill by all arti¬
course, these are difficult to cast and buyers ar^e few.
sans in these areas. Unlike Bastar, wire coils in these
But very skilled artisans successfully cast the bigger
centres are not flattened out. The only exception is
and taller figures (PI. IV) and are paid well for them
in the case of making Hindu gods and goddesses,
by wealthier Murias. It may be presumed that this
where the wire-wound wax surface is made smooth.
may be one of the reasons for the taller form to be re¬
peated even in smaller figures. In Narayanapur,
Under the Regional Design Centre (Eastern Re¬
Bastar, figures are narrower still and made with only
gion) of the All India Handicrafts Board, the Daria-
wax rods. The Bastar artisans stick closer to the
pur artisans are now producing large figures, instead
fundamental form, while in Orissa there are signs that
of the earlier small ones. They are also producing
they are guided by naturalistic forms.
many new designs apart from the traditional ones.
Both in Bastar and in Orissa, forms are built by For instance, in Dariapur, images of Jagannatha, tra¬
winding wax wire round earthen cores, but in Bastar ditionally made from wood, have been cast in brass.
the corrugations of wound wires are evened out to Similarly funerary totems like Brishakastha have
make a smooth surface. In Orissa one often sees been copied and transferred from wood to metal.
wound wires left in coils without smoothening. This Artisans usually create their own forms and sell them
happens not only because these figures are made with to traditional buyers. However, the market for such
Dhuna which is difficult to manipulate. In fact, they items is shrinking. A two-fold problem now faces the
prefer designs in their original wiry form. Regional Design Centre, one of which is to keep the
craft alive. A new class of outside buyers has emerged
In Bastar, form dominates the design, but where for the traditional folk designs. But such buyers
for technical reasons gaps have to be left in the wax would dwindle if works of the artisans along with in¬
covering, they employ many kinds of ornamentation. ferior works are marketed. So the Centre is stimulat¬
The smaller gaps are left without ornamentation of ing production of the best of traditional designs. Side
any kind. In Orissa as well as West Bengal, some¬ by side, the Centre is developing new designs for
times the simple straight ornamentation in the form modern use. The object is to make modern buyers
of net (jali) work is employed to brindge the gaps. familiar with traditional design elements. Care is
An instance is the fish and mango or Karalas in taken, however, to introduce the designs conceived by
Lakshmi’s ensemble (PI. HI). These are actually those who have deep understanding of the craftsmen
used as containers for small home savings where the and all aspects, technical and aesthetic, of the craft.
coins and valuables can be seen through the net Designs are generally introduced which, from the
covering. No such thing can be seen in Bastar. In design point of view, are familiar to the craftsmen. An
Bastar the ornaments made on gaps are composed of example is a modern door handle, in which the design
simple elements so placed and the effect is one of a has been so conceived that artisans could express in it
complicated design. However, in Orissa, wire work their own traditional forms and elements.

