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BUILDERS OF MODERN INDIA
ABU’L KALAM AZAD
ARSH MALSIANI
PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
MINISTRY OF INFORMATION & BROADCASTING
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
111
First Edition 1976 (Pausa 1898)
First Reprint 2010 (Saka 1931)
ISBN : 978-81-230-1605-4
© Publications Division
BMI-ENG-REP-044-2009-10
Price : Rs. 120.00
Published by The Additional Director General (In-charge), Publications Division,

Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, Soochna
Bhawan, CGO Complex, Lodhi Road, New Delhi - 110003
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Editor : Maneesh Singhal

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iv
About The Series
The object of the series is to record for the present and

future generations, the story of the struggle and achievements
of the eminent sons and daughters of India, who have been
mainly instrumental in our national renaissance and the attainment
of independence. Except in a few cases, such authoritative
biographies have not been available.
The biographies are planned as handy volumes written by

knowledgeable people and giving a brief account in simple
words, of the life and activities of the eminent leaders and of
their times. They are not intended either to be comprehensive
studies or to replace the more elaborate biographies.
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2018 with funding from
Public.Resource.org
https://archive.org/details/abulkalamazadOOarsh
Publishers’ Note
The manuscript of the book was prepared by the author in

Urdu. Care has been taken to conform to the original as far as
practicable. Yet some deviations had to be made to suit the
requirements of the English language. In rendering Urdu
couplets, our effort has been to convey their broad meaning
rather than the subtleties or the rhythm.
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Preface
It is not easy to present the life-history of Maulana Abu’l

Kalam Azad in correct perspective. Himself s prolific writer,
Azad has been written upon extensively, both in India and
abroad. Also, sometimes facts have been distorted or fiction
interwoven into facts. To chronicle the biography of this great
man objectively, from the plethora of material, was indeed a
challenging task. It was rewarding too, for I always found
something thrilling in the rich and varied life of Azad. My
endeavour in this volume has been to bring together the stray
strands and, to the best of my ability, I have tried to be
objective.
While a bibliography has been given at the end, I deem it

my duty to acknowledge my gratitude to those from whom I
have benefited most, particularly K.G. Saiyidain and Malik Ram
whose writings I have freely quoted or referred to. Other
notable references : '"India Wins Freedom ” by Maulana Azad;
"Anwar-e-Abu’l Kalam”— collection of papers edited by A.J.
Zaidi and presented at a seminar in Srinagar; “Zikr-e-Azad” by
Maulana Abdur Razzak Malihabadi; “Aasar-e-Abu 7 Kalam ” by
Kazi Abdul Ghaffar; and “Indian Muslims through the Ages ” by
Dr. Abid Husain. These books were of immense help to me and
it would be most ungracious on my part not to acknowledge
this. Maulana Azad’s own writings and publications and the
relevant literature published by the Publications Division have
been listed in the bibliography.
When Maulana Azad’s mortal remains were being carried in

a procession through the streets of Delhi, the assemblage,
which included the present writer, was a vast humanity. Young
and old, rich and poor, men and women and children had
IX
foregathered in thousands to pay homage to a universally
respeeted leader. It was remarkable that there were few eyes
whieh were not wet in the memory of one who preferred,
partieularly during the last few years, to live in comparative
seclusion, away from the hurly burly of public life. Was this
withdrawal from the public gaze, one wonders, prompted by a
premonition that he was soon going to attain eternal loneliness?
He lies buried in an elegant park near Jama Masjid, but again
one wonders whether he himself would have chosen this
locality where tombs have a way of being converted into public
shrines. For Azad, the rebel, abhorred the adoration of shrines.
The greatest deterrent to man’s mental progress, declared Azad,
were his traditional beliefs. He himself was unconventional and
firmly believed in carving out his own course, whether in
politics or in social customs and practices. Thus while he
showed us many new ways and lit many a lamp to dispel our
gloom and ignorance, it is entirely upto us to follow him
according to our own lights.
That he was a man of great learning, a peerless mixture of
the present and the past, one who had mastered the old classics
and yet was blessed with the modern scientific temper, need no
corroboration. Comparisons are odious and, in this case, we are
not even qualified to make any. Even so, the present writer
would venture to say that while Azad was proclaimed as Imam-
ul-Hind (the leader of India), it would be nearer the truth to say
that he was worthy of leading the whole of humanity.
While writing about such a great scholar some omissions
and commissions are quite likely, for which the writer craves
the readers’ pardon. As the Urdu poet Mir says:
Ka’m the ishq main bahut par Mir
Ham to farigh huey shatabi se
(There are thousands of tasks involved in this business of
love. It was I, not love, that gave up so soon).
Contents
Childhood and Early Life 1

A Journalist 11
Political Career and Ranchi 32
Congress President 51
Minister of Education 80
Writer and Scholar 91
Summing up 109
Appendices 123
1 Speech at the inauguration of Madrassa Islamia,

Calcutta, 12 December, 1920
2 Speech delivered at Khilafat Conference, Agra,

October 25, 1921
3 Qaul-e-faisal - Court statement, 1922
4 Presidential address at the fifty-third session of

the Indian National Congress, Ramgarh, March,
1940
5 On the death of his wife, 1943
6 Speech at Jama Masjid, Delhi, 1948
7 Presidential address at the Special Session of

Indian National Congress, Delhi, 1923
8 Tributes
Bibliography 195
Index 197
I.
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Childhood and Early Life
D escribing MAULANA AZAD’S childhood, his eider

sister, Fatima Begum, says
“The late Maulana Azad, may God bless him, was four
years younger to me. Both of us were bom in Mecca. When
Azad was two years old, father brought us over to Calcutta
where a large number of his devotees resided. My brother,
whose real name was Mohiuddin Ahmed, Azad being his nom-
de-plume, was educated at home, under father’s supervision.
Azad was a fair poet. Two verses that he composed at the age
of 14 are still fresh in my memory.
“My tender heart sheds tears of compassion.

Even when an enemy tells his tales of woes.
Look how my restless self soars high and low.
Ask it something of the earth
And it replies in terms of the skies.”
“As a child Azad was never fond of the games children

usually indulge in. even at the age of eight, his games were
unique. Sometimes he would line up trunks and boxes and
pronounce them to be a train. Then he would tie one of
father’s turbans round his head and taking his seat on one
of the boxes, he would ask us, his sisters, to shout and cry
‘Give way, give way, the Maulana from Delhi is on
1. Ajkal (Urdu) September, 1959, pages 14-15. Interviewer was

Dr. K.A. Faruqi. This interview was broadcast in English by Ail
India Radio, Delhi, on February 22, 1959.
2 Abu’l Kalam Azad
his way.’ When we said,‘Brother, there is no crowd here, whom

should we push aside or ask to get out of the way’, he would
remonstrate, ‘Can’t you follow this simple make-believe? Can’t
you visualize that a large crowd had come to receive me.’ Then
he would get down from the box and walk off slowly and
deliberately, like an elderly person. Sometimes he would climb a
raised platform and ask his sisters to surround him and applaud
him, imagining that he was speaking amidst thousands of
persons who were cheering and applauding his speech. I,
however, would say, ‘Brother, there is nobody here except three
or four of us. How can we imagine we are thousands? Again he
would say, ‘It’s all a game. That’s how it happens in a game.’
“Once, plague broke out in Calcutta and father dispatched

us, children to Hooghly. Azad was about 10 at that time. There
was a big garden attached to the house where we were putting
up. One day Azad brought in a basketful of custard apples.
There were so many of them that I immediately assumed he had
brought the fruit from the attached garden and without the
knowledge of the owner. ‘Brother’, I said, ‘why have you taken
these without permission? What would the owner think or say?’
At this Azad’s face turned crimson. He rushed with the basket
to the well in the house and started throwing the fruit down the
well, muttering, all the while, ‘Am I a thief! Am I a thief!’ After
he had emptied the basket, he declared, ‘How dare you think
that I had picked these fruits without permission? They were all
duly paid for?’
“On another occasion our elder sister, who had a temper

of her own, told father in our presence: ‘Father, all your
children are good for nothing. They are like rotten eggs.’ At
this Azad immediately began to chirp like a newly hatched
chick and said, ‘No, no. Sir, you know by our chirping that
we are healthy chicks, not rotten eggs.’
“Azad had a passion for studying. When he was about 17, a

thief broke into our house and finding Azad lost in his studies.
he picked up a cigarette case from the table at which Azad was

reading and also removed about Rs. 7,000 from a trunk in the
room without Azad being any the wiser. The next day when the
loss of the money and the cigarette case was discovered, we
started reviling the thief. But Azad said, ‘Please don’t abuse
him. The poor man must be in great trouble and in sore need of
money to commit crime. We should rather pity him.’
“Indeed it may be said that Azad had never a real childhood.

Even while he was seven years old, it seemed to us that his tiny
shoulders bore quite an adult mind.”
The above narrative indicates how apparent it was even in

those early days that Azad had a bright future and that the
prodigious child was bound to develop into a towering
personality.
One of Azad’s ancestors, Maulana Jamaluddin alias Sheikh

Bahlol of Delhi, was a contemporary of Akbar the Great. He
was one of the few scholars who had refused to sign the
statement acclaiming the king as the founder of a new religious
order, although Mulla Mubarak and other leading priests and
scholars of the time had readily done so. Jamaluddin’s son.
Sheikh Mohammad, was a disciple of Hazrat Mujaddid Alf Sani,
the Sheikh Ahmad of Sirhind. Saikh Mohammad emulated his
father by refusing to pay obeisance to Emperor Jahangir and
was imprisoned in the Gwalior Fort for his insubordination.
Azad’s famous book Tazkira chronicles the life of Sheikh
Jamaluddin about whom Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni wrote, in
his Munta-khabut Twarikh, that “he would have nothing to do
with worldly people.’ Azad was quite proud of his compliment
and wrote:
“This evidence was a source of great delight to me. The

idea that (by the grace of God) our family had always
distinguished itself wit the pursuit of learning and the zeal to
serve the cause of Hadith and Sunnah, that was from the very
beginning our claim to distinction consisted in that we
preferred poverty, loved to sit on bare ground and shunned

success, which made people speak reverently of us as ‘stead¬
fast in the observance of the Sunnah beyond the pale of
worldly temptations’ gladdened my heart and made my mind
drunk with happiness.”^
This clearly shows that it was ever in Azad’s family
tradition to revolt against untruth and injustice and to hold aloft
the flag of righteousness.
Some people are doubtful about Delhi being Maulana Azad’s
home town. One of them has tried hard to prove that he
belonged to Kasur in undivided Punjab. The only link Azad had
with Kasur was that his paternal grand-mother’s father
belonged to this place.
Azad’s family tree is as follows:
Maulana Abu’l Kalam Azad, son of Maulana Khairuddin, son
of Maulana Mohammad Hadi, son of Shah Mohammad Afzal,
son of Maulana Mohammad Hasan. All of these ancestors hailed
from Delhi, and Azad was perfectly justified in claiming that he
belonged to Delhi.
Maulana Munnawaruddin, father of Azad’s grand-mother
got frustrated at the conditions prevailing in the country during
1855. He decided to migrate to Hedjaz. On his way to Bombay
for boarding the ship, he passed through Bhopal. Nawab
Sikander Begam, the ruler of Bhopal, was so impressed by his
sermons that she prevailed upon him to stay on there. When the
revolt of 1857 started, Maulana Munnawaruddin again decided
to leave and, after peace was restored, he journeyed to Bombay.
There too some of his followers did not allow him to leave
immediately. He was further detained by ill health and ultimately
passed away in Bombay sometime during 1858-59.
Azad’s father, Maulana Khairuddin, who had accompanied
Maulana Munnawaruddin to Bombay, however continued his
1. Tazkira, page 302, edited by Malik Ram, published by Sahitya

Akademi, 1968.
journey to Hedjaz. He had already finished his education in India

and hence was able to derive the full benefit from the teachings
of the scholars at Mecca and Medina. In 1870-71, he married
Alia, daughter of the sister of one of his teachers. Sheikh
Mohammad Zahir Vatri. Maulana Khairuddin had five children,
two sons and three daughters, by her. The sons were AbuT
Nasr Ghulam Yaseen and AbuT Kalam Mohiuddin Ahmed and the
daughters were Zainab, Fatima and Hanifa alias Mahmuda. Both
the brothers used to compose verses, AbuT Kalam’s poetic
name was ‘Azad’ while that of AbuT Nasr was ‘Aah’. Apart
from the eldest sister, Zainab (bom in Constantinople), the other
two sisters were also poetesses, the poetic name of the
youngest sister being ‘Abroo’ and that of the other sister
‘Arzoo’. Abroo Begum was deeply attached to Azad. Her
husband was employed in Bhopal on a decent salary and they
had settled down in that city. Abroo Begum died in June 1942
while Arzoo Begum expired on April 12, 1959 at the age of 82.
Maulana Khairuddin was called ‘Hazraf by his followers

and, at quite an early age, Azad acquired the sobriquet of the
Junior ‘Hazraf.
Parents naturally exercise considerable influence in the

formation of their children’s character and personality. Azad’s
father was a learned scholar and a master of theology. His
mother, too, belonged to a family of scholars of Mecca. Their
habits and characteristics lent a lofty moral tone to their
children’s character. Maulana Azad describes an episode of his
childhood as follows:
“My father had employed a calligraphist, Hafiz Mubarak

Bukhari, for writing and binding his manuscripts. The
calligraphist, who lived with us, was not particular about
wearing clean clothes and once I did remark that he was a dirty
person. My mother softly told me, more by way of advice than
of remonstrance. ‘Darling, you should not say so. It is possible
that he might be dearer to God than you or I”.
In another context, Azad wrote about his mother.
“When I consider her moral and intellectual insights, I

realize that she was great by any standard. She had an
extremely generous and charitable nature and could never see
the poor and the stricken in their misery. Once father had taken
great pains to acquire a costly shawl for her. The day she wore
it, our neighbor, a widow called Mother of Habib, came to visit
her. That lady took a comer of the shawl in her hand and said
covetously: ‘Naturally, poor people like us can never dream of
possessing such a costly thing.’ Hearing this, mother immediately
took off the shawl and wrapped it around the widow’s
shoulder”.
According to Maulana Azad, he was bom in Mecca during

the month of Zill Hijja in 1305 AH. He has not mentioned the
date. If we correlate it to the Anno Domini, it appears he was
bom sometime between August 9 and September 6, 1888. In the
commemoration volume, published through Government
assistance, Humayun Kabir has given Azad’s date of birth as
November 11, 1888. But this is not corroborated by any other
source. In Asare Abu 7 Kalam, Qazi Abdul Ghaffar has placed
the date of birth during September 1888. His father had given
him the date-name of ‘Feroze Bakht’ and had also composed a
verse ‘Jawan Bakht, Jawan Tale Nawab Yar’ which too
indicates the year of his birth according to the Hijri calendar.
Abu’l Nasr Ghulam Yaseen ‘Aah’ was elder to Azad by two

years. When he was six years old his education was inaugurated
with customary rituals. Azad started education with his elder
brother. For some time, the three sisters also received education
along with their brothers.
Maulana Khaimddin remained in Hedjaz for about 20 years

before he paid his first return visit to India in 1887. After that
he continued travelling between India and Hedjaz till 1897,
when he finally settled down in Calcutta. He had sustained an
injury in Mecca, a thigh fracture, which could not be treated
there properly. The fracture was healed in Calcutta but it left a

defect in the leg.
Azad came to Calcutta with his parents. His education,

started at Mecca, was continued at Calcutta with the help of
local teachers. In 1902, when he was only 15 years old he had
finished the course of Nizami, a feat ordinary students could
seldom attain. Immediately after, Azad started coaching others
in this course.
A maid, named Aleema, was employed in Azad’s household

to do tailoring and stitching. Her brother, who was a poet and a
writer, persuaded Azad to compose verses. AbuT Kalam adopted
the poetic name of ‘Azad’ to ensure priority and prominence in
poetic selections which were published in alphabetical order. He
sent some of his compositions to the reputed poet Ameer
Meenai, and sought his guidance. Not satisfied with him, he
next submitted a few ghazals for the consideration of another
eminent poet, Nawab Mirza Khan ‘Dagh’. But Azad soon gave
up composing though his brother continued to do so and
became more adept in it.
Azad’s first ghazal was published in a poetic selection called

Armugham-e-Farrukh published from Bombay. We give below
some specimens of the verses composed by the two brothers:
Azad : Spring has come and everything wears a new look,

New is frenzy, new aspirations.
Why, even the spring is new!
Oh the bewitching ways of the beloved.

When she deals her killing blows.
One would like to kiss her hands.
I pine for my beloved

Grief has racked and consumed my body
To such an extent, that there is nothing left in the body;
As for my soul, it already belongs to my beloved.
Aah : (Published in Khadang-e-Nazar)
Her faithlessness waxes even more,

Stay on, oh, life in my poor body.
As long as she persists in her cruel ways.
I lost my heart to her eyes and brows,
And lost face in the eyes of the world.
This, in short, is the tale of my love.
My feet are weary.
There are still miles to go.
But the fond heart will not let me tarry or rest,
It marches ahead and beckons me on.
Obviously, this was merely formal and traditional
versification. Azad soon gave it up. But his love of poetry had
another outlet. At the age of 12 he became a publisher and
issued, in 1900, a poetic journal called Nairang-e-Aalam, which
continued for eight months.
Having finished his formal education quite early, Azad
began to feel the pangs of doubt and disbelief, particularly in
regard to religion. Intelligent persons must doubt and question.
Azad was not only intelligent but also well read in theology and
philosophy, in language and rhetorics, in Arabic, Persian and
Turkish, in astronomy and chemistry. He was devoted to poetry
and journalism and an adept in translation. He had mastered
printing and he was an innovator so far as the use of type for
Urdu journalism was concerned. When he reviewed the Tazkira-
e-Sadiqa in 1901 (i.e. at the age of 13) in verse, the publisher
reproduced the review under the heading:
“Review of the learned book Tazkira-e-Sadiqa by the
Centre of Learning and Attributes, the Master Poet, the Peerless
Literateur, Maulvi AbuT Kalam Saheb Azad of Delhi, presently
staying at Calcutta.”
Azad had become so widely known at an early age that
people meeting him for the first time were shocked at his tender
age and had to be reassured that they were meeting the real
Maulana Azad. This was mainly due to the fact that Azad had
acquired fame through his journalistic writings and had
impressed people as much by his lofty and inspiring message as
by his interpretation of Islam.
In style, his writings were like a swirling stream that swept
away superstition and left the readers awed and spellbound.
Azad was only thirteen when his father got him married to
Zuleikha Begum, the daughter of Aftabuddin Ahmad, an admirer
of Maulana Khairuddin. Aftabuddin, who had five daughters,
was a retired officer of the Survey Office. Another daughter
was married to Azad’s brother AbuT Nasr Ghulam Yaseen. Azad
was married to the youngest daughter and, according to his
sister, Fatima Begum, Azad kept crying at the time of his
marriage, “Why am I being taken to the women’s apartment?”
Zuleikha Begum had a good schooling in Urdu and Persian
and knew elementary Arabic. Their only child, a son, died at the
age of four. As the child was very handsome, he was named
‘Haseen’ or the beautiful one.
Zuleikha Begum was an accomplished lady, well-versed in
household affairs and of a most hospitable nature. She took
good care of Maulana Azad and evinced keen interest in his
books and writings. When Azad was writing Tarjumanul Quran,
she used to keep fanning him till late at night. But Azad’s
repeated imprisonment had cast a constant shadow of gloom
over her and she used to pray for his safety constantly.
Gradually she became indifferent to her dress and make up.
When Maulana Azad left home to preside over the historic
Congress session at Bombay in 1942, Zuleikha Begum, already
beset by ill health, sought vainly to repress her agony while
saying good bye to him. She died while Azad was detained in
the Ahmadnagar Fort.
Azad was a very busy man and fully absorbed in politics and
studies, his two passions. Even so, he was a tender-hearted
person and a devoted husband. In a letter included in Ghubar-e-
Khatir he describes how he was affected by the sight of a lonely
grave while detained at the Ahmadnagar Fort and reminded of

his wife’s death. Describing their last meeting, he writes:
“During the last 25 years I had undertaken quite a few

journeys and was imprisoned many a time, but I had never seen
her so sad. Perhaps it was momentary weakness that she could
not control her emotions. So I thought at that time. But when I
come to think of it now, it seems to me that she had some faint
premonition that it might be our last meeting during our life¬
time. When she bade farewell to me, it was not bcause I was
setting out on a journey but because she herself was to embark
on a long journey.”
Describing his return to Calcutta after his release, Azad

says, in India Wins Freedom:
“As the car was crossing the Howrah Bridge, my mind

moved back to the days of the past. I remembered the day
when three years ago I left for Bombay to attend the meetings
of the Working Committee and the AICC. My wife had come up
to the gate of my house to bid me farewell. I was now returning
after three years but she was in her grave and my home was
empty. I remembered the lines of Wordsworth:
“But she s in her grave and Oh

The difference to me. ”
I told my companions to turn the car, for I wished to visit

her grave before I went home. My car was full of garlands. I
took one and placed it on her grave and silently read the Fateha. ”
The scene can best be imagined. Among the hardships Azad

bore for the sake of the country perhaps this was the hardest to
bear. But fate is inexorable and events must follow the pattern
laid down by it.
A Journalist
I N THE FIELD of journalism, Maulana Azad has left an

indelible imprint. After Nairang-e-Alam, a poetic journal, Azad
founded another journal entitled Us-Sabah in January 1901. As
it commenced publication on the day of Eid, the first editorial
was on Eid. This editorial was reproduced by many papers
including, the Paisa Akhbar of Lahore. Us-Sabah survived for
about four months.
Azad published his first book Elan-e-Haq during these

days. It was a tract issued in reply to criticism leveled against
the unorthodox views of Azad’s father, Maulana Khairuddin, in
regard to the methods of reckoning the first day of the lunar
month by the visibility of the new moon. After this, Azad
became a regular contributor to the Makhzan, Lahore; Ahsan-
ul-Akhbar, Calcutta; Muraqqa-e-Aslam, Hardoi etc. Munshi
Naubat Rai Nazar was publishing a journal called Khadang-e-
Nazar from Lucknow and Azad wrote to him offering to edit
its magazine section provided Munshiji agreed to expand it.
Nazar readily agreed and Azad not only published his own
prose pieces but also his verses in this journal. When he wrote
an article on ‘X-rays’, Maulana Shibli liked it so much that he
immediately requested Azad to write one such article each
month for his journal An-Nadva.
Azad brought out yet another journal Lisanu-s-Sidq on

September 20, 1903. It was reviewed favourably by well
established papers like the Vakil, Amritsar, Paisa Akhbar, Lahore
12 Abu’I Kalam Azad
etc. Besides being literary and informative, the journal aimed at

social reform of Muslims in India. Azad was only 15 years old
at this time. It was this urge to change and improve that later
developed with the determination to fight for the country’s
freedom and to forge national unity - ideals to which Azad held
fast throughout his life.
Azad attended the session of the Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-

Islam held at Lahore from April 1 to 3, 1904. When Maulana
Waheeduddin Saleem of Panipat met the young man, more
precisely the young boy, who edited the Lisanu-s-Sidq he was
astounded and took Azad to Maulana Hali who in turn was
amazed and greeted him with great affection. In fact Hali found
it hard to believe that the author of the renowned and mature
articles was no other than this tender-age youth.
The last issue of Lisanu-s-Sidq was a joint issue for April-
May, 1905. At this juncture, Azad’s elder brother, who was very
fond of touring, decided to visit Iraq and Azad also accompanied
him along with Hafiz Abdur Rahman of Amritsar. When the
party arrived in Baghdad, Azad fell ill and had to return to India.
The famous Urdu writer, Syed Sajjad Haider ‘Yeldrim’ who was
posted at the British Consulate in Baghdad was most helpful in
arranging for Azad’s return journey.
‘Aah’, the elder brother, however, continued his journey
and went to Mosul and thence to Syria where, because of
severe cold weather, he was taken ill and his lungs were
affected. Thus he too had to return to India but, by the time he
reached Calcutta, he was in a critical condition and, despite all
possible treatment, he died in 1906. This was a great shock to
the father, Maulana Khairuddin, who too passed away in 1909.
Azad’s mother had died in 1899.
Maulana Shibli, the great literateur and social reformer,
who was posted at Hyderabad, requested Azad to take over the
editorship of his journal, the An-Nadva. Azad was reluctant to
accept the offer initially. He however took up the editorship
when Shibli left his job at Hyderabad and returned home to
A Journalist 13
Azamgarh and then shifted to Lucknow. Azad’s stay with/

Maulana Shibli at Lucknow was highly beneficial to him. He
moved among the intellectual elite whose discussions, whether
literary or theological, were most scintillating and sensitive,
and an intelligent young man like Azad must have found them
highly stimulating.
Azad stayed in Lucknow only for a few months. Then he

moved to Delhi and assumed the editorship of the Vakil,
Amritsar, in April 1906. On the death of his brother ‘Aah’, Azad
was called back by his father to Calcutta. Here, Azad joined the
editorial staff of a local weekly called Daru-s-Sultanat. The
proprietors of this journal, however, were quite conservative in
their outlook and they could never see eye to eye with Azad
over international affairs or the need of reforming the Muslims.
Azad had to leave this journal as well.
In 1904 Azad attended the second annual session of the
Muslim Press Conference, held at Lucknow along with the
session of the All India Muslim Education Conference. By this
time he had become interested in national affairs. In 1908 he
went on a foreign tour. Not many details are known of this trip
except what Azad himself wrote in India Wins Freedom:
‘Tt was during this period that I had an occasion to go out of
India and tour in Iraq, Egypt, Syria and Turkey... When I visited
Cairo in 1908, the system in Al-Azhar was so defective that it
neither trained the mind nor gave adequate knowledge of ancient
Islamic science and philosophy. . . From Egypt I went to Turkey
and France and had intended to go to London. I could not do so,
as I received news that my father was ill. I returned from Paris
and did not see London till many years later.”
After his father’s death, Azad had absolute freedom of
thought and action. This however ushered in a period of great
mental anguish for him. It seems he also fell in love. There are
certain allusions to it though no positive information is available.
Maulana Abdur Razak Malihabadi states that once, at his insistence.
Azad did dictate some details of this romantic interlude but took
those papers away from him saying that he wanted to revise
them. Leave alone revision or amendment, even those original
papers were never returned by Azad and his secret remained a
secret. In Tazkira, however, Maulana Azad uses metaphors to
describe this phase of his life:
“Stupor and oblivion cast their spell. Intoxication filled the
cups. Youth’s frenzy took me by hand. The path shown by desire
and lust was reckoned by the yielding heart to be the one that led
to the destination. Wisdom and awareness were at first taken by
surprise. Then they too nodded in assent that this was indeed the
right path and the right time to enjoy life. As the poet says:
‘Don’t be offended, O Saqi,
At my behaviour
For it is the time of my youth. ’
“Wherever I cast my eyes, I found a city populated by love
and adoration, a city full of temples and idols; each temple
seeking heads that may bow to it, each idol ravishing one’s
heart and reason, so beautiful that one felt compelled to offer it
one’s head; each sight of the loved one like a flash of lightning
consuming one’s self-respect and self-control; each glance
annihilating one’s resistance and fortitude.
‘Good-bye patience and good-by fortitude
Good-bye reason and good-bye faith. ’
“Whichever path I trod in this city, I was welcomed with
chains and snares. In whatever comer I sought refuge, it turned
into a prison house for my reason and sanity. There were too
many chains for one to count the links. Hundreds of arrows
sped at one poor heart. There were innumerable visions of
beauty for a single pair of eyes... It is better to confess openly.
As the poet says:
“Yes I proclaim loud and clear
Not for me the secret whispers. ”
A Journalist 15
“Loose ways ultimately end in licentiousness: loose faith

finally leads to heresy. There is no license and no heresy which
I was not fated to experience. Indeed it might be said that
licentiousness is a perfect example of heresy in action.”
When Azad came under the influence of Sir Syed Ahmad

Khan, it served to increase his doubts and rationalism.
Describing this phase he writes:
“After a few days of agonized thinking, I made up my mind

one night and gave up saying my prayers from the next
morning. By God, I still remember that night and shall
remember it for ever. Considering the intensity of the mental
agony packed into those few hours, the night was equal to one
year, a decade, even a life-time.”
Describing his recovery from this phase, which continued
for 17 months, Azad writes:
“All praise to the Lord, who works in mysterious ways and
extends a helping hand towards those who have been led astray.
For long had the divine grace been exerting its attraction; it was
my own dormant self that held me back. The Divine Vision had
long been shining in full splendour; it was my distorted sight
that stood in the way of perception. Heaven’s mercy was calling
me repeatedly, but its voice was not heeded by my heart in the
tumult raised by the senses. The shock of unrequested love
opened my eyes, as if into a different world....
“(And then) Every particle spoke. Every leaf was like a
letter. Flowers opened their lips. Stones rolled up to point out
something. The trodden dust rose and strewed the air with
pearls. The skies had to come down often to resolve my
queries. The earth had to be tossed up many a time to pluck the
stars from the heavens. Angels held me by the arms that I might
not falter. The sun came to light my way, that I might not
stumble. All the veils were taken off. All the curtains were torn
to shreds.”
The poem in prose continues in this vein and finally ends

on a soft gentle note:
“Oblivion is after all oblivion. Even lifelong repentance will

not atone for a single moment of lapse. Still, when one
considers now as to what transpired in the past, one tends to
think that, perhaps, like everything else in this life, it was
necessary that, perhaps, everything that happened was a pre¬
determined stage of the journey. Had one not passed through
that phase of desire and lust, many facets of truth might have
remained hidden. Many a heresy ends in faith, as many a faith
ends in heresy.”
These extracts amply bring out the agony which Azad

experienced during the year and a half of his loss of faith. When
his father died, he could have chosen the easier path of taking
over his father’s disciples and devotees under his wings and
leading a life of ease and comfort. But he was too intelligent to
be satisfied with a traditional way of life. Also, perhaps, fate
had ordained that he should distinguish himself in other fields.
During this period, his faculties had awakened, his learning had
matured and his wits had been sharpened by experience. He had
developed the capacity to discriminate between right and
wrong, and fortune had bestowed upon him infinite perception
and insight.
The Muslim League was founded in 1906 in opposition to

the National Congress. Sir Syed Ahmad had shaken up the
Muslims and had invited them to take to western education so
that they did not lag behind the Hindus. But Sir Syed also
believed in friendship for, and loyalty to, the Englishman.
Maulana Azad realized the full implication of Sir Syed’s stand.
He was aware of the need of the time and gave top priority to
the removal of foreign domination. When he blew the clarion
trumpet on June 1, 1912, by releasing the first issue of Al-Hilal,
Indians in general and Muslims in particular began to awaken
from their long and deep slumber. Al-HilaVs popularity spread like
A Journalist 17
forest fire. Within a few weeks its circulation went up to

