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DYNAMICS OF VIRTUAL WORK
pital ism ’s Use

Corporate Ca
of Openness
Profit for Free?
riano Zuke r feld

Ma
Arwid Lund ·
Dynamics of Virtual Work
Series Editors
Ursula Huws
Hertfordshire Business School
University of Hertfordshire
Hatfield, UK
Rosalind Gill
Department of Sociology
City, University of London
London, UK
Technological change has transformed where people work, when and
how. Digitisation of information has altered labour processes out of all
recognition whilst telecommunications have enabled jobs to be relocated
globally. ICTs have also enabled the creation of entirely new types of
‘digital’ or ‘virtual’ labour, both paid and unpaid, shifting the borderline
between ‘play’ and ‘work’ and creating new types of unpaid labour con-
nected with the consumption and co-creation of goods and services. This
affects private life as well as transforming the nature of work and people
experience the impacts differently depending on their gender, their age,
where they live and what work they do. Aspects of these changes have
been studied separately by many different academic experts however up
till now a cohesive overarching analytical framework has been lacking.
Drawing on a major, high-profile COST Action (European Cooperation
in Science and Technology) Dynamics of Virtual Work, this series will
bring together leading international experts from a wide range of disci-
plines including political economy, labour sociology, economic geogra-
phy, communications studies, technology, gender studies, social
psychology, organisation studies, industrial relations and development
studies to explore the transformation of work and labour in the Internet
Age. The series will allow researchers to speak across disciplinary bound-
aries, national borders, theoretical and political vocabularies, and differ-
ent languages to understand and make sense of contemporary
transformations in work and social life more broadly. The book series will
build on and extend this, offering a new, important and intellectually
exciting intervention into debates about work and labour, social theory,
digital culture, gender, class, globalisation and economic, social and
political change.
More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14954
Arwid Lund • Mariano Zukerfeld
Corporate
Capitalism’s Use of
Openness
Profit for Free?
Arwid Lund Mariano Zukerfeld
Linnaeus University National Scientific and Technical Research
Växjö, Sweden Council (CONICET)
Buenos Aires City, Argentina
Södertörn University
Huddinge, Sweden
Dynamics of Virtual Work

ISBN 978-3-030-28218-9 ISBN 978-3-030-28219-6 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28219-6
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland
AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgments
We started to plan this book in 2017. Both of us were invited for a short-
term scholarship at Westminster Institute of Advanced Studies (WIAS) at
the University of Westminster in London, headed by Christian Fuchs.
The idea of writing this book started to take shape in late May when we
took shelter from some heavy rain in a restaurant in Covent Garden. The
book’s first four-square saw the light of day there and then; it was to be
followed by many more.
During our scholarship we had started to investigate various themes
connected to this book, like the ideological uses of openness in the open
data movement, and the business model behind online academic courses.
We were not alone in our discussions. With us was a group of talented
researchers with similar interests. Huge thanks go to Pasko Bilic, Sebastian
Sevignani, Ben Birkinbine and Paschal Preston for all the inspiring dis-
cussions about digital media’s relations to society, and the radical politics
concerning both commons and corporations! To be sure, it was Christian
who made it all possible. Beyond his theoretical influence, his endeavors
coordinating institutional initiatives such as conferences, the Triple-C
journal, UWP Critical Digital and Social Media Studies, WIAS, and spe-
cifically the fellowship program that we had the honor and privilege to be
part of are impossible to overstate. Denise Rose Hansen, finally, ran the
everyday administration of the institute in a very generous atmosphere,
and with great commitment.
v
vi Acknowledgments
The hard thing about writing a book when you live in different parts
of the world is that, at some point in time, you need to meet and work
out the details together. With this we had great help from the European
Sociological Association’s Research Network 18 that facilitated a meet-up
in Croatia during its mid-term conference in Zagreb, during which we
were able to test our ideas on a wider audience. We received valuable
feedback from Thomas Allmer, Eran Fisher, Jernej Prodnik and Arnon
Zangvil, among others, to whom we would like to express our gratitude.
Arwid’s trip to Buenos Aires in February and March 2019 was made
possible by economic support from the Department of Cultural Sciences
(Linnaeus University) for international pedagogical relationships. We are
both grateful to the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, particu-
larly to Valentina Delich and Andrea Rizzotti, who invited us to present
our work in progress to an engaged audience in March 2019.
There are other institutions, besides those already mentioned, whose
support has been crucial to completing this project. This book was writ-
ten during a sad period for Argentina, in which a neoliberal government
has not only impoverished the people and indebted the country to finance
capital flight, but also specifically cut funds drastically for science and
technology. In a couple of years, scientists´ wages lost more than 30% of
their purchasing power, funding already assigned for research was put on
hold and hundreds of young scientists were excluded from the public
system. It is within this context that Mariano feels particularly grateful
and privileged for having had the support of the National Agency of
Scientific and Technological Promotion to travel to Europe to work with
Arwid on this book. Previous trips were only possible thanks to
Maimonides University and specifically the support of Adrián Giacchino,
to whom Mariano is extremely grateful.
The Center for Science Technology and Society (Centro CTS headed
by Pablo Kreimer) and within it the team Technology, Capitalism and
Society (e-TCS coordinated by Lucila Dughera) hosted a couple of semi-
nars in Buenos Aires where drafts of Chap. 1 and the conclusions of this
book were discussed. We are grateful to all the researchers who partici-
pated in those meetings and gave us valuable insights.
Many more people deserve to be acknowledged in relation to the work
on this book. In relation to the case studies, Arwid would like to
Acknowledgments vii
acknowledge Anders Jensen-Urstad, who most generously gave of his

time to explain and suggest further readings regarding the broad range of
technical and legal issues connected to the study of Red Hat. Toward the
end of the work on this chapter Ben Birkinbine also provided insightful
comments and suggested revisions to the manuscript that improved the
text. In relation to his research into Elsevier, Arwid would like to direct
his gratitude to the library professionals who provided such important
information from their point of view. The text greatly benefitted from
comments and advice from Britt-Marie Wideberg, Anna Lundén and
Christian Linders from the Bibsam Consortium (Royal Library of
Sweden), as well as from Helena Carlsson Juhlin at the university library
of Linnaeus University. To this can be added the highly valuable input
and critical comments from colleagues Joacim Hansson, Sara Ahlryd,
Lars Seldén, Fredrik Hanell and Hanna Carlsson, at the higher seminar
of Information Studies at Linnaeus University.
For the opportunity to publish this book, we also owe a particular debt
of gratitude to Ursula Huws, director of the Dynamics of Virtual Work
Series. And finally, we are indebted to Suzie Wylie for editing and proof-
reading this manuscript, and Mariano is also grateful for her help in clari-
fying his ideas even before the first draft was written.
On a personal level, Arwid would like to express his endless gratitude
to Jenny for her love, the patience she showed (with a time-consuming
black hole of a book), and her inspiring work creating permaculture-
based commons all over Stockholm. Finally, his cat Winston put some
play into the writing.
On a personal level, Mariano would like to express gratitude to his
Aunt Sonia for her ceaseless and ubiquitous help and her tireless search
for Justice. Ulla’s love, always there and always becoming, freed him from
the fiction of time and kept turning outflows into watersheds. Without
her this book, among other things, would not have been possible. His
daughter Laura does not just deserve to be thanked for healing him every
day through the magic powers of playing, but also for her moving sup-
port for the work on this book.
Praise for Corporate Capitalism’s
Use of Openness
“An outstanding analysis of how digital capital uses openness as principle of

capital accumulation and exploitation.”
—Christian Fuchs, University of Westminster, UK
Contents
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Early Promises and Expectations 1
1.2 Ideological Distortions Under Capitalism: Californian
Ideology Turning into Openness Ideology 4
1.3 Profit from Openness Versus Profit from Enclosures
Models 7
1.4 What’s Wrong with Profit from Openness? 9
1.5 Chapter Outline 16
References 21
2 Profiting from Openness: A Critique of a New Business

Model 29
2.1 From Profits from Enclosures to Profits from Openness:
Business Models in Cognitive Capitalism 29
2.2 Open and Free 38
2.3 Ideologies and Ideology Analysis 48
2.4 Labor, Work and Profits 51
2.5 Commons and Peer Production 67
2.6 Platforms, Social Actors and Flows in the Profit from
Openness Model 81
References 95
xi
xii Contents
3 Profiting from Free and Open Source Software109

3.1 Techno-legal Foundations for Hybrid Business Models
Built on Linux Distributions 113
3.2 Businesses Built on Free and Open Source Code in
General, and Red Hat in Particular 121
3.3 Case Description: Red Hat’s Business Model 124
3.4 Red Hat’s Products and Prices 125
3.5 Schema of Flows and Actors 129
3.6 Regulations 131
3.7 Role and Enactment of Ideology 134
3.8 Conclusions 139
References140
4 Profiting from Open Access Publishing149

4.1 Introduction 149
4.2 Scientific Publishers’ OA Business Models in General
and Elsevier’s in Particular 165
4.3 Scheme of Flows and Actors 178
4.4 Regulations 179
4.5 Role and Enactment of Openness Ideology 181
4.6 Conclusions 185
References187
5 Profiting from Open Audiovisual Content199

5.1 Audiovisual Content Platforms and YouTube 199
5.3 Regulations 212
5.4 Profits and Exploitation 218
5.6 Conclusions 233
References236
6 Profiting from Massive Open Online Courses241