5
 /

CHAPTER II

DIFFERENCES IN TECHNIQUE IN MADHYA PRADESH, ORISSA, BIHAR AND WEST BENGAL

The successive stages in the production of images freeway for the molten metal. The channels are wax
and other objects by the folk technique of lost bees¬ rods sufficiently thick to make for easy flow of the
wax or wax-substitutes in different areas in Eastern metal. Two main channels are joined to the covered
India include core building, wax preparation, work¬ based.
ing and covering the core, making channels, covering
the wax, fashioning the mould casting, breaking the Covering the wax : Now the whole model, except
mould and finishing. the tips of the wax channel, is covered with a thick
layer of a mixture of equal parts of clay, sand and
cow-dung. A second layer is added if necessary,
Madhya Pradesh
followed by four more layers of mole-hill-clay and
In Bastar, Madhya Pradesh the details of the pro¬ husk mixture.
cess are as follows : —
Crucible channelling (Machchhi bandhna) : The
Core buildings : The core is made with a mixture path from the wax-model to the crucible is formed by
of clean sand and fine clay collected either from the two clay pipes. The feet of the pipes enclose the tips
riverside or from ant-hills. Goat-dung is soaked in of the wax channel, and the heads join to form a
water and then ground and rqixed with clay in equal single funnel. Then two sticks of bamboo are sent
proportion. This mixture is so soft that only the down through the pipes so that there is a straight free
simplest suggestions of a form can be achieved, laying passage from the funnel mouth to the wax tips. When
it flat on a clear floor. Later, when it is dry, it is set this attachment is dry, the bamboo sticks are
up on a base. The largest-sized figure made in this withdrawn.
way is about 30 cm. in length. If a still larger form Crucible fitting (Ghaili Jorna) : The wax used in
is desired, it must be made with a stickier clay the model is weighed before use. The metal required
collected from paddyfields and mixed with ground for the casting is then worked out on the basis of a
paddy husk. This first skeleton of the core is then proportion of 10 metal to 1 wax. Generally, the metal
covered with a layer of fine sandy clay. used consists of scrap of broken discarded bell-metal
Subsequently, dry core is scraped with bits of pots and pans which are sold at a cheap rate in the
broken earthenware. The scrapings are collected and local market. This does not mean that the artisans
mixed with water and the resulting paste is smeared are careless about the metal they use. Actually, they
over the core to serve as a polish. choose and classify the scrap with discriminating care
and blend them suitably. In the next process, the
Wax Preparation : Pure bees-wax, found in jungle scraps are placed in a clay cup (the crucible) which
terrain in abundant quantity, is melted over an open exactly fits into the funnel. The charged crucible is
fire and strained through a fine cloth into a basin of joined to the funnel, and the joint sealed with clay
cold water, where it becomes solid. Great care is husk mixture. The model and crucible thus become a
taken to keep the wax absolutely clean and free of single unit, ready for firing.
impurities. It is next squeezed through a sieve syringe
(Pichki and Pharni) and recovered in the form of wax Furnace : The furnace used by the folk artisans of
wire, thick or thin, as desired. Each wax thread is Bastar is wholly underground. The firehole is a
singly wound around the core one after another, until straight cylindrical one. Its bottom is connected with
the whole surface is covered. Then the wax is the surface by an air channel dug from about a cubit
smoothened to form a coating of uniform thickness. away on the ground and joined to the furnace bottom.
The working artisan sits in the sun to let the clay core The inside of the furnace is smeared with cow-dung
and wax coating warm up uniformly. and made spotlessly clean. The mouth of the air
channel is fixed to the bellows, made of cowhide. (PI.
On this evened surface, the artisan puts on the XII. 1).
necessary elements of the finished design. Heads and
arms are always added in solid wax. Sometimes, per¬ Casting : A layer of wood charcoal covers the
haps as part of the decorative drapery, or even on the bottom of the furnace upon which the figure is kept
figure itself, an opening is made by cutting slits in the upright, with the crucible below it. It is held in posi¬
wax coating, thus exposing the inner core. tion by logs piled on top of one another in triangular
formation around and over the figure. The bottom
Channel building : Subsequently, on the finished logs are dry wood and serve for kindling, while the
wax figure, channels or runners are added to make upper logs are green and serve to reduce overheating.
which causes cracks in the clay. The heating takes Wax treatment: The process of levelling the wax
from two and a half to three hours, during which time covering as well as channelling is the same as in
the fire is slowly and steadily fanned. The firing pro¬ Bastar.
cess is closely watched, and carried out with great
Covering the wax : In covering the wax model, two
seriousness by craftsmen. When they see that the
different clay layers are used. The first coat is of
colour of the fumes given off by the mould is sulphur
Nanhiamati from paddy fields, and cow-dung in 1 : 3
yellow they carefully lift the mould from the fire
proportion. This coat is thin. In Mayurbhanj, the
with a pair of tongs. They shake the mould gently
paddy field clay is strained and mixed with cow-dung.
and invert it so that the crucible is on top and the
The second coat is Benuamati (ant-hill clay), with
figure directly below it. The molten metal then
paddy husk mixed in equal proportion. The Mayur¬
flows from the crucible along the clay pipe and run¬
bhanj artisans use clay mixed with hemp fibre cutt¬
ner channels into the mould. The wax has in the
ings. The artisans say that the second and third
mean time burnt out, leaving a free channel through¬
out the figure for the metal to flow through. After layers can be of any thickness. The function of the
the pouring, the moulds are kept aside. After half an first coat of cow-dung and clay is to save the mould
from cracking.
hour, water is sprinkled upon them for cooling. The
moulds are then broken, and cast figure is exposed. In crucible channelling, crucible fitting, kiln mak¬
ing and finishing, the Orissan wax process is identical
Finishing : After the figure is recovered from the V ith that of Bastar.
mould and the runner channels cut out, finishing
begins. Most often, the castings are good. Only the In Dhenkanal and in Pital village, wax is not used
rough bits on the figure and slight bubbles require to at all. Instead, they use resin. The technique
be attended to. Then these are filed, after which the employed is as follows : —
object is meticulously scoured at the river with clean Soils : The principal kind of soil employed by these
sand giving the figures a soft, polished look. artisans is Nanhiamati as above. In case of bigger
cores, they mix this clay with bran. After the core is
In the case of substantial defects, for example, the dried, a finer coat is put on with sandy clay or ant¬
failure of casting in a part of a leg while the rest of hill clay and cow-dung.
the figure is unaffected, the artisans do not resort to
welding, but restore the missing part. They rebuild Core building : After the core has dried, it is filed
the missing part in wax on the metal figure and build to smoothness, the filings are made into a paste and
channels as usual carefully seeing that fire is applied added on to the second coat for giving the core a final
not to the metal part but only to the mould of the polish. It is then dried (Pis. IX, X).
missing part. The result is that the recast part is Dhuna preparations : Garal Dhuna, a resin, is used
joined to the metal figure as a whole. (Pis. IX, X). by folk artisans in Dhenkanal, Kudopally and Chandi-
palli, as substitute for wax for making models. The
Orissa resin is finely ground, sieved through a cloth stretched
over a pot, with one’s fingers.
In Orissa, two different techniques are employed
in two different parts. In Madhpur, Khandpara, The sieved powder is melted in Karahi (cauldron)
Bholbera, Dist. Mayurbhanj and Jhumpuri in Dt. over a fire. Mustard oil is slowly added to the resin.
Sundargarh, the technique is similar to Bastar’s. The mixture is stirred throughout. To 1 kg. of resin
a total of 750 grams of oil is added in this manner.
Core building : The core is made with ant-hill clay, The boiled mixture is sieved over a pot filled with
but goat-dung is not used. A second coat of cow-dung water, and is taken out of water when it is in a semi¬
and clay is put over it. In the case of very small plastic state. It is rolled between the hands like flour
figures, the second coat is discarded. In Mayurbhanj, dough until a long roll of about 5 cm in diameter is
in addition to husk and clay, hemp cuttings are mixed formed. Then, immediately, the artisan proceeds to
with the clay of the second coat. Also, in place of draw the roll into wires of diameters of the order of
husk, they sometimes use sand. The Ghantrars of 0.6 cm. The long wire is folded back on itself to form
Badhoghora do not mix cow-dung or husk with a bunch of 8 to 10 shorter wires. These are together
clay as their natural clay is extremely good. Only in drawn to diameters of the size of thin wires.
the case of bigger objects do they use husk.
Held between the thumb and the forefinger like a
Wax preparation : It is the general practice of tape, the strands of wire are wrapped round the core,
Orissa artisans to mix resin with wax. The resin is which has been reheated in the meantime, until it is
used in different proportions for different types of fully covered. This medium softens quickly with a
work, but not in such bulk as to change the colour of little heat, and quickly hardens when without it.
the wax. Incidentally, mixing wax and resin is prac¬ Optimum warmth is maintained by warming the
tised in other places also, in Nepal for example. In wire-bunch throughout the process on a cauldron in
South India too, resin is mixed, but the colour of the a simmering heat, maintained by the hot ash of slow-
compound is blackened with lamp black. The burning firewood. The warmed wire-bunches are
Ghantrars of Parlakhemundi of Orissa use pure bees taken out, drawn down to thin diameters, and
wax as in Bastar. instantly wrapped over the core to be covered.