11,000. Jawaharlal Nehru writes in his Discovery of India:
“Soaked in Islamic tradition and with many personal

contacts with prominent Muslim leaders and reformers in
Egypt, Turkey, Syria, Palestine, Iraq and Iran, he was
powerfully affected by political and cultural developments in
these countries. Because of his writings he was known in the
Islamic countries probably more than any other Indian Muslim...
Abul Kalam Azad spoke in a new language to them (Muslims) in
his weekly Al-HilaL It was not only a new language in thought
and approach, even its texture was different, for Azad’s style
was terse and virile though sometimes a little difficult because
of its Persian background. The older conservative leaders
among Muslims did not react favourably to all this and
criticized Azad’s opinions and approach. Yet not even the most
learned of them could easily meet Azad in debate and argument.
He was a strange mixture of medieval scholasticism, eighteenth
century rationalism and the modern outlook. Abul Kalam Azad
attacked this strong-hold of conservatism and anti-nationalism
not directly but by spreading ideas which undermined the
Aligarh tradition. This very youthful writer and journalist
caused a sensation in Muslim intellectual circles and, though
the elders frowned upon him, his words created a ferment in
the minds of the younger generation. {Discovery of India - III
edition pp. 325-26).
The British Government was always bent upon creating

discord among the Indians. The proposed division of Bengal in
1909 was an effort to appease the Muslims by carving out for
them a province in which they could have an overwhelming
majority. That the move did not succeed in 1909 was due to the
unanimous and determined opposition put up by progressive
forces. This opposition swelled like a river in spate and all those
who resisted it were swept away like straw. The repeal of the
proposed division of Bengal was the first big defeat suffered by
the British diplomacy in India. The British were further

unnerved by the reaction over the Balkan war and at the
Egyptian and Turkish unrest.
The movement against the division of Bengal was led by

Aurobindo Ghose. Maulana Azad met him a number of times
and was so highly impressed that he began to think in terms of
joining the revolutionaries. At that time, the revolutionary
movement was dominated by the Hindus. Azad met the famous
revolutionary Shyam Sunder Chakravarti, who introduced him
to other revolutionaries. At first these revolutionaries did not
have full faith in Maulana Azad but later they too became
Maulana’s devotees. Within two years i.e. by 1908, secret
branches of this society were set up, at the instance of Maulana
Azad, throughout northern India. When Azad left for Iraq,
Egypt, Syria, Turkey and France in 1908, he met the
revolutionaries in those countries as well, including the followers
of Mustafa Kamal Pasha. On his return he felt that he must
communicate with and win over the masses. Accordingly, Al-
Hilal, was started in 1912, when Azad’s mental faculties were
at their zenith. The thought that Muslims had been led astray
and their socalled leaders had failed to raise them from the
depths to which they had fallen was like a thorn in Azad’s flesh.
He was almost in a frenzy. And his message conveyed this
sense of urgency, this despair that there was none to hold up
the Muslims, none to explain to them the real teachings of
Islam, which lay down that one must wage a constant war
against oppression, one must give up one’s life for truth and
that one must consider slavery a curse. He wrote:
“Oh that I had the Archangel’s trumpet so that I could take
it up the high peaks of the mountains and blow a blast on it, a
blast that could roar like a thunder and shake and awaken those
who are still slumbering shamefully. From that height I could
have shouted, ‘Wake up, for you have slept too long’. Arise,
because your God wants you to arise now. What has happened
to you that you look upto this miserable world and do not heed
A Journalist 19
Him who gives you life, not death; who gives you success not
failure, who covers you with honour, not dishonor”.
It was a cry from a heart rent with pain. Azad could not
bear the sight of his co-believers lying in the sloughs of
depression. He had before him the illustrious example of
Jamaluddin Afghani who had waged a furious fight against
European imperialism through the pages of his journal Urvat-ul-
Vusqa* and had preached throughout the Middle East that
European imperialism was a mischief that must be rooted out.
These were the truths and the lessons that Azad communicated
fully and frankly. As he said:
“Remember that for every love there is a hate and for every
humiliation there must be a pride. If you like good, you have to
revile evil, and if you want to please God, you must not be
afraid of displeasing Satan.”
Azad contended that one should be ever vigilant. In the

words of the poet:
“A single moment s carelessness

And the journey was prolonged
By a hundred years. ”
Journalism bears the imprint of the editor. Abdul Halim
Sharar and Dilgudaz, Mohammad Ali and Hamdard and
Comrade, Niaz Fatehpuri and Nigar, Zafar Ali Khan and
Zamindar, Munshi Gopi Nath and Akhbar-e-A’am, Munshi
Mahboob Aalam and Paisa Akhbar and Maulana Azad and Al-
Hilal and Al-Balagh are typical examples. These journals were
so closely identified with their editors that one can but consider
the journal an expression of the editor’s character and
personality, his literary skill and his ideals.
Al-Hilal brought with it new ideas, new trends and new

teachings. It was so comprehensive that it is difficult to describe
*An Arabic journal published from Paris.

it either as literary or political or religious. As Dr. K.A. Faruqi

says:
“There is a great difference between journalism and
literature. A journalist is governed by momentary considerations,
by a sense of hurry and lack of time. Hence he can’t devote
time to his writings. It lies to Azad’s credit that he has
demolished the barriers between journalism and creative literature.
In Al-hilal and Al-balagh we find commentary on Ghalib and
Omar Khayyam as well as on the Balkan War. He has written
about the ups and downs in Rangoon, the revolution in Tripoli,
the activities of Nadva and Aligarh and the conflict between the
Congress and the Muslim League. But the revolutionary fervor
is evident every where. He reiterates the need to awaken and
strengthen faith in order to shake off the shackles of slavery
through this resurgent force. But he discusses these issues in
such a manner that they lose their momentary significance and
acquire timelessness.”
Maulana Mahmudul Hasan declared that Azad had shown

the right way. Maulana Mohammad Ali welcomed Al-Hilal,
Hakim Ajmal Khan and Hasrat Mohani became its fans. Maulana
Husain Ahmad confessed it had found a niche in his heart. Dr.
Zakir Husain averred that Al-Hilal kindled a spark in his heart
which developed into a flame that sustained him throughout his
life and inspired all his endeavours.
It was not only Azad’s literary style that made him great.
His teachings and his message were also profound. He taught
that one should rise above hunger and starvation. He gave a
clarion call to his fellow Muslims that they should join forces
with the Hindus and should not lag behind them in the struggle
to put an end to foreign domination, for Islam holds slavery as
death. He declared that if the Indian Muslims ignored their duty
and were left behind in the fight for independence, they would
never be forgiven. Muslims, he said, were not created for
despondency but for hope. It is narrated that once Ali was
asked, “What would happen if God becomes visible to you in all
A Journalist 21
His glory”. Said Ali, “My faith in God would not increase even
by the least degree.”
Naturally, if one’s faith is already perfect, it suffers no

decline nor increases a joy. Azad’s ideal of faith was of a similar
nature. He says:
“Even if all the bolts of lightning descend from heaven,

even if all the peaks of the mighty Himalayas arrange themselves
in battle array, true faith cannot be shaken, even for a moment.”
It was due to this perfect faith that Al-hilal offered

stubborn opposition to the communal politics of the Muslim
League. Al-HilaVs bold lead had its effect and a section of the
educated Muslims disassociated itself from the Muslim League.
As a result, the League had to change its policy and it came
nearer to the Congress viewpoint. In 1916, the Congress and
the Muslim League came very close to each other. Of course
along 'With Al-Hilal, Maulana Mohammad All’s journal Comrade
was also responsible to a great extent for this rapprochement.
When the First World War started, the Government began

to worry about Maulana Azad. It may be remembered that at
one time Azad had consorted with the Bengali revolutionaries
though he had been soon won over by the democratic ways of
the Congress. The Government was closely watching his every
move. In November, Al-Hilal was suppressed under the Press
Act and Maulana Azad had to close it down. In 1916, he issued
the Al-Balagh, which too had the thundering tone of Al-Hilal.
Warning the Muslims against the Anglophilia of Sir Syed Ahmed
Khan, Maulana Azad wrote:
“These people have carved out a new idol for their

adoration and they have named it ‘Sir Syed’s policy’. In
Greek mythology there used to be an idol for each type of
power. Thus the god of preservation could not meddle with
the affairs of the god of learning. Nor could Cupid interfere
in the kingdom of Venus. But these followers of Sir Syed
have evolved a multifaceted god whose powers are so

comprehensive that no facet of knowledge or action is without
his jurisdiction.”
Azad loved freedom. It was reflected in his religious views.
It was ingrained in his character. The two persons who
influenced him most were Jamaluddin Afghani and Sheikh
Mohammad Abdu. Afghani was born in 1838 at Sadabad in
Afghanistan. In 1857, he passed through India, while on his
way to Hedjaz. He returned home in 1861 and played an
important role in Afghan politics. Soon, however, he got fed up
with the internecine war of the Afghans and spent the next ten
years in Egypt and Turkey preaching freedom of thought and
urging the Muslim countries to unite against the western
imperialism. The English forced him out of Egypt in 1879. He
returned to India and visited Hyderabad Deccan and Calcutta.
Later however he landed in Paris which at that time was a
haven for political exiles. In March 1883, he issued the Urvat-ul
Vusqa an Arabic journal, from Paris. Through this journal he
exposed the backwardness of the eastern countries and the
unfair way the western countries had exploited them. His words
were caustic, his style aggressive.
It was this message and style that inspired and reinforced
Azad’s love of freedom.
Qachar, the king of Iran, invited Afghani to visit his
country. This was followed by an invitation from Sultan Abdul
Hameed of Turkey. But he could not get on smoothly with kings
and potentates and was put under detention in Istanbul where he
died on March 9, 1898 while still under detention. Azad was
nine years old at that time.
When Afghani was in Calcutta, he must have created quite a
stir in the Islamic circles and Azad must have heard quite a lot
about them. It is therefore quite probable that Afghani made a
lasting impression on young Azad’s mind. In this context it is not
surprising that the very first issue of Al-Hilal carried photographs
of Jamaluddin Afghani and Mohammad Abdu. Al-HilaVs
A Journalist 23
style too was influenced by Urvat-ul-Vusqa. It had the same

force and fire, the same biting tone.
The first issue of Al-Hilal was dated July 13, 1912 and the
last one, November 18, 1914. It was reissued under the name
of Al-Balagh on November 12, 1915 and closed down on April
3, 1916. Eleven years later, Al-Hilal was reissued under its own
name in June 1927, but it survived only till December 1927.
This was but a shadow of the previous Al-Hilal and Azad had
by this time become too deeply involved in politics and had little
time to act as the moving spirit behind the paper.
Al-Hilals editorial board included Khwaja Abdul Wahid
Kanpuri, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, Maulana Abdullah Emadi,
Maulana Abdus Salam Nadvi and Maulana Hamid Ali Siddiqui.
Azad tried his utmost to prolong the life of Al-Balagh but
circumstances were against him. The Government of Bengal
extemed him from Bengal so he went to Ranchi. In a letter to
Syed Sulaiman Nadvi he wrote:
“For the present, I am in Ranchi. If you can’t do anything
else, at least send me an article every fortnight to fill in eight
columns of Al-Balagh. Please ask Maulvi Abdus Salam to do
the same every fortnight. These two articles will suffice for
two formats. I shall write up for the remaining three formats.
Please convey to Abdus Salam that he may either accept a
remuneration or give his articles gratis. I am agreeable to either
alternative. Please help me in this manner for the first few
issues. You know already the topics covered in Al-Balagh -
essays, interviews, articles on the Prophet’s way of life, learned
discussions, criticism, history etc. You also know the objectives
of Al-Balagh. I shall continue to write the commentary on the
Holy Quran”.
But despite these desperate measures Al-Balagh could not

survive long.
When Al-Hilal was reissued in 1927, its editorial board
included Ghulam Ahmad Jamai, Chiragh Hasan Hasrat and Maulana
Abdur Razzak Malihabadi. As mentioned earlier, Maulana Azad

had already become too deeply involved in politics. Recapitulating
the events of his life during 1915 and 1921. Maulana Azad
wrote in an article entitled Hikayaat-e-Burq-o-Khirman (The
story of the Lightening and the Hay):
“A life of learning is so different from a life of politics that
the two can never meet. Among the difficulties I faced in life,
the very first one was that I tried to continue my pursuit of
learning and my interest in politics at the same place and time.”
Elsewhere, Azad wrote:
“At the age of 24, when other people commence the
intoxicating journey of pleasurable youth, I had finished my
wanderings in the wilderness and was picking out the thorns
from my blistered feet. Thus even in this respect I was contrary
to the usual run of things. At that stage of life when people gird
up their loins for action, I was putting off my belt.”
Al-Hilal heralded a new era in Urdu literature. It was
supplemented by Zafar Ali Khan’s Zamindar and Maulana
Mohammad Ali’s Hamdard and these three journals shone like
brilliant stars on the horizon of Urdu journalism. Al-Hilal urged
the Muslims to reform themselves. The far-sighted editor
explained to them patiently and repeatedly that if they did not
change their existing ways of life they would be completely
wiped out. Azad raised the slogan of truth and justice and he
succeeded in turning the tide of Indian politics towards the
goal of freedom and independence. He blew the trumpets of
war and impressed upon his readers that it was better to die
than to grovel under the heels of imperialism. He proclaimed as
if with beat of drums, that each religion taught truth and
justice and Islam did not teach one to bear ill-will for any
religion. On the other hand, Islam taught that slavery is a curse
which should be wiped out through the combined efforts of
all, that it would end only when every Indian proclaims himself
to be an Indian.
A Journalist 25
During the first phase of Al-Hilal publication when Azad

was trying to rouse the Muslims, some of his writings could
only be read as it flowed from his pen:
“Whatever has to happen will happen and no inauspicious

group of persons can stop it. It is certain that a day will come
when a political revolution would have taken place in India and
the bonds of slavery which the country had put on of its own
accord would have been slashed by the winds of freedom
sweeping through the twentieth century. At that time, after this
would have happened, suppose a history of India were to be
written. Do you realize what would be written about a group
of 70 million persons? It would be inscribed that there was an
unfortunate and ill-fated community which always served as
an obstacle in the way of the country’s progress, a blight for
the country’s cause, a stumbling block in the way to freedom,
a plaything in the hands of the covetous rulers, a pack of
cards for the pleasure of the foreigners, a grievous scar on the
brow of India and a piece of stone in the hands of the
Government with which it tried to crush the aspirations of the
country. It will be written that there was a herd of pitiable
bewitched humans that had been turned into animals by some
old high-priest, animals that were led by the nose by their
masters who made them dance to their tunes, animals who
betrayed all human will, or mind or motion, in short, not the
slightest evidence of having any human qualities, for they
could neither think with their own minds nor speak with their
own voice. If you fondly hope that there will be glorious
chapter about yourself in the history of the country, would
you permit me to read it out to you. No doubt there will be a
chapter which will say that India did forge ahead towards the
goal of freedom and progress and the Hindus did pay with
their lives for it. But when the bugle was blown on the battle¬
field the Muslims went and hid themselves in the caves. When
the Hindus called them, the Muslims sealed their lips. When
the country was smarting under unjust laws, it was the Hindus
who carried on a crusade and the brave Muslims not only

refrained from jumping into fray but shrieked like demented
persons that those who had joined the struggle were rebels.
“The future historian will write that ultimately whatever had
to be, did happen. No nation could remain a slave during the
twentieth century and none did remain so. But the world will
remember that whatever happened rebounded to the credit of
any community but the Muslim.”
The above extract proves how the prophetic vision of Azad
could foresee the coming events of history with great
perspicacity. The spirit of Afghani seemed to dance through his
words. His style was like the Archangel’s trumpet. His heart
was full of molten lava. No wonder the Government could not
let this inspired journalist enjoy freedom of action.
On March 22, 1916 using its powers under clause 3 of the
Defence of India Act, the Government of Bengal asked Maulana
Azad to leave the territory of Bengal within a week. On March
30, Azad left Calcutta for Ranchi. A large crowd of friends and
relatives wanted to accompany him but he preferred to go it
alone. The underlying idea, Maulana Azad explained, was to get
used to isolation and self-dependence, so that it could come in
handy in later life.
At Ranchi, he settled near a village called Morhabadi. The
area was populated by the tribals called Kol, Oraon and Munda
who were barely literate or civilized as judged by modem
standards. They had naturally no idea of Maulana Azad’s
learning or scholarship. As he quotes:
“What a place have I selected to live,
after being rendered homeless
Apart from the tribals, a few Bengalis had built bungalows in

the village where they came to live during summer. One of these
bungallows, located on a small hillock, belonged to Rabindra Nath
Tagore. Commenting on his isolation, Azad wrote:
A Journalist 27
“Almighty God works in mysterious ways. For long had I

yearned for peace of heart and freedom of thought and action
but the pressure of work and the entanglements of relationships
never permitted this to happen so far. I have it now. The world
thinks I have been exiled and interned but I am happy to obtain
at length the treasure of solitude and isolation.”
Although during the month of Ramazan, Azad was deprived
of the bliss of the congregational prayers, and the pleasure of
listening to the night-long recitations of the holy Quran,
nevertheless he enjoyed the company of his own thoughts,
which proved to be so pleasant that he grew indifferent to the
pleasure of company. He devoted himself to writing from dawn
to dusk, with no sound to disturb him, so sight to distract him.
Meanwhile his friends and sympathizers were busy trying
to get the externment order revoked. A memorial was issued
under 60,000 signatures and even Lord Michael confessed
during an interview that the misunderstandings had been
removed and gave the assurance that Maulana Azad would be
released soon. But this was no more than a temporary palliative
and Azad continued to enjoy the opportunity of making valuable
contributions to literature, history and theology.
The place where Azad stayed was at some distance from
the town of Ranchi. One Friday during the month of Ramazan,
Azad went to the town for the congregational prayers. There
was not much of a crowd, only a few rows of the faithful, who
pressed Maulana Azad to lead the prayers and preach the
sermon. As he describes it:
‘I was forced to deliver the sermon. These persons had
never heard a real Friday sermon. They thought a sermon meant
only recitation of some Arabic prayers. Ranchi has a large
population of Muslims who being located in this obscure comer
of the country, are living in abject poverty and misery. Since the
Friday prayers, I am conscious of a call to serve the
community. If I had to stay here long, I think I would start my
work among them. The world has seen what manner of work I
could do while I was free and unfettered. Let it see what I can
accomplish during the detention and imprisonment, for the real
challenge and the real test is here and now. As the poet says:
“Now will be known whose love is true

And whose false,
Because now you have decided
To test us all. ”
It was at Ranchi that Maulana Azad heard about the arrest
of Maulvi Mohiuddin Kasuri. The news saddened him because
he was convinced that Mohiuddin had committed no crime
except that he was acquainted with Azad. Indeed, during those
days, to be Azad’s friend inevitably attracted official wrath.
Azad has quoted a Persian couplet to describe this condition:
“O my companions, avoid my fire.

Those who become my fellow travelers
are their own enemies. ”
One of Azad’s friends, Fazluddin Ahmad, who used to visit
him at Ranchi deserves general gratitude for persuading
Maulana Azad to write the Tazkira, a priceless book. Not only
did he make Azad write but with forethought he used to collect
and keep in his custody the chapters of the book as soon as
they were written. Later, Maulana Azad tried to get the
manuscript back promising to revise and return it as soon as he
had time. But Fazluddin Ahmad was not only Azad’s friend, he
was also the publisher and manager of Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh
and thus had an intimate knowledge of how Maulana Azad’s
mind worked. So he kept quiet and never returned the
manuscript, thus making its publication possible.
The way Maulana Azad wrote his commentary on the Quran

is an epic by itself. As soon as he got some time, he devoted
himself to this task. Meanwhile there was widespread oppression
in this country. Indian soldiers were being ordered to bombard
the sacred place of Muslims in Iraq and Arabia. Muslim
A Journalist 29
leaders were being imprisoned in India. While Maulan Azad was

interned at Ranchi under the Central Government’s order
Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and Maulana Mohammad Ali were
interned at Karamabad and Chhindwara respectively. As for the
impression this detention made on these leaders, it can best be
conveyed in the words of the poet:
“What O Saki did thou do to alleviate
my intoxication,
I feel even more drunk. ”
The dedication of Tarjuman-ul-Quran dated December 12,
1931 contains an interesting episode. Writes Azad:
“It was perhaps December 1918. I was interned at Ranchi.
Once, while returning from the mosque after my evening
prayers, I felt as if somebody was following me and turned
round to discover a person cloaked in a blanket:
‘Do you have any business with me,’ I asked.
‘Yes sir, I came from afar.’
‘Where is your home?’
‘Across the border.’
‘When did you reach here?’
‘This evening. I am a very poor man. I walked all the way
from Kandhar to Quetta. There I met some merchants of my
own country who employed me as their servant and I was able to
reach Agra with them. From Agra again I have come on foot.’
‘I am indeed sorry to hear this. But why did you take all
this trouble?’
‘Because some passages in the Quran are beyond my
comprehension and I wanted to learn them from you. I have
read each word of Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh. ’
“This gentleman stayed with me for a few days and then
suddenly disappeared. He left without taking my leave
because he feared that I might press him to accept the expenses
for his return journey and he did not want me to take up this
burden. I am sure he must have traversed the major part of
his return journey on foot. I do not recollect his name. I do not

know if he is alive or dead. But, if my memory had not failed
me, I would have dedicated this book to him.”
Maulana Azad had completed the translation of eight

chapters of the Quran before he was extemed from Calcutta.
The police searched his house and took away all his books and
papers. Fifteen days later the papers were returned to him. But
the Central Government did not agree with the decision of the
Provincial Government. A special officer, one Sir Charles
Cleveland, was deputed to investigate. He first did his
investigation at Calcutta and then went down to Ranchi where
another search was undertaken and the translation and the
commentary on the Quran were confiscated. When these papers
were taken away the second time, Maulana Azad felt depressed
but he did not lose heart and recommenced his translation from
the ninth chapter of the Quran. He pleaded with the Government
repeatedly that the translation and commentary of the first eight
chapters should be restored to him, but the stock reply was that
the papers could not be returned for the present, nor could it be
foreseen as to when they could be returned. When apparently
there was no hope of their restoration and Maulana Azad began
to sense that the future would in any case be full of struggle
and conflict, leaving little time for this work, he started the
translation and the commentary anew from the very first
chapter. Maulana Azad’s heartache can be guessed by the author
whose manuscript is lost, or by the poet whose works are
stolen or by the painter whose painting is destroyed. And he
deserves our highest admiration for the courage and fortitude
with which he resolved to recreate his work despite his solitude
and lack of amenities. He has confessed that it went against the
grain to rewrite something one has already written. Even so
Azad did manage to complete the job.
To continue the story of Tarjuman-ul-Quran, while at

Ranchi, Azad had decided to get the manuscript printed in Urdu
type. After his release, however, he thought that it would be more
A Journalist 31
suitable to have the book calligraphed. While this was being

done Azad became involved in the Non-cooperation Movement.
In 1921, when he was arrested again, his house was searched
for the third time. The ignorant functionaries collected all the
papers haphazardly and took them away. Having served his term
of imprisonment, Azad did receive the papers back after
protracted correspondence. But these papers were completely
disarranged and many portions were missing. This hurt Azad’s
feelings deeply. For long whenever he tried to finish this job, he
used to grow exasperated and dejected and felt unable to
proceed further. At last in 1926, it seemed as if all the blocks
were removed from his mind and his heart and he once again
concentrated on this work. It was however not the same thing
as at Ranchi when he had all the time to himself for by then the
national politics had claimed him. Consequently, it was only in
1930 that he was able to finish this work. The achievement
rivals that of Carlyle who also rewrote from memory the whole
of his book The French Revolution after having lost the original
manuscript.
Political Career and Ranchi
T he internment order of Maulana Azad was

withdrawn in January 1920. He went back direct from
Ranchi to Calcutta. While he was in detention, the Rowlatt
Act had been passed, the Jallianwalla Bagh massacre had
been perpetrated in Amritsar by General O’Dwyer and his
troops, and most of the national leaders had been arrested. At
the end of his detention, Azad had intended to resume his
literary activities. However, man proposes and God disposes.
Maulana Azad had to plunge into active politics and it was
not in his nature to hold back. In 1921, he issued the weekly
Paigham from Calcutta and explained his feelings in the
following words:
“Towards the end of 1918, when the world of my dreams

had already been destroyed and the turbulent events had swept
off the remains of my world, I was sitting in a secluded
comer in Ranchi and dreaming about building up a new world
of hope. While others had heard only the sound of a door
being closed. I could hear the sound of a new door being
opened. As the poet says:
The difference between you and me is only this,

The noise you hear of a door being closed
I hear as the door being opened.
“It was the first week of the month of Ramazan in 1912

when during those refulgent nights, I traced new lines on the
chart of my aspirations, having tom into pieces the previous
charts :
Look at my courage that hundreds of pages of

my hopes
I have torn into hundreds of pieces
And then washed them clear
Through my tears.
“When I was released in January 1920 from the secluded
comer in which I had been interned, I had before me the
programme I had evolved two years earlier. Hence I did not
have to wait upon the course of events, nor was there any
need of further deliberation. I had only to put it into action.
One of the programmes that I wanted to carry out was to
return to some secluded place with a group of companions and
disciples and start teaching and writing. Apart from this, the
party activities that I had in view also did not involve mobility.
Rather they required permanent stay in one place. Accordingly,
on my release, I went straight to Calcutta and although I was
being invited to attend innumerable meetings throughout the
country to felicitate those who had been released from
imprisonment, I begged to be excused because my nature and
my purpose in life did not allow me to make my person an
object of peoples’ demand and favour. And yet (as the Arabic
saying goes) I realized the existence of God when, time and
again, what I proposed came to naught. Hence I had to plunge
into the flood. Praise be to the Lord, however, that this flood
was not the course of events opposed to my way of life, that
would have crippled my intentions and demolished my
structures. On the contrary, it was a torrent in consonance
with my will and intent, a torrent in which I could hear the
voice of the Heavens, calling man to accept God’s will instead
of his own. Till January 1920, I tried my best to participate in
the movement in such a manner that I might adhere to the
decided line of action and keep away from activities involving
tours and movements. But the criticality of affairs, the
undeniable calls made by the cause and the dearth of suitable
persons forced me to change my ways. . .”
Accordingly, from January 1920 onwards, for the next 18

months, Maulana Azad was eontinuously oceupied with touring
the country and with the affairs of the struggle for independence.
All other engagements were postponed and from that point of
time his whole life was spent in resolving national and political
problems. Organizational matters of the Congress, drafting of
new programmes, addresses and seminars, discussions with
Mahatma Gandhi and other leaders, occasional imprisonment,
together claimed a large chunk of his time. He was adept in
providing solutions to intricate problems. This brought him
nearer to Gandhiji.
Maulana Azad always regretted that there was no institutional

arrangement for imparting instruction and training to the
Congress volunteers which he considered essential for establishing
and eonsolidating a movement. He Wrote:
“In fact, if Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh were needed when it

was time to sow the seeds, they were needed even more now
for watering and nurturing the seeds.”
It was this consideration which prompted him to issue the

weekly Paigham. But this, too, soon folded up. As Azad could
not devote much time to it, this lifeless paper could not drag on.
The first issue was released on September 23, 1921 and the last
one on December 16, 1921.
During the First World War, the Indians spared neither

money nor blood for their English rulers. Thousands of lives
were lost. But they were rewarded in the shape of the notorious
Rowlatt Act. When they protested they were subjected to brutal
treatment. Hundreds of innoeent persons were massacred in
Amritsar. The sacred places of the Muslims were deseerated.
The Indian Muslims also felt hurt at the perfidy and vindictiveness
of the English and their allies in deciding to abolish the Caliphate
in Turkey. A delegation of the Indian Muslims met the Viceroy in
this connection. Another delegation went to England but both
were given cold reception and nothing could be done.
Along with Maulana Mohammad Ali and other Muslim

leaders, Maulana Azad joined the fray, with his brilliant oratory,
mature views and a personality that could rock society to the core
and enflame peoples’ minds. Although the youngest among these
leaders, they acknowledged his sagacity and grasp of events.
When Gandhiji launched his Non-cooperation Movement,
Azad became his right hand man. The Muslims soon realized
that Azad was showing them the straight path, i.e., that they
should join the Congress even to solve the Khilafat problem,
they too flocked to the Congress in large numbers and thus the
Khilafat Movement merged with the Congress Movement.
After his release from Ranchi, Azad met Gandhiji on January
18, 1920 at a meeting of Hindu and Muslim leaders held to
consider the feasibility of sending a delegation to the Viceroy to
express the concern of the people at the injustice meted out to
Turkey. Maulana Azad signed the petition along with others,
reluctantly, for he knew it would serve no useful purpose. He was
also persuaded by Maulana Mohammad Ali and others to join the
delegation but the result was as foreseen by Azad, thereby
confirming his political insight and enhancing his reputation.
It was later decided that another delegation should be sent
to England to represent the case before the British Government.
Maulana Azad was more concerned with the issue whether a
delegation was sufficient or some other means should also be
adopted. Despite a six-hour discussion held at the residence of
Hakim Ajmal Khan in Delhi, no decision could be arrived at.
Then Mahatma Gandhi suggested that a sub-committee
comprising Maulana Azad and Hakim Ajmal Khan could discuss
this issue further with him. This was agreed to and they met at
the residence of Principal Rudra of St. Stephen’s College, Delhi,
whereupon Mahatma Gandhi explained in detail his concept of
the Non-cooperation Movement. Maulana Azad found it just the
thing he was searching for and Hakim Ajmal Khan also readily
agreed to it.
The Khilafat Conference was at that time holding its

session at Meerut. Maulana Azad and Mahatma Gandhi
attended the session and the Non-cooperation Movement was
made known to the people for the first time from the platform
of this conference. Later, in another session of the Khilafat
Conference held at Calcutta under his presidentship, Maulana
Azad urged the Muslims to adopt the Non-cooperation
Movement.
The National Congress held a special session at Calcutta

and its annual session at Nagpur. The Calcutta session was held
under the presidentship of Lala Lajpat Rai and, as the ground
had already been prepared, the resolution of Non-cooperation
Movement was adopted by an overwhelming majority. This
was confirmed again at the Nagpur session.
Subsequent events were indeed stirring. The whole country

was in ferment. Meetings were held. Processions were taken
out. Gandhiji and Azad, the Ali Brothers, Deshbandhu C.R. Das,
Pandit Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru relentlessly toured
the provinces and addressed lakhs of people. The country was
roused to such an extent that before August 1, 1921, ten
million rupees had been subscribed to the Swaraj Fund which,
by the standards at that time, was a very large amount. Boys
and girls left their schools and colleges to join the Non¬
cooperation Movement. Many lawyers gave up their practices
to serve the cause. Among them were Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal
Nehru, Deshbandhu C.R. Das, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Dr.
Rajendra Prasad and Rajaji who used to earn thousands of
rupees per year. Innumerable women came out to join the
processions. They also filled the begging bowl of Mahatma
Gandhi with their ornaments and jewellery.
During those days Maulana Azad spent most of his time

in the company of Mahatma Gandhi and this cemented the
mutual affection and rapport between them. Gandhiji was a
good judge of men. He instantly recognized Azad’s intellect
/
and insight, his regard for truth and far-sightedness. The cordial
relations between the two continued throughout their lives. The
Congress session of December 1920 held at Nagpur has already
been mentioned earlier. Deshbandhu C.R. Das and Lala Lajpat
Rai who, to begin with, were not in favour of Non-cooperation,
became converts to the Movement during the session. Mohammad
Ali Jinnah, however, left the Congress when the Congress took
to Non-cooperation.
At this time Maulana Azad’s popularity was at its zenith. A

gathering of about 1,000 Muslim maulvis and scholars met in
Lahore and decided that Azad should henceforth be named as
Tmam-ul-Hind’ (The Leader of India). Even the orthodox priests
of Deoband and Delhi pressed Maulana Azad to accept the
honorific. But Azad was quite modest. He pleaded that he was
not worthy of the great honour. Meanwhile he was arrested. In
1923, on his release, he had to face the same problem as the
offer was repeated. Then he wrote to the Jamiatual Ulema (the
organ of the Muslim priests) with sweet reasonable words that to
make such an offer to any scholar or religious leader, however
great he might be, was not free from risks. The incident
illustrates Maulana Azad’s humility and insight.
Towards the end of 1921, the government started

arresting Indian leaders indiscriminately. Maulana Mohammad
Ali was arrested first while he was touring with Mahatma
Gandhi. There was a wave of protests throughout the country.
The Khilafat Conference had earlier passed a resolution under
the signature of national leaders including Maulana Mohammad
Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, Dr.
Kitchlew, Pir Ghulam Mujaddid and Jagatguru Shankaracharya
declaring that service in the English army and police was
irreligious. A manifesto was now published in support of this
resolution under the signatures of Mahatma Gandhi and
Maulana Azad. The unrest spread like wild fire. Meetings
were held at every nook and corner of the country. The
government declared ‘Congress Volunteers’ an illegal body

which provoked people, who flocked together to court arrest.
Azad was arrested in Calcutta on December 10, 1921. On the
eve of his arrest, he left a message for Mahatma Gandhi.
In another message to the people of India, particularly the