6.1 MOOCs in General and Coursera in Particular 241
Contents xiii
6.3 Regulations 252

6.4 Profits and Exploitation 260
6.6 Conclusions 269
References271
7 Conclusions and Policies273

7.1 Summary of Insights from Case Studies 274
7.2 Policy Discussion Section 279
References317
Index323
List of Figures
Fig. 2.1 Playing, gaming, working and laboring. (Source: Lund, 2017b,
p. 113)60
Fig. 2.2 Actors and flows on profit from openness platforms. (Source:
Authors’ elaboration) 95
Fig. 5.1 YouTube Ad revenues (2010–2018, billions of USD). (Source:
Author’s elaboration based on Statista.com, Business Insider
Intelligence and Gutelle, 2018) 205
Fig. 5.2 Actors and flows in YouTube profit from openness business
model. (Source: Author’s elaboration) 212
Fig. 5.3 Median views per uploaded video. (Source: Bärtl, 2018) 220
Fig. 5.4 Share of views of YouTube videos between top 3% channels
and bottom 97% of channels, by year. (Source: Bärtl, 2018) 221
Fig. 6.1 Actors and flows in Coursera’s business model. (Authors’
elaboration) 252
Fig. 6.2 Options to access a Coursera course. (Source: Coursera.
Available at: https://www.coursera.org/learn/chemerinsky-
individual-rights)266
xv
List of Tables
Table 1.1 Profit from openness and profit from enclosures business
models8
Table 2.1 Typology of goods according to subtractability and
excludability69
Table 2.2 Typology of platforms according to centralization and aims 78
Table 2.3 Typology of platforms 84
Table 3.1 A selective sample of Linux distributions 117
Table 3.2 Red Hat products and prices 127
Table 3.3 Red Hat’s revenues, profits and profit margins 129
Table 3.4 Red Hat Market segments 130
Table 4.1 Dissemination forms within the OA landscape 165
Table 4.2 Four main publisher’s mix of hybrid and full OA journals 168
Table 4.3 Revenues of Springer Nature, Wiley and RELX group 169
Table 4.4 RELX/Reed Elsevier revenues, profit and profit margins 172
Table 4.5 Revenue and profit of business segments 173
Table 5.1 Top 10 of audiovisual content websites 200
Table 5.2 Ranking of YouTube 16 most viewed channels, by content
category, country and language 202
Table 5.3 Ranking of Top 10 YouTube channels by views in January
2019203
Table 5.4 Top 5 countries by YouTube traffic (January 2019) 204
Table 5.5 Most viewed videos on YouTube 204
Table 5.6 Most viewed ads on YouTube in 2018 206
xvii
xviii List of Tables
Table 5.7 Streaming platforms per-stream rate and total plays needed to
earn a minimum wage (2018) 219
Table 6.1 Top 5 MOOC platforms by enrollment in 2018 243
Table 6.2 “Monetization” strategies of MOOCs 245
Table 6.3 Coursera revenues, funding and “learners”, 2012–2018 247
Table 6.4 Coursera’s products and prices 248
Table 7.1 Distinctive features of each case study 280
Table 7.2 Licenses: non-privative licenses, by merits and limitations 295
Table 7.3 Platforms for commoning 313
1
Introduction
1.1 Early Promises and Expectations

Since at least the 1990s the sensation has been that digital technology, as
with the printing press in the past, is transforming the whole information
and communication chain in society: the production and distribution of
information and data, and the adaptation and storing of it.
The earlier analog model had one sender, a TV or radio station and
many receivers, and it was dominated by unidirectional communication,
which mirrored industrial society itself, dominated as it was by large
companies, managed by elites of white-collar engineers and middle man-
agement, exploiting a working mass of blue-collar workers. These blue-
collar workers were the audience or consumers of the analog media
content produced by cultural industries that, according to the Frankfurt
School, created passive consumers, a herd mentality, and could poten-
tially lead to fascism (Miller, 2011, p. 12).
This hierarchical media landscape was transformed, it was widely
claimed, by digital technology and the popularization of the Internet
and the web in the 1990s. On the web, interactivity, and two-way
© The Author(s) 2020 1

A. Lund, M. Zukerfeld, Corporate Capitalism’s Use of Openness, Dynamics of Virtual
Work, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28219-6_1
2 A. Lund and M. Zukerfeld
communication, was the rule. It was said to be inherent in Internet

technology and its infrastructure (Abbate, 1999; Castells, 1999). The
earlier dichotomy between senders and receivers, between producers
and consumers was loosened up and the categories started to merge
with each other, giving rise to new possibilities according to intellectu-
als of the time (Levy, 1997, 1998). Suddenly, all citizens who had an
Internet connection and a PC not only had more information and cul-
tural resources to choose from, they also could publish themselves,
meaning that they could start to publish their own cultural works for a
broader audience.
Soon people had the same experience as Linus Torwald when he real-
ized that software programming could be carried out by peers in distrib-
uted networks (Castells, 2001). From all this developed a bottom-up
participatory remix culture (Lessig, 2008), in parallel with a convergence
of the media, telecoms and software sectors of the economy in the 1990s.
Participatory cultural production included phenomena such as fan-
production, peer-production and citizen journalism, which became pop-
ular cultural forms (Jenkins, 2008).
Some examples are mash-ups where new sounds were added to a totally
different television program, or spoiler sites where fans discussed and
investigated the worlds of reality TV series like Survivor. Other fan com-
munities developed platforms dedicated to Star Trek, Harry Potter and so
on (Jenkins, 2008). And, of course, one of the best known examples of
this kind of peer production is Wikipedia: an encyclopedia that is pro-
duced by thousands of Wikipedians in over a hundred different language
versions, where motives for taking part ranged from pure non-instrumental
play to serious work and positioning in order to earn a wage or forge a
career (Lund, 2017b).
All of these projects were thus characterized by a joyful and playful
attitude that simultaneously produced utilities, or use values in Marxist
terms, sometimes competed with the capitalist mode of production, and
often came into conflict with copyright legislation. In relation to video
games, for example, gamers were no longer satisfied with simply playing
the games, they also wanted to make their own adaptions, so-called mod-
ding—computer game modification (Kücklich, 2005; Lund, 2015).
1 Introduction 3
Conflict also sprang up around the extensive file sharing occurring on

P2P-sites, like The Pirate Bay.
These breaches of copyright occurred at the same time as the political
authorities strengthened and extended the terms of copyright in the
Western world.
Indeed, from the mid-1970s intellectual property in general and copy-
right specifically began to dramatically expand as a consequence of the
most diverse variables (Zukerfeld, 2017b). The US Copyright Act of
1976 was the cornerstone of this legal change and it implemented at least
three major changes that would subsequently spread worldwide. Firstly,
the automatic grant: authors became rights-holders by default (i.e. with-
out having to register the work) from the moment they fixed their work
in a tangible medium. Secondly, the term length was extended to the
sum of the author’s remaining life plus 50 years—in 1998 this was
expanded again to 70 years after death, or 95 for works owned by com-
panies. Third, the notion of the “author” was broadened far beyond the
old flesh-and-blood human beings standard, to include corporations as
legitimate owners of works of authorship. Most importantly, in 1980 the
Copyright Act was amended to protect software under copyright law.
But why did this dramatic expansion of copyright take place? As digital
technologies flourished, copying information for free became so easy that
music, film and software owners felt that their businesses were under
siege. People copying (and later on downloading from the Internet) con-
tent threatened the realization of their profits. The first reaction of capi-
talist owners of content was to build more fences, and strengthen the
enclosures as much as possible. This was attempted through the transfor-
mation of copyright law.
In parallel with this conflict between a strengthening of copyright law
and the participatory and often copyright-breaching digital culture, a
new neoliberal ideology began to develop, with the epicenter in Silicon
Valley, California. The popularization of the Internet and the birth of the
web were assumed to be creating a new economy, which would rejuvenate
democracy and promote global understanding in general (Curran,
Fenton, & Freedman, 2016, p. 203).
1.2 Ideological Distortions Under Capitalism:

Californian Ideology Turning into
Openness Ideology
Silicon Valley entrepreneurs and magazine editors, drawing on an older
post-Industrialist discourse, claimed that we had entered a new and
weightless economy built on networks, and a mix of popular culture and
capitalist enterprise.1 This new economy existed without any of the con-
flicts surrounding the traditional business models built on copyright and
enclosures. Economic enterprise was all about win-win and synergies as
the cost for reproducing digital files neared zero and you could store and
distribute an abundance of goods without much cost. There was simply
enough for everyone in the digital realm. Soon, this way of talking was
labeled the Californian ideology by Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron.
They characterized it as a combination of the “freewheeling hippie” and
the “entrepreneurial yuppie”, on the premise of an emancipatory digital
technology, where everyone could and would be “both hip and rich”
(Barbrook & Cameron, 1995).
Networks play an important role in this ideology, and the discourse
around networks connects to the political-economic ideas of neoliberal-
ism (2013). There is a close and almost organic relationship between
Friedrich Hayek, father of neoliberalism, and the writings of the Wired
magazine editor Kevin Kelly (Fisher, 2013). They both talk of spontane-
ous order and chaos as positive things. Hayek contends that there always
exists an imbalance in market exchange, that the invisible hand is not
1
The idea of a new economy relates to a plethora of post-Industrial theories on the advent of an
information age or an informational society (e.g. post-Industrialists like Piore and Sabel, the most
capitalist-friendly wing of the French regulation school). These theories are critically summed up
by Frank Webster in his book Theories of the Information Society (Webster, 2014). His main critique
is that all advocates of the assumption of a disruptive change in history and a dramatic transition
from an industrial society to an informational society base this on quantitative changes (like the use
of information or the number of jobs in information-rich sectors, none of which are easy to define)
at some point inevitably leading to a qualitative change. Against this stands the critique of pre-
dominantly orthodox Marxists, who argue that in reality we are only getting more of the same old
capitalism, and that society has always been an information society (Webster, 2014). Regarding
Marxism it can be pointed out that thinkers like Ernest Mandel and many autonomist Marxists
also stress the disruptive social changes brought about by digital technology, although they still
understand contemporary society as capitalist (Hardt & Negri, 2000; Mandel, 1974, 1975).
1 Introduction 5
characterized by demand harmoniously meeting supply and that volatil-

ity is what defines market negotiations. This process is understood as a
constant process of discovery. The Californian ideology similarly advo-
cates a spontaneous order which exists in a constant flux requiring flexi-
bility and a laissez-faire economic policy, in which the state relinquishes
control over civil society, a civil society that of course consists of both
companies and citizens, without much differentiation. And here the net-
work metaphor works ideologically to portray entrepreneurs/capitalists as
equal to wage laborers, and also equal to voluntarily participating pro-
sumers. All are equal nodes in the network, a network that can flexibly
expand and contract as necessary in relation to external shocks, thus
avoiding all conflicts (Fisher, 2013).
This ideology survived the dotcom crash in 2001. After the bubble
burst in 2001 the discourse was instead rebranded as Web 2.0, the social
web, and it was now that mainstream culture and big capital jumped on
the bandwagon. Neoliberal evangelist Tim O’Reilly defined the concept:
Web 2.0 is the business revolution in the computer industry caused by the
move to the internet as platform, and an attempt to understand the rules
for success on that new platform. Chief among those rules is this: build
applications that harness network effects to get better the more people use
them. (O’Reilly, 2006)
The more the merrier, an openly available digital resource attracted