7
 No equipment is used here similar to the Gharua^s In core building, they do not add animal dung to
perforated syringe to force the wax through in the the clay. The principal clay used is secured from
form of vermicelli. To this extent, the Dhenkanai paddy fields and mixed with sandy soil. It is possible
technique is more primitive, for it relies more on that the soil they use is already sufficiently crack-
purely human skill, the look and the feel of the eyes resisting. Occasionally, they smear the juice of a
and the deftness of fingers, to maintain a uniform plant over the finished earthen core before they put
thickness of the wrapping material and ultimately of on wax, to prevent cracks and to make the breaking
the metal shell. With less equipment, this simpler of the mould easier.
technique also makes the burden of the manufacturing
tools easier to be carried from market to market. As practised in Dhenkanai, West Bengal artisans
use resin instead of wax, wrapping the core and
evening it out in a similar fashion.
It does not follow from this that artisans, in
a process of evolution, necessarily leave the more pri¬ West Bengal artisans do the design work very skil¬
mitive Dhuna technique to adopt the more sophisti¬ fully. They make many more images using the resin
cated wax technique. In places, they have delibera¬ technique in comparison with those produced in
tely adopted the Dhuna technique in place of the wax. Dhenkanai. If their work is compared with the best
It IS possible that the change-over has been caused by works of Bastar as well as Orissa, it may appear crude,
the relatively easier availability of Dhuna in places but if the comparison is made with other Dhuna
where the technique is practised. works, their work seems to excel.

In Orissa, works in the Dhuna technique are com¬ While covering the finished resin model, they do
paratively crude while those produced in wax are not mix cow-dung with clay as is done elsewhere.
finer and more beautiful in their ornamentation. The crucible in which the metal melts is pierced with
a hole. The purpose is apparently to allow the gas
to escape, and also for testing. (PI. XI).
The rest of the process is similar to the lost wax
process of Bastar. The Dhuna wire wrappings are Another distinctive feature of the West Bengal
smoothed with a Ketni (knife-like tool, PI. XI). technique is the pattern of furnace. Elsewhere the
The final model is formed and decorated with various furnace is underground, and the fuel is loaded from
wire-designs and devices, and finished with two coats bottom to top, but in West Bengal the furnace is
of clay : sieved sandy clay, and bran and paddy field built above the ground, and fuel is charged from the
clay. In this process, the wrapping material used 'Valls to the centre. In other places, the fuel used
forces the artisans to finish their work quickly, before is wood—green and dry—and charcoal. But in West
the material hardens and becomes fragile. If the work Bengal, the fuels are cow-dung cake, firewood, and
cannot be finished in a single day, whatever is cover¬ coal.
ed in Dhuna must be given a clay cover forthwith.
In Bastar, Orissa and Bihar, the furnace is blown
with bellows. (PI. XII). In West Bengal, they rely
Bihar on the natural draft. For this purpose they place gaps
Bihar artisans’ process in making brass objects between the bricks. They reinforce the natural draft
does not differ widely from the process in Bastar. In by winnowing fans (Gula, PL XII). Clean furnace
the matter of objects, however, there is a marked and its surroundings are essential for good casting.
difference. Artisans do not make any figure here, This is scrupulously observed in the practice at
but concentrate on measuring bowls and boxes, and Bastar, Orissa and Bihar. Strangely enough, in West
also ornaments. A point worth noticing is that Bihar Bengal there is a noticeable absence of cleanliness.
artisans use a mixture of wax and resin and also pitch The devoted care with which the Bastar artisans
from coal tar. They mix two kilograms of pitch with follow their casting is also sadly lacking here.
250 grams of resin, 'melt the two items separately and
In regard to Bihar artisans, there are two distinct
also strain them separately. Then they mix the two
ways of making wax wires which exist side by side.
and heat the mixture over fire, stirring it all the while.
One of the methods is to use Pichki and Pharni. The
This process of mixing takes two hours or sometimes
other method is similar to resin technique. Resin is
more. The mixture is strained again before using.
also prepared in a slightly different manner. Dhuna
The manner of use of this mixture is identical with
and wax are heated to boil, but not boiled very long.
that of resin.
Oil is also mixed in greater quantity so that it retains
the Dhuna colour.
Bihar artisans are very precise in their work, and
follow their technique meticulously. Preparation of Utensils in Bastar

West Bengal In none of the centres visited is there any evidence

of the manufacture of utensils except Bastar and
The following are interesting points concerning the Orissa. The most important article in this class is the
folk metal craft of West Bengal: frying pan known as Karhei in Bastar, (PI. IV. 3).