Muslims, Maulana Azad said:
“The faithful should neither worry nor grieve. They should
rest assured that if they have true faith they will be victorious
over all. Our victory depends on four truths. These are: perfect
unity among Muslims and Hindus, peace, discipline and
sustained sacrifice, and I invite the whole country to adopt
them. I shall specially plead with my Muslim brethren to
remember that it is a privilege to be a Muslim. Hence they
should set an example to others in this hour of test and
tribulation. If for any reason they happen to lag behind others,
they would leave a permanent stigma of shame and dishonor on
the fair name of the 400 million Muslims of the world.”
The way he was arrested would bear description. On
December 10, at about 4.30 p.m., Mr. Goldie, Deputy
Commissioner, Special Branch arrived at his residence accompanied
by an European Inspector of Police. Maulana Azad was in his
study on the first floor dictating to Mr. Fazluddin Ahmad replies
to letters. He invited the Deputy Commissioner to come over to
the study and looked askance at him. The Deputy Commissioner
said, “Will you please come along with us”, Mr. Ahmad
enquired: “Do you have a warrant?” The Deputy Commissioner
answered in the negative but Maulana Azad was quite willing to
accompany him. He got ready within five minutes. The
Inspector said there was no hurry and that he could take the
things he would need. But Azad took nothing except a warm
shawl. All this happened so quietly that nobody knew of this
arrest. It was thus in contrast to the previous arrest when a great
show of strength was made by the police before his interment in
Ranchi. At first Maulana Azad was taken to the police
Commissioner’s office. About 20 minutes later Deshbandhu

C.R. Das was also brought in. then both of them were taken to
the Presidency Jail in Alipore and locked in separate rooms in
the European ward. Maulana Azad stated that he felt as if a
great load had been taken off his shoulders and he slept soundly
for the first time in two years. The government was making
such arrests throughout the country as a precautionary measure
because of the impending visit of the Prince of Wales. The
government was keen to put up a show of imperial strength and
majesty on that occasion with the help of the Rajas, the Nawabs
and the loyal capitalists. The Congress had already decided to
boycott the visit and had started recruiting volunteers. The
government had declared the Volunteers an unlawful body. Still
the movement spread throughout the country and the government
retaliated with arrests. In Calcutta, the names of Azad and C.R.
Das topped the list. C.R. Das had prepared an inspiring message,
in anticipation of his arrest. He declared:
“I am already feeling the fetters on my hand and the weight
of the iron chains over my body. The whole country is like a big
jail. The Congress programme will continue uninterrupted
whether I am inside the jail or outside. It does not matter
whether I live or die, it will not affect our struggle.”
The message thrilled the country. Wherever the Prince of
Wales went, he encountered complete boycott. Except for a
handful of the everlastingly loyal and faithful persons, no one
greeted him. Calcutta was indignant at the arrest of Maulana
Azad and C.R. Das. People wanted to give vent to their passion
but they obeyed Maulana’s directive to maintain peace.
The case was conducted at a leisurely pace. At last Maulana
Azad was sentenced to 12 months’ imprisonment. C.R. Das was
sentenced 6 months. Like a true satyagrahi, Maulana Azad
did not take part in the proceedings of the case but he
submitted a written statement entitled Qaul-e-faisal, viz, ‘The
Final Verdict’, which is of historic significance. Commenting
on it in his Young India, Mahatma Gandhi described it as the

most forceful, the most truthful and the most courageous
statement offered by a satyagrahi (please see extracts in the
appendix). Concluding the statement, Maulana Azad declared:
“Mr. Magistrate, I shall take no more time of the court. It
is an interesting, in fact, amazing chapter of history which we
both are writing today. To my lot has fallen the accused’s
dock, to your lot the magistrate’s chair. I concede that for this
job your chair is essential as my dock. Come, let us quickly
finish this job which will become a memorable legend. The
historian is attending us and the future has been long waiting
us. Please hurry up with your judgment so that I may revisit
this place again and again. Let this process continue for some
time till the doors of another court are flung open. That would
be the court of the Divine Law. Time would be the judge
between us and the judgment written by it would be final and
irrevocable.”
On the eve of the judgment day, on February 9, 1922
Maulana Azad sent a message to people of Calcutta asking
them to desist from hartal or demonstrations. Accordingly, on
his conviction people had to contain their grief and resentment.
On hearing the sentence, Maulana Azad told the magistrate
with a smile, “The sentence is too light, much below my
expectations.” With this fearless and outspoken statement,
Maulana Azad went to jail so casually as if he was going to
visit the Congress office.
When the sentence was announced. Begum Azad sent a
telegram to Mahatma Gandhi at his Ahmedabad and Bardoli
addresses. But the Central Telegraph Office at Calcutta did not
transmit the message. The text of the wire was:
“The court announced its decision today in the case of my
husband, Maulana Azad. He has received a sentence of only one
year’s imprisonment. This is noticeably less then what we were
prepared for. If sentence and imprisonment are a reward for
serving the nation, you will agree that injustice has been done to
him in this respect, for the sentence is even less than the least
that he deserved. I would like to inform you that for the
vacancy that has been caused through his absence in Bengal, I
have offered my unworthy services. All the tasks that he used
to do will be performed in the same manner as they were done
during his presence. This is a heavy responsibility for me. But
I have full faith in God that He would enable me to perform it.
His place however was not in Bengal alone. He belonged to the
whole country. But of course it is beyond me to fill that
vacuum created by his absence at the national level. I have
tested myself during the four years he was interned and I am
confident that I shall pass even the second test, despite the
fact that during the last five years my health has been
deteriorating and I am no longer capable of mental strain. That
is why despite my great desire to serve the country, Maulana
Azad had always deterred me from undertaking any strenuous
task. But I had resolved that after my husband’s imprisonment
I will devote my worthless person to the performance of his
duty. From today I shall perform all the tasks of the Bengal
Provincial Khilafat Committee, with the assistance of my
brother who has asked me to convey to you his loving and
respectful greetings, along with the message that at present
none of the parties, i.e. neither the government nor the
country is in a position to take a decision or make a
compromise. Hence the only task before us is to prepare
ourselves for any eventuality. Bengal will continue to lead the
way in the future, as she is doing at present.”
When the Non-cooperation Movement was at its height and
Lala Lajpat Rai, Pandit Motilal Nehru, C.R. Das and Maulana
Azad were in jail, the annual session of the Congress was
held at Ahmedabad under the presidentship of Hakim Ajmal
Khan. The hope held out by Mahatma Gandhi during the
previous session at Nagpur that the country would achieve
independence through non-cooperation within a year had not
materialised and about 25,000 satyagrahis had been jailed. Even

so, the Ahmedabad session reiterated its full faith in Mahatma
Gandhi’s non-violent non-cooperation. Thereafter Mahatma Gandhi
informed the government about his intention to start civil
disobedience at Bardoli. He even wrote to the Viceroy about this
but the Viceroy took no notice of it. Preparations were also afoot
in the Guntur district of Madras (now in Andhra Pradesh) for
launching a campaign for non-payment of taxes and a general
enthusiasm pervaded the country when news came of a sudden
violent incident at Chauri Chaura in U.P. which shocked
Gandhiji. The police had fired at a peaceful crowd which then
went out of control and raided and burnt a police post. Some
policemen were also burnt in the fire. Some other violent
incidents also occurred. Mahatma Gandhi’s feelings were hurt.
He called a meeting of those members of the Congress Working
Committee who were outside the prison and decided to suspend
the agitation. Some other members, who were inside the prison,
did not agree with this view and a meeting of the All India
Congress Committee was called in Delhi. Communal leaders like
Dr. Moonje tried to move a non-confidence motion against
Mahatma Gandhi but it fell through for lack of support.
Believing that the movement had failed and its leaders had
become disheartened, the Government administered the coup de
grace in 1922 by arresting Mahatma Gandhi in Sabarmati on
the charge of writing some objectionable articles in his Young
India. Mahatma Gandhi readily confessed his socalled crime
with courage and conviction, as Maulana Azad had done earlier.
The Magistrate and Mahatma Gandhi treated each other with
utmost courtesy. The Magistrate thanked Mahatma Gandhi for
having made his task easier by his confession. Saying, almost
with a trace of regret, that the law is no respecter of persons,
he sentenced Mahatma Gandhi to six years of imprisonment. In
his judgment, he equated Gandhi with Lokmanya Tilak who
also had been sentenced for six years. After he had been in
prison for two years, Mahatma Gandhi was operated upon
Political Career and Ranehi 43
by Dr. Col. Maddock. The doctor gave the option to Mahatma

Gandhi to call in a doctor of hi^ own choice but he expressed
perfect faith in Col. Maddock. The operation was successful
and Mahatma Gandhi was released on February 5, 1924 in view
of intense popular demand for his release.
In December 1924 an open session of the Indian National
Congress was held. There was a bitter dispute between those in
favour of seeking election to the Councils and those opposing it.
The decision to continue the non-violent Non-cooperation
Movement resulted in a split in the Congress and the creation of
the Swaraj Party under the leadership of C.R. Das and Motilal
Nehru. In September 1923, a special session of the Congress
was held in Delhi under the presidentship of Maulana Azad. That
Azad was accorded this honour at the tender age of 35, in
preference to much more experienced, tried and senior leaders
in the Congress was a tribute to his sagacity and insight in
affairs and illustrates the high esteem in which he was held. The
country was passing through a critical phase. There was not
only disintegration within the Congress, but various issues like
cow-sacrifice, Shuddhi (conversion of non-Hindus to Hinduism),
Tabligh (conversion of non-Muslims to Islam) and various
other problems were also besetting the country and communal
forces were rampant, being aided and abetted by the imperialist
government. Maulana Azad made a frontal attack on the
communalists in the presidential address. He said:
“Today India needs neither the Hindu communal force nor
the Muslim communal force. We need only one force, that of
the Indian National Congress.”
The stand was not new for Azad. He had been giving the
same message since 1911. He continued in these ringing words:
“If an angel descends from heavens today and proclaims
from the Qutb Minar that India can attain Swaraj within 24
hours provided I relinquish my demand for Hindu-Muslim
unity, I shall retort to it : No my friend, I shall give up Swaraj,
but not Hindu-Muslim unity, for if Swaraj is delayed, it will
be a loss for India only but if Hindu-Muslim unity is lost it will

be loss for the whole of mankind.”
It was a timely reminder, for Azad had found after his
release that Hindus and Muslims had drifted apart. There were
riots and terrible happenings in Kohat. The national leaders were
most anxious and Mahatma Gandhi announced a 21 day fast.
Hindu and Muslim leaders hastened to reassure him that they
would resolve the differences between the parties concerned. A
unity conference was held on September 26, 1924 which
passed a resolution creating a National Panchayat Board to solve
the problem. But the fast continued.
An All-Party Conference was held in Delhi on January 22,
1925, under the presidentship of Mahatma Gandhi, which set up
a 40 member sub-committee to establish Hindu-Muslim unity. At
first the leaders were refused permission to visit Kohat. When
permission was finally given, Mahatma Gandhi visited the place
along with Maulana Shaukat Ali. This visit marked the parting of
the ways between the two leaders. Maulana Azad, however,
continued to give the lead to both Hindu and Muslim leaders.
The Investigation Committee for Multan included Motilal Nehru
and Maulana Azad. Again in Nagpur, it was Azad who caused a
compromise. In Bombay, Calcutta and elsewhere, he presided
over meetings for peace and unity.
In 1927, following the appointment of the Simon Commission,
a meeting was held in Calcutta under the chairmanship of
Maulana Azad to consider the position. The meeting resolved to
boycott the Simon Commission. In the beginning of 1928,
Maulana Azad toured Lahore, Amritsar, Rawalpindi, Delhi and
other places and advocated the boycott of the Simon Commission.
In fact he played a leading role in making the boycott of the
Simon Commission successful. Accompanied by Pandit Madan
Mohan Malaviya, Azad visited C.R. Das, who was still in jail and
together they decided that if the government released all political
prisoners and a Round Table Conference could be held to
make an honest effort at solving India’s political problems the
boycott programme could be withdrawn. While Azad and C.R.

Das were in favour of this move, Mahatma Gandhi did not
agree. He urged that political prisoners must be released
unconditionally. Thus the boycott continued unabated. In Uttar
Pradesh, the police assaulted Jawaharlal Nehru with lathis, and
Pandit Govind Vallabh Pant was hurt badly in trying to protect
him. In Punjab, the police severely beat Lala Lajpat Rai. His
speech on the event was prophetic. “Every blow that is rained
on us today”, he said, “is a nail in the coffin of the British Raj.”
These words have been inscribed under the statue of Lala Lajpat
Rai in Simla. Lajpat Rai died of the wounds he sustained in this
lathi charge and some young men avenged it on Lajpat Rai’s
next death anniversary by shooting down Sanders in Lahore.
Bhagat Singh, Sukh Dev and Raj guru Govind were hanged for
this killing. Towards the end of 1928, the annual session of the
Congress was held in Calcutta under the presidentship of Motilal
Nehru. It was decided that if the British Government did not
concede Home Rule status to India, the Congress would set
complete independence as it objective.
In addition to the Jamiat-ul-Ulema and the Khilafat
Committee, a new Muslim organization called the Nationalist
Muslim Party came into being. The first session of this party
was held at Allahabad under the presidentship of Maulana Azad.
Dr. M.A. Ansari and Tasudduq Ahmad Khan Sherwani were
the moving spirit behind this party.
When the Congress, meeting under the presidentship of
Jawaharlal Nehru, declared on the midnight of December 31,
1929, its aim as complete independence, Maulana Azad and Dr.
Ansari issued a joint statement on January 6, 1930 on behalf of
the Nationalist Muslim Party in which they said:
“Now that the struggle for freedom has started, the
demands of Muslims should be abandoned. It is meaningless to
make demands, however justified they might be, when the war
has started and it will prove detrimental to the real purpose of
the struggle.”
/
During March 1930, the Congress launched its eampaign

for full freedom and Mahatma Gandhi started his Dandi
March. He was arrested on May 2, 1930 near the sea-shore
for breaking the salt law. The whole country was galvanised
into action. The number of those wanting to be arrested
seemed endless. Maulana Azad urged the Muslims to join the
satyagraha and at his call thousands of Muslims from Bengal,
U.P., Punjab and the North-West Frontier Province courted
arrest. The Congress instituted a system of Dictators for the
movement. As soon as a Dictator was arrested he nominated
another person as the Dietator. Maulana Azad succeeded
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel as the Dictator. Within 11 days he too
was arrested and Dr. Ansari took over as Dictator. Azad was
sentenced to six months’ imprisonment for delivering an
objectionable speech in Meerut. He was kept in the Meerut Jail
and the country observed a hartal on his arrest.
After indulging in repression for some time, the British
Government saw the futility of its action. At the end of the
year, it started thinking in terms of releasing the prisoners and
holding a Round Table Conference. The British Government
had realized that the demand for freedom could not be scotched
and hence it tried to outmanoeuvre the leaders through
diplomatic skill.
In January 1931, Mahatma Gandhi and other members of
the Congress Working Committee were released. There were
talks between Mahatma Gandhi and Lord Irwin and civil
disobedience was withdrawn unconditionally. At the Karachi
session of the Congress, Mahatma Gandhi was nominated as
the sole representative of the organization and he left for
London during August 1931. The agents of the British Raj
were shouting slogans of separate electorates at that time. But
Maulana Azad got a resolution passed in favour of joint
electorate at the meeting of the Muslim Nationalist Party held
at Bombay.
At the Round Table Conference groups and interests

dominated and people spoke with different voices. Inevitably it
ended in failure. As the poet says:
‘They came, they talked and they left.'
Gandhiji came back with empty hands, as expected.
Maulana Azad inspired fellow countrymen in general and the
Nationalist Muslims in particular to get ready for the decisive
battle. In early 1932, a meeting of the Muslim leaders was held
at Lucknow and it decided to boycott the Round Table
Conference. On February 15, 1932 the acting Dictator Sardar
Sardul Singh Cavesher was arrested and Maulana Azad succeeded
him. The Government ordered him not to take part in the civil
disobedience campaign. On Azad’s refusal, he was interned in
the Delhi jail and he remained there for about a year.
Lord Willingdon, who succeeded Lord Irwin as the Viceroy,
was a harsh man by nature. He stepped up the repression. The
Ali Brothers disassociated themselves from the movement at
this time and said the Muslims would not longer participate in
the satyagraha. But thousands of Muslims (including the Khudai
Khidmatgars) led by Maulana Azad, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai and
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in the NWF Province courted arrest.
The youth were getting out of hand. In Bengal and at other
places, too, terrorism was raising its head and people began to
admire the terrorists. The Congress, however, never supported
the terrorists openly.
The British Parliament passed the Government of India Act
in 1935 and preparations for the elections to the assemblies
were started. Although Maulana Azad did not have much faith in
legislative assemblies, he thought that this opportunity could be
put to good use. If the Congress did not participate in the
elections, undesirable persons would get into the Assemblies
which would not only be unworthy but inimical to Congress and
act as toadies to the British Government. However, there was
difference of opinion in the Congress on this issue. The
Congress made only one demand that the Governors would not
use their special powers. It fought the elections and won

decisive majorities in five provinces and emerged as the largest
single party in four other provinces. However, it was not
successful in Sindh and the Punjab. The Congress did not form
Ministries till the Viceroy made an explanatory statement on the
special powers of the Governors.
It was a period of great enthusiasm. People saw for the
first time how Congress had won actual political power.
Maulana Azad’s services were called for in different places for
he could solve intricate problems. Although he was personally
not in favour of joining the Legislature yet from the days of the
Swaraj Party itself he had never identified himself with any
group except, of course, that he did not support the leftist
elements in the Congress and always supported Gandhiji.
After deciding to form Ministries, it was found necessary
to constitute a Congress Parliamentary Board. Maulana Azad,
Dr. Rajendra Prasad and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel were asked to
serve on it. Maulana Azad was made in-charge of Parliamentary
Affairs of Bengal, Bihar, U.P., Punjab, Sindh and NWFP. He
performed his tasks with his usual sagacity and efficiency. In
Assam, the Sa’adullah Ministry fell and was succeeded by a
Congress-coalition Ministry. In North-West Frontier Province, a
Congress Ministry was established. When the Chief Minister of
Central Provinces, Dr. Khare, made certain changes in his
cabinet without consulting the party, Maulana Azad was deputed
to investigate the issue and on the basis of his investigations Dr.
Khare was succeeded by Pandit Ravi Shanker Shukla as the
leader of the party. Azad resolved the affairs of Sindh and Bihar
in the same smooth manner.
Maulana Azad was able to solve problems because he was
never swayed by subjective considerations. Being honest and
forthright, he used to declare what he thought was right and
correct and then nothing could make him change his stand. He
differed in many matters from the decisions taken by the
Congress. For instance, he thought that injustice had been done
to Mr. Nariman in Bombay and it was wrong not to make him

the Chief Minister. He had also a great regard for C.R. Das
whom he described as a practical statesman and a patriot who
gave up his lucrative practice and life of ease for the love of his
country. C.R. Das observed that while Muslims constituted
more than 50 per cent of the population of Bengal, their number
in government jobs came only to 30 per cent. He had the
foresight to see the implications of this situation and he went
about saying in Bengali that if the Congress came to power, it
would reserve 60 per cent of government jobs for the Muslims
till their percentage was proportionate to their population.
Although many of his companions did not like it. Das realized
that this was the right remedy. Azad considered it a tragedy that
Das died so soon. Otherwise, if Das’s policies had been
accepted by the country, the Muslim League would have been
rooted out. By founding the Swaraj Party, C.R. Das showed the
path that the Congress adopted many years later by joining the
legislatures. According to Azad, “one rarely comes across such
a far-sighted and practical statesman as C.R. Das.”
The Congress governments lasted for less than two years.
During this period, Mr. Jinnah and his camp-followers raised a
great hue and cry that the Muslims were being persecuted by the
Congress governments. They even set up a committee which
complied a report full of rumours and half-truths. According to
Maulana Azad not only he but even the Viceroy and the
Governors were convinced that these allegations were absolutely
baseless. On the other hand, the Congress Ministries had done an
admirable job and the people were perfectly happy with them.
Maulana Azad had always remained above group politics in
the Congress. When in 1923 he was President of the Congress
session in Delhi, there was a tussle between the ‘Changers’ and
‘No Changers’. Azad decreed that both—those who believed in
constructive work among the masses and those who desired to
enter the legislatures—were sincere in their desire to serve the
country. Accordingly, both of these groups could go their own
ways and build up bridges of understanding. By 1935, the

course of action showed by C.R. Das two years earlier was
adopted by the Congress. During the interim period of 1933 to
1935, the Congress party was dormant and drifting aimlessly
and only the Swaraj Party wing was showing some sings of
life. As the Second World War approached, polarisation took
place between the rightists and the leftists in the Congress and a
tug of war started. At this critical moment, it was Maulana Azad
who through his powers of sweet reasoning and persuasion
kept the two groups within the party though he personally
began to lean slightly towards the leftists as he was basically a
reformer. Till 1939, Congress did not bother about elections in
view of the troubled world situation.
Congress President
M AULANA AZAD WAS first elected Congress President in

1923 for the special session of the Congress held at Delhi.
Here he ably brought about a satisfactory compromise between
those who wanted to enter the legislatures and those who were
opposed to it. Many eventful years followed after this. The
Government of India Act 1935 gave provincial autonomy to
India. Then Ramsay Macdonald hurled down the bolt of the
Communal Award. This was the first gift received by India after
the Round Table Conference. The Congress rejected this
pernicious Award which envisaged even the separation of
Harijans from Hindus and against which Mahatma Gandhi had to
undertake a fast unto death. The fast was however terminated
amicably through the Poona Pact between Dr. Ambedkar and
Mahatma Gandhi.
During 1936-37, elections were held for the provincial

assemblies. The Congress scored such resounding victories in
them that Jinnah came back post-haste from London to India.
For two years these Ministries served with great success and
Maulana Azad also acted with great distinction as a member of
the Congress Parliamentary Board. Ultimately, the Congress was
able to set up Ministries in eight provinces.
The Second World War started on September 3, 1939. The

British Government made India a party in the war without
consulting the people of India. The Congress Working Committee
lodged a strong protest against this action but the Viceroy did
not give any satisfactory reply. Thereupon the Congress

Working Committee declared:
“Under the condition it is not possible for the Congress
Working Committee to accept the British imperialist policy. The
Committee directs the Congress Ministries that as a first step
towards the path that is now open to us, they should resign
forthwith from the governments of their provinces.”
As a result, Congress Ministries resigned in all the eight
provinces where they had formed the government. Jinnah and
his camp-followers celebrated this as ‘Deliverance Day’ and
compiled a baseless report accusing Congress governments of
repressing the Muslims. This report, popularly known as the
Pirpur Committee Report was supported, among others, even
by the temperamental Bengali leader, Fazlul Haq. The British
Government made full use of this report to drive a wedge
between the Hindus and the Muslims.
It was at this juncture that Maulana Azad was elected
President of the National Congress for the second time. In
1938, Subhas Chandra Bose had been elected the Congress
President. Towards the end of that year, Maulana Azad was
approached to accept the honour but Bose wanted to contest
the election whereupon Maulana Azad withdrew his name.
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel had already withdrawn in favour of
Maulana Azad. This left only Pattabhi Sitaramayya in the field
and he was defeated by Subhas Bose in the first Presidential
election contested in the history of the Congress. But the party
could not work smoothly. The open session adopted a
resolution, moved by Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, that the
Congress President should form his working committee in
consultation with and approval of Mahatma Gandhi. This
started a great controversy and after a prolonged correspondence
between Subhas Bose and Mahatma Gandhi, Bose resigned and
set up a separate party called the Forward Bloc. Then Dr.
Rajendra Prasad was elected President for the remaining
period. Next year Maulana Azad was again approached to
accept the honour and he agreed to do so. There was again a

token contest, because M.N. Roy also contested but he had no
support, and Maulana Azad was elected Congress President for
the second time at the end of 1939.
It maybe mentioned here that Jawaharlal Nehru did not
agree to serve on the Working Committee formed after Subhas
Bose’s resignation.
The Congress session was held at Ramgarh (Bihar) during
March 1940. Maulana Azad’s presidential address was a historic
document. He exposed the machinations of the imperi|ilist
power and demanded complete independence and a Constituent
Assembly for India. He analysed the problems of the Indian
Muslims and their future at length and made fun of those who
called a population of 90 millions a minority. He declared that
whatever might be the shape of the future constitution of India,
it must be an all India democratic federation in which the
constituent units would be free in their internal affairs. About
the Muslims he said:
“It is now nearly thirty years since I first attempted to
examine this question as an Indian Musalman. The majority of
the Muslims then were keeping completely apart from the
political struggle and they were influenced by the same
mentality of aloofness and antagonism, which prevailed
amongst them previously in the year 1888. This depressing
atmosphere did not prevent me from giving my anxious
thought to this matter, and I reached quickly a final
conclusion, which influenced my belief and action. I saw India
with all her many burdens, marching ahead to her future
destiny. We were fellow-passengers in this boat and we could
not ignore its swift passage through the waters; and so it
became necessary for us to come to a clear and final decision
about our plan of action. How were we to do so? Not merely by
skimming the surface of the problem but by going down to its
roots, and then to consider our position. I did so and I realised
that the solution of the whole problem depended on the answer to
one question: Do we, Indian Musalmans, view the free India of

the future with suspicion and distrust or with courage and
confidence? If we view it with fear and suspicion then
undoubtedly we have to follow a different path. No present
declaration, no promise for the future, no constitutional safeguards
can be a remedy for our doubts and fears. We are then forced to
tolerate the existence of a third power. This third power is
already entrenched here and has no intention of withdrawing, and
if we follow this path of fear, we must need look forward to its
continuance. But if we are convinced that for us fear and doubt
have no place, and that we must view the future with courage
and confidence in ourselves, then our course of action becomes
absolutely clear. We find ourselves in a new world, which is free
from the dark shadows of doubt, vacillation, inaction and apathy,
and where the light of faith and determination, action and
enthusiasm never fails. The confusions of times, the ups and
downs that come our way, the difficulties that beset our thorny
path, cannot change the direction of our steps. It becomes our
bounden duty then to march with assured steps to India’s
national goal.”
As Congress President, Maulana Azad retained the following
ten members of the previous Working Committee;
l.Smt. Sarojini Naidu
2.Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
S. Shri Jamnalal Bajaj
4. Acharya J.B. Kripalani
5. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
6.Shri Bhulabhai Desai
T. Shri Shankar Rao Deo
8. Dr. Prafulla Chandra Ghosh
9. Dr. Rajendra Prasad
Jawaharlal Nehru who had not joined the previous
Working Committee was persuaded by Maulana Azad to join
the new one. In addition, the three other new members were:
C. Rajagopalachari, Dr. Syed Mahmud and Asaf Ali.
The Resolution on the War situation passed by the Ramgarh
Session of the Congress was as follows:
“The Congress having considered the grave and critical
situation resulting from the War in Europe and British policy in
regard to it, approves of and endorses the resolutions passed
and the action taken on the war situation by the AICC and the
Working Committee.
“... The Congress considers the declaration, by the British

Government of India as a belligerent country, without any
reference to the people of India, and the exploitation of India’s
resources in this war as an affront to them, which no self-
respecting and freedom-loving people can accept or tolerate.
The recent pronouncements made by the British Government
in regard to India demonstrate that Great Britain is carrying on
the war fundamentally for imperialist ends and for the
preservation and strengthening of the Empire, which is based
on the exploitation of the people of India as well as of other
Asiatic and African countries. Under the circumstances, it is
clear that the Congress cannot in any way, directly or
indirectly, be party to the War, which means continuance and
perpetuation of this exploitation. The Congress therefore
sharply disapproves of Indian troops being made to fight for
Great Britain and the drain from India of men and material for
the purpose of the War...
“The people of India alone can properly shape their own
constitution and determine their relations with the other
countries of the world through a constituent assembly elected
on the basis of adult suffrage. The Congress is further of
opinion that while it will always be ready as it ever has been to
make every effort to secure communal harmony, no permanent
solution is possible except through a constituent assembly
where the rights of all recognized minorities will be fully
protected by agreement, as far as possible, between the

elected representatives of various majority or minority groups,
or by arbitration if agreement not reached on any point.”
The resolution broadly reflects the same ideas which

Maulana Azad expounded in his Presidential Address.
The All India Congress Committee met at Poona and

passed two important resolutions. The first resolution reiterated
that non-violence was the only correct policy for the
Congress. The second resolution declared that India would
undoubtedly support the democratic forces in their war with
the Nazis but she would not be prepared or able to do so till
she herself attained freedom. In other words, it was an offer
to the British Government that if they freed India, the people
of India would support them. Mahatma Gandhi was against
this resolution, for he believed that to give any sort of help or
support in the war was a violation of the principles of non¬
violence. Respecting Mahatma Gandhi’s sentiments, the majority
of the members of the Working Committee submitted their
resignations from the Working Committee. Maulana Azad dealt
with the situation in his usual smooth manner. He assured the
members that there was no earthly chance of the British
Government agreeing to give India anything. Thus the question
of support would never arise. He declared that as he too was
in full sympathy with the feeling of the majority of the
members there was no need for them to resign. Thus the
crisis was resolved.
Meanwhile, Mahatma Gandhi advised the British Government

to face Hitler with non-violence. This naturally was not taken
seriously though Mahatma Gandhi even called on the Viceroy to
explain his view point. Lord Linlithgow was so taken aback that
he did not see Mahatma Gandhi up to his car. Mentioning this to
Maulana Azad, Mahatma Gandhi remarked that Lord Linlithgow
seemed to have forgotten even ordinary courtesies. Maulana
Azad retorted that the proposal was so astounding that ordinary
mortals would naturally be quite dumbfounded. At this Mahatma

Gandhi burst out laughing.
The British Government paid no heed to India’s demands.