more users, and in the hands of the web gurus “the social” turned into
numbers and networks effects that could be exploited commercially. This
onward ideological process continues up to today. The term “openness”
has increasingly become important within it. The Openness ideology, as we
call it, has its roots in pioneering open-source software programming and
open access publishing of scholarly articles in academia. The Open Source
Initiative was founded in 1998, and Open Access gained increasing trac-
tion within academia from 2001, followed by a big push for Open
Data/Open Government themes and massive open online courses
(MOOCs) from around 2010 onward (Böhm & Land, 2009; Golub &
Lund, forthcoming; Gruen, 2009; Lund, 2017a; Open Source Initiative,
2012, 2018; Suber, 2012; Weller, 2014; White House, 2009). This focus
on openness has been characterized as a new political master category and

paradigm (Ettlinger, 2014; Tkacz, 2012).
The connections between the Californian ideology and the Openness
ideology can be illustrated by two books written by the former Wired
editor and author, Chris Andersson. In his 2006 book The Long Tail: How
Endless Choice is Creating Unlimited Demand, he stressed that new tech-
nology with diminishing copying costs greatly reduces the need for stor-
age, and therefore makes new business models possible, in which you can
earn huge profits from not-so successful cultural products on the eco-
nomic margins, or in the “long tail” of distributed goods on digital plat-
forms. This is in line with the Californian ideology, implying that the
Internet economy is good for all: for its celebrities and for the amateur
cultural producer (Anderson, 2007). Openness was not foregrounded
here, but this is all changed three years later when Andersson’s next book
Free: The Future of a Radical Price (2009) was published. Here he exam-
ines, a year after the greatest financial crash since the 1930s, the “birth of
free”, in the sense of gratis. Anderson claims that the web’s lesson is that
“when something halves in price each year, zero is inevitable”. So, now
prices have gone from low to zero, gratis and free. Microsoft, it is said,
had learned to compete with free and open source software decades ago,
but Yahoo only had months to adjust to the new openness when in 2004
Google released a new web e-mail service, Gmail, gratis and free with one
gigabyte of storage. At the time Yahoo had customers that paid for “vari-
ous premium services” offering storage in the range of 25 to 100 mega-
bytes (Anderson, 2009). Revenues in this new free world that was
connected to the gratis material came from advertisement, and the prod-
uct that was actually sold was the attention and data of the users, which
Anderson focused on.
This Openness ideology has increasingly over time been propelled for-
ward by an Openness industry (Jakobsson, 2012), dominated by large
and now mature for-profit companies in various sectors like Google,
Facebook, Red Hat, Coursera and Elsevier that have learned to harness
the economic value of offering media content and services for free in the
open. In this process, participatory culture itself changed. It slowly con-
solidated into more standardized forms through the continued develop-
ment of Web 2.0’s convergence culture, into a digital milieu characterized
1 Introduction 7
by spreadable media dominated by social networking and other corpo-

rate platforms in the so-called sharing economy (Jenkins, Ford, & Green,
2013). These detrimental effects on the popular, democratic and emanci-
patory activities that still exist as potentials of digital technology are
intensified by increased corporate ideological use of openness or so-called
openwashing in order to give their business an air of tolerance, transpar-
ency and social progressiveness (Weller, 2014, pp. 20, 155).The ideologi-
cal distortions indulged in by this industry amount to using the discourse
of openness to conceal the fact that enclosures, exploitation and alien-
ation of various sorts are always linked to the offered open media, open
software or open data.
The expectations of openness also vary in relation to who the actor is.
E-governments should open up their data, citizens should give them
away for free, but companies should not. No demand has been put for-
ward for social media corporations to open up the datasets they harvest
from their unpaid users (Lund, 2017a), or their algorithms at the soft-
ware level. This remains the case, even though advocates of openness do
float around many ideas regarding open business models (GovLab, 2017;
Open Data Institute, 2017).
With that said, we are now entering the theme of the Openness indus-
try’s business model. In the next section, we describe the differences
between this “profit from openness” business model and the older tradi-
tional model built on enclosures managed by intellectual property laws.
1.3 rofit from Openness Versus Profit

P
from Enclosures Models
This capitalist openness ideology evolved together with a particular busi-
ness model that it supports, that of profit from openness—to which this
book is devoted. It emerged from combining the ideology of openness
and the limits of the profit from enclosures model—which copyright
expansion was based on. The profit from openness model, therefore, may
be intuitively grasped by comparing its features to the profit from enclo-
sures model (Table 1.1).
Table 1.1 Profit from openness and profit from enclosures business models
Profit from enclosures Profit from openness
Aim Profit from commodities that can be copied at close to zero
costs
Means Pull up the price of Push down the price of inputs
outputs
Main source of Waged workers producing Unwaged producersa of
value software and content software, content and data
Source of Fees Targeted advertisement,
revenues certifications, related services.
Legal framework Privative exercise of Open and Copyleft licenses,
copyright contracts, trademark law
Value-producing Labor time Leisure time
time
Ideological Property, ownership, Openness, freedom, sharing,
discourse topics individuals, communities
Author’s elaboration, based on Zukerfeld (2014)
In Chap. 2 we will introduce the more accurate concepts of users, contribusers
a
and produsers instead of “producers”
Both models need to deal with a troubling situation defined by the fact
that digital commodities can be legally or illegally copied with costs
approaching zero. Whereas the profit from enclosures model pays for its
inputs (waged labor) and tries to collect fees for its outputs (enclosed
commodities), profit from openness tends to give up on paywalls for
accessing digital information. It simply opens up some of the content and
focuses, on the one hand, on getting most of the software, content and
data from voluntary, unpaid contributions mostly carried out during lei-
sure time, and, on the other hand, on making money through advertising
and content-related services. The profit from openness model rejects the
privative use of copyright law, but draws on other intellectual property
tools. While the profit from enclosures model relies heavily on a rhetoric
of individuals and ownership, which echoes the mantras of industrial
capitalism, profit from openness discourses are all about sharing, com-
munities, freedom and openness. However, it would be wrong to believe
that in profit from openness everything is for everyone.
1 Introduction 9
1.4 hat’s Wrong with Profit

W
from Openness?
But, what is the problem with the profit from openness business model?
After all, people on the Internet embrace these platforms and engage
freely and enthusiastically in using, contributing and producing software,
content and data through them. In turn, these companies keep delivering
cool new apps that are rapidly sweeping across the globe; even employees
are extremely happy, as they receive not only fair wages but also recogni-
tion for their “talent”, open spaces to nurture their creativity and all
kinds of perks.
So if users, companies and workers are happy, what could possibly go
wrong with this state of affairs? Is it not the best of all possible worlds?
Does this business model not prove that capitalism can provide happiness
without exploiting, excluding and alienating anybody? We would argue
that it does not. From a critical standpoint, we must begin by returning
to two fundamental Marxian concepts. Exploitation and alienation have
not vanished, but have merely been updated for cognitive capitalism
through the profit from openness business model and its powerful ideo-
logical discourse.2
Indeed, capitalist exploitation, as an asymmetrical exchange where the
exploited party gives more value than it receives, is the bedrock of this
model. While exploitation of waged labor might still continue in a rela-
tively unmodified way in relation to companies’ workers, the distinctive
feature of this model concerns other quite different forms of exploitation
that are not necessarily new, but that have been mastered by the capitalists
of openness. What kinds of exploitation are these? In a nutshell, they
involve unpaid or underpaid software production (such as that produced
by Linux communities), content (videos or texts), data and attention (con-
sumed by advertisers) produced and handed over by Internet users. We
2
Even within the realm of critical theory there is no consensus on the relation between exploitation
and alienation that takes place on “social media”. Several authors (Andrejevic, 2011; Fuchs, 2010;
Fuchs & Sevignani, 2013) assert that exploitation and alienation are high. Others contend that
increased exploitation is only possible at the expense of reducing alienation (Fisher, 2012; Rey,
2012), while yet others stress that alienation is high but exploitation is not necessarily so (Reveley,
2013).
will show how companies critically depend on these flows in order to make
money. A remarkable share of these companies’ income and profits come
from unremunerated activities (whether you call these labor or not) carried
out by millions of people (Andrejevic, 2015; Fisher, 2012; Fuchs, 2012;
Moulier-Boutang, 2011; Petersen, 2008; Terranova, 2000; Zukerfeld,
2017a). Remarkably, this exploitative underbelly of openness has been
practically ignored for several years, only gaining some attention in the last
decade. This is probably related to two phenomena: firstly, most people
tend to believe that exploitation only takes place if the exploited is suffer-
ing or not willing to work. Exploitative relations are portrayed as those
taking place in sweatshops where sad and miserable workers toil away in
drudgery for long hours. Since in the profit from openness model people
are freely and seemingly enthusiastically engaging with these companies,
the reasoning goes, these relations are far from exploitative. But this is a
misunderstanding. Exploitation is defined as an objectively—though
sometimes difficult to measure—asymmetrical and to some degree volun-
tary exchange between exploiters and exploited actors.
This does not necessarily have anything to do with subjective experi-
ence or working conditions. Moreover, it does not depend on the repre-
sentation that exploited people have of those exchanges. It does not
matter if you think that you are making a hell of a deal by receiving lots
of cool apps in exchange for your worthless pics, data and watching some
well-targeted ads. At the end of the day, if companies are making money
from you, you are being exploited, whether or not you enjoy the process,
suffer or do not care about it. This is not a particular feature of the profit
from openness business model or cognitive capitalism. As capitalism in
all its stages requires and prides itself on having formally free workers,
these workers must not only tolerate exploitation (as serfs and slaves did
as well) in order to maintain capitalism, but are also required to represent
these relations both as a consequence of an alleged free choice and as hav-
ing a non-exploitative character. They are expected to embrace the social
order that exploits them.3 It is precisely here, of course, where ideology
3
In other words, if you are truly free to choose between participating or not in an exchange of goods
and services, and you realize that that exchange is unbalanced in favor of the other party, it is very
likely that you would lean toward not participating. To engage in these relations, your conscious-
ness needs to believe that the exchange is fair enough.
1 Introduction 11
works its magic. Certainly, there are different kinds of exploitation and
business models, and the ideologies bolstering them vary. However,
whereas the ideological underpinnings of industrial capitalism (revolving
around concepts such as “ownership”, “individual”, “rationality”) have
been extensively discussed in critical theory, the workings of profit from
openness ideology have barely been touched on. For this reason, the
exploitation-ideology axis lies at the heart of this book.
Secondly, exploitation became an issue only recently, even for critics of
profit from openness models, because the most pressing concern for the
public conversation was surveillance. This is due to the fact that liberal
agenda setting is more strongly inclined toward discussing privacy issues
(i.e. defending individual ownership) than concerns about asymmetrical
exchanges. Of course, surveillance is connected with exploitation (and
alienation as well, as we shall see) through the abuse of personal data by
companies. But the main concern of for-profit companies is not surveil-
ling—important as it is—but making money. Thus, despite “surveil-
lance” being a partial but correct answer to the question of what is wrong
with the profit from openness business model, this book does not focus
on it. This is due to the fact that the topic has been tackled abundantly
(e.g. Fuchs, Boersma, Albrechtslund, & Sandoval, 2011; Zuboff, 2015,
2019) and that only some forms of profit from openness are based on
surveillance, that is, social networks.
In turn, the concept of alienation describes at least two kinds of inter-
related phenomena. Firstly, the sensations of estrangement, meaningless-
ness and powerlessness arising from activities, products and relations that
are supposed to be essentially meaningful and empowering. Secondly, the
fact that this alien power that faces us as a hostile power has been pro-
duced by us (Jaeggi, 2005).
There are multiple ways of unveiling forms of alienation that take place
beneath the surface of participation, openness and freedom. Drawing on
Marx’s 1844 Manuscripts and Grundrisse, authors such as Faucher
(2018), Fuchs and Sevignani (2013), and Jaeggi (2005) extrapolate facets
of alienation described by Marx to “social media”. By simplifying and
combining both Marx’s formulations and these authors’ contributions,
we can categorize four kinds of alienation:
1. Alienation from the act of production in labor processes/productive activi-