8
 In Baudh, Orissa, a water vessel known as Ghoti face and worked round it. The face then assumes the
is made by the lost wax method. This article is still shape of a plate, as large as required for the job. For
popularly used. Excellent in finish, the vessel is indi¬ a metal Karhei of 20 cm diameter at the inside tips,
stinguishable from the lota made by more sophisticat¬ the clay plate developed on the Gahi would be of
ed method used in Bilaspur (Varanasi) or Bishnupur. about the same diameter. This flat plate would then
A description of the tools, materials and the process be worked with the hands of the artisan curving
of manufacture is given below. slightly inwards.
The central element of the mechanism is an ear¬
The object is then mounted on the Salenga, which
then bobbin, called Gahi in Bastar, about 7 cm long
is fitted on its wooden bearings and hand-turned by
and 4.5 cm in diameter. One side of the bobbin has
the movement of the left hand against the wooden
a face tapered at the edges. The Gahi is hand made
cylinder from top towards bottom. Now the Gahi
(Pis. XIII. XIV). It is made from river clay which is
begins to turn with the Salenga. The right hand of
sandy, clean and yet sticky. As soon as the bobbin
the artisan rests on a wooden billet placed along¬
is fashioned and before it becomes dry, the turning
side the Salenga. One end of the billet rests on the
rod, Salenga, is inserted into it axially, so that, when
wooden plank so that there is no mutual movement
dry, the bobbin (Gahi) perfectly fits the turning rod,
between the lathe frame and the hand rest (Pis. XV,
Salenga.
XVI). A wooden tool is now held firmly in the right
Salenga is a steel rod about 40 cm long and is the hand and pressed against the spinning plate. With
essential part of a simple turning lathe. The rod is 1 gentle pressure, the plate curves inward more and
cm square in section; ends are tapered to fine points. more and is made to assume the shape of the face of
Towards the thicker end is mounted a heavy wooden Karhei. The diameter of this earthen mould becomes
cylinder 10 cm long, 7 cm diameter, firmly fitted about 15 cm. The work is then taken off the Salenga
axially (Pis. XIII. XIV). The Salenga is mounted on and dried in the sun.
two wooden fixtures at either end. The heavy end is
Another coat of earth is now added to the mould.
let into a shallow hole drilled into a wooden stump,
firmly buried in the earth. The lighter end is pressed This time the clay used is river soil from a portion of
into a similar hole in a wooden plank, about 15 cm the river where the flow of water keeps the soil clean.
The soil, which is sandy, is thoroughly mixed with
high, 30 cm long and 3 cm thick, held upright by a
cow-dung in equal proportion and ground to a fine
stay system. Supported between the stump at one
paste.
end and the plank on the other, the Salenga is free
to turn on its axis. The wooden plank, the “moveable Now the mould is moistened. The second coat of
end” of the lathe held upright, rests on two bricks. It earth is rolled to a diameter of about two and a half
is pressed against the Salenga by two wooden sticks centimetres added over the first coat. After addition
crossed, reinforced by the weight of two bricks at a of the extra coat, the work is again mounted on the
tilt. The wooden supports are adjusted while fitting Salenga and turned once again. This time the lathe
up so that the rod is horizontal. The bobbin, Gahi, is turns the opposite way i.e. the wooden cylinder is
tried on for a few experimental turns. Thereafter, it turned from bottom upwards, the artisan using his
is taken out of the lathe.
left hand. The tools used this time are two knives,
The bobbin is the core around which the work one of which is made of bamboo (Chikna), the other
grows. The work may be Karhei, a plate, or a bowl. a steel knife (Chhuri). The scraping of the mould by
The bobbin is mounted on the Salenga which is turned these tools continues until the exact form of the in¬
with the hand like a potter’s wheel. Clay is added to side of the Karhei is reproduced on the outside sur¬
the bobbin, and worked. In the process, an earthen face of the earthen mould. The scraning ceases when
model of the work is first produced. the mould acquires a fine finish. (Pis. IV, XV, XVI).

Clay preparation of the same quality as of the This completes the building of the clay core of the
Gahi is rolled into a length of 20 cm X 3 cm in dia¬ vessel. The model of the vessel is then constructed
meter. The Gahi face is moistened and length after by covering the core with thick wax wires. There¬
length of the clay rolls are joined on the edge of the after, the process of usual lost wax technique follows.