Individual satyagraha was started and Mahatma Gandhi conferred
on Vinoba Bhave the distinction of being the first satyagrahi. He
was followed by Jawaharlal and others. Being preoccupied with
party matters and a tour of Punjab, Maulana Azad had not yet
offered satyagraha when he was arrested at the Allahabad
railway station while drinking his evening tea in the railway
restaurant. He was sentenced to two years imprisonment and
lodged in the Naini Central Jail where he was soon joined by Dr.
K.N. Katju.
Maulana Azad became the President of the Indian National
Congress at a most critical period in the history of India. A chain
of circumstances compelled him to retain this charge from 1940
to 1946. Because of this responsibility, even though Azad had
some free time in Jail, he could not devote it to writing. “It is
said”, remarked Azad, “that so and so was sentenced to solitary
confinement. As if solitude could ever be a punishment!”
Meanwhile, there were some quick developments on the
war front. In June 1941 Germany invaded Russia thus flouting
the no-war pact between the two countries signed by Molotov
and Ribbentrop. Six months later, Japan also joined the Axis and
destroyed the American Naval Base at Pearl Harbour in the
Pacific. Thereafter, Japanese forces annexed Malaya, Singapore
and Burma and her fleet began to penetrate into the Bay of
Bengal and even occupied the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
Meanwhile, Subhas Chandra Bose who had escaped from his
internment, reached Germany, met Hitler and returned to the
East to raise an army called the Indian National Army from
among the Indian prisoners of war held by the Japanese. The
Indian National Army was able to reach the Indian borders.
America was keenly aware of the Indian problem. President
Roosevelt of the USA pressed the British Government to negotiate
with the Indian leaders and arrive at an understanding with

them. When Japan entered into the war and struck the first
blow at the USA, Roosevelt increased the pressure on the
British Government and they came out with the Cripps
Proposals. Prior to this, General and Mrs. Chiang Kai-Shek
visited India and met Azad, Nehru and Gandhi. The object of
their visit was to evolve an honourable and acceptable
settlement. Azad and Nehru could meet them because they had
been released by October 1941, before the expiry of their
sentence.
Chiang Kai-Shek knew no language other than Chinese. He
could talk to Azad only through an interpreter. Later on, he was
joined by Madam Chiang Kai-Shek who was fluent in English
and as such conversation became easier. Chiang Kai-Shek urged
the Congress to accept Dominion Status if it was granted
forthwith, because there was not really much difference
between Dominion Status and Independence. Azad said that it
would depend upon the details of the agreement but he insisted
on a firm commitment by the British Government that complete
independence would be given top priority at the cessation of
war. The discussions were quite detailed and time consuming
and Azad’s logic was irrefutable. At the end of the conversation,
while serving tea. Madam Chiang Kai-Shek enquired if the
details of the conversation could be conveyed to the British
Government? Azad had no objection.
Chiang Kai-Shek next met Mahatma Gandhi in Calcutta.
Mahatma Gandhi reiterated his principle of non-violence which
the Chinese leader could not fully comprehend. Mahatma Gandhi
thereupon told him about his experiences in South Africa.
Jawaharlal Nehru differed from Mahatma Gandhi’s views in this
respect and he was not very happy with this meeting.
Maulana Azad had called a meeting of the Working
Committee immediately after his release. This meeting, held at
Bardoli at the instance of Mahatma Gandhi, continued for two
days but no positive decision could be taken. Gandhiji was

adamant. He could not even think of helping or participating in
the war as he was not willing to sacrifice Ahimsa and his
principles at any cost. It was a matter of faith with him and not
a policy that could be changed. Maulana Azad’s stand was that
the primary objective was to attain freedom and Ahimsa was
only a method of achieving it. One should continue to use
Ahimsa but it should not be elevated to the position of a
doctrine or faith. Azad felt that if freedom could be attained by
cooperating or giving some help in the war, it should be done.
Although as long as Indians were slaves and in fetters it would
be incorrect and even foolhardy to extend help to, or cooperate,
with the Government. Maulana Azad wrote that General Chiang
Kai-Shek, before his departure from India, appealed to the
British Government that the right of India to freedom should be
acknowledged forthwith and she should be given Dominion
Status immediately, and complete Independence as soon as the
war was over. The Viceroy and the British Government
remained unmoved by this appeal.
The most critical period of Maulana Azad’s life had arrived.

The pressure exerted by President Roosevelt on the British
Government began to show some effect. At the beginning of the
war. Sir Stafford Cripps had come to India and had held lengthy
discussions with Maulana Azad. He even went to the Congress
Working Committee meeting at Wardha. Cripps said that
Mahatma Gandhi’s views regarding Ahimsa were known all over
the world and it was not possible to evolve any compromise
with him. He asked Maulana Azad whether the Maulana could
persuade the Congress to cooperate in the war in case the British
Government gave an assurance of Independence. Azad was
outspoken; his reasoning was very sharp and he never evaded a
decision. He said that while the Congress leaders acknowledged
Mahatma Gandhi as their supreme leader and were devoted to him,
he was sure that if a declaration of the grant of Independence
was made, the Congress and the public both would accept this
proposal. However, all this remained a verbal exercise though

Cripps prepared a memorandum proposing that the Viceroy’s
Executive Council should be reconstituted and its members
should be equated with a Minister. He also stipulated that the
Viceroy would only be a constitutional head and would not
interfere in the work of the Council though, during the period of
the war, the government would be in the hands of the Indians
only temporarily but it would be transferred to them permanently
only after the war. After this, Cripps was sent to Moscow as
British Ambassador to the Soviet Union. When Germany invaded
Russia, Cripps gained more prominence and his diplomacy was
hailed far and wide. After successfully completing the mission in
Moscow, Cripps was sent again to India. Probably he had
already shown his memorandum regarding talks with Maulana
Azad to Churchill and he felt that by renewing his efforts in
India, success would not elude him this time.
It was suddenly announced by the BBC on March 11, 1942
that the British Government was sending Sir Stafford Cripps to
India with a very important message which he would announce
after obtaining the consent of the Indian leaders. Maulana Azad,
who was at Wardha, was telegraphically requested by the
Viceroy to reach Delhi at the earliest so as to take part in some
talks. His presence at these talks was essential as he was the
Congress President. When the press correspondents asked for
Maulana’s reaction on the news, he as usual declined to make
any statement.
Before his arrival in India, Cripps had written to the Viceroy
that he wanted to meet Indian leaders of divergent views.
Accordingly, the Viceroy had invited not only the Congress
leaders but also those of the Muslim League, the Princely States,
the Hindu Mahasabha and the Nationalist Muslim leader, Khan
Bahadur Allah Bux of Sindh. In his book India Wins Freedom,
Maulana Azad has specially mentioned Khan Bahadur Allah Bux
who was the Chief Minister of Sindh and who had recently
presided over an All India Convention of Nationalist Muslims
Congress President 61'
in Delhi. This Convention was attended by about 1400 Muslim

delegates from all over India and the English and Anglo-Indian
press had given prominence to its proceedings.
The first meeting between Azad and Cripps took place on
March 29, 1942. Cripps handed over to Azad a statement which
contained some new proposals, and said that these could be
elucidated. The main proposal was that the members of the
Viceroy’s Executive Council would resign and they would be
replaced by Indian members. When Maulana Azad asked for
clarification it was said that the Viceroy would be just a
constitutional head, like the British king, and that he would not
interfere in the decisions taken by the Council.
The Congress Working Committee met on March 29, 1942,
and it continued to meet till April 11, 1942. During this period
many talks were held and many letters were exchanged.
Cripps met Gandhiji on March 27, 1942. After seeing the
proposals, Mahatma Gandhi told Cripps that he had taken
unnecessary trouble in coming all the way from England with
such proposals and that he might as well go back and not waste
his time. While Gandhiji was basically opposed to cooperating in
the war efforts, he had also discerned a note of duplicity in
these proposals. He thought they could have the following
undesirable results:
1. India would be divided into three parts;
2. Indian Ministers would have no control over defence
under this scheme;
3. It promised only Domonion Status and not freedom;
4. The minorities were being given the right of veto.
Jawaharlal was concerned at the way things were shaping
in the war. Other leaders could not arrive at any decision and
most of them waited for Mahatma Gandhi to give a lead. The
difficulty was that Cripps did not explain fully the status of the
Commander-in-Chief and he went on changing his stand on this
issue. At first he said that the Commander-in-Chief would also act
as Defence Minister and no one else would interfere in defence
matters. When Maulana Azad and the Working Committee took

exception to this, Cripps stated that an Indian would be made
the Defence Minister and he would look after some Agricultural
Department as well. The Congress rejected this also. Discussions
continued and Cripps went on shifting his position skillfully.
Now he was even resiling from one or two basic points of the
original memorandum he had prepared at the beginning of the
war. He also started saying that other parties, particularly the
Muslims, must agree to any settlement evolved. It is interesting
to note that Cripps had of his own accord invited Khan Bahadur
Allah Bux of Sindh to attend the talks but he was avoiding a
meeting with him. Perhaps the Muslim League was insisting that
a nationalist Muslim should not be considered the representative
of Muslims. Ultimately, when Allah Bux said he would wait no
longer, Maulana Azad insisted and Cripps agreed to meet him.
In the new proposals there was no mention of Independence
and this was pointed out by Maulana Azad orally as well as in
writing.
Meanwhile, Jawaharlal Nehru made a visit to China and on
his return he stated that China would need India’s help to fight
the Japanese. Therefore, while the Cripps proposals were much
below expectations, they should be accepted. Azad could not bear
this change of heart in Nehru. He was so agitated that he kept
awake till two o’clock in the night. He met Jawaharlal in the
morning at Rameshwari Nehru’s house where Jawaharlal was
staying. There was prolonged discussion between the two leaders
and Azad explained to Nehru that upon him (Nehru) devolved the
responsibility of shaping the future of the whole country. Hence
Nehru must make up his mind only after due deliberation.
Ultimately, on April 11, 1942 the Working Committee
rejected the proposals put forward by the Cripps Mission.
Cripps returned home and Jawaharlal left for Allahabad. Azad
was about to leave for Calcutta when somebody informed him
that Jawaharlal was either going to issue a statement or
broadcast over the AIR, expressing his difference of opinion
with the Working Committee decision. On way to Calcutta

Maulana Azad halted at Allahabad and met Jawaharlal who
promised not to take any step which might be against the
interest of the country. On the other hand, Rajagopalachari had
a resolution passed by the Madras Legislative Party that the
Cripps proposals should have been accepted. This was an open
defiance of the Working Committee and Azad promptly asked
him to explain how he could do so while being a member of the
Working Committee. Rajaji apologized and resigned from the
Working Committee.
Throughout these talks, Maulana Azad had instructed the
members of the Working Committee not to meet him in private.
He had also instructed them not to meet Cripps without his
permission. This illustrates how strict he was in matters of
party discipline.
Before his departure, Cripps wrote a letter to Jawaharlal in
which he expressed his admiration for him and appealed to him
not to let this opportunity slip through his fingers. Cripps urged
that the decision was in the hands of Jawaharlal. It was a
moment to display courage and patience. Jawaharlal was a great
leader and he should exercise his influence and power of action.
Jawaharlal eluded this trap and wrote back that a socialist like
Cripps should realize that there was a limit to which Congress
could be pressurized and a limit to which the Congress could
carry the masses with it. Jawaharlal also expressed surprise at
the fact that Cripps had complicated the issue by raising the
question of minorities at this juncture. The Congress had
realized that the talks had been made to fail right in the middle
by the tactics adopted by Lord Linlithgow and his Government,
because they did not want a decision which would have
redounded to the credit of the Congress.
The Muslim League had always put obstacles in the way of
India’s march towards freedom. It was created in 1906 when it
held its first session at Dacca during Christmas. It was due to
Nawab Mushtaq Hussain’s efforts that the Muslim League session
was held immediately after that of the Muslim Education

Conference which was attended, among others, by Maulana
Azad. The League was founded on two principles: that the
Muslims should continue to be loyal to the British Indian
Government and that the Muslim rights should be safeguarded
by opposing the Hindus. The League was totally opposed to the
demand for freedom made by the Congress, for it feared that
should it make a common cause with the Congress, the British
Government would not bother about the Muslims’ demands and
they would be denied their share. Indeed the League considered
the Congress a rebel organisation and it did not even trust
moderates like Gokhale and Sir Feroz Shah Mehta. The British
Government kept on using the Muslim League to counter the
Congress demands.
After this, when the Government agreed to carry out some

reforms, the League at first kept aloof from politics, but later on
it began to make demands on behalf of the Muslims. This
attitude was most welcome to the British Government which
wanted to perpetuate Hindu-Muslim differences and its own
sovereignty. At every state, the Muslim League obeyed the
dictates of the government and raised a hue and cry that Muslim
rights were being trampled upon. This assumed great importance
during the Second World War. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was a
Congress member, to begin with. He left the organisation in
1920, when it passed the Non-cooperation Resolution at its
special session in Calcutta. Gradually, he became a Muslim
leader. When the talks between the Congress and the government
broke down, Jinnah kept quiet v,f at most said that it was not
necessary for the Muslim League to make any statement as no
decision had been taken. But it is reasonable to suppose that in
his heart he was mortified with the Congress and most annoyed
with Maulana Azad. On August 8, 1940 when the Viceroy
offered to expand his Executive Council and invited the Indian
leaders to join it, Maulana Azad, as the Congress President,
wrote to Jinnah asking him to endorse the conditions the
Congress had conveyed to the Viceroy. Jinnah gave a most

impertinent reply:
“I have received your telegram. I cannot reciprocate
confidence. I refuse to discuss with you by correspondence or
otherwise as you have completely forfeited the confidence of
Muslim India. Can you not realize you are made a Muslim
showboy Congress President to give it colour that it is national
and deceive foreign countries. You represent neither Muslims nor
Hindus. The Congress is a Hindu body. If you have self-respect
resign at once. You have done your worst against the League so
far. You know you have hopelessly failed. Give it up.”
This may be called the height of vindictiveness for one who
was, even otherwise, a cold-blooded person. As for Azad who
had never acknowledged Jinnah’s stature and who himself was
quite distinguished in Islamic world, Jinnah bore the greatest
enmity. The above telegram is a standing testimony of the lack
of decorum on the part of the Muslim League leader.
Cripps Mission afforded a ray of hope for India as well as
for the British Government. But the Mission having failed, the
government began to consider the course of action it should
adopt in case the Japanese attacked and invaded Bengal. There
was a general atmosphere of fear and gloom. Maulana Azad was
busy with his own schemes. He had divided Calcutta into a
number of wards, set up committees in the city and elsewhere
and decided that if the Japanese invaded Calcutta and tried to
install a government there, these committees would anticipate
the Japanese action and set up an Indian government over some
parts of India. Mahatma Gandhi did not agree with Maulana
Azad. He thought that the Japanese were the enemies of the
British Government, not of India. Gandhiji wanted to launch a
mass movement. The month of May and June passed by in this
controversy. When the Congress Working Committee met in
Wardha on July 5, 1942 Mahatma Gandhi spoke for the first time
to Maulana Azad about the Quit India Movement. He thought that
if the movement succeeded, India would be able to say to the
Japanese that there was no need for them to come as their

enemies were no longer there. Mahatma Gandhi’s way of
thinking was quite unique. Azad was highly concerned at this
situation and began to worry about the future. He apprehended
that the Congress leaders would be arrested and during their
absence the movement would turn violent. This would hurt the
Congress reputation because violence in any form was against
the Congress creed, and it was also unthinkable under the
leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. The Maulana was, however,
willing to sacrifice this principle in case freedom was granted
immediately. But there seemed to be no prospect of that, too.
In its meeting on July 5, 1942, the Congress Working
Committee considered Gandhiji’s proposal and endorsed it.
Thousands of foreign pressmen had flocked at Wardha to find
out what miracle the Mahatma could achieve. The decision
however remained confidential. The people knew though that
some new revolutionary movement would be launched. Even so
the Congress took no hurried action. Miss Slade (Mira Behan)
was sent to the Viceroy as the messenger of the Congress. The
Private Secretary of the Viceroy said that as Mahatma Gandhi
was talking of sedition, there would be no point in a meeting.
The All India Congress Committee met in Bombay on

August 7, 1942. Meanwhile the Congress President, Maulana
Azad, had been meeting the provincial leaders and issuing
instructions that in the event of all the leaders being arrested
during the course of the movement, every individual would act
as his own leader. They should, however, make every effort to
follow Mahatma Gandhi’s instructions. Azad left Calcutta for
Bombay on August 3. On August 5, the Working Committee
drafted a resolution for the approval of the AICC. By refusing to
meet Miss Slade, the Viceroy had already shut the door on
negotiations and it was obvious that he was ready for a
confrontation in every manner. When the resolution was
adopted after two days of discussion, it was already being
remoured that the leaders would be arrested the next morning.
Maulana Azad was staying with Bhulabhai Desai. He

returned there late at night. He too had been informed of his
impending arrest by a young police officer who was his
admirer. Azad hurriedly took his dinner and tried to catch up
with some sleep. He had hardly slept for 15 minutes when the
Deputy Commissioner of Police arrived with the warrant. It
was about five in the morning when Maulana Azad moved out
with the police party. They went to the Victoria Terminus where
a special train was waiting for them. Within a few minutes,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr. Syed Mahmud, Asaf Ali and others also
arrived and were put in the same compartment with Maulana
Azad. Mahatma Gandhi was kept in another bogie. Gandhiji and
Sarojini Naidu were kept in the Aga Khan’s Palace at Poona
while Azad and others were interned at the Ahmednagar Fort. It
was originally proposed to remove all of them to South Ajfrica
but for some reason this was not acted upon. ^
The objective of the Quit India Movement was to make the
British Government relinquish power in India as they had done
in Burma, Malaya and Singapore and not that every Englishman
should physically leave India. The movement spread like wild
fire. Thousands of Indians were arrested. There were violent
incidents too, for there was no one to stop them. Everybody
was moved at the leaders’ imprisonment except for Jinnah who
actually welcomed it. It was an irony of fate that the real leader
of the Muslims, Maulana Azad, who had started the struggle for
freedom and raised the slogan for Hindu-Muslim unity at the
early age of 18, was inside the prison while the so-called
Muslim leader, Jinnah, who had no inkling of the true spirit of
Islam, was being favoured by the government because he
persisted in opposing the Congress and misleading the Muslims
at the instance of the British overlords. It was only self-interest
that made the British Government give so much importance to
Jinnah otherwise there was no dearth of Muslim parties in India
like the Khudai Khidmatgars, the Jamiatul-Ulema, the Majlis-e-
Ahrar, the Momin Conference, the Muslim Nationalist Party
and the All-India Shia Conference. The leaders of these parties -

notable among them being Hakim Ajmal Khan, Dr. M.A. Ansari,
Asaf Ali, Dr. Syed Mahmud, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Nawab
Khizr Hay at Khan, Khan Bahadur Allah Bux—equaled Jinnah in
stature and political sagacity. All of them were men of great
personal eminence and considerable following. We need not
mention Maulana Azad in this list as he was in a class by himself.
The Quit India Movement of August 9, 1942 had
revolutionized the thinking of Indians. All fears and apprehensions
had been driven out from their minds and they had begun to
breathe and air of hope and self-confidence. The Indian National
Army trials and the mutiny in the Indian Navy boldly highlighted
the fact that the country had become freedom-conscious. When
the IN A trial was held in the Red Fort, Jawaharlal Nehru himself
appeared as the Chief Defence Counsel.
While detained in the Ahmadnagar Fort, Nehru had started
writing The Discovery of India. Actually, whenever the Indian
leaders went to jail, they relished the enforced leisure as it gave
them an opportunity to give free play to their creative faculties.
Nehru thanked his companions in jail for the assistance they
rendered in writing this book. Azad too wrote his classic letters
to a friend, while in Ahmadnagar Fort, which were later
published under the title Ghubar-e-Khatir (Dust on the Heart).
He began this book by quoting a verse by a Persian poet,
Bekhabar Bilgrami:
Ask me not what my halting pen writes,
These beautiful calligraphed lines
Express the feelings of my dusty heart,
And reveal that my whole life
Has been reduced to dust.
Azad writes that Ahmadnagar Fort had many long military
barracks where the prisoners were lodged. When Azad went there,
he had a small radio set which was promptly taken away by the
jail authorities and returned to him only after his release. Dinner
was served in iron plates. When it was brought to the notice of

the jailor, he apologized and promised to arrange for a dinning set
the next day. A prisoner was brought over from Poona to serve as
Maulana Azad’s cook. Neither he, nor the other prisoner who
replaced him, could cook the type of food Azad was used to. A
few days later the Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay, came
and he told the prisoners that they could neither write letters nor
get newspapers. It was obvious they were to be kept isolated
from the rest of the world. The Inspector General of Prisons
spoke courteously and regretted his inability to do anything as the
orders were most strict. He however promised to satisfy all their
needs provided any of them were not specifically forbidden.
Maulana Azad developed influenza in those days. The
Inspector General of Prisons, who was himself a physician,
offered to examine him. But Azad declined the offer as he did
not want to enjoy any special privileges.
The detenues had organized their time-table in such a
manner that they were always busy and thus pass their time
gainfully. They used to get together at breakfast, lunch, tea and
dinner time and converse with each other. At the suggestion of
Jawaharlal, they took to gardening. Gradually the flowers began
to bloom. From the sprouting of the plants to the opening of the
buds, they watched these operations with the same fascination
and interest as they had watched their own lives unfold in the
struggle of independence. Then they had a new jailor who lived
in the city and was in the Fort only from 10.00 a.m. to 5.00
p.m. Nobody knew the name of this commuter. Maulana Azad
remembered that when Chand Bibi was imprisoned in the
Ahmednagar Fort, her jailer’s name was Cheeta Khan and he
proposed to call the present incumbent by the same name. The
move was adopted by acclamation and as long as they stayed
there, the poor jailor was called by no other name.
On August 25, 1942, Maulana Azad wrote to the Viceroy
that when ordinary criminals in jail were allowed to write to
their families, it was beyond comprehension why he and his co-
prisoners were deprived of that right. He also wrote that if no

satisfactory reply was received within two weeks, he and his
companions would feel free to adopt other measures.
Consequently, on September 19, Cheeta Khan, the jailor,
announced that they could write to their families once a week. At
the same time he started supplying newspapers to the prisoners.
After a long time, Azad learnt of the happenings in the country
after the leaders’ arrest. The next day, he told Cheeta Khan that
since there was no restriction on receiving newspapers, he
should be given all the newspapers since his arrest. The jailor
agreed to do so, and gave him the file of old papers. When Azad
went through the papers, he found that his predictions had been
confirmed. In Bengal, Bihar, U.P. and Bombay the movement
was continuing vigorously but, as he had apprehended, violence
had entered into it. The means of communication had been
paralysed. Factories had been closed. Government office and
military trucks were being attacked, police posts were being
burnt, in short, there was complete anarchy.
Due to this violence, Mahatma Gandhi went on a 21-day
self-purificatory fast in 1943. Dr. B.C. Roy was allowed to look
after him as his personal physician. There was little hope of his
survival, but he did and then he was released due to ill health.
Mahatma Gandhi’s fast did create a tension among the
detenues of the Ahmadnagar Fort. After his release, life in the
Fort returned to normal pattern. They looked after their
flowers, wrote and studied, exchanged pleasantries with each
other, enjoyed Maulana Azad’s witty sallies, and amused
themselves at the expense of Cheeta Khan, who has been
immortalized in Maulana Azad’s India Wins Freedom.
While he was in Ahmadnagar Fort, Maulana Azad heard the
news of his wife’s critical illness and he bore it with exemplary
fortitude. This was followed by the news of her death. A man of
flesh and blood, Azad was shocked to the core, by this tragedy,
yet he again bore it manfully. However, to relieve his feeling he
wrote a poignant letter at her death which was included in
Ghubar-e-Khatir (for a translation please see appendix 5).

Azad’s sister also died during this period.
The detenues began to sense that their release was being
contemplated. Maulana Azad thought it most regrettable that
Mahatma Gandhi as appeasing Jinnah and giving him undue
importance. In a way it was Mahatma Gandhi who conferred the
title of Qaid-e-Azam upon Jinnah. Being a large-hearted person,
Gandhiji was ever willing to give respect to his adversaries
howsoever uncalled for it might be. Actually, Mahatma Gandhi
had consulted one of the inmates of his Ashram, a Muslim lady,
as to how Jinnah should be addressed. That lady had seen Jinnah
addressed as Qaid-e-Azam in Urdu papers and in innocence, she
mentioned the title to Gandhiji without releasing its implications.
Thereafter Gandhiji wrote a letter to Jinnah expressing his desire
to meet him and addressed him as Qaid-e-Azam.This was
sufficient to make the title of Qaid-e-Azam stick to Jinnah.
Maulana Azad was in jail when he read of this
correspondence and he told his companions that Gandhiji was
committing a blunder. Jinnah made the fullest use of this.
In India Wins Freedom Maulana Azad has described the
relationship between the political leaders in the Fort. When Azad
suggested that if the British Government were willing to grant
freedom India should support the war effort, Mahatma Gandhi
opposed this concept because of his belief in non-violence. On
that occasion, the close followers of Mahatma Gandhi like
Sardar Patel, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Acharya J.B. Kripalani and
Dr. Profulla Chandra Ghosh were willing to resign from
Maulana Azad’s Working Committee, rather than oppose Mahatma
Gandhi. But Azad points out, after India became independent,
none of these staunch believers in non-violence proposed that
the Indian army should be disbanded. On the other hand when it
was proposed by the then Commander-in-Chief that for the first
three years India and Pakistan should have a Joint Command,
they were the first to insist that the Indian army must be
forthwith placed under the command of Indian Generals.
Ultimately, Maulana Azad and his companions were separated

and sent to different jails to await their release. Maulana Azad was
sent to the Bankura Jail in Bengal. In May 1945, the Viceroy,
Lord Wavell, went to England and on his return he announced
that the British Government was now willing to transfer power to
Indians and a conference would be held in Simla to consider the
details. He also announced that the members of the Congress
Working Committee would be released immediately.
Maulana Azad’s release was enthusiastically welcomed in
Calcutta and throughout the country. Presumably, when the
Cripps Mission proposals were rejected by the Congress and the
Congress leaders were arrested it created an adverse effect in
the USA and China who had expected that the British
Government would not let the issues to come to such a pass.
President Roosevelt had announced that at the end of the war
every country would have the right of self-determination. The
need for India’s assistance was being felt sorely in view of the
Japanese victories which were troubling the USA. On June 14,
1945, Amerey, Secretary of State for India, announced in the
House of Commons that he was asking the Congress and the
Muslim League to form a government and to decide about the
war as they liked. The Congress could nominate anybody,
Jawaharlal or Maulana Azad.
\
The daV âfter his release, Maulana Azad received the

Viceroy’s invitation to attend the proposed Round Table
Conference at Simla. Azad’s health had deteriorated. He had lost
40 pounds in the jail and he could hardly eat. Some persons
advised him that in view of the delicate state of his health he
should suggest to the Viceroy that the Conference be postponed.
But Azad had great power of endurance and he refused to do
so. After taking full powers from the Working Committee to
negotiate on behalf of the Congress, he left for Simla.
Considering his health. Lord Wavell asked him to stay at a house
in the Vice-regal Estate and sent his personal servants to take
care of him. This made things slightly easier for him.
When Azad met Wavell, both of them impressed each other

favourably. The Viceroy said that the Executive Council would
be wholly Indian and the Viceroy would not interfere but Azad
felt that this offer did not differ materially from the Cripps
proposal except that the British intentions seemed to be more
sincere and reliable as they had already won the war on one
front. A meeting of the Working Committee was held in Simla at
the place where Gandhiji was staying in which Azad gave details
of his talks with Wavell. The Working Committee sought
clarifications on the following points:
1. The mutual relationship between the Viceroy and the
Executive Countil.
2. The army should be under an Indian.
3. The British Government had pushed India into war
without ascertaining her will. Now if Indian
representatives form a government, it would be for
their Constituent Assembly to decide whether India
should declare war against Japan.
Gandhiji was present in this meeting and he protested
against participation in war.
Jinnah, however, put a spoke in the wheel by remaining
adamant on his stand that the Congress should have no right to
nominate any Muslim. He wanted to drag the Congress down to
his own level. It was ironic that the Congress which fought the
battle for freedom, which treated the people of every race and
creed alike, the party which was popular among all, was being
denied the right to nominate a Muslim on the Viceroy’s Executive
Council. Thus the Simla Conference also met the same fate as the
Cripps Mission for the League could sense that if it remained
adamant, its dream of 1940, that the country be divided, had a
good chance of being realized. On the one hand the British were
not quite keen to transfer powers, and, on the other hand, the
Congress could feel that its demand for freedom would probably
be conceded and was, accordingly, impatient to throw off the yoke
of slavery. The League led by Jinnah was playing the opportunist
and indulging in a selfish game, which was to benefit none except

a handful of persons. The later events confirmed how partition
was like a cancer that poisoned the whole sub-continent.
At the end of the Simla Conference, Maulana Azad wrote to
Lord Wavell that all political prisoners should be freed. As a result
most of them, excepting those who were suspected of violent
activities during the Quit India Movement, were released.
After the failure of the Simla Conference, the Viceroy
announced that General Elections would be held. In England,
the Labour Party came into power and events began to develop
quickly. In the election the Congress gained a majority in all the
provinces except Bengal, Sindh and Punjab. Even in Punjab a
Unionist Ministry was set up under Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana
with the support of the Congress Party and despite opposition
from the Muslim League.
In the beginning of 1946, a parliamentary delegation was
sent to India by the Labour Government. It consisted of Lord
Pethwic Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and Alexander. Attlee, in a
historic speech in Parliament, stated that the previous mistakes
committed by both sides should be forgiven and forgotten. It was
no longer 1930 or 1940 and, despite differences among
themselves, Indians were now at a stage where they should start
governing themselves.
Maulana Azad proposed a solution of the communal problem
to the Working Committee. Though drawing a line at the division
of the country, it contained quite a generous offer to the League
and other minorities. Gandhiji expressed his admiration for it, but
the League which in its 1940 resolution had asked only for
maximum powers to the Muslim majority provinces, now
demanded nothing less than the partition of the country.
Maulana Azad had proposed that the country should be
divided into three zones, called A, B and C. Zone B was to
comprise Gujarat, Sindh, North West Frontier Province and the
British Baluchistan while Zone C was to contain Assam and
Bengal. The rest of country was to form Zone A. Although the
Congress did not like this division it agreed to this formula for
the three Zones were to form a confederation which would have
retained the unity of the country. Jinnah realised that this was
the best bargain he could get and the League accepted it after
some hesitation.
On June 8, 1946, the Congress Working Committee

accepted the Cabinet Mission proposals, although the Interim
Government envisaged under it was not acceptable to the
Congress. These proposals also suggested Zonal divisions and a
Constituent Assembly. On July 7, the proposals were also
approved by the All India Congress, and Jawaharlal Nehru was
elected Congress President in place of Maulana Azad.
Maulana Azad remained Congress President for seven years
which encompassed the most crucial period not only for the
Congress but also for the country. He had to work hard and he
was fully conscious of his great responsibilities. He never tried to
force his opinion upon others. At the same time, he never
accepted others’ views if they did not seem rational to him. His
outspokenness, insight into affairs, sense of dignity and duty and
tolerance proved to be great assets for Congress and the country.
He tried his best to be fair and just to everybody. He held forth
the banner of justice because he wanted justice for India.
On assuming the office of the Congress President, Jawaharlal
Nehru gave a statement to the press in which he said that
though the Congress had accepted the Cabinet Mission proposals,
they would not be binding on the Constituent Assembly. Jinnah
immediately blew it up out of all proportions. He asked Liaqat
Ali Khan to call a session of the Muslim League.
As mentioned earlier, the Muslim League had only one
policy since its inception—to oppose the Congress. Accordingly,
on July 27, 1946, it rejected the Cabinet Mission proposals and
decided to observe a Direct Action Day on August 16, 1946.
The League was out to convince the British Government even if
it involved Hindu-Muslim riots and bloodshed and killing of
innocent persons that Hindus and Muslims could never live