ties (Marx, 1844): platforms partially regulate labor/productive activi-
ties both through technical (the platform itself and software, opaque
prioritizing algorithms) and legal (terms and conditions that most
users do not read or understand) means (Faucher, 2018, p. 66).
Alienation from the production process also refers to the loss of the
big picture: as opposed to artisans who mastered the whole process,
industrial workers only see a tiny fraction of that process. Nonetheless,
alienation from the labor process is much higher in the profit from
openness business model—and social media in general. Contributors
not only do not know how the production process works (Where does
it begin? What is their role in it?), but also tend to ignore the kind of
products that come as outputs. Alienation from the act of production
takes yet another form: what was supposed to be a self-fulfilling activ-
ity, a form of play, in many cases ends up being an instrumental, goal-
oriented conduct (i.e. collecting likes on Facebook).
2. Alienation from the materials and instruments of labor (Marx, 1857–61):
while computers are owned by produsers, hardware, algorithms and so
on are owned and controlled by platform companies (Fuchs &
Sevignani, 2013). Thus, despite produsers not being deprived of any
tangible instrument—as they are in industrial production—some
fundamental means of production confront them as alien power. This
alienation is also characterized by the fact that these means of produc-
tion are located somewhere outside the reach of produsers. Invisibility
and remoteness contribute to the sensation of an alien power.
Remarkably, these practices of exclusion contradict the openness
rhetoric from these companies. Raising the discursive flags of inclu-
sion, communities and openness is by no means proof that practices
carried out by profit from openness companies adhere to these values.
What somebody (and especially a company) professes to be and what
it really is might be quite different, as Marx and Engels (1846, p. 175)
underlined. Indeed, though these companies allow access to some
resources, they exclude fiercely from others. Content developed by
unpaid actors are open and free, but (platform, ranking and other)
algorithms, hardware, trademarks protecting social capital are rigor-
ously enclosed, that is, alienated from produsers.
1 Introduction 13
3. Alienation from the product of labor (Marx, 1844, 1857–61): data and
content are two kinds of products relinquished, as the platform has
the rights to modify or distribute them (Faucher, 2018, p. 66).
Contrary to industrial alienation, subjects retain copies of their prod-
ucts and can access them. This is due to the particular material bearer
of these products, which is digital information. In this specific regard,
alienation from the product is lower than in industrial production.
However, there is yet another “product” for which alienation is com-
plete, and even concealed, in the profit from openness model: human
attention. As we shall discuss, flows of ad-consuming-attention con-
stitute a critical resource of this model. Attention cannot be copied: it
is limited and scarce. Noticeably, the alienation of human attention
through ads and content works in a different and even inverse way to
the alienation of an industrial product. While the latter is associated
with dispossession, the former relates to the inoculation of ads and
content—in the sense described by Debord (1967). This estrange-
ment takes place within human subjectivity.
4. Alienation from oneself (Marx, 1844, 1857–61) and from other humans
(Marx, 1857–61). In Marx’s sense, alienation from oneself and others
is related to the loss of the essential meaningful activity (work) that
allows humans to create themselves, and its subsumption under its
alienated counterpart (capitalist labor). In the profit from openness
business model, alienation from oneself takes different forms. It is in
play and leisure time where the alienation takes place.
Liking, commenting, uploading, sharing, creating communities,
making friends through platforms: all might seem like acts of freedom
and communicative action, that is, de-alienating activities and, more-
over, acts through which individuality is affirmed. However, since all
of them are mainly, if not completely, means for predicting and mold-
ing future conducts through surveillance, they result in reducing the
autonomy of the subjects vis-à-vis companies. For instance, individual
profiles, pics and so on, end up being thought of as marketing strate-
gies rather than merely self-reflecting gestures.
“Communities” and “friends”, that is, forms of recognition (Hegel’s
Anerkennung, see Ricoeur, 2005) essential for non-alienated human
beings only take form as fetishized commodities through the m ediation
of these platforms. What used to be the outside of capital relations

(affects and knowledge produced in leisure time) now becomes com-
modified.4 What is presented as collaboration encompasses a good
deal of competition (for attention), what is presented as emotions is
mainly instrumental rationality. The shaping of communities is not
primarily determined by affinities or randomness, but by subtle algo-
rithms aimed in the last instance at generating profits, not social
bonding. Moreover these algorithms reinforce patterns of interest that
alienate users from society and isolate groups from otherness.
Thus, a common topic in Marx (and ultimately Hegel) emerges:
what appears on the surface of consciousness as an act of freedom
turns out to be a deeper manifestation of enslavement.
Alienation evolves in Marx’s later writings into the notion of fetishism.

In a nutshell, the concept refers to the same estrangement, but focusing
on social relations between subjects being experienced as relations
between objects. Exchanges that emerge from social relations of power,
class and ownership are disguised as exchanges between neutral, objective
and independent commodities. The social character of commodities is
silenced, and commodities appear to humans to be imbued with powers
they lack.
In cognitive capitalism, another layer is added. It turns traditional
fetishism on its head to complement it. As Fuchs and Sevignani (2013)
noticed for social media, it has an “inverse fetish character” or what we
might call a fetishism of cognitive capitalism. As opposed to fetishism in
industrial capitalism (the one described by Marx), in the profit from
openness business model, exchanges between commodities are presented
as if they were exchanges between subjects. Humans face each other
appearing to carry powers that actually only pertain to commodities.
Indeed, when you make a “friend” or “share” some content on some capi-
talist platform, it is primarily a relation of commodities that is meant to
be experienced as a relation between de-commoditized affects and knowl-
edge. What is presented as an original and spontaneous form of e xpression
4
As Negri (1989) and others pointed out through the concept of real subsumption of labor under
capital.
1 Introduction 15
is very likely to be a product devised (consciously or otherwise) to capture

commoditized attention. This kind of cognitive fetishism has existed for
a long time, outside profit from openness and even the Internet. It is a
constitutive feature of cognitive capitalism, related to the commodifica-
tion of affects and knowledge, as authors such as Lazzaratto, Virno,
Moullier Boutang and others have suggested.
It is through all these forms of alienation that we can better understand
the psychological manifestations: anxiety, poor sleep, depression, loneli-
ness and low self-esteem. All of them have been clearly associated with
social media—a type of profit from openness business model—though
not necessarily as direct and linear consequences (Andreassen, Torsheim,
Brunborg, & Pallesen, 2012; Goldstein, 2018; Kross et al., 2013; Lin
et al., 2016; O’Keeffe et al., 2011; Primack et al., 2017; Sagioglou &
Greitemeyer, 2014; Shakya & Christakis, 2017; Twenge, Joiner, Rogers,
& Martin, 2017; Vannucci & Flannery, 2017; Woods & Scott, 2016).
In summary, the hype around openness in our increasingly digitally
mediated society has informed discussions around the social Web 2.0,
open government, the collaborative prosumer or peer producer, and a
new “wikinomics” built on network effects. However, the fact that capi-
talist corporations are profiting from unpaid labor, knowledge and affect
tends to be overlooked. Conflicts are downplayed in favor of synergies
between public and private actors, producers and platform owners, and
commons-based projects and companies built on wage labor. All this
profit from openness is said to be the new oil of the information age. This
book focuses not on the alienation and exploitation (though we will dis-
cuss the latter), but on identifying the ideological uses of openness and
explaining the workings of open business models that are not always so
open as they claim.
Before discussing the outline of the chapters, it is worth clarifying that
we must deal with two meanings of terms such as openness and free. On
the one hand, we have the ideological operation performed by corpora-
tions and their advocates (discourses praising openness as a veil to obscure
the exploitation going on). On the other hand, there is the legal situation
of the resources (e.g. under open or copyleft licenses) that facilitates rela-
tionships of exploitation.
1.5 Chapter Outline