9
 CHAPTER III

GHANTRARS AND SITHRIAS OF ORISSA

The Locale Every bit of information received at Padampur

In Bastar, the settlements of tribal metal artisans had to be verified by actual visit and further enquiry.
are located in the hilly forest areas. In Bengal, too, Existence of these artisans in a village was stated by
these artisans are found in Birbhum, Bankura, Kulti- some and denied by others. It proved that the artisans
giri, Jhargram upland forest areas. were temporarily lodged in that village but left subse¬
quently. Alternatively, it might be the fact that the
In Orissa, during my earlier trips in 1964, I met artisans were not settled in the village proper but in
folk metal artisans in Ganjam, Dhenkanal, Sambalpur some small extension of the village, up or down hill.
and Bargarh and also in the forest areas. In my fresh,
studies during the later years I had to concentrate on The whole of the locality seemed to be a Ghantrar
these areas to locate their settlements. Hence, I select¬ area. I could not find any trace of the Sithrias in it.
ed Berhampur, Ganjam, as my starting point. I did For Sithrias I decided to search in Baudh because in
not revisit areas in Ganjam where I had already gone my earlier contact with Khoruras in Pitala I had
but made fresh enquiries. gathered from them that Sithrias originated from
Baudh.
It was difficult to explain the object of my enquiry
to the people who failed to understand me and the re¬ Naturally, in Baudh town, there was no trace of
plies I got were mostly misleading. Ganjam has many any Sithrias. But various sources reported that the
types of artisans, and I was directed towards sundry Sithrias were always on the move—they came to
metal artisans I did not want to meet. However, per¬ Baudh and went away after their business was over.
sistent search brought me to Padampur village, 10 Nevertheless, I was informed about several villages
miles from Berhampur, where Khoruras, a group of where they might be found.
semi-tribal artisans lived. They specialised them¬
selves in making brass bells, lamps and bangles. The nearest village, Nuapalli, 9 miles away, had no
Discussion with Khoruras led to the information sign of Sithria settlement. The next village Pankhi-
that the kind of artisans I was looking for would be mal, showed signs of abandoned Sithria habitation in
found in Cherigura, Puinpani, Shialtoli and other the shape of typical Sithria shacks, roofed with sal
places in Udeygiri Range in Parlakhemundi. The leaves. After following the Sithria track for another
Khoruras said that these artisans are called Ghantrars. 4 miles to Tangarpalli, inhabited shacks were seen.
The inmates stated that this was the only place in
Nobody seemed to have any precise information Baudh where Sithrias were still living. To their
about the Ghantrars or about the exact location of knowledge, other Sithrias of Baudh lay scattered in
their villages. I began my search in the Parlakhe¬ various directions such as Puri, Cuttack Sambalpur
mundi town. Information was scanty but a lead came etc. According to their information, fixed Sithria
from the market, pointing to Udeygiri Range as a settlements could be found at Atgaon and Burkabahal
likely place where folk metal artisans could be in Bolangir District. But the Sithrias by then had
located. already shifted from Atgaon.
Definite information was received in Udeygiri
about Ghantrar villages. Access was difficult. The But, actual contact was made in Burkabahal. The
nearest village was about 3 to 4 miles away across Sithrias said that their settlement in that locality was
mountainous tract. The name of the village was 8 to 12 years old. But even in this place there are oc¬
Badhoghora. The next village, Puinpani, was 9 miles casional influxes of Sithrias into the village some¬
away, uphill and down dale. Ghantrar villages are times followed again bv exodus. Sithrias lived also in
located in the valleys between hills. another village called Barpada, about 3 to 4 miles
away.
Badhoghora was the first village visited in Orissa
which has a community of settled artisans with tradi¬ At Bolangir, I heard about Torva, a township re¬
tional skill in folk metalware making. Other Ghan¬ puted to be a flourishing centre of brass, bell-metal
trar villages mentioned by the artisans were Goiba, and other industries. Once again it was a disappoint¬
30 miles from Udeygiri, Sordapur, 59 miles south of ing visit in locating Sithrias except for the fact that I
Parlakhemundi, Durgi and Dumeli in Bolangir near could trace a place called Ghantrarpara in the neigh¬
Koraput, Chigiri Silmi and Bolanguri near Gunupur, bourhood which held signs of inhabitation of a parti¬
in Ganjam district, cular class of artisans,,
10
 In Garja, a nearby place, contact was made with a customers for soldering but soldered articles were
group of Ghantrars. They said that they had relations never returned to their owners. They were sold and
in Pahar Sirgira in Bargarh sub-division .and in Pon- when the owners demanded their articles, they de¬
dry, ten miles from Otabira. They recollected vaguely camped.
that they were related to the people in Udeygiri near
Parlakhemundi. Apart from this, I could collect the There is no doubt that the Sithrias were driven to
names of the following places which were reputed to this conduct by extreme poverty. Everywhere the
be Ghantrar or Sithria villages; these include Bormal, theft was so small that no complaints were registered
four miles from Bhatli in Sambalpur Dist., Barsua in against the offenders with the police. People who lost
Bimgarh, and Kiruburu in Sundargarh Dist., as also their articles realised the economic backwardness of
Dabkani and Dungaripalli. From all Indications re¬ these craftsmen, and allowed such events to pass
ceived it is fairly certain that a further searcii would unnoticed.
lead to the tracing of Sithrias and Ghantrars in vil¬
lages of Kalahandi and Koraput districts. It has al- However petty their crimes, the wandering
leady been established that folk metal artisans are Sithrias always live in mortal fear of being caught
scattered in villages to the north of Puri, Sundargarh, The ill-deserved notoriety, which these folk artisans
Sambalpur, Keonjhar Dhenkanal, and Mayui’bhanj liad earned for themselves, is widespread. For ins¬
districts. tance Khoruras in Padmanapur, themselves a group
of metal artisans, reported that Ghantrars were very
Settlement and Dispersion low caste people, who generally made their wares
with metal which they stole at night. That was why
As mentioned earlier a settlement of folk metal they lived right outside the village and were found
artisans had been observed in Badhoghora, a village in out of the way places.
in Udeygiri in Ganjam district. Settled on land, the
Ghantrars became cultivators-cum-craftsmen. The land I checked this information with the police officer in
gave them enough for sustenance, while their artistic charge of Mohana Police Station, Ganjam. According
talent and skill found expression in their crafts. The to him, however, the Ghantrars were simple people.
buyers of their metal are Adivasis and other culti¬ They lived in the remote interior because the land
vators. Their economic life produced a balance in they wanted to cultivate was difflucit to obtain in
their mode of living and made it possible for them to settled areas. After finding land for themselves in
settle down and practise their traditional crafts. the interior which they would cultivate for about
five years till the land became less fertile, they move
These Ghantrars do not attend village fairs or on to new places. Incidentally Khoruras do not de¬
weekly markets. Their explanation is that if they pend on the prevailing custom of the Adivasis and
go to the markets there would be a temptation on allied cultivators. They are higher up in the social
their part to spend what they earn. In this habit of heirarchy and their products are accepted even in
thrift they are akin to traditional cultivators. They temples. The position of Sithrias on the other hand
generally sell their wares by hawking. The roaming is very different. Their customers, Adivasis and
Sithrias present a complete contrast. Yet it may be allied cultivators, live away from the centres of the
assumed that if they had land, they would prefer to higher caste population. They are thrice cursed. In
cultivate land and settle down. Unlike the gypsies, the first place, their customers are not very wealthy
they have no special love for the life of a nomad. people; secondly they own no land and are too poor
The example of the village Burkabahal in Bolangir to aspire for any land, and finally they belong to the
strengthens this point further. Here, the Sithrias lowest caste grade. It is very difficult to escape the
have found assurance of a steady market. So they impression that the main difference between Ghan¬
have settled down and will remain here as long as trars and the wandering Sithrias is biie continued
their market helps them to do so. On the other hand, possession of land by the Ghantrars for several gene¬
a negative picture was revealed at Naupally-Pankhi- rations. The Ghantrars belong to the Ghantrar vil¬
mal. This was the place where shacks built by lage but the Sithrias belong nowhere.
Sithrias were found abandoned.
Again, the settled Ghantrars of Badhoghora had no
A local cultivator of Naupally—Pankhimal in¬ hesitation in stating that they and the Sithrias were
formed that Sithrias had left that viliage only two the same people. In other words, there was no social
days prior to my enquiry. In reply to my question difference between them to account for the relative
he stated that they had lived for two years with¬ orosperity of the Ghantrars and the adversity of the
out any trouble. But, very recently, they stole paddy, Sithrias. This downward path which the Sithrias have
and were threatened by local villagers. The Sithrias followed had been forced upon them because they
panicked and fled under cover of darkness. As admit¬ had nothing to fall back upon when their hereditary
ted by the Mukhia, the paddy they had stolen was avocation was in a bad shape.
little, hardly enough for their own consumption for
two or three davs. He knew that they were extreme¬ Despite their economic misery and pitiably low
ly poor and led a miserable existence. It was also social position, these artisans have proved their right
learnt that Sithrias sometimes took articles from their to continue as creative artisans through the supreme