amicably. The Direct Action was launched in Calcutta under the
auspices of the Chief Minister, Suhrawardy. He chose the role
of the passive spectator. The army and the police were ordered
to remain alert but not to interfere. The carnage that took place
in Calcutta, under Suhrawardy’s regime and Jinnah’s overall
leadership, is a shameful story that can never be forgotten.
Jinnah was under the delusion that the government could
not do without bowing to his demands. But the Cabinet Mission
was determined to do something. Churchill on whose patronage
Jinnah relied was no longer in power. The Direct Action in
Calcutta was followed by riots in Noakhali and Bihar, but even
so the Viceroy invited Jawaharlal Nehru to form an Interim
Government. At first the League did not joint the Ministry but it
soon began to regret this and, in a meeting with the Viceroy,
Jinnah allowed himself to be won over. The League joined the
Ministry in October, 1946.
To give itself a national status, the League included one
Jogendranath Mandal among its nominees for ministership.
Interestingly a little after the formation of Pakistan, Mandal
migrated and settled down in Calcutta.
It was the endeavour of Maulana Azad and his colleagues,
and Lord WavelTs desire too, that the unity of India should be
preserved under the Cabinet Plan. They made a sincere effort to
minimise the differences between the Muslim League and the
Congress. Moreover the Labour Party in England was also keen
to resolve the problem and the Prime Minister, Attlee, was
taking a personal interest it. In November, 1946 he called a
Conference of the Congress and the Muslim League leaders in
London and Lord Wavell was also asked to attend. Lord Wavell
requested Maulana Azad to persuade Jawaharlal Nehru to
represent the Congress. Accordingly, Lord Wavell, Jawaharlal
and Jinnah went to London. There was difference of opinion
about creation of part ‘C’ States, comprising Bengal and Assam,
Jinnah held that this should be done only after a constitution for
part ‘C’ States had been enacted. This was agreed to by the
British Government and a communique was issued to this effect.
Maulana Azad joined the Interim Government as Minister of
Education on July 15, 1947. When the League joined the Ministry,
the Congress decided to offer it the portfolio of Finance. This
was a blunder and Maulana Azad was totally opposed to it but he
did not like to enter into a controversy with his colleagues. Jinnah
pounced upon this opportunity and nominated Liaqat Ali Khan
who was immediately at loggerheads with all other Ministers and,
till August, 1947, no proposal from any Ministry was cleared by
Finance. Liaqat Ali Khan also presented a budget that would have
discredited the Congress. These irritations exasperated the
Congress leaders and they began to consider seriously that
partition would perhaps be a better choice.
Lord Mountbatten took over as Viceroy on March 23, 1947.
The belief that the country should be divided to ward off riots
and conflicts had already gained ground. Maulana Azad was
highly concerned at this reversal of his life’s dream. He appealed
to Gandhiji, with no effect. As he says, he pleaded with
Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel that the country must not be
divided. But they had already reached the conclusion that partition
was preferable to the daily bickering that they were facing in the
Interim Government. Azad canvassed a number of people,
including Lord Mountbatten, before the latter left for London
with his final recommendations. Azad sincerely believed that the
Cabinet Mission Plan should be adopted as it was for the good of
all sections in the country because it would retain the unity of the
country so dear to Azad and thus save his generation the derision
of the future generations. But his efforts were of no avail.
Ultimately, on June 4, 1947, a White Paper was issued proposing
the partition of the country and the provinces.
During his last meeting with Lord Mountbatten, Azad had
provided him with a number of useful suggestions. Incidentally
some good proposals have been detailed by Dr. Rajendra Prasad
in his India Divided. He had indicated that the unit of division
should be the population of a district and had anticipated the

boundary commission which appeared in the shape of the
Radcliffe Commission.
It was finally decided that a referendum should be
undertaken in the North West Frontier Province. This referendum
was boycotted by the Khudai Khidmatgars with the result that
even this Congress-ruled province was handed over to the
Muslim League. This must rank as one of the great injustices of
this Award.
Lord Mountbatten expeditiously put through the plan of
partition. Pakistan was created on August 14 and India became
free on August, 15, 1947.
Maulana Azad, the inflexible advocate of Indian unity, was
the saddest man at this turn of events. Acharya Kripalani has
stated in his book Gandhi—His Life and Thought that Maulana
Azad was not opposed to the division of the country. Acharya
Kripalani’s assumption is based on the fact that Maulana Azad.
had mentioned that he had made his feelings clear to Mahatma
Gandhi but he (Kripalani) did not know anything about it. It is
indeed surprising that Kripalani, who had worked closely with
Maulana Azad for years, had no knowledge of Azad’s views on
this issue, had no inkling of Azad’s trend of thoughts in politics,
nor of his constant differences with the Muslim League which
resulted in the creation of the Muslim Nationalist Party and the
guidance that Azad provided to the Jamait-ul-Ulema. Azad’s
whole life was a negation of the two-nation theory and an
affirmation of the Indian nationhood. He tried his best to reject
partition during the negotiations with the Cripps Mission and the
Cabinet Mission. However, Azad was a great disciplinarian.
When his companions accepted partition, when he found that
the majority was against him, he bowed before the party
decision. And this he did only after fighting this decision with
his full might. But the circumstances were against him and
success eluded him. He failed while those who exploited religion
to mislead the masses, succeeded. In a way, Azad was born

before his time, in an age when the country’s political
consciousness was as immature as its understanding of the real
spirit of religion.
Thus it was that Azad acquiesced in the decision regarding

partition with great pain and sorrow. He had often dared to
differ with Mahatma Gandhi, but, being a true democrat, he
always bowed before the decision of the majority in the
Working Committee. To infer from this that Azad was not
opposed to partition is a calumny. Scores of speeches and
writings fully reveal Azad’s mentality, his religious and political
ideology and how he held India’s unity to be something sacred.
The speeches at Lucknow and on the steps of the Jama Masjid
at Delhi reveal the real agony of his heart (for a translation of
the Jama Masjid speech please see the Appendix).
t
Minister of Education
I N SEPTEMBER 1946 when the Interim Government was

constituted without the Muslim League, Mahatma Gandhi and
other leaders were keen that Maulana Azad should join the
Cabinet, but Azad suggested Asaf Ali’s name instead. When Asaf
Ali came to know of it, he too tried his best to persuade
Maulana Azad to accept the ministership but Azad remained
adamant. In January 1947, however, when Dr. Rajendra Prasad
quitted the Cabinet on being elected President of the Constituent
Assembly, his vacancy had to be filled. At this time, Mahatma
Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were able to persuade Azad to
take over the portfolio of Education from C. Rajagopalachari.
This he did on January 15, 1947, and he retained this portfolio
till his death on February 22, 1958. Maulana Azad was elected
to the Lok Sabha from the Rampur constituency in 1952 and
from the Gurgaon constituency in 1957.
There could be no better teacher of manners, morals and

human values than Azad. Endowed with learning and scholarship,
he was not only a thinker and a wise person but also blessed
with a temperament that was impervious to the ups and downs
of life. He had attained the stage where wealth had no attraction
for him and poverty no terror. Consequently, the post of
Minister of Education was most suitable for him, though he
accepted it after great hesitation.
The leaders of the newly-freed nation realized that it was of

essence to reform the educational system laid down by the British
rulers and to cultivate certain desirable values and ways of thinking

in the emerging generation. Azad was aware that to lay down the
outlines of a meaningful system of education it was essential to
have a clear conception of the meaning and purpose of human
existence. Although his various speeches and writings discuss this
basic theme, a comprehensive statement of his views is available in
the address he gave at a UNESCO symposium on “The Concept of
Man and the Educational Philosophy in East and West.”
Azad’s penetrating eyes do not see any basic difference in
the philosophies of East and West, nor does he hold one
superior to the other. But he discovers that important
differences do exist in their mental and emotional attitudes
which are related to the theories and concepts of human nature
provided by the respective thinkers of East and West. The great
thinkers of the West - Darwin, Freud and Marx, tried to
discover truth in their vastly different ways. But they failed to
do so. The eastern philosophers went round and round in the
labyrinth of Sufism and Vedanta. They realised the heights
which man could attain but they got entangled in fatalism. Azad
based his educational philosophy on the principle that there
should be a bridge between the East and the West and one
should not accept or reject anything old or new without
applying to it the test of reason.
The impress of Azad’s thinking was felt in almost every
field of education. Without his guidance, it is doubtful whether
free India’s culture and education would have remained free of
distortion. Azad laid emphasis on adult education and expanded
its dimension. He promoted research in eastern learning and
literature and set up the three Akademies to develop the fine arts.
It was he who started work on the compilation of technical
terms in Hindi on a large scale. It was he who resisted the
emotional approach to the issue of the medium of instruction and
the conflict between Hindi and non-Hindi protagonists. It was he
who established the University Grants Commission and through
it safeguarded the autonomy of the universities and made
available larger funds for higher education. It was he who

declared that women’s education was more important than
men’s because it could create a new consciousness and a
new life in the whole nation.
Much had been said for and against the need of religious
education, but none could be more aware of its need and
importance than Maulana Azad. However, in the context of the
conditions prevailing in the country and for certain other
considerations, he decided that it would not be wise to impart
religious instruction officially in government schools. At the same
time he realised that the true spirit of religion should permeate not
only education but every sphere of life and through it people
should learn tolerance and broadmindedness and develop a strong
bond of sympathy for fellow human beings.
The underlying objectives of Azad’s life were to spread
communal unity and to provide proper education and training
for India’s welfare. He set about promoting a balanced outlook
among the Indians and to fill their hearts with love and tolerance
for each other. In this context, his achievement has had few
parallels in the Indian history.
Azad set up the following boards/commissions during his
tenure:
1. The University Education Commission (Set up 1948,
Report 1949).
2. The Secondary Education Commission (Set up 1952,
Report 1953).
3. All India Council for Technical Education (Reorganised
to set up a chain of national laboratories throughout
the country).
4. Kharagpur Institute of Higher Technology.
5. University Grants Commission.
Maulana Azad had the foresight to perceive that technical
education was essential for India’s progress and development.
Addressing the Central Advisory Board of Education on
February 6, 1958 he said (in what proved to be his last speech):
“When I assumed charge of education in 1947,1 immediately

saw that there could be no solution of our educational problems
without the fullest cooperation of the Centre and the Provinces.
Education was no doubt a provincial subject but it was my
considered opinion that this distinction could be maintained only
when our educational targets have been achieved. Till such
time, the Central Government should openly recognise that
though education is a State subject, it must share this
responsibility with the State Government if we are to meet the
challenge of the times.”
When Azad took over the Education portfolio, its budget

was only two crore rupees. Gradually he succeeded in having it
increased to more than Rs. 30 crore. Azad held that the
objective of our Five Year Plans was not only to increase
agricultural and industrial production, power, transport,
communications etc., but to provide a proper mental climate
and requisite training for the people in general and the younger
generation in particular in order to produce better citizens. No
amount of material progress would be of any earthly use, he
felt, if we lagged behind in education. Azad held that there was
no dearth of talent, scientific or otherwise, in India, and it only
needed proper encouragement and cultivation. He was, in a
way, preoccupied with scientific and technical education. His
broad vision however is reflected in the speech he gave in 1950
at the meeting of the Central Advisory Board of Education. He
indicated that with a view to raising the standards of technical
education it was proposed that in addition to the expansion and
development of existing institutions, four institutes of higher
technology should be set up. The Eastern Higher Technological
Institute near Calcutta was being expanded although it did not
have even its own building till then.
On October 19, 1945, the government accepted in principle

the Sargent Report which had recommended that a National
Council of Technical Education be set up for development of
technical education. The Council was set up as an Advisory
Board on November 30, 1945 under the Chairmanship of the

late N.R. Sarkar. In 1953, the Constitution of this Council was
amended and the Minister of Education was made its President.
On February 8, 1953, while assuming the Presidentship of the
Council, Maulana Azad said:
“As Minister of Education I have naturally been interested in

its (the Council’s) working and I am happy, my association with
the Council will henceforth be much closer than it has been in
the past. Some of the landmarks in the history of the Council
naturally come to my mind on this occasion. You are aware that
it was primarily at the initiative of the Council that the
Government of India decided to strengthen a number of
undergraduate institutions in various parts of the country by
providing grants amounting to about one and a half crore rupees.
It was also on the recommendation of the Council that the
Government accepted the proposals of the Sarkar Committee to
set up four higher institutes of technology in the country. The
Council is also responsible for undertaking steps to establish
closer relations between industries and educational institutions
by establishing different types of industrial training schemes.”
Maulana Azad was willing to extend help for development of

technical training in every possible way, whether it be for
expansion of existing building, acquisition of equipment or
recruitment of teachers trained in the new methods of education.
He acquired, through the courtesy of the West Bengal
Government, a plot of 1200 acres in Hoogly near Calcutta for
setting up the Eastern Higher Technological Institute. The plot
contained a collectorate building and some other houses where
political prisoners were detained in the pre-independence days.
Soon, however, these houses were replaced by teachers’
quarters and lecture halls. Inaugurating the Kharagpur Institute
of Technology on August 18, 1951 Azad said:
“One of the first decisions I took on assuming charge was

that we must so improve the facilities for higher technical
education in the country that we would ourselves meet most of

our needs. The large number of our youngemen who had been
going abroad for higher training could have received such
training in the country itself. Indeed, I looked and still look
forward to the day when the facilities for technical education in
India will be of such a level that people from abroad will come
to India for higher scientific and technical training.”
The Kharagpur Institute was one of Azad’s achievements.

In July, 1955 when the first batch of hundreds of successful
students passed through its gate, each of them had already
received many offers of employment. This proved how
accurate Azad was in assessing the country’s needs.
Not content with this, Maulana Azad set up a Committee in

1947, under Sir Shanti Swamp Bhatnagar, to assess the
country’s requirements of scientific and technical workers for
the next ten years and to recommend measures to provide them.
The progress attained by India in this context may be measured
by the following table:
1947 1950 1955

(i) Engineering Studies
Number of degree level Institutes 28 37 43
Intake 2520 3337 5000
Out-turn 950 1700 3000
(ii) Technology
Number of degree level Institute 16 24 25
Intake 420 782 1050
Out-turn 320 498 700
In the domain of fine arts, Maulana Azad was particularly

fond of poetry and was himself a poet, but he was also a
connoisseur of music and painting. It was, therefore, natural
that he set up the three academies - Sahitya Akademi, Lalit Kala
Akademi and Sangeet Natak Akademi.
These Akademies, run by separate Councils are fully

financed by the Government. The senior-most amongst them,
the Sahitya Akademi, was inaugurated on March 12, 1954. Its
aim is to promote Indian literature and eminent men of letters
are on its Executive Council. There are separate Boards for the
main languages and, to patronize and encourage writers, the
Akademi gives annual awards of Rs. 5000 for the best book in
each language.
The Sangeet Natak Akademi promotes Hindustani and
Karnatak music by honouring deserving vocalists and
instrumentalists with Presidential awards and honours. The
maestros in dance and drama are also awarded in similar manner.
The Lalit Kala Akademi concerns itself with the promotion
and development of painting, sculpture and allied arts.
Under the guidance of Maulana Azad, India became one of
the founder-members of UNESCO. Inaugurating the Indian
National Commission for UNESCO on April 9, 1949, Maulana
Azad said that UNESCO fulfilled a great need and had done
remarkably well since it was founded three years ago. India, on
her part, had cooperated with UNESCO in an admirable manner
and many UNESCO projects were underway in India. Classics
from various countries of the world were being translated into
Indian languages. The scope of exchange of scientific information
and cooperation had been widened. A large number of Indian
professors and scholars were holding high posts in UNESCO
and India could be proud of the fact that Dr. Radhakrishnan had
been elected President of the Executive Council of UNESCO.
In June, 1951, speaking at the Paris session of UNESCO,
Maulana Azad gave an inspiring address. His main emphasis was
that UNESCO could succeed in promoting a willingness among
various countries to understand each other’s culture with a view
to creating harmony and accord, it would be a great achievement
because cultural accord would naturally lead to accord on
political and economic levels. On January 8, 1954, addressing
the Indian National Commission for Cooperation with UNESCO,
Maulana Azad ventilated the grievance of the eastern countries

that UNESCO and its institutions were not paying due attention
to them. At the same time, Maulana Azad declared in another
speech, the UNESCO provided a ray of hope for peace and
amity in this world.
The printed speeches of Maulana Azad are not his political
or religious addresses. They are mostly those speeches that he
delivered as Minister of Education. Even so they cover a wide
range of subjects such as history, music, dance, drama,
education, technical education, public schools, UNESCO, the
concept of man in the East and the West, roads and progress,
science, Indian literature, and many others.
Yet another achievement of Maulana Azad was the setting
up of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations with the object
of establishing and improving cultural relations with other
countries. The Council publishes an Arabic quarterly called
Thaqafat-ul-Hind, and its first editor was the late Maulana
Abdur Razzak Malihabadi. This journal was issued with a view
to making the West Asian countries conscious of India’s culture
and civilization. Another journal called the Indo-Asia is published
in English and is circulated in those Asian countries where
English is understood. It has the same object as Thaqafat-ul-
Hind. The Council also distributes a large number of books in
other countries with a view to introducing the people of those
countries to Indian culture, civilization and literature.
Maulana Azad served the country in various capacities.
Besides being the Education Minister, he was the Deputy Leader
of the Congress Party in Parliament and a principal adviser to
the Prime Minister. There is no doubt that the name of this
honoured writer, politician and thinker will never lose its luster
in Indian history.
Finally, the present writer would like to quote an abstract
from an article of Dr. K.G. Saiyidain, published in the Education
Quarterly and reproduced in the book on Maulana Azad released
by the Publications Divisions.
“Maulana was first and last an educationist. The secret of

his success as an educationist lay in the fact that he practiced in
his life what he preached in his works. He had the qualities of
character and intellect which he wished to inculcate in the
people of his country. His whole life bore a shining stamp of
sincerity and truth—truth which he loved and advocated with
Socratic passion; truth which makes no compromise with
expediency and no concessions to ill-informed criticism or
opposition, however bitter it might be...
“As a Minister, who presided over the educational destinies
of the country since the attainment of independence, he has left
the impress of his great personality in many directions.
“His humanism could not reconcile itself to the fact that
many groups and classes should be debarred from full
participation in the growing life of the country, because
centuries of social neglect and tyranny had deprived them of
their human rights. In order to equalize and democratize
opportunity, several schemes of scholarship were initiated of
which the most noticeable was one for Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes and other Backward Classes for which the
financial provision was raised from Rs. 300,000 to Rs. 20
million during his regime.
“. . . Through the growing relationship with UNESCO in
the cause of peace and international understanding and through
the promotion of cultural exchanges with many foreign
countries, cultural activities received a new stimulus in the
country and Indian culture a new recognition and respect
abroad. As a writer and a man of culture, he was sensitive to
the financial plight of writers, artists and others working in the
field of culture and he sponsored a scheme under which those
in really indigent circumstances could be given financial
assistance.
“He had a phased programme formulated for the development
of Hindi but insisted that it should be so implemented as to give
no cause for grievance or apprehension to other national

languages, which were equally dear to him. When, in the first
flush of freedom and nationalism, many who had themselves
received western education wanted to oust English or at least
relegate it to the background, this man of vision, who was
himself a product of the traditional system of eastern education,
insisted that English should be retained and given an important
place in our national life.
“He was, above all, deeply interested in the welfare of the

teacher community and worked hard not only to improve their
financial condition but also to reaise their social status...
“I recall with poignant interest the words that he spoke at

the last meeting of the Central Advisory Board of Education only
a fortnight before his death:
‘Whatever may be the system that we may adopt, there can

be no real improvement without an improvement in the quality
of our teachers. One of the main achievements in the Second
Five-Year Plan has been the improvement of salary scales of
teachers in the Primary and Basic schools...
‘While these measures have gone a good deal to raise the

morale of teachers, some of the good effects have been lost
because of constant and carping criticism of our existing
teachers. I know that many of them are ill-trained and some
have come to the profession only as a last resort, but at the
same time we must recognise that in spite of great difficulties
they have served the nation well...’
“But as a man, the Maulana was even greater than his

work as a Minister. With what grace and dignity and sense of
justice did he preside over our activities! Never interfering in
details, not even greatly interested in them, unless they
impinged in some way on principles or policy; always ready to
help and encourage, always willing to overlook faults and
weaknesses except when they encroached in any way of the
public interest or the integrity of administration; always

shunning personal publicity, sometimes even with indignation.
He would not even accept honorary degrees from the universities.
If I remember it right, he had only once accepted such a degree
in the early years of his ministership.
“The same sympathy and understanding and absence of a
doctrinaire approach which enabled him to deal with complex
political situations guided him in the educational field and kept
the keel of our educational ship steady.”
It also redounds to Azad’s foresight and credit that he
always appointed one educationist as Secretary in the Ministry
of Education. Accordingly, as long as he remained Minister of
Education, his Secretaries were eminent educationists like Dr.
Tara Chand, Professor Humayun Kabir and K.G. Saiyidain.*
Writer and Scholar
J OSH MALIHABADI, the noted Urdu poet and writer, once

told Azad: “You actually belong to our tribe. Your uniform is
still lying with us. Why did you put on the livery of politics?”
Despite the underlying truth of Josh’s remark, the contribution
of Azad to literature and learning is of no mean significance.
Niaz Fatehpuri, another scholar, paid his tribute to Maulana
Azad in these words:
“Had he devoted himself to Arabic poetry, he would have

been another Mutaunnabi or Badiuzzamani. Had he devoted
himself only to religious and theological reform he would have
been the Ibne Taimiyya of his era. Had he occupied himself
solely with philosophical studies, he would not have ranked less
than Ibne Rushd (Averros) and Ibne Khalil. Had he turned to
Persian poetry, he would have been equal to Urfi and Naziri.
Had he inclined towards Sufism and moral uplift, he would have
been equal to Ghazali and Rumi.”
Indeed Azad was endowed with extraordinary mental and

intellectual capacities though, because of his retiring nature,
these talents were never fully known to the public at large. At
best he was recognized as the editor of Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh,
the author of Tarjuman-ul-Quran and the orator of Tazkira and
Ghubar-e-Khatir. In fact, however, he was a many-sided genius
who had the capacity to contribute creatively to any field of his
choice. He was interned at an early age. When released, he
became deeply involved in politics which left him little leisure.

Even so his books and writings are fairly large in number.
(1) Elan-e-Haq, (2) Musalman Aurat, (3) Taza Mazamine-

Maulana Abu 7 Kalam Azad (4) Masalaa-e-Khilafat aur Jazira-
tur Arab, (5) Qaul-e-Faisal, (6) Khutbat-e-Azad, (7) Taqarir,
{%) Navadir-e-Abul Kalam, (9) TarJuman-ul-Quran, (10) Tazkira,
(11) Azad ki Kahani, (12) India Wins Freedom, (13) Ghubar-e-
Khatir, (14) Karawane Khayal, (15) Naqshe Azad, (16)
Makatib-e-Abul Kalam, (17) Faisla-e-Muqaddamaa-e-Jama
Masjid, Calcutta, (18) Malirkotla ka Niza, (19) Sarmad
Shahid, (20) National Tahrik (MS), (21) Alberuni aur Gughrafiae
Aalam (MS), and (22) Mutafarriq Khutut (MS).
Dr. Nafisi, the learned Professor of Tehran University, has

written at great length about Maulana Azad’s erudition. After
meeting him. Dr. Nafisi paid a tribute not only to Azad’s Persian
scholarship but also to his ability to converse fluently and
faultlessly in Persian. Azad used to quote Persian scholars and
thinkers very often, says Nafisi, and he was most learned in the
cultural history of Persia. Indeed Azad was an extremely
accomplished and learned scholar. Dr. Nafisi recounted to Azad
the well-known anecdote of the grammarian and the boatman
while they were sailing in the boat. The grammarian asked the
seaman, “Do you know any grammar?” “None”, he said. “Half
of your life has been wasted”, said the grammarian. Soon after
there arose a storm and the boatman asked the grammarian, “Do
you know how to swim?” “No”, he replied. “Your whole life
has been wasted and you are going to lose it”, said the boatman.
Azad chuckled and said, “This story has been recounted by
Rumi in his famous Mathnavi ”, and then he proceeded to recite
the whole story in Rumi’s verse.
Azad’s memory was phenomenal and the range of his

studies very wide. He was, therefore, able to quote thousands
of Urdu and Persian verses in his writings. Once a friend,
Maulana Ghulam Rasul Mehr, questioned the accuracy of
Azad’s quotation and amended it a little. In one of his letters,

Azad writes,
“I had read that verse about 30 years ago. Today,

fortunately, I came across the original book and discovered
that, by the Grace of God, the verse was exactly as I had
quoted it.”
Among Azad’s writings, Tarjuman-ul-Quran occupies the

pride of place. He had realised the need of a rational commentary
on the Quran and even started working at it while he was still
young and proving his mettle in All-Hilal The travails he had to
undergo in this regard have already been described. Ultimately,
however, the translation and commentary of only 18 chapters of
the Quran could be published after a long lapse of time. There is
some evidence that he had translated the remaining 12 chapters
also but no manuscript was found after his death and it was
difficult to say where he had completed the task, though he
mentioned it in some letters to Ghulam Rasul Mehr.
The Quran, as seen and interpreted by Maulana Azad, is a
complete moral code and a comprehensive set of directives for
personal and social behaviour. The first noteworthy translation of
the Quran in India was the Persian version rendered by Shah
Waliullah. This translation, made boldly and with great insight,
laid the foundations of a new school of thought. His son, Shah
Abdul Qadir, translated the Persian version made by his father
into Urdu, at the beginning of the 19^^ century. Shah Waliullah’s
translation made it easier for the Quran to be translated into other
languages in India. He also made it clear that the Quran was not
something to be kept safe and secure in the folds of a silken
handkerchief On the other hand, it was necessary to carry its
message to the people. Shah Waliullah was against those who
followed religious precepts blindly. It was his desire to coordinate
the teachings of Islam with the principles of human welfare and
for this it was necessary to cleanse the Islamic principles of the
myths and false legends which had crept into them.
Abu’l Kalam Azad
Azad was deeply influenced by the objective approach of

Shah Waliullah. At first he was also influenced by Imam
Ghazali’s efforts at revivalism. Then he came under the spell of
Imam Ibne Taimiyya who 150 years after Ghazali (661-728)
gave a new turn to Hadith, Fiqh, the rational subjects, logic,
philosophy and rhetoric. Perhaps the greatest influence of Azad
was that of Ibne Taimiyya who did not want Islam to be tainted
by Greek influences. As Maulana Akhtar Ali Tilahri says:
“Maulana Azad had a number of Quranic commentaries
before him which he studied with a probing mind. He was
fully aware of the imperfections that had crept into these
commentaries for various reasons. His taste for Arabic was
like that of a pure Arab. He had great power of assimilation
and was free from any layers of artificiality. His mind was
healthy and alert, his wit penetrating and his memory a store¬
house of witty arguments, wise sayings and anecdotes. The
study of the Quran had developed into a great passion with
him. Consequently, he was able to translate, with great love
and devotion, 18 chapters of the Quran in his peerless and
exquisite style. He embellished this translation with notes and
comments, short and long, according to the occasion and the
need. Whatever Azad has written commands highest respect.
His writings have advanced the cause of thinking and opened
new vistas of thought and opinion. They have promoted
religious insight and cleansed Islam, by strong reasoning and
convincing explanations, of superstition which had introduced
a number of old wives tales into it and of fiction i.e. ancient
historic events narrated in the guise of stories. Azad exposed
those commentators who had knuckled down to Greek
philosophy and had tried to explain Islam in its terms. It is this
quality of Azad’s commentary which makes it unique and
without a peer in its field. In the earlier period, the apex of the
commentators’ efforts was attained in Imam Razi’s Tafsee-re-
Kabir. One can hardly deny the capacity of Imam Razi to
unravel the finer points of an issue or to make new points in
argument, but the major portion of his achievements seems to

be adapted from Greek philosophy. Imam Razi fully deserves
the title of the “Leader of the Doubters”, but it is one thing to
unravel knots and another to create them. Imam Razi often
creates complications where none existed before and then he
goes on his way nonchalantly without bothering to resolve
these complications. That is why the scholars say of him that
his objections are in cash but his replies are in credit.
“Azad, on the other hand, is a commentator of a different
type. He does not create problems for their own sake; nor does
he add to the pages of his book unimportant or farfetched
matters. He discusses vital and useful issues pertaining to the
understanding of the Quran and when he takes up an issue, he
carries it to its logical end, and a conclusion. Tarjuman-ul-
Quran is a highly successful commentary due to Azad’s
amazingly vast store of knowledge, his clarity of mind, his
strong memory and his extraordinary power of expression and
communication.”
The first volume of Tarjuman-ul-Quran, which provided a
commentary on Surat-a-Fatiha only, was published in 1931.
The second volume, released in 1936 from the Madina Press,
Bijnore, covered 18 chapters. It is not known what happened to
the third volume. However, even if Azad had published only the
first volume, he would have earned an abiding name in the field
of commentary.
The Sahitya Akademi has recently published the Tarjuman-
ul-Quran in a new edition, in three volumes, by dividing the
second volume in two parts.
Maulana Azad had labored hard and long in studying the
Quran. As he himself says:
“I devoted about 23 years of my life in studying the Quran.
I have deliberated over every chapter, every verse, every phrase
and word in the Quran. I can claim to have studied the larger
part of all the commentaries, published or unpublished. I have
also undertaken thorough investigation of the various aspects of

the Quranic philosophy.”
Reviewing Tarjuman-ul-Quran, Maulana Syed Sulaiman
Nadvi wrote:
“Among the Quranic commentaries I have read, I consider
those by Ibne Taimiyya and Ibne Qayyam as the best. The
learned author of Tarjuman-ul-Quran deserves our
congratulations particularly because living in the shadow of
European imperialism he has dared follow in the footsteps of
Ibne Taimiyya and Ibne Qayyam who had set an example by
resisting the Mongol conquerors.”
Commenting on the fundamental unity of religions, Azad
writes:
“The fundamental concept of all religions is belief in the
existence of God. All the religions teach the same truth and the
worship of God is ingrained in human nature. Thus differences in
religion are created by three factors; dispute over the attributes of
God, difference in modes of worship, and difference in religious
laws. These differences are created by time and circumstance,
by environment. None doubts the existence of God.”
Again, says Azad:
“Men want to live under an organized law based on
goodness and they are guided by the prophets of God.”
Next to Tarjuman-ul-Quran, Tazkira is the most important
book written by Azad. It has been mentioned that when Azad was
interned in Ranchi, Fazluddin Ahmad who was not only the
publisher of Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh but also a personal friend of
Azad, visited him and persuaded him to write an autobiography
and send him the manuscript in instalments. In a lucky moment
Azad agreed to do so but he started by writing about one of his
ancestors. Sheikh Jamaluddin, a great scholar and saint who lived
during the reign of Akbar the Great. The Tazkira represents the
first chapter of Azad’s autobiography. The second chapter was
about Jamaluddin’s son. Sheikh Mohammad Afzal and a great
grandfather, Maulana Munawwaruddin. Azad did complete these
three chapters, and sent them to Fazluddin Ahmad but after the
latter’s death in 1922, the last two chapters were lost and could
not be printed.
There are quite a few autobiographies in Urdu, notable

among them being Maulana Jafar Thanes Ali’s Kala Pani,
Zaheer Dehlavi’s Dastan-e-Ghadr, Chaudhri Afzal Haq’s Mera
Afsana,B\i2i\ Permanand’s autobiography, Ranbir’s Phansi Ki
Kothri, Raza Ali’s Aamal Nama, Hasan Nizami’s Aap 5ee^/,Hasrat
Mohani’s Quid-e-Farang. Azad’s book is an autobiography in
name only, it is more of a sustained discussion on religions,
society, philosophy, morals and politics.
Though Tazkira is about Sheikh Jamaluddin, the
autobiographical element was introduced when concluding his
remarks about the loftiness of Jamaluddin’s person and
character. Azad talks about his own turbulent youth and says a
lot in allusions and metaphors:
“When I beheld the upright stature of the cypress, felt sad
because I could not emulate its example by towering heads and
shoulders above all. When I looked at the humility and the lack
of airs of the trodden blade of grass, I was ashamed of my own
vanity and self-esteem. When I felt the soft flow of the morning
breeze, I grew frustrated with my immobility and longed to
wander and travel. When I considered how uncontrolled and
unmalleable was the running water, I wept and my heart bled at
the fetters’ smile, my eyes brimmed over with tears of
sympathy. Whenever the trees swayed and the boughs rejoiced
and danced, I remembered my own inertness and apathy. In
short, there was no dearth of promptings and no lack of
capacity on my part. But while the lighting struck and the
clouds thundered on, alas, my sleep was almost death-like and
the back on which I reclined in my torpor kept waiting for a
strong lash of the whip for an awakening. As the poet says:
‘Due to my extreme weakness,
The words of prayer never reached my lips,
Even though Gods Mercy was only

awaiting to hear those words,
To forgive me/
It is better to say openly:
7 proclaim loud and clear
Not for me the secret whispers ’
that waywardness of action leads to licentiousness and
waywardness of faith leads to apostacy, that there was no
variety of licence and apostacy which I was not fated to
experience. Indeed what else is licentiousness but apostacy
carried to an extreme:
‘When on Doomsday I will be called
to account for my sins,
Registers, wherein the sins of the rest
of the world are entered.
Will be torn and thrown away. ’
Elsewhere, Maulana Azad writes:
“The world does not change for anybody; but if you
change yourself, you will find it totally different. The world that
you see in your crumpled old age, is it the same that you beheld
in your youth? Does this ordinary world that you see in the sad
mom of parting bear any resemblance to the glorious vision you
saw when you met your beloved in the early hours of the night?
‘Does it not seem
As if the whole earth and the skies
have been transformed? ’
“If you cannot entertain the allusions I have made, please
don’t reject them altogether. Give me the benefit of your doubt.
Actually even I can neither comprehend nor express fully what
befell my eyes and my heart. Even if I speak in metaphors,
substituting a smile for the lighting and the silver powder that
adorns the parting of the bride’s hair for the stars, who on earth
will be able to follow me?”
And finally, it is difficult to resist the temptation to give
here a rather long but necessary extract from the Tazkira for it
brings out—to the extent possible in an English rendering—the

exquisite beauty of Azad’s prose and recounts the climax of his
worldly love and its ultimate frustration.
“All praise to the Lord who works in mysterious ways and
extends a helping hand towards those who have been led astray.
For long had the Divine Grace been exerting its attraction; it
was my own dormant self that held me back. For long had the
Divine Vision been shining in full splendour; it was my own
distorted sight that stood in the way of perception. Heaven’s
mercy had been calling me repeatedly; but its voice was not
heeded by my heart in the tumult raised by the senses.
“The shock of unrequited love opened my eyes, as if in a
different world, which had its own ravishing visions. It was not
the same sky, nor the same horizon. It was not the same earth,
nor the same people. Even the hand that led me to this new
place had disappeared. As if it were a lamp which lit the way in
the gloom of the night, and was put out with the advent of the
mom, being no longer required;
'When love blew its trumpet, loud and clear,
Not only faith and religion
But even heresy, that was waiting to pounce upon me.
Took to its heels ’
“This, in short, was what I felt I saw. As for the ears,
when I listened closely I found that the whole universe, inside
and outside, was resounding with these words:
Thou art being hailed from the ramparts
of the Heavens,
What art thou tarrying.
In this prison-house.
Called the earth?
“The same earth that had once stupefied me in her tavern
of forgetfulness, which had constantly beguiled my eyes and
bewitched my ears, was now glowing with vitality in every
nook and comer, and transmitting the ability and the insight to
perceive tmth.
“Every particle spoke. Every leaf was like a letter.