Chapter 2 lays out the theoretical framework we are going to use through-
out the rest of the book. It does so not only through the discussion of
previous literature but also by advancing new concepts and ideas. The
development within capitalism from an industrial to a cognitive stage is
pertinent to framing the profit from openness business model that lies at
the core of this book. Thus, we open the chapter by tackling this historic
transformation and its material conditions. Then we present the profit
from enclosures and profit from openness business models mentioned above.
Next we move on to discuss the concepts of free and open. Indeed, as
freedom and openness play a crucial role in the discourses and practices
related to the profit from openness business model, we review different
meanings attributed to these terms, relate them to Western political ide-
ologies and link these ideologies with the debates regarding libre licenses,
including copyleft licenses.
Openness and (some kind of ) freedom are linked to two other key
concepts: commons and peer production. On the one hand, commons,
that is, resources or practices belonging not to individuals, but to com-
munities. Openness and (some kind of ) freedom are always related to
goods, services and social practices which are open to groups of people,
that is, held as commons. On the other hand, openness, (some kind of )
freedom and commons are associated with a particular way of organizing
productive processes: peer (or collaborative) production, which relies on
self-governing communities.
While this alternative and powerful organizational principle of peer
production arose from the production of informational goods such as
Linux and Wikipedia, it spilled over to the most diverse productive pro-
cesses. Around the turn of the millennium, some companies began using
more centralized forms of “crowdsourcing” that later evolved into “Web
2.0” and the “sharing economy”, all of which are manifestations of the
profit from openness model.
Then, we move to discuss the concept of ideology, as variations of
openness and freedom, commons and peer production are used as ideo-
logical vehicles by the business model we intend to analyze.
1 Introduction 17
After having discussed “openness”, we turn to focus on the “profit

from” part, in other words, where are the profits coming from? This leads
us to analyze the extensive literature discussing digital/free/immaterial
labor and the productive activities performed by Internet enthusiasts that
may or may not be called work, and may or may not be considered vol-
untary, joyful, alienating and so on. After that we can return to the ques-
tion of profits, and examine how profits are related to the concepts of
exploitation and rent.
Last but not least, Chap. 2 tries to offer an operationalization, that is,
a set of tools to grasp not only the case studies included in this book, but
hopefully other empirical material to be scrutinized in further research as
well. We discuss different kinds of Internet platforms, and offer a typol-
ogy of them. Next, we put forward a schema of social actors and flows
that we find useful to characterize and compare different profit from
openness case studies.
Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 each tackles one of these different fields: free
software, academic publishing, online education and audiovisual con-
tent. Heterogeneous as they are, we think they illustrate how the profit
from openness business model has spread across the most variegated
domains, without claiming any exhaustiveness.
To do so, we will follow the same structure for each chapter. Firstly, we
present the general situation of the field and then we move to focus on a
specifically relevant case. Regarding free software, we discuss Red Hat,
the most lucrative free software company. When tackling for-profit open
academic publishing, we direct our attention to Elsevier, the biggest
player in this market. In turn, lucrative open online education is studied
through focusing on Coursera, the most successful for-profit MOOC
platform. Finally, our argument on freely accessible video content takes
the example of YouTube, the unchallenged leader of video content
platforms.
After describing each case, in each chapter we identify and discuss the
specific social actors that participate in the exchanges (of money, content,
data and attention) taking place through the platforms. Then we explain
how each company actually profits from openness. As regulations, espe-
cially those related to intellectual property (licenses and contracts framed
by copyright law, but also trademarks) are crucial to understanding this

business model, we deal with this topic in each chapter.
Then we turn our attention to ideology: how the ideology of openness
is enacted in each case and how important it is to keep business run-
ning smoothly.
Chapter 3 analyzes profiting from free software, said to have a conta-
giously open character which demands that all derivative works must also
be free under the same terms. Red Hat’s business model centers on a
specific Linux distribution, a free software operating system, called Red
Hat Enterprise Linux (RHEL). It is estimated to be the third most popu-
lar distribution in the server or cloud segment. Net profits were reported
at almost USD 259 million in 2018, and later in the same year, the com-
pany was acquired by IBM for USD 34 billion. A large part of this profit
derives from a programmer community called the Fedora project that
consists of both waged coders and voluntary and unpaid ones. All of the
software modules in the distribution are licensed under free or open-
source licenses, but Red Hat appropriates control of the collective work
of the Linux distribution through worker agreements, and uses this to
pave the way for using trademark law to profit from enclosures at the
brand-level. The company also uses various governance strategies in rela-
tion to Fedora in order to adapt the community to the needs of the com-
pany. Ideologically, the company obfuscates the difference between free
software and open-source software which produces an image of a morally
good business-friendliness.
In Chap. 4, the focus is on Elsevier, one of the major commercial pub-
lishers of scientific, technical and medical (STM) literature. The com-
pany was formed in 1880 and is today owned by the RELX group (up
until 2015 known as Reed Elsevier). RELX has a much broader remit
than academic publishing, but even its publishing house Elsevier is active
across the entire academic research lifecycle. Elsevier calls itself a leading
open access (OA) publisher and has reported impressive and steady profit
margins between 2002 and 2017 ranging from 33.1% to 36.8%. In
2017, 1.6 million research papers were submitted and 20,000 editors,
together with over 800,000 unpaid peer-reviewers, managed the peer-
review process and the selection of articles to publish, but the number of
employees in the company was only about 7500. All in all, 430,000 arti-
1 Introduction 19
cles were published in about 2500 journals this year (RELX Group,
2018, pp. 14–15; Tennant, 2018, p. 7). The claim of being a leading
open access publisher does not, on the other hand, mean that this is the
company’s main income stream. The company had 30 journals fully based
on OA and Article Processing Charges (APCs) in 2013, whereas 1500
journals were hybrid journals (Reed Elsevier, 2013, p. 14) based on sub-
scriptions, but also offering an OA-option with connected APCs. The
proportions are similar today. The hybrid journal is a dominant strategy
for big business acceptance of OA (Bosch & Henderson, 2017) and
hybrid journals have historically allowed “double-dipping”: charging
both subscription fees and APCs for the articles published in the journal
(Suber, 2012, p. 141). Elsevier has a reputation of demanding exorbi-
tantly high prices for their subscriptions, and in 2012 an academic boy-
cott campaign was launched against the company which continues till
today (Aaronson et al., 2012; Wikipedia contributors, 2018). Elsevier
finally uses the OA dimension ideologically in a fairly straightforward
way of open washing, trying to downplay and distort the fact that the
company’s major income comes from subscription fees, and that it has
actively worked against OA historically.
Chapter 5 opens with a discussion of MOOCs (massive open online
courses). In 2018 there were some 101 million enrolled “learners” in one
or more of the 11,400 courses offered by these platforms (Shah, 2018a).
While there are several not-for-profit MOOCs, many of them are aimed
at making money, and Coursera, our case study, is the leader of the pack.
The company currently has some 37 million learners and made roughly
USD 140 million in revenues in 2018 (Shah, 2018b). Revenues come
from charging individuals, companies and universities for different ser-
vices (such as certifications on the completion of freely accessible courses)
(Bowden, 2018; Kolowich, 2013; Shah, 2018b). Profits are to some
extent based on unpaid knowledge delivered by teachers through online
classes. In most cases teachers are paid once for these classes, and receive
no additional payment at all despite the fact that they are streamed several
times to huge numbers of “learners” (Hoyt & Oviatt, 2013; Sanders &
Richardson, 2002). Some 900 universities partner with Coursera and are
positioned as middle men: they lawfully provide the courses developed by

their teachers, contribute with some kind of “trademark”, and deliver
recognition (the certification, degree, etc.) to the learners, in exchange for
some of Coursera’s revenues (Coursera and University of Michigan, 2012;
Coursera and University of North Carolina, 2015). This is only possible
due to some intellectual property regulations and contracts that we dis-
cuss in detail (Zukerfeld, 2017c). But for this exploitative relation to suc-
ceed, ideology is also needed. In this case, we analyze the role played by
specific vocabulary (“learners”, “partners”, “instructors”), concepts (such
as freedom, openness, community, peers) and the association between
value and labor time.
Chapter 6 discusses profit from openness on audiovisual content plat-
forms. Seven out of the ten most watched video platforms are based on
the profit from openness business model (see Table 5.1 based on Alexa.
com and SimilarWeb.com). YouTube, our case study, leads this segment
by any measure, but is also the second largest Internet site by traffic. As
of January 2019, YouTube had 1.9 billion monthly active users world-
wide, watching some 5 billion videos each day (Omnicore, 2019). The
videos are uploaded by around 50 million producers worldwide (Dogtiev,
2019; Omnicore, 2019) whom the company calls “creators”. But users do
not only watch the videos they search for, but also different kinds of
advertising. Ads are the main driver of the revenues, approximately USD
20,000 million, the platform cashed in during 2018 (Gutelle, 2018).
Ultimately, a good deal of this money can be traced back to the unfair
remuneration (or completely unremunerated) for the contributions of
authors of videos, and also to the exploitation of the data and attention
of users. YouTube offers a “partner” program that allegedly shares income
with so-called producers of videos (YouTube Partner Program overview).
However, we show that the requisites for qualifying as a “partner” are not
so easy to fulfill and, moreover, that 96.5% of “creators” do not make
enough money to surpass the poverty line (Bloomberg, 2018). To do so,
more than 2 million views per month are needed (Sánchez, 2018).
Moreover, views per uploaded video are shrinking, as more and more
wannabe YouTubers jump on the bandwagon, attracted by ideological
discourses. These powerful ideological discourses are built on references
to entrepreneurialism, appetite for attention and de-laborization. Words
1 Introduction 21
such as “creator” and “partner” also play an important ideological role,

and the ideas of community and openness are again cornerstones of this
ideological edifice.
In Chap. 7, finally, a summary and a comparison of insights gained
from the case studies are presented, followed by a presentation of four
major strands of policy suggestions that challenge the for-profit perspec-
tive that will be criticized throughout this book. The proposed policies
relate to four sectors of cognitive capitalism: economy, technical infra-
structure, legal regulation and alternative digital platforms.
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By means of the index finger or the index and middle fingers of the
right hand the mediastinal space is explored, and the fatty masses
round the base of the heart broken through. If the pericardium is
greatly distended, the point of the sac can be felt with the tip of the
finger, or its position can be recognised, even from a little distance,
on account of the fluid contents transmitting the impulse of the
heart. The sensation conveyed to the finger is very clear.
The right index finger is then replaced by the left, and, a trocar
about 10 inches long and ¼ inch in diameter being introduced along
the index finger used as a director, the pericardial sac is reached. The
exudative fluid transmits the impulse due to the beating of the heart,
and the pulsations can be clearly distinguished when grasping the
handle of the trocar.
Third stage. Digital exploration of the course of the puncture and
fatty cushion at the base of the heart, with the object of discovering
the position of the pericardium.
Fourth stage. Puncture with a trocar about 10 to 12 inches in
length, puncture of the pericardium, irrigation and dressing.
Fig. 179.—Photograph of a patient immediately after operation. Extensive
œdema of the dewlap and neck.
The trocar is inclined in a slightly oblique direction from without