U
merit of their work. Judged by artistic and technical Puri and Sambalpur can be mentioned particularly,
standards, the workmanship is undoubtedly excellent. If there is no adequate internal market for them at
(Pis. XVII, XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI, XXII). Products a fair price, the misfortune is not only of the crafts-
of the artisans of Baudh and of areas in the north of men themselves but also of the world of Indian craft.

12
 CHAPTER IV

ON CONDITIONS GOVERNING THE PRODUCTION AND ORIENTATION OF FOLK METAL CRAFT

Gharuas of Madhya Pradesh produce a variety of lage as their home. All India Handicrafts Board
brass objects by the lost wax method. Of these, the has introduced a pattern of work and living among
kitchen article, the Karhei (cauldron) is becoming them to induce them to settle down as a community.
scarce owing to its high manufacturing cost compared A gradual change has set in. One of the artisans has
to aluminium vessels of the same class. Ornaments, bought land with the prize money of the National
such as Payeree (anklets) are still popular. But the Award for Master-craftsmen. His success has inspir¬
chief item of importance among Gharua manufac¬ ed others with the desire to own agricultural land.
tures is ritual objects such as the goddess Danteshwari The change-over from their previous semi-nomadic
(elephant with Howda and Jhula), Bhangaram or existence to the life of an artisan-peasant community
Bhairam, the god on horse back (Pis. IV, V). will no doubt take time, but the process has set in
definitely.
Craftsmen of superb skill and great devotion, the
Gharuas are looked down upon as outcasts, thieves In general, then, the artisan community who pro¬
and criminals. They are not allowed to live in the duce brass articles by the lost-wax method, are shift¬
residential parts of the village—in Jagdalpur for in¬ ing from an unsettled life to the life of a settled com¬
stance. They put up their houses in areas of ill munity, and some of them are beginning even to own
repute nearest to a Bhatti or brewery. land. The process is not smooth, because all cannot
get hold of land to settle down. Privation still
The Gharuas have a great desire to possess land drives some of them to give up their caste-craft ana
for cultivation, but they have neither any income nor become labourers.
the thrifty ways of hereditary peasants to be able
to save for buying land or adding to the little they Perhaps, ignoble social position of the wandering
possess. artisans is preponderantly due to their migratory in¬
stinct. Villagers look upon these artisans with no
Sithrias of Madhpur, Khandpara in Orissa also
fixed homes with suspicion. Acute poverty, and a
make varieties of ritual objects in brass, such as
loose social organisation may have made them asso¬
figures of deities and incense burners. And yet their
social position is among the lowest. Economically, ciates of thieves, or receivers of stolen goods, parti¬
they are at a stage where, to maintain a living, they cularly metal articles. They may, in dire distress,
must move periodically from one village to the next. even have resorted to petty thieving. But they are
Their “homes” are of a very primitive nature, shacks not criminals. They are sincere artisans and would
made of leaves. In this state of precarious settlement, unquestionably settle down to corporate living, given
there is no question of their possessing land. Their the opportunity to become peasant-artisans.
migratory habits and uncertain markets would compel-
The buyers of the work of these folk metal artisans
them to be on the move always. are, traditionally, the peasant communities. The arti¬
Jhoras of Sambalpur as well as the Gonds have sans supply them with ornaments, which must have
always to be on the look out for village markets. Their sufficiently strong aesthetic appeal to attract rural
position is similar to that of Sithrias. customers. Another category is kitchenware which
have to be durable and useful. The third category of
There are, of course, certain exceptions. A Brah¬ articles is grain measures which must be accurate to
min in the village of Jhagara brought some artisans be accepted in commercial transactions. Finally, these
from Keonjhar and induced them to stay on and work artisans prepare for sale images of gods and goddesses
in the village. They were given a plot of land and and ritual articles which should have at once a power¬
a hut and they settled down there. ful aesthetic appeal and vital magical properties.
Ranas of Mayurbhanj combine agriculture with
Accuracy, precision and an innate aesthetic feeling
their brass handicraft. This allows them the flexibility
are the key notes of the folk metal artisans in making
which strengthens them economically. ornaments, and grain measures. Kitchen articles also
In Dariapur, West Bengal, folk metal artisans call for acumen in metalcraft. A special attitude of
seem to have characteristics similar to Sithrias of mind is again conjured up in producing ritual articles.
Madhpur. They have settled down in a village, yet The thought that some particular objects will be used
they have no marked tendency for selecting the vil¬ in worship for inducing devotion may be the driving
force behind the minds of the artisans while they In their off-time, the artisans relax in the accept¬
create forms of ritual objects. Inevitably, this makes ed mode of the rural environment to which they be¬
the artisan approach his work with a devotion similar long. They watch and participate in cock-fights and en¬
to that of a worshipper. joy drinks. The younger folk would roam about and
take interest in anything which attracts their eyes.
The work of these artisans, created with such care
for buyers who are aware of their inherent artistic To get the best out of these artisans, it is necessary,
values, nas been lately attracting customers outside therefore, to take them as they are. To expect that
the orbit of the village cultivators. These are a they would work like men in a factory, turning out
special group of amateur art lovers who are drawn production with clocklike regularity in order to meet
primarily by the primitive aesthetic appeal of their a growing demand, would be unwise. When they are
products. The ornaments are not necessarily purchas¬ urged by the sway of a creative rhythm, they work
ed to be worn by these new buyers but simply for de¬ quite hard and produce a series of fascinating works;