Flowers opened their lips. The stones rolled up to point out
something. The trodden dust rose and strewed the air with
pearls. The skies had to come down often to resolve my
queries. The earth had to be tossed up many a time to pluck
the stars from the heavens. Angels held me by the arms that I
might not falter. The sun came to light my way that I might
not stumble. All the veils were taken off. All the curtains were
torn to shreds. All the brows nodded. All the eyes told tales.
All the hands were extended. I caught hold of the cloud and
found it a melodic instrument of life. I beckoned the lightning
near and found it a revealing smile on the lips of the eternal
mystery. I gathered all the gusts of winds in my fists and they
yet remained empty. All the waves of the seven seas could not
fill my two cupped hands. It seemed as if the night had been
abolished for I sought gloom far and wide, and found it
nowhere. I went in search of sleep and forgetfulness, and
none knew their address. I closed my eyes and a world of
glorious spectacles unfolded itself. Whenever I closed my
ears, they were filled with delicious sounds and melodies. The
sun boasted saying that it was millions of miles away. A ray of
light shot up from the Arctic region and declared it traversed
1,86,000 miles in a second. But it could not equal even the
initial glance of my eyes. And my heart smiled and said that
when the message of love flies on the wings of desire, the
speed of light appears like the faltering steps of the lame. In
short, the dormant aspirations woke up and the heart that I
had given up in despair returned to me with new powers and
provisions. There was nothing in the universe of animate or
inanimate beings which frowned unpleasantly or looked
deceptively. All the tongues spoke out. All the gestures were
explicit. All the writings were bold and legible. No lips
remained closed. No visions were veiled. And my eyes took in
everything they saw, and the ears treasured everything they
heard. To cut a long story short, the heart absorbed everything
that the eyes saw or the ears heard.”
This poetic and eloquent extract from Azad is more revealing

than any formal confession. Indeed he has freely confessed his
partiality for a life of pleasures. That he does not provide details
is immaterial. In any case, to admit the charges of heresy and
licentiousness requires courage of the highest order.
The story of this period of Azad’s life is corroborated by
Maulana Abdur Razzak Malihabadi in Zikr-e-Azad. Abdur Razzak
was a close companion of Azad for a long time and it cannot be
said of him:
‘The Divine Secret that holy men never

imparted to anyone,
I wonder how the wine-seller came to know them? ’
He tried to persuade Azad to write a complete autobiography
including the episodes of pleasures and indulgence. He argued
with Azad, cited the instance of Tolstoy and Rousseau,
entreated and wheedled till one day Azad relented and Abdur
Razzak could say:
‘The phoenix of success
Was entrapped in my net’.
Azad dictated the momentous chapter to Abdur Razzak but
asked for it the next day for revision and probably changed his
mind as the revised chapter was never returned to Abdur Razzak
who ways, ‘T cannot betray a friend’s confidence. Hence, though
I mention it, I have actually buried it in my heart.”
Tazkira was the first book of Azad to be published. Had
Fazluddin Ahmad not died early, the remaining two chapters of
Azad’s life would also have been printed along with a couple of
tracts. But after Fazluddin’s death all these manuscripts
disappeared.
Strictly speaking, Tazkira is not an autobiography, but it
does contain revelations about Azad’s life up to the time it was
written. The style is largely oracular but when one writes from
the depths of one’s heart, it is bound to be so.
Tazkira is not only autobiographical, it discusses religion,

philosophy, logic, history. Shaikh Wasti, Imam Ibne Taimiyya,
the life of the prophets and various other topics.
Ghubar-e-Khatir is Azad’s last book. After writing it, the
preoccupations with politics gave him no time for writing. It is
a collection of letters which Maulana Azad wrote, while
imprisoned at the Ahmadnagar Fort, to Nawab Sadr Yar Jung
Habibur Rahman Khan Sherwani. Actually these letters were
written as a pastime, for they were never posted, nor were they
meant to be posted.
Azad first met Habibur Rahman Sherwani in 1905 at
Lucknow, through Maulana Shibli, and they retained their
friendly, literary and intellectual contacts till Azad’s death.
When Azad was released from the Ahmadnagar Jail, his
Secretary, Ajmal Khan prevailed upon him to get them printed.
These letters—it would be more correct to call them essays—
provide a keen analysis of life and reveal great truths hidden
behind the commonplace. They do not have the note of youthful
self-esteem that was apparent in Al-Hilal, Al-Balagh or
Tazkira. On the other hand, these letters eonvey, in balanced
and dignified manner, the essence of Azad’s mature experience.
The Urdu critic. Dr Syed Abdullah, who admired the fiery prose
of Azad’s youth, erroneously eonsiders that Ghubar-e-Khatir
marks the decline of Azad’s literary powers.
It is possible that Azad was prompted to write these letters
by the example of the French writer, Charles Loti Montesque’s
book Persian Letters in which two imaginary Persian travelers
make ironic comments on the French civilization in general and
the Persian culture in particular. Anyway, Azad was not
constrained by any regular plot or outline. He wrote as and
when the idea or the mood occurred. He selected an addressee
who was well worth the honour, for Maulana Habibur Rahman
Sherwani was the Head of the Religious Affairs and of
Translation Bureau of the Nizam’s Government at Hyderabad,
where he had been awarded the title of Nawab Sadr Yar Jung.
These letters reveal many a new facet of Azad’s personality. For
the first time we come to know of Azad’s love of music and that
he could even play the sitar. As he says:
“Let me tell you something, I have often probed the depths
of my own heart and discovered that I can probably do without
the necessities of life and yet be happy, but I cannot do without
music. The musical note is the prop of my existence, it soothes
me after mental exertion and cures all the ills of my heart and
body. Imagine the quietude of night, the shadowy stars, the
immovable marble dome bathed in the moonlight, the silvery
waves of the Jamuna rippling by, and in this work of light and
shade imagine the plaintive notes rising from my sitar and
floating freely on the air. The plectrum striking sparks of music
and the heaves pouring down showers of stars.”
In letters No. 12 and 13, Azad discusses God. It is indeed a
complex subject which has puzzled philosophers since the
beginning of the concept and remains a question that begs
solution. In these letters Azad talks in a very simple and attractive
language. But while the style is direct and uncomplicated, he had
taken great care to choose the words he has used.
Azad makes even such unpromising subjects as ‘The Story
of the Crow and the Bulbul’ or ‘The Story of the Sparrows’,
essays of such a high order as could hardly be rivaled in Urdu
prose. These essays are also garnished, at places, with a
delicate sense of humour. One of his fellow prisoners at
Ahmadnagar, Dr. Syed Mahmud, used to feed the birds every
morning, either out of some religious superstition or due to
kindness of heart which impelled him to associate with these
dumb creatures for a while as an antidote for the solitude of
imprisonment. Azad describes this act as follows:
“Each morning he picked up a few crumbs and went out
to the open courtyard. Then to the utmost limits of his voice
he started shouting ‘Ah, Ah’ and Bungs these crumbs up into
the air. This open invitation was not able to attract the mynahs,
but the cheeky beggars of the skies, the crows, began to crowd
in. I have described the crows as beggars because I have never
seen them go anywhere as guests, invited or uninvited. They
always march like the Fakirs, purposefully, up to each door,
utter their cries and march off.
“Anyway, as soon as Mr. Mahmud grew weary of saying
‘Ah, Ah’ and turned back, these greedy beggars immediately
advanced and wiped the table clean in a trice. Even before Syed
Mahmud cried, the crows were much in evidence with their
musical chorus of ‘caw-caw’. When this feast was offered to
them, the chorus grew into a thunderous orchestra. People bore
with it for a couple of days. Then a delegation waited upon
Syed Mahmud to plead with him that in case he could not
restrain the generous impulse of his hands, he should at least
postpone it for a few days, otherwise the depredation of the
robbers would not let even those remain in peace who were
trying to hide their heads in nooks and corners. It was also
hinted that for the present only the crows of Ahmadnagar knew
about this foodline, but if this free food continued, it would not
be surprising if all the crows of South India invaded Ahmadnagar.”
In these letters Azad not only described how the prisoners
spent their days in Ahmadnagar, he also revealed many things
about himself, explicitly or implicitly. Description of the love of
Aurangzeb, the man of iron, for the singing girl, Zainabadi, is
quite meaningful.
In these letters Azad has also struck moral blows at
religious superstitions and rituals and the conflicts between the
creeds. About himself he says:
“I do not know what is Sunnism and what the Shias believe
in. I have full faith in Allah and His book and I acclaim the
Prophet. I have also been bestowed with reason and I go after
established facts. What is white, remains white. What is black,
remains black. No white cloth can become black if it is worn by
a certain group and no truth can become false, just because it is

attributed to a certain person.”
In Aasar-e-Abu 7 Kalam' Qazi Abdul Ghalfar has commented

on the letter captioned ‘The Story of the Sparrow’. He thinks
that the point of contact between Azad’s high intelligence and
the humble life of a sparrow could be established only because
of Azad’s infinite love of nature and his capacity for minute
observation. The light touch in which the story is told could be
developed only by an author who has established a perfect
coordination between his words and thoughts. Such instances
are unique in literature. The story relates much more than the
growth of self-awareness in a baby sparrow. One can envision
the Ahmadnagar Fort populated by these birds in the same
manner as by these prisoners with Azad observing minutely
their daily life for recording the history of this family of birds
and thus making them immortal.
It is significant that Azad made friends with the insignificant
sparrows while the poet Iqbal adopted the eagle and the falcon as
his symbols to teach the Muslims the lesion of self-awareness
and power. Azad chose the character and habits of this innocent
creature to convey message of goodness, innocence and constant
endeavour for the betterment of the whole of humanity.
In a letter dated March 18, 1943, Azad describes how
moved he was at the way the baby-bird learnt step by step to
fly. He comments:
“Come to think of it, it was nothing but a demonstration
of life’s common miracles. The baby-bird had developed the
latent capacity to fly. It had come out of the cover of its nest
and stood face to face with the boundless sky but it was yet
unaware of its powers. As soon as the sense of self-awareness
awakened, it realized in its bones that it was a flying creature.
A breath of life ran through the lifeless frame. The drooping
wings that had appeared lifeless began to quiver for a take-off.
In the twinkling of an eye the surge to fly shook its whole
frame and it jumped off as if it had received a shock. The next

moment all the bonds of weakness and helplessness had broken
as under and the bird of courage was traversing the boundless
space like an eagle.”
In the letter dated December 17, 1943, Azad has written a

panegyric over tea. He took great pains in making tea and he
writes about tea in a manner which is even more delightful than
Ghalib’s writings about wine. And he is profuse with apt
quotations and verses too:
“And Now it is time for tea. But, alas, the tea which used
to intoxicate my turbulent nature and sooth my careworn brow
is beyond my reach. I am addicted to a particular brand of
Chinese tea and the little stock I had with me was exhausted a
few days ago. In the market places of Ahmadnagar and Poona,
nobody seems to have heard of this priceless commodity.
Consequently, I am forced to drink the hot brew of the Indian
black-leaf which, according to the old saying. ‘To be contrary,
that they have named the Abyssinian as Camphor’—is called tea
and mixed with milk to manufacture a hot sherbet.''
Azad’s partiality for tea is well known. He was a

connoisseur of beverages. Interestingly, in a letter dated
September 16, 1943 he said:
“Whatever I did, I did thoroughly. If I did good deeds,

worthy of being rewarded in heavens, I did them exhaustively.
If I committed sins, even then I did a good job. If I was
foremost in the lane of wine drinkers, I was also the foremost
among the pious and the upright. It is my nature that in
whatever I undertake I strive to become perfect. Unlike the
novices and the amateurs, I go straight towards my objective,
undeterred by side-issues.”
Ghubar-e-Khatir excels in many things. There is no better

or more reliable source for any biographer of Azad. There is no
other book that provides such a wealth of details about Azad’s
personal biodata, his family history, his education, his

psychological make-up and the motivations that shaped his
character. The style of the letter in it is crisp and balanced.
They are not egoistical outpourings but thoughtful statements
which provide meaningful insights in the ordinary happenings of
everyday life.
Azad’s article on Sarmad embodies research and

interpretation of a high order. Sarmad, whose real name was
Mohammad Saeed, possessed a most interesting personality. His
parents were Armenian Jews and he was a master of the Bible
and the Turah and had excellent command over Arabic and
Persian. He had been taught by Fundrusky. After his conversion
to Islam, he came to India as a trader. He fell in love with a
young boy named Abhay Chand, became a mystic and in his
frenzy began to wander around in a naked state.
Among the Persian poets who specialized in quatrains,

Sarmad is ranked with Khayyam and Sahabi Najafi. After the
execution of Dara Shikoh, Sarmad was accused of heresy at the
instigation of Aurangzeb and was executed. Commenting on
Muslim religious judges, Azad writes:
“During the 1300 years after the advent of Islam, the pen
of the religious judges has been like a naked sword; thousands
of persons have been killed because of their pronouncements.
At any given period in the history of Islam, there are countless
examples to show that whenever a ruler indulged in bloodshed,
both the pen of the religious judge and the sword of military
commander served him most loyally. It was not only the Sufis
and the mystics who suffered. Even those pious men who
were most punctilious about the form of religion and yet were
blessed with insight into the divine mysteries were subjected
to persecution by these judges and ultimately many of them
paid with their blood for their unconventional beliefs. As the
poet says:
‘When Naziri on the day of judgment,

Strode upto the eternal throne,
In a shroud strained with blood.
The multitude there wept pity and enquired.
Who had hurt him so grievously. ’
In short, if Azad had not got entangled in politics, he would
have made many a garden bloom in the literary field. Despite
this, however, he ranks very high indeed as an author and
writer.
Summing Up
A MAN OF STRONG determination and pure heart, Maulana

Azad was handsome and majestic in appearance and
balanced and dignified in expression. His high and noble
aspirations, mature wisdom and brilliant oratory put the stamp
of truth and integrity over politics and captivated the hearts of
millions. As a writer he breathed a new life into the pages of
journalism and history. He was a man of vision, the like of
whom is not seen often. It is an index of his vast bearing that
when Hali and Shibli met Azad when he was 16 years old, they
took him only to be the son of the famous man.
Like Azad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had also opposed the
orthodox mullahs and endeavoured to promote a progressive
outlook among the Muslims. To that extent, Azad was duly
impressed by Sir Syed. But Sir Syed had felt that it was
opportune for the Muslims of his time to acquiesce in the
British rule. AbuT Kalam Azad rejected this thesis. Although he
was born in a family which had a long tradition of learning and
scholarship, he accepted that learning and scholarship with due
caution. He removed the dress of orthodoxy from learning. In
short, he was a progressive person by any definition.
In an article entitled ‘The Mischief of the Graves’, he writes:
“When Islam came to Arabia, the world was lost in heresy
and idolatry. One of the deadliest forms of heresy was that
people had started worshipping the holy and saintly persons and
their relics out of a misguided love and regard for them.”
no Abu’l Kalam Azad
Azad’s father, Maulana Khairuddin, who is buried in

Calcutta, had thousands of devotees who considered him as
their spiritual guide. When his first death anniversary was
observed, the devotees insisted that Azad should wear the
mantle of the spiritual guide and organise the Urs of his father
on a regular basis. Azad strongly condemned this move and
declared that if any Urs was held it would be against his wishes
and he would not take any part in it. Abdur Razzak Malihabadi
mentions that as long as he stayed in Calcutta, Azad took care
never to visit his father’s tomb lest it might be misinterpreted
and he might get involved in the business of spiritual guidance.
Azad tried his level best for the uplift of the Muslims. He
told them in unambiguous terms that the freedom of India was
linked with the freedom of the Muslims throughout the world.
He was influenced by revolutionaries like Jamaluddin Afghani
and Mohammad Abdu and in the beginning of his career, he was
also associated with the Indian revolutionaries. But as soon as
he met Mahatma Gandhi, in 1920, he had the foresight to realise
that there was no leader better suited to lead India than Gandhiji.
Thus he became Gandhiji’s companion and remained so
throughout his life. He was not like others who accompanied
Mahatma Gandhi for some distance and then took to their own
ways, some just vanishing, some getting bogged down in
communal politics and others being swept away in some other
direction. Azad was steadfast in his loyalties and withstood all
pulls and pressures like a rock.
Perhaps Azad’s most prominent talent was his ability to
effect rapproachment between conflicting and contradictory
views. It was because of this gift that he was elected President
of the Indian National Congress at the age of 35 years. In this
capacity he successfully reconciled opposing groups and
political claims. His critical faculty and capacity to judge and
weight and his scientific temper proved that though in
appearance he was like a Maulana, in fact, he was possessed of
one of the most modem minds. That is why his commentary on
Summing Up 111
the Quran, Tarjuman-ul-Quran is the most famous commentary

of this age, for it explains that Islam is a beneficial way of life
for the whole of humanity. Azad has controverted the very basis
of religious differences. He has also proved that the classic
commentary of Imam Razi had missed the basic issues because
he was guided by Greek influences.
Despite the talent, Azad started increasingly to keep to
himself in the later part of his life. No doubt he must have
enjoyed the company of his own choice ideas in these hours of
solitude. It is, however, a fact that he developed a love for the
silence that speaks volumes, the silence that is not easily
decipherable, the silence that enabled him to dive deep into the
recesses of his heart and come up with the power to bear
frustrations and disappointments of this fickle world, not
because he was a cynic or a pessimist, but because he was
basically an optimist and a rationalist who bowed only before
God’s will. This, in a nutshell, was his religion.
When, however, he was in congenial company, he liked to
talk and he was a most engaging conversationalist. Whether it
was a meeting of the Congress Working Committee or a get-
together at the dining table, it was mostly Azad who spoke and
the range and scope of his conversation was limitless. On
whatever subject he talked, history or geography, philosophy or
linguistics, or even trivial topics like dress or cuisine, his
knowledge of the subject seemed to be boundless. He had also a
lively sense of humour and enjoyed teasing his friends, occasionally.
Professor Dr. Nafisi of Tehran University found Azad a
profound and rare scholar. When Nafisi first came to India, he
had a one-hour interview with Azad but even within that brief
period Azad impressed him as a comprehensive scholar of Arabic
and Persian and one who possessed a prodigious memory, for he
could not only quote from a large number of authors and poets
but could also give a complete list of their works. This impression
of Nafisi was confirmed when Azad visited him in Tehran while
returning from a European tour. According to Nafisi, the more
he saw of Azad, the more convinced he was of his stature as a

scholar, a human being and as a lover of learning.
There have been scholars and learned persons, also

persons who have spent their lives with grace and dignity. But
Azad was unique. In him knowledge was combined with
action and he faced life with a dignity and grace that remained
unshaken under the stress of grief or sorrow, or that of joy or
happiness.
Azad was also a versatile person. He was not only well-

versed in poetry, music and art but also a keen swimmer. He not
only enjoyed poetry but also shared his enjoyment with others
by quoting verses profusely and most aptly whenever he wrote
or spoke.
Among musical instruments, Azad loved the sitar and learnt

to play it from Masita Khan. He was also a connoisseur of
classical painting. Abdur Razzak Malihabadi writes that when
some old paintings were reproduced in Thaqafat-ul-Hind, Azad
himself wrote the annotated captions for them. A couple of his
notes are reproduced below:
''Babars Smile—This picture is part of a large group,

painted by Mirza Abdus Samad, of the Sweet Brush, who was
brought from Iran by Humayun. Kept in the British Museum
collection, it is one of the masterpieces of the painter who is
counted among the original preceptors of Mughal Art in India.
The painting is on cloth. It shows all the Mughal Emperors from
Timur to Akbar. Babar is saying something to Humayun with a
slight smile on his lips. The smile is depicted most naturally and it
proves the perfection of the painter’s brush. All the experts of the
19*^ century are unanimous about the excellence of this painting.
(Thaqafat-ul Hind, June, 1971—p. 117).
''Emperor Jahagir— This is a marvelous specimen of the

Mughal School of Art. Jahangir is shown embarking on a
journey, with Akbar’s tomb in the background. Jahangir is
Summing Up 113
already mounted. He is surrounded by his nobles and courtiers

and a company of troops is lined behind him. A bare-headed
youth is standing behind him seems to be presenting the youth
as a culprit. All the characters shown in the painting are true
to life. Akbar’s tomb is located in Sikandra, a few miles away
from Agra. Hence, obviously, the painting depicts an occasion
when Jahangir visited Akbar’s tomb. Jahangir’s tuzuk (memoirs)
mentions only two visits to his father’s tomb during which he
does not describe any criminal being brought before him. On
the first visit, out of sheer love and regard for his father,
Jahangir walked all the way from Agra to Sikandra. The next
time he went to Sikandra it was in order to inspect the tomb
building and no other incident took place.
“During the last 80 years, this painting had been reproduced
in various books and albums and no editor or compiler was
able to provide any satisfactory explanation of the incident.
However, Azad has been able to solve the riddle. In an article,
he writes that the difficulty in interpretation arose because of
the presumption that the painting was primarily connected
with a visit to Akbar’s tomb. As both his visits to the tomb
were accounted for, this painting remained a mystery. Actually
the painting describes an episode relating to the first year of
Jahangir’s reign when his son Khusro fled from Agra towards
Punjab in order to lead a revolt against his father and Jahangir
himself pursued him. Jahangir writes in his Tuzuk:
‘On the evening of Sunday, the Zil Hijja, Khusro left the
fort with about 350 soldiers whom he had succeeded in
subverting. First I sent Sheikh Farid Bakhshi Begi in pursuit.
The next morning, however, trusting in divine providence, I too
left without any special preparation. When I marched to
Iskandra (Sikandra) I thought I should pray to the spirit of my
father for support. So I visited his tomb. Meanwhile, some
people captured Mirza Hasan, son of Mirza Shahrukh, in the
village of Sikandra, brought him before me and reported that he
had decided to support Khusro and was about to leave to join him.
When those people came to know of it, they detained the youth.
When I interrogated Mirza Hasan, he dare not put up any denial.
Thereupon I ordered that his hands should be tied and he should
be mounted over an elephant.’
“This entry fully explains the background of the painting
which depicts the occasion when Jahangir was on his horse
after his visit to Akbar’s tomb and Mirza Hasan was being
interrogated.”
This is but one of the innumerable instances of Maulana
Azad’s depth and range of scholarship. He not only provided
solutions for many literary mysteries but also helped out many
authors and writers. His letters to Ghulam Rasul Mehr, one of
the authorities on Ghalib, reveals that when Mehr had completed
his research on Ghalib, he showed it to Maulana Azad for
possible corrections. On another occasion, when Mehr wrote to
Maulana Azad about his intention to write on Haider Ali and Tipu
Sultan, Azad promptly sent him a detailed bibliography, including
a number of French and English books and memories. Even
later on, whenever he came to know any other source on this
subject, he conveyed it to Mehr. Maulana Azad’s letters have
provided many a clue about Ghalib’s life, his family, his stay in
Calcutta and various other historical events.
While writing on these academic subjects, Azad was
conscious of how fate had changed his vocation. When Josh
Malihabadi, the poet, became a government servant, he
commented, “What a surprise, that the tavern has been
transformed into an office!” Maulana Azad could say something
similar about the political maze in which he sank deeper and
deeper. In a letter to Ghulam Rasul Mehr, he comments:
“Alas, the times could not make proper use of my mental
abilities. Ghalib too used to complain that his circumstances
were not favourable for the exercise of his poetic talent. But the
talents which I shall take to my grave were more than one. As
the Persian poet says:
Summing Up 115
'The commodity of loyalty

Is found rarely in the world,
The market picked up for a short while
When I was there,
Then luck ran out and I returned. ’
“Sometimes when I think of it, a sense of depression and
frustration overtakes me. Whether it be religion or learning, arts
or literature, essay or poetry, there is hardly any field in which
the generous Providence had not revealed many new avenues to
me and favoured me with ever new munificencies at every turn,
to the extent that every day I find myself at a new stage in the
world of meaning, compared to which the achievements of each
last stage pale into insignificance...
“But alas, the Hand that Bestowed the riches of mind and
heart so generously upon me, preferred not to provide me with
the opportunity or the wherewithal to exercise them. The
tragedy of my life is that I do not belong to the time and the age
to which I was allotted.”
Naqsh-e-Azad, the collection of Azad’s letters from which
the above extract has been taken, covers an amazing variety of
subjects. When Azad writes about painting he mentions
copyright, calligraphy, the beauty and strength of a binding, the
quality and the size of paper and hundreds of other details. He
was also very particular as to whom the complimentary copies
of a book should be sent and in what manner.
His love for institute of learning is evident from the letter he
wrote to Syed Sulaiman Nadvi on the establishment of Shibli
Academi or Darul Musannefin at Azamgarh. “I have received
the prospectus of Darul Musannefin. I accept whatever post
you might assign to me in it. What to say of being an Honorary
Fellow—a great honour indeed—I would gladly agree to serve
even as a coolie in such an institution.”
His regard for his elders was no less profound and sincere.
He used to send Al-Hilal regularly to Maulana Hali who being
another man of principle used to return the copies because due

to old age and weak eyesight he was no longer able to write for
it. Azad wrote to him:
“The office has informed me that copies of Al-Hilal which

are submitted for your perusal are returned to us unopened.
While my extreme regard for you is satisfied even with the
signal honour that these copies went to your doorstep and came
back unopened, my heart is restless to now the reason why
these copies are so unwelcome! I had pleaded in the very
beginning that these papers may not be deprived of the privilege
of being admitted into your august house, even if to find a place
in the waste paper basket.”
The same spirit of humility and generous acknowledgement

of others’ merit is present in his tribute to Hasrat Mohani. In a
letter to Begum Hasrat, he writes:
“All praise to God that by His Kindness and Munificence He

enabled Hasrat to follow in the footsteps of the Prophet Joseph.
He has no peer in this honour. What Hasrat is doing today will
be appreciated fully by India only fifty years hence.”
His good taste and regard for particulars is revealed in a

letter to Abdur Razzak Malihabadi:
“Will you do something for me? Hakimji (Hakim Ajmal

Khan) requires some Lucknow melons. Please consult some
knowledgeable person, and send 40 seers of melons, packed
carefully, through railway parcel. The railway receipt should be
sent to the Post Master of Kathgodam with the instruction that
the parcel should be sent to Hakim Ajmal Khan. The fruit must
be packed well. The Lucknow fruit-sellers know this art, but
you should remind them to take particular care. Some of them
specialise in dispatching fruit to outside destinations. Please get
hold of such a person. Price is no consideration, but the fruit
must be of the best quality.”
In another letter, he writes:

Summing Up 117
“May I give you some trouble. Please do me a favour by

getting hold of some competent person in Lucknow to have a
Razai (quilt) prepared and dispatched to Calcutta. Razais worth
their name are available only in Lucknow. The workmen of other
places are not dexterous enough to lay a thin and even layer of
cotton. The cover should be sophisticated in colour and design
and the cloth of good quality. The lining should be of sandal
colour, not red, and the border of blue silk. Someone who is
dear to me has made a request and I want to present it to him.
It does not matter even if the razai costs twenty to twenty five
rupees, or even more, but it must be of good quality and
pleasing to the eyes. The cotton should be of the usual quantity.
Please be quick about it.”
These letter reveal quite a few character traits: high regard
for friends, understanding of the intricacies of a profession,
command over details, and generosity of nature and large¬
heartedness which was evident even in his political life.
Once Abdur Razzak Malihabadi was abused by a paper-
hawker but he kept quiet. When Azad heard about this incident,
he began to tease him and said, “Maulvi Saheb, you are no
Pathan. Perhaps you are a Sheikh. How could a Pathan of
Malihabad keep quiet after being abused?” Abdur Razzak
retorted: “It was no abuse, just a compliment to your paper.”
Azad was pleased with this retort ad complimented Abdur
Razzak on his self-control.
Azad himself displayed this self-control and forbearance
throughout his life. People called him names and heaped abuses
on him. But he never stooped down to a reply, for like the poet
Naziri he believed:
‘The begging bowl of the Fakir
Is no less full, because of
The barking of the dogs. ’
Indeed Azad was as detached and uninvolved as a Fakir. He
dressed well, ate good food, knew how to live with taste; but he
never bothered to run after wealth. If money had been his aim
he would have easily acquired considerable wealth by following

the profession of his forefathers. But he disdained to do so.
It will be more appropriate to say that Azad was like a
Vazier in wisdom and resourcefulness, but he lived like a Fakir.
He never built up any estate or property, nor left anything for
his successors.
In the words of the poet Mir:
‘As long as he lived,
He was happy,
Like a wandering minstrel, or a Calendar, ’
When Al-Hilal was issued, the ruler of a Princely State
sent a cheque to Maulana Azad and wrote that he would send a
similar cheque each month for at least a year, and even
afterwards, if the paper did not become self-sufficient by then.
Azad was a man of self-respect who was not easily impressed
by money. Returning the cheque with thanks, he wrote:
“The Mission that I have undertaken is not dependent upon
monetary backing or public appreciation or the generosity or
charity of the affluent members of the nation. I depend only upon
the Bounty and the Grace of the One Who if He listens to the
pleadings of the beggars at His doorsteps, makes him completely
independent of all other doorsteps. I have not come in this
market to gain anything but to give away and to lose. I crave not
praise or reward, but scorn and abuses. I seek not the flowers of
pleasure, but the prick of the thorns of unrest. I want to offer in
sacrifice not gold or silver of this world, but my own head. How
can it give you any satisfaction to help such a person?”
In conclusion, he said:
“Moreover, I do not know what is the motive behind this
donation. If you want to buy my person, the sum is too much,
for I consider it less valuable than even a bundle of hay. If,
however, you want to purchase my freedom of opinion or
conscience, let me submit with due respect that what to say of
these worthless pieces of gold, even if the Kohinoor or the
Summing Up 119
Peacock Throne were added to your entire estate, they would

not impress me. For, believe me, none except the True Emperor
can buy that commodity and He has already bought it.”
This detachment and calm acceptance of poverty with
dignity was characteristic of the man. Indeed, one who had
made it the mission of his life to dispel gloom and ignorance
could never permit his own person to be swallowed up in that
gloom. There must be many more instances which are not
known because he spoke so rarely about personal matters, for
he never believed in publicizing his good deeds. On the other
hand, he considered self-publicity a sign of weakness, and
avoided it like a curse.
Maulana Ghulam Rasul Mehr was one of the ardent admires
of Azad and he remained close to him throughout his life. With
the partition of the country, Mehr was left in Pakistan while
Azad remained in India, but his loyalty never diminished. About
Azad’s soundness of judgment, Mehr says:
“I do not know when Azad foresaw that India was about to
be free, but he wrote in the first issue of Al-Hilal, T had dreamt
about India’s freedom in the summer of 1906. The dream started
assuming reality in 1912.’ This implies that the programme Azad
had charted out at the age of 18, was launched when he was 24.
Thirty-five years elapsed from that day till the achievement of
independence. Hundreds of people changed their beliefs and
affiliations. But Azad stood like a rock by what he had decided in
1912. He had attained what people covert most, that is, popularity
at a very early age. But when the movement of truth arrived, he
was willing to give up this popularity rather than forsake his
ideals. There are few examples in the world history of people
sacrificing popular goodwill for the sake of their principles.”
Though, not rich, Azad had richness of life; he loved his
friends and relatives, helped and appreciated artists and men of
letters and was a true gentleman. He had the gift of
detachment and non-involvement despite the fact that he had
few to compare with in the realm of thought and action and
was blessed not only with intellect but also with insight. He
was a true representative of the Indian culture. Though the
idea of a composite culture is not new, Azad led the way in
bringing about its widespread resurgence and acceptance. The
message was there in the ruins of Fatehpur Sikri, in the
Dargah of Sheikh Salim Chishti, in the edifices of the Kutb
Shahi Dynasty, in the Rang Mahal of Rajasthan, and in the
mosques of Gujarat which illustrate neither the pure Muslim
nor the pure Hindu architecture, but a fascinating synthesis of
both styles. In the realm of painting, the similarities between
the Indo-Persian and the Rajput styles can hardly be revised. It
was not only through art and architecture that a two-way
traffic was established; the Sufis and the Bhakta saints also
brought the people of the two faiths close to each other. They
preached that the central theme of every religion was love.
When, however, the British rule intervened, people tended to
ignore that message, for seeds of dissension and antagonism
were sown among them. But Azad again raised the slogan of
one nation and one culture. He taught us, through the
Tarjuman-ul-Quran, that the basic truths are common to all
religions. He proclaimed that he was proud of being an Indian,
of being a part of an indivisible nationhood. In Qaul-e-Faisal
he said:
“Centuries of mutually shared history have enriched all
aspects of our Indian way of life. Our language, our poetry, our
literature, our social life, our taste, our dress, our customs and
ceremonies and innumerable small things that comprise our
daily life have been deeply influenced by this common way of
life. Our languages were different, but we began to speak with
one tongue. Our customs and rituals were different, but they
coalesced with each other and evolved something common. Our
old dresses may be seen in the pages of history, for they are
now no longer upon our bodies. It is our joint nationality that
has bestowed this commonly shared treasure upon us. And, we
do not want to give it up in order to revert to the bygone days.
Summing Up 121
Of course, there are some Hindu minds amongst us who think

in terms of reviving the Hindu way of life of a thousand years
ago. They are suffering from a delusion which will never be
realised. Indeed, there are Muslims among us who think in
terms of reviving their old culture, that they brought from
Western Asia a thousand years ago. But they, too, should give
up their dream, for this is an unnatural thought which should
never be entertained in a world of reality.”
Azad has left an indelible imprint on Indian philosophy. A
most affable and charming man, he had the rare gift of inspiring
genuine regard and admiration from every one who came in
contact with him. He was sedate, but never aloof for he seemed
to be eager to see the “good point” in others. This always made
him a sympathetic listener despite being a forceful advocate and
a persuasive orator. Indeed, such a one who embodied so many
qualities is hard to come by. When he breathed his last, on
February 22, 1958 the country, and indeed the world, was made
poorer.
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Appendix 1
Speech at the inauguration of Madrasa
Is lamia, Calcutta, 12 December, 1920
(As Mahatma Gandhi was present on this occasion, Maulana Azad

addressed his speech to him)
Mahatmaji,
You have witnessed the fervor of non-cooperation at

various places in India. You have seen students boycotting their
studies at many educational institutions. You are also aware of
the sad spectacle of many people breaking their oaths. I shall
not mention those regrettable instances that took place at Jhansi
and Aligarh. I feel I must bring to your notice the present
gathering of students whose eyes are glued to your face. This is
a body of young men which has remained steadfast to the oath
it undertook in the very beginning. They are a group that has
preferred the afterworld to this world. They have renounced the
grand buildings of the Madrasa Aalia and its imposing well¬
decorated hostel provided with all possible means of comfort,
because they are obedient to the divine injunction, and as they
are true and honest sons of India. They left that place without
bothering as to where they are going or how they would live.
Those people have suffered in all manners for the sake of non¬
cooperation. They have spent the long chill nights of winter on
bare cold floors and are still living like that for they cannot
afford to buy string cots.
It must be mentioned that though this Madrasa is being
instituted today, in connection with the non-cooperation
movement, I have been thinking about it for a long time. I have
long desired to liberate the Arabic education in Bengal from the

bondage of the Government. Accordingly, I have held repeated
discussions with the trustees till it culminated in the reinstitution
of the Madrasa on the first of Rabiul Awwal. I have used this
word intentionally, for the Madrasa was originally established
when the Jama Masjid was built. In its new phase, however, I
have upgraded it from an elementary Maktab to an institute of
higher education.
I would like to draw your attention to a special distinction
that graces this group. Among the many damages that the
governmental system of education in India has caused to our
national character and ways of life, perhaps the biggest damage
has been that the real purpose of acquiring education was
hidden from us. Learning is a sacred trust bestowed upon us by
God and we should seek it for its own sake. But the official
universities tell us another tale. They want to attract us to
learning because we won’t get government jobs without it.
Consequently, at present, learning is not acquired in India for its
own sake but for the sake of livelihood. Those huge educational
buildings, those colonies of English education, are filled not
with lovers of learning or seekers of truth but with those who
worship a handful of wheat and a cup of rice, those who have
been assured that without acquiring this education they cannot
earn their bread.
But I would like to bring to your notice that within the
gloom created by this degradation and insult of learning, there
has always been a ray of light lit by the real and honest seekers
of learning who have been studying the old religious books, the
old languages and lores in the Arabic Madrasas. Believe me, it is
the only group today that can be described as truly devoted to
learning. For these people fully realise that to earn their livelihood
they should have the English education. They know that jobs will
be open to them and high posts will become available to them
only through English degrees, that English education is a must
for a low-paid clerk as for the highest post. They know fully
Appendix 1 125
well that there is no market for Arabic education, that they

cannot earn their bread through it. Despite all this, there is a
mysterious and powerful urge in their hearts which deters them
from turning to English education, with the result that in spite
of all adverse circumstances they devote their life to the Arabic
learning. This urge springs up from a true love of learning and a
sincere desire to please God. It has no worldly ends. And thus
we observe throughout the country that if there is any group
that seeks learning for its own sake, it is these students of
Arabic Madrasas. The boys of Aligarh University were not
willing to boycott their classes. They were reassured by me
after hours of discussions, that they would be able to earn their
living even after leaving their classes. Some of them wanted me
to guarantee this. On the other hand, not one of these Arabic
students questioned me. As soon as the divine laws were quoted
to them, they bowed their heads in obedience and were
immediately willing to forsake all.
I have pointed this out to you because only a jeweler can

appreciate the true worth of a jewel and I know fully well that
you are a connoisseur of sincerity and sacrifice.
Appendix 2
Speech delivered at Khilafat
Conference, Agra, 25 October, 1921
The whole of India constituted the first arena for the

Khilafat Movement which not only the Indian Muslims but all
the races settled in India joined. In the first phase, the
movement just dragged along; thousands of helpless people
shouted slogans in favour of the Khilafat but they had no
agreed programme of action before them, and no purpose
except to hold meetings. Now the initial phase of the
movement, when its strength was confined to strong feelings
in the peoples’ heart, is over. But we must thank God the
Almighty for His blessings that He opened the floodgates of
His Grace upon us and despite our lack of action, and even
though we did not deserve it, CiOwned us with success.
Accordingly, we were victorious within a few months. The
eyes of the world were opened and people realised that the
Khilafat Movement was a national cause and not something
espoused by a handful of persons only.
It was essential for the success of this movement that it
should not remain confined to the 70 million Muslims but should
embrace all the 320 million Indians. It was essential that our
Hindu brethren should also stand shoulder to shoulder with us
and extend their full sympathy to the movement. For every man
of faith—and each one of us is blessed with faith—should
believe that the success of any cause in this world depends not
on the number of persons advocating it, but on the strength of
the faith and the force of conviction and action behind it.
Appendix 2 127
I have proclaimed repeatedly earlier and I reiterate today

that there is no need to ask any brother Indian throughout the
country to take the trouble of helping us in order to make this
movement successful. The only way the Muslims can succeed
is by trusting God, by relying on His help and by having full
confidence in his own faith. But the point is that we could not
solve the Indian problem without having a popular national
movement which we found in the shape of the Khilafat
Movement. In fact one of the advantages in the success of the
Khilafat Movement is that it revives the Indian population with
tremendous force and agitation the like of which had never been
experienced in India earlier.”
Appendix 3
Qaul-e-Faisal—Court Statement
(During February 1922, Maulana Azad made a statement as a

satyagrahi in the Calcutta court. This rousing statement was highly
praised by Mahatma Gandhi in his ‘Young India" of February 23,
1922. We reproduce below some extracts from the historic statement
which is known as Qaul-e-Faisal or the Final Verdict.)
Certainly I said that the present government is a tyrant.

What else eould I say? I do not know why they expect that I
should not call a spade a spade. I refuse to call black as white.
The least that I can say and the softest adjective that I can use
for this government is to call it tyrannical. There is no softer
word to express this truth.
I would certainly reiterate that in the course of our duty we
perceive only two alternatives, either the government should give
up injustice and denial of our rights, or it must be destroyed. I
am not aware of any third alternative. This is as old a truth and
as old a tenet of human faith as the seas and the mountains.
Whatever is evil must either be mended or ended. There is no
third possibility. If I am convinced that this government is evil, I
cannot pray for its long life, till it mends itself.
Shall I tell you why millions of my countrymen and I feel
like this? The reasons and the logic behind it are so evident that
we might say, in the words of Milton, that next to the sun, it is
the most obvious and commonly perceived phenomena in the
universe, in as much as sensory perceptions are irrefutable. But
I shall go further and say I believe in the government’s tyranny
because I am an Indian, because I am a Muslim and because I
am a human being.
Appendix 3 129
I firmly believe that liberty is the birth right of every nation

and each individual and that no man or man-made bureaucracy
has the right to keep God’s creatures in bondage. Whatever
attractive things maybe done for those in bondage, slavery is
after all slavery, something contrary to the will of God and
against His Divine Laws.
Consequently, I refuse to acknowledge the present
government as the rightful one and deem it my national, my
religious and my human duty to liberate my country and my
people from its servitude.
The well-known deception of reforms or progressive
extension of self-rule cannot mislead me from this clear-cut and
definite belief of mine. Freedom is the birth-right of man and
none has the right to curtail it or to grant it in bits and pieces.
To say that some nation should be given its freedom progressively
is like saying that an owner should be given his property
piecemeal or a lender should be repaid his loan in installments. I
believe that if a loan is not realised from a creditor in one full
payment, it will, at best, be a compromise bom of compulsion
which does not repeal the right of the lender to realise his dues
in one full payment.
In short, my views on this issue are quite clear and
unambiguous. The preset government is an unrightfiil bureaucracy.
It is but a negation of the wishes and the will of millions of people.
It always places its prestige above justice and tmth. Its justifies
the barbarous general massacre of Jallianwalla Bagh, Amritsar. It
does not consider it unjust that people should be made to crawl
upon their bellies like beasts, nor does it mind if innocent boys are
flogged mercilessly till they fall down unconscious for refusing to
salute mechanically the Union Jack. The present government does
not desist from riding rough-shod over the Islamic Caliphate
despite persistent pleadings of 300 million human beings. It does
not consider it unbecoming to break all its pledges. It commits
the patent injustice of handing over Smyrna and Thrace to the
Greeks and sits back to enjoy the spectacle of the slaughter
of the total Muslim population of these two cities. It shows

boundless courage in trampling over justice and infinite audacity
in controverting truth. Muslims constitute 70% of Smyrna’s
population but the Prime Minister shamelessly calls it a Christian
population. The Greek government puts all the Muslims to
sword and fire but, without the slightest hesitation, the Prime
Minister concocts and relates tales of Turkish atrocities while
the report of an American Mission sent by England herself, is
suppressed.
Finally, instead of confessing these crimes and tyrannies, or
atoning for them, every type of violence and repression was let
loose during the last year, from the first of November to date,
to suppress the just and peaceful struggle in the country. Should
I call this government ‘just and righteous’ instead of ‘tyrannical
and unrighteous’? Does the oppressor, because he is possessed
of power and has jails at his disposal, become entitled to some
other epithet? In the words of the good old freedom fighter
Joseph Mazzini of Italy, I would say:
“We shall not deny your guilt just because you have some
transient power in your hands.”
In my address I had also explained the Islamic Law under
which it becomes the religious duty of every Muslim to
dissociate himself from the government under the present
circumstances and to stop assisting it in any manner. It is this
spirit which developed into the Non-Cooperation Movement
under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. The Conference also
referred to the Islamic Laws under which it was sacrilegious
for a Muslim to serve in the army as the Government was at
war with the Islamic Caliphate and with Islamic countries. The
Karachi case was filed against me because of this resolution. I
have repeatedly announced in public that the resolution was
drafted by me and that it was passed thrice under my
presidentship at meetings held in Calcutta, Bareilly and Lahore.
Accordingly, I have the first right to be prosecuted, if this be a
Appendix 3 131
crime. I have also issued my presidential adress in book form,

with some additions, and the book has already seen many
editions, along with its English translation. Thus even
documentary evidence is available of my offence.
During the last two years I have toured throughout the

country repeatedly, alone and some time with Mahatma Gandhi.
There is no city where I have not spoken more than once on the
Khilafat, the Punjab affairs, the Swaraj and the Non-Cooperation
Movement and where I have not reiterated all the statements
included in the two speeches filed against me.
In December 1920, the All India Khilafat Conference was

held along with the session of the Indian National Congress. In
1921, the session of the Jamiat-ul-Ulema was held at Bareilly.
During October last, the Provincial Khilafat Conference was
held at Agra. In November the All India Ulema Conference met
in Lahore. I happened to preside over all these meetings. At
each place, whatever was said by the various speakers and
whatever was spoken by the President, it contained the same
material as is found in the above-mentioned two speeches. In
fact, I must admit that the previous speeches were even more
definite, clear and categorical.
If these two speeches of mine call for an indictment under

Section 124-A, I fail to understand why only the speeches
delivered on the and 15**^ July were selected for this honour,
because I have committed the so called crime so many times
that I have lost count of it. I shall be compelled to say that
during the last two years I have done nothing which does not
fall under Section 124-A.
Well, the future will sit in judgment on whatever is

happening today. Justice will prevail and justice will be
annihilated. We have implicit faith in the verdict of the future.
It is, however, natural that having seen the clouds one

should wait for the rains. Today the weather indicates all the
symptoms that denote a change of seasons. We pity those who

have eyes and yet cannot see the portents.
In the speeches which have been filed against me I had
declared that the seed of freedom can never be nurtured until it
is watered by violence and repression.
And the Government has started watering it.
Appendix 4
Presidential address at the fifty-third session of the
Indian National Congress, Ramgarh, March, 1940
Friends,
In 1923 you elected me President of this national assembly.

For the second time, after seventeen years, you have once again
conferred upon me the same honour. Seventeen years is not a
long period in the history of national struggles. But now the pace
of events and world change is so rapid that our old standards no
longer apply. During these last seventeen years we have passed
through many stages, one after another. We had a long journey
before us and it was inevitable that we should pass through
several stages. We rested at many a point no doubt, but never
stopped. We surveyed and examined every prospect but we were
not ensnared by it and passed on. We faced many ups and downs
but always our faces were turned towards the goal. The world
may have doubted our intentions and determination but we never
had a moment’s doubt. Our path was full of difficulties and at
every step we were faced with great obstacles. It may be that we
did not proceed as rapidly as we desired but we did not flinch
from marching forward. If we look back upon the period
between 1923 and 1940, nineteen-twenty-three will appear to us a
faded landmark in the distance. In 1923 we desired to reach our
goal but the goal was so distant then that even the milestones
were hidden from our eyes. Raise your eyes today and look
ahead. Not only do you see the milestones clearly but the goal
itself is not distant. But this is evident that the nearer we get to
the goal the more intense does our struggle become. Although
the rapid march of events has taken us farther from our old
landmark and brought us nearer our goal, yet it has created new
troubles and difficulties for us. Today our caravan is passing a
very critical stage. The essential difficulty of such a critical
period lies in its conflicting possibilities. It is very probable that
a correct step may bring us very near our goal, and on the other
hand, a false step may land us in fresh troubles and difficulties.
At such a critical juncture you have elected me President
and thus demonstrated the great confidence you have in one of
your co-workers. It is a great honour and a great responsibility.
I am grateful for the honour and crave your support in
shouldering the responsibility. I am confident that the fullness of
your confidence in me will be measure of the fullness of the
support that I shall continue to receive.
I think that I should now come straight to the real problem
before us without further delay.
The first and the most important question before us is:
Whither is the step taken by us in consequence of the
Declaration of War on the 3^*^ September, 1939, leading us? And
where do we stand now?
Probably in the history of the Congress, the 1936 session at
Lucknow marked a new ideological phase, when the Congress
passed a long resolution on the international situation and placed
its viewpoint clearly and categorically before the public. After
this a consideration of the international situation, and a
resolution thereon, became an essential and integral part of the
annual declarations of the Congress. Thus this decision on this
subject was arrived at and placed before the world with full
deliberation. These resolutions embodied at one and the same
time, two declarations to the world; firstly, we stated, what I
have described as a new ideology in Indian politics, that we
could not remain in isolation from the political events of the
outside world, even in our present state of helplessness. It was
essential that while we forged our way ahead and fashioned our
future, we must not confine ourselves merely to our own
surroundings but should keep a vigilant watch on the conditions
Appendix 4 135
of the outside world. Innumerable changes in the world have

brought countries and nations nearer to one another; so that the
waves of thought and action, rising in one comer of the world,
flow and produce immediate reactions in other places. It is
therefore impossible today for India to consider her problems,
while confining herself within her own four walls. It is inevitable
that events in the outside world should have their repercussions
in India; it is equally inevitable that our decisions and the
conditions prevailing in India should affect the rest of the world.
It was this consciousness and belief which brought about our
decisions. We declared these resolutions against reactionary
movements like Fascism and Nazism which were directed
against democracy and individual and national freedom. These
movements were gaining strength day by day and India regarded
this as the greatest danger to world progress and peace. India’s
head and heart were with those people who were standing up
for democracy and freedom and resisting this wave of reaction.
But while we were considering the dangers arising from
Fascism and Nazism, it was impossible for us to forget the
older danger which has been proved to be infinitely more fatal
to the peace ad freedom of nations than these new dangers, and
which has in fact supplied the basis for this reaction. I refer to
British imperialism. We are not distant spectators of this
imperialism, as we are of the new reactionary movements. It
has taken possession of our house and dominates over us. It
was for this reason that we stated in clear terms that if new
entanglements in Europe brought about war, India, which has
been debarred from exercising her will and making free
decisions, will not take any part in it. She could only consider
this question when she had acquired the right of coming to
decisions according to her own free will and choice.
India cannot endure the prospect of Nazism and Fascism,
but she is even more tired of British imperialism. If India remains
deprived of her natural right to freedom, this would clearly mean
that British imperialism continued to flourish with all its traditional
136 Abu’l Kalam Azad azad
characteristics, and under such conditions, India would on no

account be prepared to lend a helping hand for the triumph of
British imperialism. This was the second declaration which was
constantly emphasized through these resolutions. These resolutions
were repeatedly passed from the Lucknow session onwards till
August 1939 and are known by the name of “War Resolutions.”
All these declarations of the Congress were before the

British Government when suddenly, in the third week of August,
1939, the war clouds gathered and thundered and, at the
beginning of September, war began.
At this stage I will ask you to pause for a moment and look
back. What were the conditions prevailing in August last?
The Government of India Act of 1935 was imposed upon
India forcibly by the British Government and, as usual,
resorting to the old stratagem, it tried to make the world
believe that it had conferred a big instalment of India’s national
right upon her. The world knows the decision of the Congress
to reject this act, nevertheless the Congress decided to avoid a
conflict at that stage and preferred a respite. It resolved to
rake charge of Provincial Government on a certain definite
condition. After this decision the Congress Ministries were
functioning successfully in eight out of the eleven Provinces,
and it was in the interest of Great Britain herself to maintain
this state of affairs for as long a period as possible. There was
yet another factor. So far as the War was concerned, India
had clearly condemned Nazi Germany. Her sympathies were
with the democratic nations, and this was a point in Britain’s
favour. Under such circumstances, it was natural to expect
that if the British Government had changed its old imperialistic
mentality in the slightest degree, it would, even though as a
measure of expedience, change its old methods at this juncture
and afford an opportunity to India to feel that she was
breathing in a changed atmosphere. But we all know how the
British Government behaved in this matter. There was not even
a shadow of change discernible in its methods. Its policy was
Appendix 4 137
dictated exactly in accordance with the habits of an imperialism a

hundred and fifty years old. It decided its course of action and,
without India being afforded in any manner and in the slightest
degree an opportunity to declare freely her opinion, her
participation in the War was announced. It was not even
considered necessary to give those representative assemblies,
imposed upon us by British diplomacy for purposes of show, an
opportunity of expressing their opinion.
The whole world knows, and so do we, how all the Empire
countries were given freedom of decision; the representative
assemblies of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
Ireland, all of them arrived at an independent decision, ui regard
to their participation in the War, without the least outside
interference. Not only this but when Ireland decided to remain
neutral, no surprise was shown nor was a single voice raised
against it in Great Britain. Mr. De Valera, in the very shadow of
England, refused to extend his help to Britain in the War unless
the question of Ulster was settled to his satisfaction.
But what place did India occupy in this picture of the
British Commonwealth? India is being told today that the
generous hand of Britain will confer upon her the precious gift
of Dominion Status in the near but unknown future. When the
War began, a War which will probably be one of the greatest in
the world, India was pushed into it suddenly without her even
realising that she was entering it. This fact alone was sufficient
to show us which way the wind was blowing. But there was no
need for us to hurry. Other opportunities were to come and the
time was not distant when we could see the fact of British
imperialism even more unmasked and at closer quarters.
When in 1914 the first spark was ignited in a comer of the
Balkans, England and France, raised the cry of the rights of small
nations. Later, President Wilson’s fourteen points came into view;
their fate is well-known to the world. On that occasion the
situation was different. After the last War, England and France
intoxicated with victory, adopted a course of action which
neccessary resulted in a reaction. This reaction grew. It took

the shape of Fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany, and
unrestrained dictatorships, based on brute force, challenged the
peace and freedom of the world. When this happened, inevitably
the world aligned itself in two rival camps; one supporting
democracy and freedom; the other encouraging the forces of
reaction. And in this way a new picture of the coming War
began to take shape. Mr. Chamberlain’s Government, to which
the existence of Soviet Russia was much more unbearable than
the existence of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and which
considered Russia to be a living challenge to British imperialism,
continued to watch this situation for three years. Not only this,
but by its attitude it clearly and repeatedly encouraged Fascist
and Nazi ambitions. Abyssinia, Spain, Austria, Czechoslovakia
and Albania disappeared as free countries, one after the other,
from the map of the world. And Great Britain, by her vacillating
policy, continually assisted in the destruction of their freedom.
But when this course of action produced its natural and ultimate
result and Nazi Germany marched ahead unchecked, the British
Government found itself compelled to enter the arena of War.
Had it not done so then, the power of Germany would have
become an intolerable menace to British imperialism. Now the
new slogans of freedom, world peace and democracy, took the
place of the old cry of saving the smaller nations, and the whole
world began to ring with these cries. The declaration of War on
the 3"^* September by Britain and France was made to the
accompaniment of the resounding echoes of these slogans. The
peoples of the world were bewildered and harassed by the
brutal trial of strength and the world-wide unrest created by
these new reactionary forces, and they lent a willing ear to the
siren voices of these slogans.
War was declared on the 3"^^ of September and on the 7*