inwards and forwards towards the median plane, in order that the
point may not deviate towards the left pleural sac; the left index
finger is then withdrawn, and by a sharp thrust of the right hand the
trocar is pushed forward about 1 to 1½ inches and the pericardial sac
is entered.
The position of the canula should not be altered whilst liquid is
escaping, for if it is thrust in too far a considerable quantity of fluid
may remain in the deepest portion of the sac.
The cavity having been drained, a long strip of iodoform gauze is
introduced into the track and a protective surgical dressing applied
over the incision in order to prevent infection by the litter.
In consequence of the introduction of the fingers into the track
caused by puncture and the escape of pericardial liquid along the
canula or after removal of the canula, the operative wound is
necessarily infected; but this is of little importance, because the
opening is inclined downwards, and also because it is impossible to
hope for aseptic healing.
The dressing is renewed after forty-eight hours, and every three or
four days afterwards.
The œdematous infiltration about the front portion of the body
disappears rapidly in two to three days, and should the animal be
slaughtered the meat is quite sound in appearance.
This operation does not aim at effecting a cure, but is simply for
the purpose of allowing animals which would otherwise be valueless
to be slaughtered and sold.
Fig. 180.—Photograph of the same subject as Fig. 179, taken six days later.
CHRONIC PERICARDITIS.
Pericarditis when due to tuberculosis may assume the chronic

form. Tuberculous pericarditis, at least in a large number of cases, is
only accompanied by slight exudation, which might remain
unnoticed unless the animals were carefully examined; but it causes
the internal surface of the pericardial sac and the surface of the
myocardium to become covered with exuberant vascular growths,
which by setting up adhesions lead to partial or generalised union of
the heart and pericardial sac. Between these adhesions, which form
partitions, are found little cavities filled with sero-sanguinolent,
grumous, or caseous liquid. In time the adhesions increase in
number, pericarditis obliterates the free space, and the heart
becomes wholly adherent to the pericardium.
As in acute pericarditis, the fibrous layer undergoes thickening and
hardening processes. The superficial layers of the myocardium
undergo sclerous transformation, and the tissues forming the
adhesions themselves may assume the characters of fibrous tissue.
In one solitary case Moussu saw another form of chronic
pericarditis with complete adhesion of the heart and pericardial sac,
without any exudation and almost without any false membranes. He
was unable to determine the exact cause, but was strongly inclined to
regard the disease as having followed pericarditis à frigore or
pericarditis of a rheumatic character.
Adhesions between the heart and pericardial sac are also said to be
the inevitable though delayed result of all punctures of the
pericardium through the ensiform cartilage in cases of pericarditis
due to a foreign body.
Symptoms. If the chronic pericarditis is limited to a few partial
adhesions, it remains unnoticed; but when it is more marked it offers
certain signs of acute pericarditis, such as partial dulness of the
cardiac area, which is more extensive than usual, disappearance of
the cardiac shock, weakening of the sounds, feebleness of the pulse,
very marked venous pulse, moderate stasis, extremely rapid and
aggravated dyspnœa when the animal is forced to walk, threatened
asphyxia if exercise is prolonged, and complete asystole.
All these symptoms are due to the existence of adhesions between
the heart and pericardium, which, by destroying the interpericardial
space, interfere with diastole while preventing regular systole.
Sudden death is a frequent consequence.
The diagnosis of chronic pericarditis is very difficult. The
prognosis is extremely grave, and we do not possess any means of
dealing with the
condition.
PSEUDO-
PERICARDITIS.
Under this title we

purpose grouping a
certain number of
pathological accidents
due to different causes,
but manifesting
themselves by identical
symptoms, which
symptoms offer so
marked a resemblance
to those of pericarditis
produced by foreign
bodies as to suggest
the presence of that
disease. This refers to
Fig. 181.—Schema of a subpleural abscess accidents by which the
on the right side which produced foreign body closely
symptoms of pericarditis (pseudo- approaches, without
pericarditis). Po, Right lung, partly actually touching, the
splenised and thrust upwards; Pl, parietal pericardium, the lung
pleura separated from the wall of the lower or the pleural sacs, but
half of the chest; A, cavity of the subpleural in which it causes
abscess. purulent collections
which displace the
pericardium, indirectly compress the heart, and finally cause
symptoms of an apparently pericardial character.
Causation. During the development of pericarditis the foreign
body perforates the reticulum and diaphragm, passing along the
middle line of the body, without which it would not come in contact
with the pericardium. If the perforation, however, occurs to the right
or left of the median plane, the foreign body moves forward just as
easily, but it misses the pericardium and passes either into the lung,
where it causes fatal pneumonia; or the pleura, where either it sets
up septic pleurisy in the subpleural connective tissue or produces an
abscess.
The abscess is generally lateral, situated in the right subpleural
region, or it may develop below the pericardium. These are the two
varieties of pseudo-pericarditis seen by Moussu.
There is, however, a third variety, which might be called “parasitic
pseudo-pericarditis.” It is extremely rare, and Moussu has only seen
one case. It was due to the presence of an enormous hydatid cyst of
the right lung as large as a man’s head, which was situated towards
the mediastinal plane of the lung and pressed on the supero-
posterior surface of the heart and pericardium. In consequence of the
permanent downward pressure which it exercised it interfered
seriously with the heart’s action and caused symptoms of pseudo-
pericarditis.
Symptoms. The general and external symptoms are those of
pericarditis—viz., dulness, diminution in appetite, irregular
rumination, wasting, œdema of the dewlap, distension of the
jugulars, marked venous pulse, great anxiety and dyspnœa when the
patients are forced to move, etc.
But the cardiac symptoms differ notably, and moreover vary,
according to the nature of the lesions. Speaking generally percussion
reveals complete dulness on one or both sides, and auscultation
always indicates the absence of sounds due to extravasated fluid in
the pericardial sac.
When the abscess is situated below the pericardium, a condition
difficult to diagnose, the dulness seldom extends very high on either
side of the chest, and the sounds heard over the cardiac area, while
much weaker than usual, are audible above the normal points.
An abscess developing beneath the pleura on one side displaces
the heart in the opposite direction. The cardiac beat is weakened by
the compression, but, nevertheless, transmits an impulse to the
purulent fluid, which in its turn conveys it outwards through the
intercostal spaces in the form of movements corresponding in
rhythm with the beating of the heart, so that at first glance one might
imagine an aneurism existed at the base of the large arterial trunks.
The lower pulmonary lobe is thrust upwards, and over the area of
dulness pulmonary sounds completely disappear.
When the heart is compressed by a large hydatid cyst or other
lesion, the general and external symptoms are similar to those above
described.
Finally, one last symptom, which appears of some importance,
may be mentioned. When animals suffering from pericarditis due to
a foreign body are forced to move, the heating of the heart becomes
so tumultuous that it can no longer be counted, and even in a state of
rest it may rise to 140 or 150 beats per minute. In cases of pseudo-
pericarditis it rarely rises above 90 or 110.
Fig. 182.—Appearance of an animal suffering from pseudo-pericarditis (infra-

pericardial abscess). The dotted outline indicates the space occupied by the heart,
which is thrust upwards.
Diagnosis. The attempt to diagnose this condition accurately

must not be regarded merely as a result of scientific curiosity. Under
certain circumstances the diagnosis may be of very great importance.
While the patient affected with pericarditis due to a foreign body is
beyond all hope of recovery, certain cases of pseudo-pericarditis
appear amenable to treatment.
The diagnosis, therefore, is of great importance, and the
practitioner should spare no effort to confirm it, bearing in mind the
symptoms enumerated, and remembering that the normal sounds of
the heart never completely disappear.
An aseptic exploratory puncture with a long, fine needle will
sometimes prove of great assistance.
Prognosis. Although grave, the prognosis is less so than in true
pericarditis.
Treatment. If clearly recognised, both subpleural and
subpericardial abscesses seem curable. By freely puncturing the pus-
filled cavity through an intercostal space, the liquid may be
evacuated and recovery may occur. Healing is favoured by carefully
washing out the cavity with a non-irritant disinfectant.
The only precaution required in making such punctures is to avoid
the internal thoracic artery and vein, the intercostal artery, and the
lower cul-de-sac of the pleura.
CHAPTER III.
ENDOCARDITIS.
If the symptoms of pericardial diseases are well defined, we cannot

say the same of diseases of the heart, properly so-called. Such
affections often pass unnoticed, being detected only on post-mortem
examination. Moreover, cardiac diseases are rare. Very frequently
they are only of a secondary nature, accompanying or following
better recognised conditions, such as infectious diseases, post-
partum infections, etc.
Causation. Endocarditis, i.e., inflammation of the endocardium
and valves, is rarely primary, simple and benign. It was formerly
thought to be the result of chills or of the rheumatic diathesis. These
simple forms of endocarditis usually escape observation, though
careful examination in the first instance reveals them.
Much more frequently, however, endocarditis is secondary,
malignant, infectious and infecting. This variety occurs as a
complication of post-partum infection or of very serious general
conditions, such as peripneumonia, gangrenous coryza, aphthous
fever, tuberculosis, etc. To detect it, not only must the original
disease be accurately diagnosed, but all the changes the disease is
producing in important organs must be followed.
While it is generally admitted that all forms of endocarditis, even
of the most benign character, are originally due to infection, it is
certain that in those of the second group the organisms which have
entered the bloodstream through a lesion of the uterus, lung or other
tissue, are endowed with very great virulence. They attack some
point on the endocardium, and produce either ulcerations which
become covered with fibrous clots, or exuberant new growths of a
pathological nature, which generally are papilliform, fragile, and
prone to become detached by rupture of their pedicle and thus to be
launched into the general circulation and to form emboli. The
surface of these infected vegetations, like that of the ulcerations,
becomes covered with fibrinous clots, which are readily loosened,
form emboli in their turn, and infect distant organs.
Symptoms. The general symptoms of infectious endocarditis are
by far the most important. They consist of prostration, loss of
appetite, severe thirst, and high temperature. The local symptoms
consist principally of murmurs: soft murmurs due to insufficiency of
the auriculo-ventricular valves, heard during systole, particularly
opposite the point of the heart where the cardiac shock is most
clearly felt. This fact differentiates them from the murmurs of
chronic endocarditis, which are usually due to aortic contraction, and
are accompanied by a systolic sound heard at the base of the heart,
more in advance and at a higher point than those now under
consideration.
These murmurs or souffles furthermore vary in intensity and in
character, according to whether the endocarditis results from post-
partum infection, pyæmic disease, or some other cause.
Diagnosis. The diagnosis of endocarditis has not yet been the
object of really careful study in bovine pathology, but there is no
doubt that it can often be detected by patient examination.
Prognosis. The prognosis is very grave, and patients may die in a
few days.
Treatment comprises vigorous local stimulation over the cardiac
area, the administration of antithermic and antiseptic drugs, such as
salicylate of soda, or of digitalis, sparteine or other cardiac tonics.
Pathologists have also described, chiefly as post-mortem
curiosities of interest to pathological anatomists, various diseases
and lesions due to insufficiency or contraction of the auriculo-
ventricular, aortic, and pulmonary openings, lesions due to
infectious myocarditis, to the presence of parasites and to other
causes.
The symptoms of these various diseases or lesions in bovine
animals are still too imperfectly understood to permit of more than a
very limited description.
In the present state of our knowledge, diagnosis would always be
of an uncertain character, and for this reason we do not propose to
deal with them at present.
CHAPTER IV.
DISEASES OF BLOOD-VESSELS.
Diseases of vessels, arteries or veins, in animals of the bovine and