coration. The images and ritual articles are liked for so those who wish to acquire genuine products should
tneir value outside their religious significance. wait for the appropriate time. To an outsider, the
artisans may seem whimsical, and even unreliable,
In the beginning, the number of such collectors but there is a method in their apparently whimsical
was few, partly because these objects were found in conduct.
village fairs away from prosperous cities and partly
because the taste for these was confined to a small Wax is best handled at a particular time of the
year, and in a part of the day when it is sufficiently
circle, naturally too small to affect the artisans’ pro¬
pliant to be moulded easily by the artisans, and yet
duction. But, as these collections began to attract the
remain firm enough to retain its intricate shape and
notice of an ever expanding set of admirers, in the
structure. This happens best in tropical areas in win¬
country and abroad, artisans began to feel their im¬
pact. ter. Consequently, winter is the season when the
artisans do the great bulk of their work.
A Gharua artisan of Jagdalpur may be cited as
an example. As early as 1960, he became conscious Their traditional market also, flourishes best in
that his products attracted the fancy of foreigners. winter, when harvesting is over and money comes
He began to be swayed by the preferences of the new into the hands of the cultivators. During this season,
clients. He did not forsake his skill, but seemed to artisans carry their wares t.o big village or important
become more concerned with pretty ornamentation. fairs where the bulk of the sales occur. This is the
Outwardly, he was as devoted to his work as before, physical background of the productive rhythm of the
but something of his native spirit had left him. The artisans.
artisan knew that, as long as he produced attractively Not all the artisans, however, carry on their voca¬
linjshed objects, they would be sought after. tion all the year round. Some of the seasonal artisans
A new difficulty appeared when a large number of hire themselves out during the off-season into what¬
outside buyers began to demand some particular ever occupation they may find. Even whole-time
wares. Lost-wax artefacts cannot be mass-produced artisans, who work throughout the year and sell their
for technical reasons in response to a boom in demand. pieces in weekly markets, turn out less work in the
Each core has to be made and processed individually off-season.
up to the stage of casting. One of the factors which is likely to cause a shrink¬
Hence, larger demand pressurises the craftsmen to ing of the traditional market is the rising cost of
produce more, who, in a haste, have to sacrifice con¬ production. Already in 1962-63, it was evident that
centration, and lose their spontaneity. To meet the ex¬ even the best artisans had difficulty in disposing of
panding demand, the agents for the market have to their stock. The demand for bigger castings or special
accept inferior work. The result is a fall in the items was falling so that these works were rarely
standard of work, which in the long run is bound to found and generally made against an order. The poorer
affect the sale of these products. artisans had begun to cast in aluminium and naturally
quality of their work suffered and brought inadequate
It should be appreciated here that there is a rhy¬ rewards.
thm of productive inspiration among these artisans,
corresponding to the rhythm of life of the artisans in Under these circumstances, an outlet for these pro¬
their village or forest surroundings. If we wish to ducts in the outside markets should be found out. But
preserve and encourage unsophisticated artisans, we utmost care should be taken to see that the inherent
must understand and respect this rhythm. quality of the traditional wares does not suffer in
consequence.
It is needless to point out that the best works of
the artisans are made when they are creatively ins¬ The first point to recognise and consider, is that
pired. In such moods they would concentrate upon a the practice of lost-wax (or wax-substitute) metal-
work which calls for undisturbed contemplation, as craft is widespread in the folk uplands of West
well as sustained technical effort born out of long Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and other
practice. But this mood cannot be indefinitely pro¬ neighbouring areas. To keep the costs low, the
longed or mechanically ordered. collecting organisation must take advantage of the
existing or;gansations in the States like the Industries technique through a process of trial and error, success
and Tribal Affairs departments. and failure over a long period of time.

Secondly, roaming artisans should be helped to For the sake of developing new designs, these tra¬
ditional craftsmen should not be imduly pressurised.
settle down and have an ancillary occupation like
cuiivation,- which would help them in a systematic Otherwise the result will be disastrous. In order to
living. introduce new designs for the guidance of these arti¬
sans it is necessary to know intimately details of
Thirdly, the artisans should be carefully introduc¬ their life and their technical pursuits. Only when the
ed to new designs which they can readily adopt and new designs given to them are such that they fit into
for which there is a steady demand in the outside the orbit of their traditional knowledge and agree
markets. with their vision and sensibility the result will be
satisfactory. Possibly, out of a dozen designs of a
Further, they should be led to a stage where they competent designer, only one or two will find an agree¬
can introduce their own variations to a given design. able response in the traditional artisans to whom they
are shown. It is also not surprising that in producing
In addition, emphasis should be laid on high aes¬
such designs which evoke proper response, he will be
thetic and technical quality in accepting their work.
inspired to make his own changes in his own way
Only suitable works conditioned by traditional tech¬ with impunity.
nique and design should be accepted.
Instead of heedless experiments for “outstripping”
Lastly, it should be remembered that these arti¬ tradition, it is always better to let the tradition orient
sans have developed their inborn aesthetic sense and itself to the changing environments.