ovine species are frequently nothing more than localisations of grave
general disorders, and rarely admit of treatment. This is specially the
case in regard to arteries, but a study of the diseases of veins has
some practical importance.
PHLEBITIS.
Phlebitis, i.e., inflammation of a vein, is of interest only in the case

of bovine animals. In them certain conditions may occur which the
practitioner should understand, with a view either to prevention or
treatment. Inflammation of the veins may be due to external causes,
such as surgical or accidental wounds (phlebotomy wounds,
accidental wounds, local inflammations, etc.), or to internal causes of
infectious origin (general infection, puerperal infection, etc.).
ACCIDENTAL PHLEBITIS.
The jugular vein may become inflamed as a result of accidental

wounds or of phlebotomy, but the mammary vein in cows is much
more frequently affected. In both cases the disease is due to infection
of the clot which seals the vessel; it may assume the form of either
adhesive phlebitis or suppurative phlebitis. Whether produced
directly by the use of infected instruments or whether it is of a
secondary character, traceable to the clot being infected by germs
entering from without being conveyed to the wounds by the head-
stall chains, by litter, manure, etc., the result is the same. The
inflammation, at first confined to the endothelium, extends to the
wall of the vein and causes fibrin to be precipitated over the inner
wall of the inflamed vein for a distance varying with each case.
If the microorganisms do not produce suppuration, the vein
appears simply thrombosed and inflamed, the phlebitis remains of
an adhesive character, and may disappear spontaneously, provided
the animal be kept quiet. If, on the other hand, suppuration is set up,
the clot gradually breaks down, the internal surface of the vein
develops granulations and undergoes suppuration, and the phlebitis
is then said to become suppurative. The clot may even become
entirely detached, transforming the suppurative phlebitis into a very
grave form of hæmorrhagic phlebitis.
The jugular is the commonest seat of adhesive phlebitis, the
mammary vein of suppurative phlebitis.
Symptoms. The symptoms are easy to recognise. The accidental
or instrumental wound is the seat of a painful œdematous swelling.
It discharges a reddish offensive serosity, or exhibits blackish-violet
bleeding granulations surrounding a little central sinus.
The affected vein, whether the jugular or mammary, soon becomes
swollen, is sensitive to the touch and very rapidly becomes indurated
in the direction of its origin for a greater or less distance.
Phlebitis has then set in, and according as one or other
complication predominates, it is described as suppurative or
hæmorrhagic.
Diagnosis and prognosis. The diagnosis presents no difficulty.
In phlebitis of the jugular the neck is held stiffly, and the jugular
furrow is partly obliterated.
The prognosis is somewhat serious, particularly in phlebitis of the
mammary vein, for obliteration of the vein interferes with the
function of the venous plexus from which it springs, and, although
there may be a limited vicarious circulation, the secretion of milk is
indirectly and secondarily checked owing to difficulty of irrigation.
The extension of phlebitis of the jugular towards the head and the
venous sinuses of the cranial cavity, is quite exceptional.
When the mammary vein is inflamed it appears collapsed in the
direction of the heart and swollen, indurated, and painful in that of
its origin in the mammary gland.
Treatment. The first point requiring attention is so to fix the
animal as to prevent the clot from being pressed upon or crushed,
though, unfortunately, this cannot always be properly done. The
difficulty is obviated by applying vesicants, which cause swelling and
pain, and so reduce natural movement of the parts to a minimum.
At first, when the parts surrounding the operative wound are
simply swollen and phlebitis is threatened, repeated application of
tincture of iodine or a liquid vesicant is useful, and may prevent the
disease developing.
In existing cases a blister applied over and around the whole of the
hardened tract may prevent the mischief from proceeding beyond
the adhesive stage. In such case the clot becomes organised, the vein
remains obliterated, and recovery follows.
Similar treatment may also be employed in suppurative phlebitis,
but as the clot gradually breaks down in consequence of the action of
bacteria it is useful and almost indispensable to disinfect the vessel.
For this purpose the opening of the sinus must be enlarged, and, by
means of a sterilised or very clean syringe with a curved nozzle, the
parts washed out daily with warm boiled water, followed by an
antiseptic injection containing 2 per thousand of iodine, 3 per cent.
of carbolic acid, or, better still, glycerine containing 1 per thousand of
sublimate.
If in spite of this treatment the phlebitis extends towards the
origin of the jugular or mammary vein, a counter-opening may be
made at the point where the clot still remains adherent, and a strip of
iodoform gauze saturated with tincture of iodine or with blistering
ointment diluted to one-eighth with oil may be passed. Needle firing
is also of value. Finally, as a last resource, a ligature may be applied
to the vein above or beyond the clot.
This operation, which in the horse is confined to hæmorrhagic
phlebitis, is especially applicable to phlebitis of the mammary vein in
the cow. As the vein is subcutaneous, the operation may easily be
performed in the standing position; the successive stages are as
follows:—
The patient is firmly secured and its hind limbs hobbled by passing
a rope around the hocks in a figure of eight. It is steadied on one side
by an assistant who presses on the quarter.
One cubic centimètre of a 10 per cent. solution of cocaine is
subcutaneously injected on each side of the vein at the point chosen.
Ten minutes later a button-hole incision is made through the skin
and a loop of thick catgut passed around the vein by means of a
curved needle. The ligature is tied firmly with a surgical knot and the
little wound afterwards covered with a mass of cotton wool secured
by collodion.
INTERNAL INFECTIOUS PHLEBITIS (UTERO-OVARIAN

PHLEBITIS).
The internal forms of phlebitis of parasitic or infectious origin are

as yet little understood, but mention may be made of phlebitis of the
utero-ovarian veins which frequently follows parturition and post-
partum infection. This is probably in many instances the real cause
of the post-partum paraplegia without gross or apparent material
lesions.
This form of infectious phlebitis may extend to the large internal
and external iliac veins and produce embolism and septicæmia, as is
shown by recorded cases.
The mechanism of the disease is easily understood. The infective
agents penetrate the veins of the uterine mucous membrane and pass
from the lumen into the wall of the vein. Here they cause
inflammation of the vascular endothelium, followed by the deposit of
a fibrous clot of cylindrical form, which sets up partial thrombosis of
the vein. This thrombosis becomes complete by the formation of a
central clot due to venous stasis.
It is not necessary for the germs to penetrate at a number of
points. The thrombosis progresses until it gains a large trunk beyond
the original point of infection.
Symptoms. Phlebitis of the veins of the pelvis is frequently
misunderstood or overlooked, because the practitioner is apt to
confine his attention to external signs, the paresis and paraplegia of
the hind quarters.
The symptoms usually appear from five to eight days after normal
parturition or parturition in which there is retention of the after-
birth followed by metritis. The animals show fever and lose appetite,
signs which may be due to metritis, but soon after they experience
difficulty in rising, and some days later remain permanently
recumbent.
The circulation is weak, and the entire intra-pelvic region painful;
the large nervous trunks are affected, exertion becomes difficult, and
the animals refuse to rise. At this stage they should not be forced to
do so.
In two to three weeks improvement may occur and lead to
recovery but in many instances various complications in the nature
of purulent infection or septicæmia set in, or the animals are
previously slaughtered.
Diagnosis. The diagnosis can only be determined after the
symptoms develop. Confirmation might in some cases be obtained by
rectal exploration made methodically and gently.
Prognosis. The prognosis is grave.
Treatment. Treatment should be based on disinfection of the
uterus by injections of boiled water or warm iodised solutions and
drainage by means of strips of iodoform gauze. The animals should
be placed on a thick and scrupulously clean bed, and as far as
possible be spared any considerable exertion for a fortnight. By
changing their position once or twice a day complications may be
avoided.
UMBILICAL PHLEBITIS OF NEW-BORN ANIMALS.
One of the most serious conditions met with in practice is that

known as umbilical phlebitis of new-born animals. Whilst in fact it is
easy to deal with phlebitis of the jugular or mammary vein, surgical
or medical assistance becomes extremely difficult in this case,
because the inflamed vein is deeply situated in the abdomen and
passes through one of the most important internal organs, viz., the
liver. When it is added that umbilical phlebitis is in 95 per cent. of
cases of a suppurative character, the reader may form some idea of
its gravity.
Unless the condition is early diagnosed and measures are at once
taken, such complications as infectious hepatitis, purulent infection,
and septicæmia cannot be avoided. Death is then inevitable.
In order clearly to understand this phlebitis, however, it is
necessary to recall the anatomical formation of the umbilical region
in the new-born animal.
At birth the umbilical cord is represented by a cylindrical mass,
surrounded by the terminal portion of the amnion. It enters the
abdomen through a circular perforation in the abdominal wall
known as the umbilical ring. This ring may be divided into two parts,
one deeply seated, the fibro-aponeurotic ring, consisting of an
aperture in the white line; the other the superficial or cutaneous ring,
formed by the skin, which is wrinkled all round it, and constitutes a
kind of sleeve about an inch in length. This cutaneous sleeve is
continuous with the amniotic tissues. The entire umbilical cord is
therefore enveloped in an amniotic-cutaneous sheath.
Fig. 183.—Position of the abdominal viscera in a new-born animal: Ru,