15
I
 4

PLATES

•^v
,-r

v>r'. "
 PLATE 1

No. 2

1. Haraganga, Dariapur, Biirdwan 2. Sandhya Pradeep, incense burner,

West Bengal Bankura, West Bengal
 PLATE II

No. 4

1. Incense burner, Orissa 2. Lakshmi in classical style, Orissa

3. Cash container, Orissa 4, Kajal lata, Orissa and West Bengal
 PLATE III

1. Jhumjhumi, Rattle, Orissa 2. PCarela, Orissa

4. Mango, Orissa and West Bengal
 PLATE IV

No. 2

No. 3

No. 5

L Elephant, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh 2. Danteswari, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh

3. Karhai, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh 4. Kathua, Vessel, Orissa

5. Jagor, Lamp, Orissa

 PLATE V

No. 2

1. Lakshmi-Narayana., Bankura, West Bengal 2. Own, West Bengal

contd.
 PLATE \—contd.

No. 3 No. 4

3. Horse, West Bengal 4. Devi on tiger, West Bengal

 PLATE V—contd.

Na. 5

No. 8

5. Payeree, anklet, Bastar, Mahdya Pradesh 6. Muhuri, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh

7. Jhula, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh 8. Tori, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh
9. Kalas, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh
 PLATE VI

1. Kathua, Ritual vessel for incense burning, Orissa 2. Bhairam, Siva, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh

3. Bhairam, Bastar, Madhya Pradesh 4. Mitku-Jhitku, Ritual deities, Bastar.

Madhya Pradesh
5. Mata-Pei, Mother-goddess, Bastar. Madhya Pradesh
 PLATE VII

ELEPHANT TYPES IN ORISSA

 PLATE VIII
BASTAR ORISSA WEST BENGAL BIHAR

Beni Beni Benani Beni or Bagha or Sikri

Mochra Mochra Mochra Mochra

Silt Sut Sut Sut

Nida • •

Jali Jali Jali

ii-ilur Jalder

Thili or Dandi Thiki Thikia

O Tilori Tilori • • • •

Nikhi Mengur or Ankhia

Fulo Thikia Dhila Chand Khincha

Chandtara Chandtara Chand

Moti or Bondia

Kumrabija Kumrabija Kumrabija

Jogor Ka Pankhira Jagor Ka Pankhira Jagor Ka Pankhira

tribal metal CRAFT MOTIFS

 PLATE IX

TOOLS USED IN BASTAR

1. and 2. Pharni 3. Picheki 4. Thasa 5. Jharu 6. Sain Kanta 7. Matni

8. Pirha 9. Churi 10. Chipna 11. Hathora 12. Karhai 13. Sandashi
 PLATE X

No. 2 No. 3

No. 1

No. 6

No. 9

LOST WAX PROCESS IN BASTAR AND ORISSA

1. Use of Pharny 2. Clay former 3. Winding wax wire 4. Corrugation Evened : Head and arms separated
5. Whole figure after joining parts and adding ornamentation 6. Complete wax model 7. Nikash heing cut from
other side 8. Layers of clay coating 9. Finished, ready for casting 10. Ghaili, Crucible
 PLATE XI

Hole for gas and

melting check

Clay

No. 1 No. 2
dhuna mould

No. 4

No. 5 No. 6 No. 7

equipment used in dhuna process of ORISSA AND WEST BENGAL

1. Karhei (Cauldron) 2. Sandashi (Tongs)

4. Dhenma (a piece of cloth)

5- Takhtta (Plank) 6. Bowl for keeping water

7. Ketni (knife)
 PLATE Xn

No. 3
No. 4

FURNACE AND BELLOWS

1. Dhokna (bellow) used in parts of Orissa, Bihar

2. Pasra (furnace) Bhatti

3. Pasra, furnace used only in the dhuna technique of

Dariapur, West Bengal

4. Kula (used as fan) in Dariapur and Bankura

 PLATE Xm

KARHEI ; STAGES OF PREPARATION IN BASTAR IN LOST WAX INDIGENOUS PROCESS

L Gabi 2- Stay 3. Wooden parts of the lathe

4. Stay salenga & bricks
 PLATE XIV

Gabi

Salenga
No. 1

STAGES OF PREPARATION OF KARHET

1. Indigenous lathe with clay bobbin fitted for operation

2. 1st stage 3. 2nd stage 4. 3rd stage

 PLATE XV

STAGES OF PREPARATION OF KARHEI

1. 4th Stage 2. 5th Stage 3. 6th Stage

PLATE XVI

No. 6
 PLATE X\l-contd.
Khunti

STAGES OF PREPARATION OF KARHEI

1. Worked on core with wax thread 2. Evened out with Matha

3. Broken metal piece 4. channel
5. Cover of crucible 6. Covered with clay
7. Finished mould 10. Ghaili
 PLATE XVII

No. 2
1. Kunke, measuring bowel made by Sithrias, Bolangir, Orissa
2. Hathi Jagor, ritual lamp made by Sithrias, Bolangir, Orissa
 PLATE XVIII

No. 1

No. 2
]. Temple Bell made by Ghantrars, Badhoghora, Orissa
2. Wine AND Water Jug for Ritual Use, Badhoghora, Orissa
 PLATE XIX

No. 1

No. 2

1. Temple Bell, made by Ghoruas, Padampur, Orissa

2. Armlet made by Ghoruas, Padampur Orissa
 PLATE XX

No. 1

No. 2

1. and 2. Jagor, ritual lamp made by Sithrias, Baudh, Orissa

 PLATE XXI

kX;-

No. 1

No. 2
1. Bakush, money container made by Sithrias, Baudh, Orissa
2. Jagor, ritual lamp, Baudh, Orissa
i

s
Printed by the Manager Government of India Press, Faridabad
Published by the Development Commissioner for Handicrafts, All India
Handicrafts Board, West Block 7, R. K. Puram, New Delhi-110022, India
1977