rumen; E, epiploon; Rg, left kidney; Ig, small intestine; C, abomasum; U,
ureter; O, urachus; R, rectum. Umbilical cord: Vo, Umbilical vein; Aa,
allantoid arteries; Va, allantoid veins; O, the urachus.
It is composed of four principal structures—the umbilical arteries,
the umbilical vein, the urachus, and the interstitial mucous tissue.
The umbilical arteries and vein consist of two parts—the extra-
fœtal part, which co-operates in forming the cord, and the intra-fœtal
part.
The first is formed of two arteries and two veins, in contra-
distinction to the condition in solipeds, where the cord only contains
one vein. In the second, the arrangement is as follows: The two
umbilical allantoid arteries on entering the abdomen curve
backwards towards the entry of the pelvis, passing over the sides of
the bladder enveloped in the lateral ligaments, and extend upwards
towards the bifurcation of the aorta, finally pouring their contents
into the internal iliac arteries. In the adult they may still be traced as
annexes of these latter vessels. The two umbilical veins on passing
through the ring unite to form one within the abdomen. This vessel
passes forwards, rising along the lower abdominal wall, then
becomes lodged in the thickness of the inferior middle ligament of
the liver, and finally penetrates that organ where it unites with the
portal vein. It is also connected with a vessel known as “the vein of
Arantius,” which places it in communication with the posterior vena
cava, a vein not found in solipeds.
The fœtal blood is purified by exchanges between it and that
circulating in the maternal placenta, and when re-arterialised it
returns by the umbilical vein.
The urachus, found in the embryo and fœtus, eventually gives rise
to the bladder. In new-born animals this viscus is therefore open at
its base, and communicates with the allantoid cavity through the
urachus. The urachus starts from the base of the bladder, and,
extending along the median plane of the lower abdominal wall
between the two umbilical arteries as far as the umbilical opening,
takes its place in the cord alongside the vessels. Through it the
secretions of the fœtal kidneys drain into the allantoid cavity. The
interstitial mucous tissue, also called “Wharton’s jelly,” is a
gelatinous material which unites these different vessels and helps to
support and protect them in the umbilical cord. It is particularly
abundant opposite the umbilicus.
Immediately after birth the umbilical cord ruptures of itself as a
result of the fall which the young animal experiences or of
movements made by the mother, as for instance when she attempts
to rise. In certain other cases it is divided by the mother biting it, or
it may be ligatured by some person present. However the rupture
may be brought about, it always occurs at a distance of 2 to 4 inches
from the umbilicus. The immediate result is to produce thrombosis
of the umbilical vessels and obstruction of the urachus. The two
umbilical arteries rarely bleed, for hæmostasis is brought about by
stretching, and these arteries, being very elastic, almost immediately
retract and close. The umbilical veins simultaneously become
blocked, and the single intra-abdominal vein having no further
raison d’être, gradually becomes obliterated. The urachus should
normally be obliterated at the moment of delivery (Colin and Saint-
Cyr), or at any rate soon afterwards, as a consequence of rupture of
the cord (Chauveau and Zundel).
Immediately after delivery another change sets in. The extra-fœtal
portion of the cord, which remains attached to the umbilicus, dries
on contact with the air, the Wharton’s jelly retracts, the whole
undergoes a kind of necrosis, assumes the appearance of a dry scab,
and in eight or ten days falls away, leaving in its place the umbilicus,
which should be half cicatrised on the fall of the cord. Thus the
umbilical cord presents an extra-fœtal degenerated portion and a
persistent portion about ½ to 1 inch only in length, buried in the
cutaneous ring of the umbilical region.
If all the changes indicated occur normally and physiologically, the
little wound in the region of the umbilicus cicatrises in a perfectly
regular way. But unfortunately this is not always the case. At times
the cicatrix becomes contaminated by manure, urine or dust,
suppurates, and may then become the seat of various complications,
such as umbilical phlebitis, omphalitis or persistence of the canal of
the urachus.
UMBILICAL PHLEBITIS OR OMPHALO-PHLEBITIS.
History. Umbilical phlebitis, and in a more general sense all

pathological conditions of the umbilicus, in new-born animals have
been the object of numerous investigations by Lecoq, Bénard, Loiset
(1843), Bollinger (1874); and more recently by Morot (1884),
Uffredizzi (1884), Chassaing (1886), etc.
Omphalo-phlebitis may occur as a primary condition or may
appear as a complication of omphalitis and of persistence of the
urachus. It consists essentially in suppurating inflammation of the
umbilical vein, but is not infrequently accompanied by omphalitis,
arteritis, peritonitis, and cystitis.
Causation. The disease results from infection of the (normal) clot
and of the wound resulting from severance of the cord. The infection
may only cause simple phlebitis of the umbilical vein, but if the
organisms are virulent the phlebitis almost inevitably degenerates
into suppurative phlebitis.
Formerly omphalo-phlebitis was thought to be caused by the
mother licking the foal, by irregular tearing of the cord, by crushing
and separation of the obliterating clot, etc. The truth is that all these
causes favour infection of the umbilical wound, which is the primary
cause, suppurative phlebitis being secondary only.
When the cord is ruptured both the veins and arteries become
plugged, and bleeding ceases. This plugging should end in
organisation of the clot and obliteration of the vessels. If, however,
the wound is infected, microorganisms make their way between the
clot and walls, and extend along the inner surface of the vein,
infecting first the clot and then the vein, and thus setting up
suppurative phlebitis.
If suppuration does not continue, recovery may occur
spontaneously. Infection may be confined to the clot, producing
simple phlebitis, but it often extends along the umbilical vein to the
liver, causes infectious hepatitis and purulent infection or
septicæmia. Similar results may be produced by infection of the
arteries, the organisms making their way as far as the bifurcation of
the aorta, and thus gaining the general circulation. Moussu believes
that this is the commonest method by which septicæmia is produced
in calves.
Symptoms. In these cases it is usually the general symptoms
which first attract attention, the local lesion passing unnoticed for a
greater or less time.
The animal shows intense fever, due to either suppurative
phlebitis, infectious hepatitis, or, as often happens, to generalised
infection. Appetite is lost, diarrhœa is abundant, the respiration and
circulation are accelerated, and the temperature rises to 104° Fahr.,
or even 105° Fahr.
The local symptoms are those usually associated with omphalitis
or phlebitis. An examination of the umbilical ring reveals an
œdematous, hot, sensitive swelling, the lower part of which exhibits a
chronic, suppurating, fungoid, blackish wound of unhealthy
appearance.
This wound is the seat of one or more sinuses which penetrate the
vein, arteries, or urachus. If only one sinus exists, it always passes
upward and forward into the umbilical vein. The utmost precaution
should be employed in examining the parts. Should it be thought
desirable to probe the sinus in order to discover its direction, the
probe must be very cautiously introduced, and only for a short
distance, because rough handling would tear the tissues and carry
infective material to deeper seated points.
Complications. These are numerous and very grave. Long ago
Lecoq described a disease suggestive of laminitis, which beyond
doubt was only a form of purulent infection. At a later date Loiset
studied a disease following omphalitis, in which interstitial abscesses
developed in the cord. This also was simply purulent infection.
More recently complications such as pleurisy, pneumonia,
infectious endocarditis, diarrhœic enteritis, and especially
suppurative polyarthritis of young animals have been referred to
omphalo-phlebitis. All these complications result from infection. The
microorganisms themselves or the toxins they secrete appear to have
a particularly injurious action on the serous membranes, a fact which
throws light on the frequency of such complications as pleurisy,
peritonitis, endocarditis and arthritis.
Intoxication also plays a certain part, and microbic toxins are
responsible, at least at first, for the uncontrollable diarrhœa, arthritis
with sterile exudations, etc.
Diagnosis. This presents no difficulty. The alarming general
symptoms seen at the outset immediately suggest in the case of
young animals the possibility of disease in the umbilical region.

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More information about this series at

Dynamics of Virtual Work

Cover image © Jordan Lye / Getty Images

a­cknowledge Anders Jensen-Urstad, who most generously gave of his

“An outstanding analysis of how digital capital uses openness as principle of

2 Profiting from Openness: A Critique of a New Business

3 Profiting from Free and Open Source Software109

4 Profiting from Open Access Publishing149

5 Profiting from Open Audiovisual Content199

6 Profiting from Massive Open Online Courses241

6.3 Regulations 252

7 Conclusions and Policies273

1.1 Early Promises and Expectations

© The Author(s) 2020 1

communication, was the rule. It was said to be inherent in Internet

Conflict also sprang up around the extensive file sharing occurring on

1.2 Ideological Distortions Under Capitalism:

characterized by demand harmoniously meeting supply and that volatil-

The more the merrier, an openly available digital resource attracted

on openness has been characterized as a new political master category and

by spreadable media dominated by social networking and other corpo-

1.3  rofit from Openness Versus Profit

and produsers instead of “producers”

1.4  hat’s Wrong with Profit

1. Alienation from the act of production in labor processes/productive activi-

of these platforms. What used to be the outside of capital relations

Alienation evolves in Marx’s later writings into the notion of fetishism.

is very likely to be a product devised (consciously or otherwise) to capture

1.5 Chapter Outline

After having discussed “openness”, we turn to focus on the “profit

by copyright law, but also trademarks) are crucial to understanding this

positioned as middle men: they lawfully provide the courses developed by

such as “creator” and “partner” also play an important ideological role,

families. Pediatrics, Clinical Report (American Academy of Pediatrics).

The trocar is inclined in a slightly oblique direction from without

Pericarditis when due to tuberculosis may assume the chronic

Under this title we

Fig. 182.—Appearance of an animal suffering from pseudo-pericarditis (infra-

Diagnosis. The attempt to diagnose this condition accurately

If the symptoms of pericardial diseases are well defined, we cannot

Diseases of vessels, arteries or veins, in animals of the bovine and

Phlebitis, i.e., inflammation of a vein, is of interest only in the case

The jugular vein may become inflamed as a result of accidental

INTERNAL INFECTIOUS PHLEBITIS (UTERO-OVARIAN

acknowledge Anders Jensen-Urstad, who most generously gave of his

2 Profiting from Openness: A Critique of a New Business

3 Profiting from Free and Open Source Software109

4 Profiting from Open Access Publishing149

5 Profiting from Open Audiovisual Content199

6 Profiting from Massive Open Online Courses241

6.3 Regulations 252

7 Conclusions and Policies273

1.1 Early Promises and Expectations

1.2 Ideological Distortions Under Capitalism:

1.3 rofit from Openness Versus Profit

1.4 hat’s Wrong with Profit

1.5 Chapter Outline