September the All India Congress Working Committee met at
Wardha to deliberate upon the situation. What did the Working
Committee do on this occasion? All the declarations of the
AAppendix 4 139
Congress made since 1936 were before it. It had also to face the
action taken by the British Government in declaring India as a
belligerent country. Undoubtedly, the Congress could not have
been blamed had it come to a final decision in accordance with
the logic of the situation. But it continued to keep vigilant watch
on its mind and heart; it resisted the natural urge of the moment
for an acceleration of pace; it deliberated upon every aspect of
the matter, unemotionally and dispassionately, and took the step
which today entitles India to raise her head and say to the world
that this was the only correct step which could have been then
taken. The Congress postponed its final decisions and asked the
British Government to state its War aims, for on this depended
not only peace and justice for India, but for the whole world. If
India was being invited to participate in this War, she had a right
to know why this War was being fought. What was its object? If
the result of this grim tragedy was not to be the same as that of
the last War, and if it was really being fought to safeguard
Freedom, Democracy and Peace and to bring a new order to the
world, then, in all conscience, India had a right to know, what
would be the effect of these aims on her own destiny.
The Working Committee formulated this demand in a long
statement which was published on the 14* September, 1939. If I
express the hope that this statement will occupy an outstanding
place in recent Indian history, I am sure I am not claiming too
much of the future historian. This is a simple but irrefutable
document, based on truth and reason, and it can only be set aside
by the arrogant pride of armed force. Though this cry was raised
in India, in fact it was not of India only, but it was the agonized
cry of wronged humanity, whose hopes had so often before been
betrayed. Twenty-five years ago the world was plunged into one
of the biggest infernos of death and destruction known to history
and yet this was but a preparation for a still bigger catastrophe.
The world was bewitched and its hopes were kindled by cries of
freedom for small nations, collective security, self-determination,
disarmament. League of Nations and international arbitration.
and of similar high sounding phrases. But what was the result in
the end? Every cry proved false: every vision that seemed so
real to us, vanished as a dream. Again nations are being plunged
into the blood and fire of War. Should we part with reason and
reality so completely as not even to ask why this is being done
and how this affected our destiny before plunging into this
deluge of death and destruction?
In answer to this demand of the Congress a regular series of
statements were made on behalf of the British Government, both
in England and in India. The first link of the series was the Delhi
Declaration of the Viceroy, dated the l?^*’ October. This lengthy
statement is perhaps a finished example of that peculiarly
involved and tiring style which characterises the official literature
of the Government of India. After reading page after page of this
statement, the curtain is at last lifted with hesitation. We have a
glimpse. We are told then that if we want to know the War aims
we must read a speech by the Prime Minister of Britain, and this
speech deals only with the peace of Europe and with the
adjustment of international relations. Even the words “Freedom”
and “Democracy” are not to be found in the Viceroy’s statement.
So far as India is concerned, it only reaffirms the policy laid
down in the Preamble to the 1919 Act, which is now embodied
in the 1935 Act. Today that policy continues to be the same;
there is nothing to add to it or to improve upon it.
On the 17* of October, 1939 the statement of the Viceroy
was published and the Working Committee met to deliberate
upon it on the 22"^* October at Wardha. Without any discussion it
came to the conclusion that this reply could under no
circumstances be considered satisfactory, and that it should
now unhesitatingly give the decision, which it had postponed till
then. The decision of the Working Committee was as follows:
“In the circumstances, the Committee cannot possibly give
any support to Great Britain, for it would amount to an
endorsement of the imperialistic policy which the Congress has
always sought to end. As a first step in this direction, the
Appendix 4 141
Committee call upon the Congress Ministries to tender their

resignations.”
As a result of this decision the Congress Ministries in eight
Provinces resigned.
This was but the first step which the Congress took in the
series of events. Now we have to see to what these events led.
The communique of the Viceroy issued on the 5* February from
Delhi giving the resume of the talk between him and Mahatma
Gandhi and Mahatma Gandhi’s statement of the 6^^ February may
be regarded as the last of this series. We all know the substance
of the Viceroy’s statement. The British Government, it is stated,
fully desired that India should in the shortest time possible under
the cireumstance, attain the status of a British dominion, and
that the transition period should be as short as possible. But it is
unwilling to concede to India the right of framing her own
constitution and deciding her own destiny through her own
elected representatives without outside interference. In other
words, the British Government does not accept the position that
India has got the right of self-determination.
At the first touch of reality the structure of made-belief fell to
pieces. For the last four years the world resounded with cries of
democracy and freedom. The utterances of the most responsible
spokesmen of England and France in this regard are so fresh in our
memory as not to need recall. But the moment India raised this
question, the reality behind these utterances was unveiled. Now we
are told that, without doubt, safeguarding the freedom of nations is
the aim of this War but that this is confined within the geographical
limits of Europe. The peoples of Asia and Africa should not dare to
have any such hopes. Mr. Chamberlain has made this even more
clear in his Birmingham speech of the 24^^ February, though we
never had any doubts about the matter. He confirmed the British
Government’s action by his words. Proclaiming British War aims,
he stated that they were fighting to secure that small nations in
Europe shall hence-forth live in security, free from the constant
threat of aggression against their independence.
Though this answer about War aims has been given through a
British spokesman, yet in reality it interprets the real mentality of
Europe as a whole, which has been known to the world for the
last two hundred years. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
whatever principles were accepted for individual and collective
human freedom, the right to claim them and to benefit from them
was limited to European nations. And even amongst them, its
application was confined to the Christian nations of Europe. Today
in the middle of the twentieth century, the world has so changed
that the thoughts and actions of the last century read like ancient
history, and appear to us as faded landmarks in the distance. But
we will have to admit that there is at least one distinctive landmark
of Europe emphasizing human rights, which has not faded and is
still with us. We have not passed it yet, or achieved those rights.
This reality has been brought home to us again by the
problem of our own political and national rights in India. When,
after the declaration of War, we raised the question of War aims
and their effect on India’s destiny, we were not forgetful of British
policy in 1917 and 1919. We wanted to know how in the year
1939, when the world was covering the track of centuries in the
course of days, England looked at India. Had that look changed?
We were given a clear reply that it had not; even now there was no
change in that imperialist outlook. We are told to believe that the
British Government is very desirous that India should attain the
status of a dominion, in the shortest possible period. We knew
even before that the British Government had expressed this desire.
Now we know that they are very anxious indeed.
But it is not a question of the desire or of the measure of
the desire of the British Government. The straight and simple
question is of India’s right; whether she is entitled to determine
her own fate or not. On the answer to this question depends the
answer to all other questions of the day. This question forms
the foundation stone of the Indian problem; India will not allow
it to be removed, for if it is displaced, the whole structure of
Indian nationalism will collapse.
Appendix 4 143
So far as the question of War is concerned our position is

quite clear, we see the face of British imperialism as clearly now
as we did in the last War, and we are not prepared to assist in
its triumph by participating in the War. Our case is crystal clear.
We do not wish to see British imperialism triumphant and
stronger and thus lengthen the period of our own subject on to
it. We absolutely refuse to do so. Our way lies patently in the
opposite direction.
Let us return to our starting point and consider once again
whether the step that we took after the Declaration of War on
the 3''^ September is leading us. Where do we stand today? The
answer to both these questions is by this time apparent to your
minds and is hovering on your lips. It is not even necessary that
your lips should tell me for I feel the quivering of your hearts.
The step of temporary and partial cooperation which we took in
1937, we withdrew after the Declaration of War. Inevitably we
inclined towards further steps in non-cooperation. As we stand
today, we have to decide whether we should march forward in
this direction or go backward. When once a step is taken, there
is no stopping. To cry halt, is to go back, and we refuse to go
back. We can only, therefore go forward. I am sure that the
voice of every one of you joins mine when I proclaim that we
must and will go forward.
In this connection one question naturally faces us. It is the
verdict of history that in a struggle between nations, no power
foregoes its possessions unless compelled to do so. Principles of
reason and morality have affected the conduct of individuals but
have not affected the selfish conduct of Powers that dominate.
Today even in the middle of the twentieth century, we witness
how the new reactionary forces in Europe have shattered man’s
faith in individual and collective human rights. In place of justice
and reason brute force has become the sole argument in the
determination of rights. But while the world is presenting this
depressing picture, there is another side, the hopeful side, which
cannot be ignored. We see countless millions all over the world.
without any distinction, awakening to a new consciousness

which is spreading everywhere with great rapidity. This new
consciousness is tired of the utter hopelessness of the old
order, and is impatient for a new order based on reason,
justice and peace. This new awakening which arose after the
last War and took root in the deepest recesses of the human
soul, has now come to dominate men’s minds and their
utterances. Perhaps there is no parallel in history to the speed
of this awakening.
In these circumstances was it beyond the realm of
possibility that history should, contrary to its old record, take a
new step? Was it impossible that two great peoples of the world,
who had been tied together by the course of events as rulers and
ruled, should create a new relationship between them, based on
reason, justice and peace? If that had been possible, the sorrows
bom of World War would have given place to a newborn hope;
and the new order of reason and justice would have ushered in a
new dawn. If the British people could have proudly said to the
world today that they had added such a new example to history,
what a vast and unparalleled triumph this would have been for
humanity. Certainly this was not an impossibility, but it was an
amazingly difficult thing to do.
In the prevailing darkness of the times, it is faith in the
bright side of human nature which sustains the great soul of
Mahatma Gandhi. He is always prepared to take advantage of
every opening which might lead to a mutual settlement without
feeling that he is weakening his unassailable position.
Since War began, several members of the British Cabinet
have tried to make the world believe that the old order of British
imperialism has ended, and that today the British nation has no
other aims except those of peace and justice. Which country
could have more warmly acclaimed such a declaration, British
imperialism stands in the way of peace and justice today exactly
as it did before the War. The Indian demand was the touch
Appendix 4 145
stone for all such claims. They were so tested and found to be
counterfeit and untrue.
I have briefly placed before you the real question of the

day. That is the vital question for us; all else are subsidiary to it.
It was in relation to that question that the Congress put forward
its invitation to the British Government in September last, and
made a clear and simple demand, to which no community or
group could possibly object. It was not in our remotest thought
that the communal question could be raised in this connection.
We realize that there are some groups in the country which
cannot keep step with the Congress in the political struggle or
go as far as the Congress is prepared to go; we know that some
do not agree with the method of direct action which the great
majority of political India has adopted. But so far as the right of
the Indian people to independence and the full admission of
India’s birthright to freedom is concerned, an awakened and
impatient India has passed far beyond the early stages, and none
dare oppose our demand. Even those classes who cling to their
special interests and fear change lest this might affect them
adversely, are tendered helpless by the spirit of the times. They
have to admit and to agree to the goal we have set before us.
A time of crisis is testing time for all of us, and so the great
problem of the day has tested us and exposed many an aspect
of our present-day politics. It has laid bare also the reality that
lies behind the communal problem. Repeated attempts were
made, both in England and India, to mix up the communal
question with the vital political question of the day, and thus to
confuse the real issue. Again and again, it was sought to
convince the world that the problem of the minorities barred the
way to a proper solution of India’s political problem.
For a hundred and fifty years British imperialism has
pursued the policy of divide and rule, and by emphasizing
internal differences, sought to use various groups for the
consolidation of its own power. That was the inevitable result
of India’s political subjection, and it is folly for us to complain

and grow bitter. A foreign government can never encourage
internal unity in the subject country, for disunity is the surest
guarantee for the continuance of its own domination. But when
we were told, and the world was asked to believe, that British
imperialism had ended, and the long chapter of Indian history
dominated by it had closed, was it unreasonable for us to expect
that British statesmen would at last give up this evil inheritance
and not exploit the communal situation for political ends? But
the time for this is yet distant; we may not cling to such vain
hopes. So the last five months with their succession of events
have established. Imperialism, in spite of all assurances to the
contrary, still flourishes; it has yet to be ended.
But whatever the roots of our problems might be, it is
obvious that India, like other countries, has her internal problems.
Of these, the communal problem is an important one. We do not
and cannot expect the British Government to deny its existence.
The communal problem is undoubtedly with us, and if we want
to go ahead, we must need take it into account. Every step that
we take by ignoring it will be wrong step. The problem is there;
to admit its existence, however, does not mean that it should be
used as a weapon against India’s national freedom. British
imperialism has always exploited it to this end. If Britain desired
to end her imperialistic methods in India and close that dismal
chapter of history, then the first signs of this change must
naturally appear in her treatment of the communal problem.
What is the Congress position in regard to this problem? It
has been the claim of the Congress, from its earliest beginnings,
that it considers India as a nation and takes every step in the
interest of the nation as a whole. This entitles the world to
examine this claim strictly and the Congress must establish the
truth of its assertion. I wish to examine afresh this question
from this point of view.
There can be only three aspect of the communal problem:
its existence, its importance, and the method of its solution.
Appendix 4 147
The entire history of the Congress demonstrates that it has

always acknowledged the existence of the problem. It has never
tried to minimise its importance. In dealing with this problem, it
followed a policy which was the most suitable under the
circumstances. It is difficult to conceive of a different or better
course of action. If however, a better course could be suggested,
the Congress was always, and is today, eager to welcome it.
We could attach no greater importance to it, than to make it
the first condition for the attainment of our national goal. The
Congress has always held this belief; no one can challenge this
fact. It has always held two basic principles in this connection
and every step was taken deliberately with these in view.
(1) Whatever constitution is adopted for India, there must
be the fullest guarantees in it for the rights and interests of
minorities.
(2) The minorities should judge for themselves what
safeguards are necessary for the protection of their rights and
interests. The majority should not decide this. Therefore, the
decision in this respect must depend upon the consent of the
minorities and not on a majority vote.
The question of the minorities is not a special Indian
problem. It has existed in other parts of the world. I venture to
address the world from this platform, and to enquire whether
any just and more equitable course of action can be adopted in
this connection, that the one suggested above? If so, which is
it? Is there anything lacking in this approach, which necessitates
that the Congress be reminded of its duty? The Congress has
always been ready to consider any failure in the discharge of its
duty. It is so prepared today. I have been in the Congress for
the last nineteen years. During the whole of this period there is
not a single important decision of the Congress in the shaping
of which I have not had the honbur to participate. I assert that
during there last nineteen years, not for a single day did the
Congress think of solving this problem in any way other than
the way I have stated above. This was not a mere assertion
of the Congress, but its determined and decided course of

action. Many a time during the last fifteen years this policy was
subjected to the severest tests, but it stood firm as a rock.
The manner in which the Congress has dealt with this
problem today in connection with the Constituent Assembly,
throws a flood of light on these two principles and clarifies
them. The recognised minorities have a right, if they so please,
to choose their representatives by their votes. Their
representatives will not have to rely upon the votes of any other
community except their own. So far as the question of the
rights and the interests of the minorities is concerned, the
decision will not depend upon the majority of the votes in the
Constituent Assembly. It will be subject to the content of the
minority. If unanimity is not achieved on any question, then an
impartial tribunal, to which the minorities have also consented,
will decide the matter. This last proviso is merely in the nature
of a provision for a possible contingency, and is more unlikely
to be required. If a more practical proposal is made, there can
be no objection to it.
When these principles are accepted and acted upon by the
Congress, what is it that obliges British statesmen to remind us
so often of the problem of the minorities, and to make the world
believe that this stands in the way of Indian freedom? If it is
really so, why does not the British Government recognise
clearly India’s freedom and give us an opportunity to solve this
problem for ever by mutual agreement amongst ourselves?
Dissensions were sown and encouraged amongst us, and yet
we are taunted because of them. We are told to put an end to our
communal conflicts, but opportunity to do so is denied to us.
Such is the position deliberately created to thwart us: such are the
chains that bind. But no difficulties or constraints can deter us
from taking the right steps with courage and fortitude. Our path
is full of obstacles but we are determined to overcome them.
We have considered the problem of the minorities of India.
But are the Muslims such a minority as to have the least doubt
Appendix 4 149
or fear about their future? A small minority may legitimately

have fears and apprehensions, but can the Muslims allow
themselves to be disturbed by them? I do not know how many
of you are familiar with my writings, twenty-eight years ago, in
the Al-Hilal. If there are any such here, I would request them
to refresh their memories. Even then I gave expression to my
conviction, and I repeat this today, that in the texture of Indian
politics, nothing is farther removed from the truth than to say
that Indian Muslims occupy the position of a political minority.
It is equally absurd for them to be apprehensive about their
rights and interests in a democratic India. This fundamental
mistake has opened the door to countless misunderstandings.
False arguments were built upon wrong premises. This error,
one the one hand, brought confusion into the minds of the
Musalmans about their own true position, and, on the other
hand, it involved the world in misunderstandings, so that the
picture of India could not be seen in right perspective.
If time had permitted, I would have told you in detail, how
during the last sixty years, this artificial and untrue picture of
India was made, and whose hands traced it. In effect, this was
the result of the same policy of divide and rule which took
particular shape in the minds of British officialdom in India after
the Congress launched the national movement. The object of this
was to prepare the Musalmans for use against the new political
awakening. In this plan, prominence was given to two points.
First: that India was inhabited by two different communities, the
Hindus and the Musalmans, and for this reason no demand could
be made in the name of a united nation. Second : that
numerically the Musalmans were far less than the Hindus, and
because of this the necessary consequence of the establishment
of democratic institutions in India would be to establish the rule
of the Hindu majority and to jeopardize the existence of the
Muslims. I shall not go into any greater detail now. Should you,
however, wish to know the early history of this matter, I would
refer you to the time of Lord Dufferin, a former Viceroy of India,
and Sir Auckland Colvin, a former Lieutenant Governor of the

N.W.R, now the United Provinces.
Thus were sown the seeds of disunity by British imperialism
on Indian soil. The plant grew and was nurtured and spread its
nettles, and even though fifty years have passed since then, the
roots are still there.
Politically speaking, the word minority does not mean just a
group that is numerically smaller and therefore entitled to
special protection. It means a group that is so small in number
and so lacking in other qualities that give strength, that it has no
confidence in its own capacity to protect itself from the much
larger group that surrounds it. It is not enough that the group
should be relatively the smaller, but that it should be absolutely
so small as to be incapable of protecting its interest. That is not
merely a question of numbers; other factors also count. If a
country has two major groups numbering a million and two
millions respectively, it does not necessarily follow that because
one is half the other, it must call itself politically a minority and
consider itself weak.
If this is the right test, let us apply it to the position of the
Muslims in India. You will see at a glance a vast concourse,
spreading out all over the country; they stand erect, and to
imagine that they exist helplessly as a ‘minority’ is to delude
oneself
The Muslims in India number between eighty and ninety
millions. The type of social or racial divisions, which affect
other communities, do not divide them. The powerful bounds of
Islamic brotherhood and equality have protected them to a large
extent from the weakness that flows from social divisions. It is
true that they number only one-fourth of the total population;
but the question is not one of population ratio, but of the large
numbers and the strength behind them. Can such a vast mass of
humanity have any legitimate reason for apprehension that in a
free and democratic India, it might be unable to protect its
rights and interests?
Appendix 4 151
These numbers are not confined to any particular area but

spread out unevenly over different parts of the country. In four
provinces out of eleven in India there is a Muslim majority, the
other religious groups being minorities. If British Baluchistan is
added, there are five provinces with Muslim majorities. Even if
we are compelled at present to consider this question on a basis
of religious groupings, the position of the Muslims is not that of
a minority only. If they are in a minority in seven provinces,
they are in a majority in five. This being so, there is absolutely
no reason why they should be oppressed by the feeling of being
a minority.
Whatever may be the details of the future constitution of

India, we know that it will be an all-India federation which is, in
the fullest sense, democratic, and every unit of which will have
autonomy in regard to internal affairs. The federal centre will be
concerned only with all-India matters of common concern,
such as, foreign relations, defence, customs, etc. Under these
circumstances, can any one who has any conception of the
actual working of a democratic constitution, allow himself to be
led astray by this false issue of majority and minority. I cannot
believe for an instant that there can be any room whatever for
these misgivings in the picture of India’s future. These
apprehensions are arising because, in the words of a British
statesman regarding Ireland, we are yet standing on the banks
of the river and, though wishing to swim, are unwilling to enter
the water. There is only one remedy; we should take the plunge
fearlessly. No sooner is this done, than shall we realise that all
our apprehensions were without foundation.
A BASIC QUESTION FOR INDIAN MUSALMANS
It is now nearly thirty years since I first attempted to examine

this question as an Indian Musalman. The majority of the Muslims
then were keeping completely apart from the political struggle and
they were influenced by the same mentality of aloofness
and antagonism, which prevailed amongst them previously in

the year 1888. This depressing atmosphere did not prevent me
from giving my anxious thought to this matter, and I reached
quickly a final conclusion, which influenced my belief and
action. I saw India, with all her many burdens, marching ahead
to her future destiny. We were fellow-passengers in this boat
and we could not ignore its swift passage through the waters;
and so it became necessary for us to come to a clear and final
decision about our plan of action. How we were to do so? Not
merely by skimming the surface of the problem but by going
down to its roots, and then to consider our position. I did so
and I realised that the solution of the whole problem depended
on the answer to one question: Do we, Indian Musalmans, view
the free India of future with suspicion and distrust or with
courage and confidence? If we view it with fear and suspicion,
then undoubtedly we have to follow a different path. No present
declaration, no promise for the future, no constitutional
safeguards, can be a remedy for our doubts and fears. We are
then forced to tolerate the existence of a third power. This third
power is already entrenched here and has no intention of
withdrawing and, if we follow this path of fear, we must need
look forward to its continuance. But if we are convinced that
for us fear and doubt have no place, and that we must view the
future with courage and confidence in ourselves, then our
course of action becomes absolutely clear. We find ourselves in
a new world, which is free from the dark shadows of doubt,
vacillation, inaction and apathy and where the light of faith and
determination, action and enthusiasm never fails. The confusions
of the times, the ups and downs that come our way, the
difficulties that beset our thorny path, cannot change the
direction of our steps. It becomes our bounden duty then to
march with assured steps to India’s national goal.
I arrived at this definite conclusion without the least
hesitation, and every fibre of my being revolted against the
former alternative. I could not bear the thought of it. I could not
Appendix 4 153
conceive it possible for a Musalman to tolerate this, unless he has

rooted out the spirit of Islam from every comer of his being.
I started the Al-Hilal in 1912 and put this conclusion of
mine before the Muslims of India. I need not remind you that
my cries were not without effect. The period from 1912 to
1918 marked a new phase in the political awakening of the
Muslims. Towards the ends of 1920, on my release after four
years of internment, I found that the political ideology of the
Musalmans had broken through its old mould and was taking
another shape. Twenty years have gone by and much has
happened since then. The tide of events has ever risen higher,
and fresh waves of thought have enveloped us. But this fact still
remains unchanged, that the general opinion amongst the
Muslims is opposed to going back.
That is certain; they are not prepared to retrace their steps.
But again they are full of doubts about their future path. I am
not going into the reasons for this; I shall only try to understand
the effects. I would remind my co-religionists that today I stand
exactly where I stood in 1912 when I addressed them on this
issue. I have given thought to all those innumerable occurrences
which have happened since then; my eyes have watched them,
my mind has pondered over them. These events did not merely
pass me by; I was in the midst of them, a participant and I
examined every circumstance with care. I cannot be false to
what I have myself seen and observed; I cannot quarrel with
my own convictions; I cannot stifle the voice of my conscience.
I repeat today what I have said throughout this entire period,
that the ninety millions of Muslims of India have no other right
course of action than the one to which I invited them in 1912.
Some of my co-religionist, who paid heed to my call in
1912, are in disagreement with me today. I do not wish to find
fault with them, but I would make appeal to their sincerity and
sense of responsibility. We are dealing with the destinies of
peoples and nations. We cannot come to right conclusions if we
are swept away by the passions of the moment. We must base
our judgments on the solid realities of life. It is true that the sky
is overcast today and the outlook is dark. The Muslims have to
come into the light of reality. Let them examine every aspect of
the matter again today, and they will find no other course of
action open to them.
I am a Musalman and am proud of that fact. Islam’s splendid
traditions of thirteen hundred years are my inheritance. I am
unwilling to lose even the smallest part of this inheritance. The
teaching and history of Islam, its arts and letters and civilisation
are my wealth and my fortune. It is my duty to protect them.
As a Musalman I have a special interest in Islamic religion
and culture and I cannot tolerate my interference with them. But
in addition to these sentiments, I have others also which the
realities and conditions of my life have forced upon me. The
spirit of Islam does not come in the way of these sentiments; it
guides and helps me forward. I am proud of being an Indian. I
am a part of the indivisible unity that is Indian nationality. I am
indispensable to this noble edifice and without me this splendid
structure of India is incomplete. I am an essential element
which has gone to build India, I can never surrender this claim.
It was India’s historic destiny that many human races
and cultures and religions should flow to her, finding a home
in her hospitable soil, and that many a caravan should find
rest here. Even before the dawn of history, these caravans
trekked into India and wave after wave of new-comers
followed. This vast and fertile land gave welcome to all and
took them to her bosom. One of last three caravans,
following the footsteps of its predecessors, was that of the
followers of Islam. This came here and settled here for good.
This led to a meeting of the culture-currents of two different
races. Like the Ganga and the Yamuna, they flowed for a while
through separate courses, but nature’s immutable law brought
them together and joined them in a sangam. This fusion was a
notable event in history. Since then, destiny, in her own hidden
way, began to fashion a new India in place of the old. We
Appendix 4 155
brought our treasures with us, and India too was full of the
riches of her own precious heritage. We gave our wealth to her
and she unlocked the doors of her own treasures to us. We gave
her, what she needed most, the most precious of gifts from
Islam’s treasury, the message of democracy and human equality.
Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has
now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If
Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several
thousands of years, Islam also has been their religion for a
thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an
Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal
pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this
orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say
with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of
India, namely Christianity.
Eleven hundred years of common history have enriched
India with our common achievements. Our languages, our poetry,
our literature, our culture, our art, our dress, our manners and
customs, the innumerable happenings of our daily life, everything
bears the stamp of our joint endeavour. There is indeed no aspect
of our life which has escaped this stamp. Our Languages were
different, but we grew to use a common language; our manners
and customs were dissimilar, but they acted and reacted on each
other and thus produced a new synthesis. Our old dress may be
seen only in ancient pictures, of by-gone days; no one wears it
today. This joint wealth is the heritage of our common nationality
and we do not want to leave it and go back to the times when
this joint life had not begun. If there are any Hindus amongst us
who desire to bring back the Hindu life of a thousand years ago
and more, they dream, and such dreams are vain fantasies. So
also if there are any Muslims who wish to revive their past
civilization and culture, which they brought a thousand years ago
from Iran and Central Asia, they dream also and the sooner they
wake up the better. These are unnatural fancies which cannot
take root in the soil of reality. I am one of those who believe
that revival may be a necessity in a religion but in social matters

it is a denial of progress.
These thousand years of our joint life have moulded us into
a common nationality. This cannot be undone artificially. Nature
does her fashioning through her hidden processes in the course
of centuries. The cast has now been moulded and destiny has
set her seal upon it. Whether we like it or not, we have now
become an Indian nation, united and indivisible. No fantasy or
artificial scheming to separate and divide can break this unity.
We must accept the logic of fact and history and engage
ourselves in the fashioning of our future destiny.
I shall not take any more of your time. My address must
end now. But before I do so, permit me to remind you that our
success depends upon three factors: unity, discipline and full
confidence in Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership. The glorious past
record of our movement was due to his great leadership, and it
is only under his leadership that we can look forward to a
future of successful achievement.
The time of our trial is upon us. We have already focused
the world’s attention. Let us endeavour to prove ourselves
worthy.
Appendix 5
On the Death of his wife
(Maulana Azad wrote the following letter on the death of his
wife, Zuleikha Begum. At that time he was interned in the Ahmadnagar
Fort. This letter, like others included in the collection Ghubare
Khatir, was addressed to Nawab Sadr Yar Jung Maulana Habibur
Rahman Khan Sherwani but it was never posted.)
Ahmadnagar Fort
11 April, 1943
My heart was consumed with the
dread of parting with thee,
And then the ruthless heavens decided
That I must learn to live without thee.
Respected Friend,
It is not the usual four o’clock in the morning. You might call
it just the beginning of the early hours of the mom. As usual I had
gone to bed at ten in the night but sleep refused to entertain my
eyes. So I have no option but to get up, come over to this room,
turn on the light and busy myself with my usual occupations.
Then again I thought I would write to you for some time and
relieve my feelings to some extent by conversing with you.
During the last eight months that I have spent here, this is
the sixth night of restlessness. God knows how many more
such nights have yet to pass. As the poet says:
My mind dwells in the skies and my head at the feet
of the bellowed,
How can I talk, with no control over head or heart?
My wife had been ailing for several years. In 1941, when I
was in the Naini prison, I was not informed about her illness
lest it might cause me anxiety. But, after my release, I learnt that

she had been sick almost throughout the period of my
imprisonment. In her letters that I received in the prison she
mentioned everything on earth except her illness. When I
consulted the doctors, they advised a change of climate and she
left for Ranchi. This apparently did her some good for when she
returned in July, I could discern the glow of health over her face.
As for myself, during this while I was mostly touring.
Events were happening so rapidly that I could not tarry or linger
on any one point or place. No sooner did I reach one destination
when another place seemed to summon me urgently:
/ must have passed hundreds of deserts
And yet one more seems to be ahead of me.
It was the last day of July when I returned to Calcutta after
a three-week tour and only four days later left again for Bombay
to attend the AICC meeting. The storm had not burst as yet,
though its signs and portents were quite evident. Rumours were
rife about the Government’s intentions. It was even said that after
the AICC meeting all the members of the Working Committee
would be arrested and deported out of India to some unknown
place.* It was also mentioned that due to the War the
Government had acquired emergency powers and it could do
anything under these powers. More than myself, it was Zuleikha
who used to keep track of such news and she had fully evaluated
the situation. I had to look after so many things during the four
days I spent at home between two trips that I had hardly time to
talk to her. She knew the peculiarity of my nature, that I
preferred not to talk on such occasions and I did not like to be
interrupted. So, she too, kept quiet. But our silence was not
* The statements which appeared in the press after our arrest
indicated that the rumour was not entirely unfounded. The Secretary
of State and the Viceroy had agreed that after our arrest we should
be sent to East Africa. But then the decision was changed and it
was decided that we should be kept in the Ahmadnagar Fort under
military custody and under such strict conditions that the object of
deporting us could be achieved in India itself
Appendix 5 159
devoid of speech because we would communicate with each

other without saying a word.
On the of August, when I was leaving for Bombay, she

came as usual to the door to bid me good bye. I told her that if
nothing unexpected happened I should return by the 13^^ of
August. She did not say a word besides ‘Khuda Hafiz\ But
nothing that she could have said would have been more
expressive than the silent agonized look on her face. It was the
face that cried, not the eyes.
‘With one excuse or another,
I managed to keep quiet before thee.'
During the last 25 years I must have travelled and parted
from her hundreds of times. I was also arrested many a time. And
yet I had never seen her so sad. Was this display of momentary
weakness because her emotions had overpowered her? At that
time I had thought so but, now, when I reconsider it in the light of
subsequent happenings, I have a feeling that she had a vague
premonition that, that was our last meeting in life. She was not
saying good-bye as I was going on a journey. She was saying
good-bye because she herself was soon going on a long journey.
She knew my nature fully well. She was aware that on
such occasions if she displayed any emotion it would displease
me. I would not forget it easily and it would embitter our
relationship for quite some time. In 1916, when I was arrested
for the first time, she could not restrain her emotions and for a
long time I did not forgive her. But that incident changed her
completely and afterwards she did her best to keep in tune with
the tenor of my life. And she did succeed to the extent that she
bore all unpleasant happenings with great courage and fortitude.
She not only shared my thoughts and beliefs but also became a
real companion and helpmate in my active life. That’s why I
wondered at her lack of self-control at our final parting.
Perhaps her inner consciousness could already discern the
shadow of the coming events.
After arrest, we were not allowed for some time to

correspond with our family and friends. When this restriction
was removed, I received her first letter on IT^ September. After
that I began to receive her letters regularly. As I knew that she
would never like to worry me by mentioning her own illness, I
used to enquire about her health from other sources. As a rule it
took about 10 to 12 days for a letter to reach me and hence I
could not know anything quickly. On 15^^ February, I received a
letter dated 2"^ February which told me that she was not well.
When I sent a wire to seek further news, I was told, a week
later, that there was nothing to worry about.
On 23’^'* March, I received the first news of her critical
illness. The news came through a telegram addressed to the Jail
Superintendent from the Government of Bombay who in turn
had received a wire to this effect from Calcutta. God knows
when the Bombay Government received the telegram from
Calcutta and when ultimately, they decided that it should be
communicated to me.
As the Government had in its opinion kept our place of
internment secret, it had adopted from the very beginning the
practice that no telegram could be issued or received here,
otherwise people could come to know of our place of
internment through the telegraph office. Consequently, whatever
the urgency, a telegram was of no use. For, if one wished to
send a telegram, it was to be handed over to the Jail
Superintendent who forwarded it by post to Bombay, where it
was censored and then dispatched onwards. As for letters, there
were two types of censorship for the prisoners. For some, a
censor in Bombay was considered sufficient. For others, all
correspondence was redirected to Delhi and it was not
forwarded to us till it was cleared by the Capital. As I was in
the second category, no telegram could reach me earlier than a
week, nor any telegram of mine could reach Calcutta sooner.
The telegram that reached here on 23^^^^ March was in
army code and the Superintendent could not read it. He took it
Appendix 5 161
to the Military Headquarters. There too no code-knowing

person was available. Hence one full day passed in decoding it
and I got a copy only at night.
The next day when the newspapers arrived they contained

the news. It was learnt that the doctors had informed the
Government about her condition and were awaiting instructions.
Then they began to issue a daily medical bulletin. The
Superintendent used to hear the news over the radio and
mentioned it so some of his colleagues.
After I received the telegram, the Superintendent came to
me the next day and told me that if I wanted to make any
representation to the government in this connection he was
willing to send it immediately to Bombay, disregarding the
prevailing restrictions. He was quite moved at the situation and
assured me of his sympathy. But I told him firmly that I wanted
to make no request to the government. Then he went to
Jawaharlal and discussed this with him. In the afternoon,
Jawaharlal came to me and we discussed this issue for a long
time. I told him the same thing as I had to the Superintendent.
Later on it was learnt that the Superintendent had come to me at
the instance of the Bombay Government.
As soon as the news of her critical condition came in, I began
to assess my feelings. Man’s self is undecipherable. We devote a
lifetime in looking after it and know it no better. From the very
beginning of my life I had to live in conditions which provided
frequent occasions on which it was necessary to exercise self-
control and, as far as I remember, I never failed in doing that;
To the best of my ability, I tore my clothes apart,
And my woolen Fakir s robe had no cause for complaint.
Even so, when I received the news of her illness, I felt that
the equilibrium of my self was shaken and I would have to
make a strong effort to restore it. This conflict exhausts not the
mind but the body, which begins to melt away internally.
I would not like to conceal from you what happened to
my feelings during that period. My objective was to face this
situation with equanimity. I was successful outwardly, though

not so inwardly. I began to feel that the mind was playing the
same game of dissimulation and pretence that we play
constantly in every shade of our feelings and reactions so as not
to let appearance resemble reality.
The first effort that I had to make was not to interrupt the
daily routine of the prison life. Four times a day, I had to leave
my room and walk across to the last room in the row, to take
meals or tea. As I have become used to punctuality by the
minute, this practice has continued even here and all my
companions have had to observe it. I did not have to change
any one of my regular habits. I sit at the dining table regularly,
and although I have lost my appetite completely, I still manage
to swallow a few morsels. At night, I used to sit with some
friends after the meal for chatting. That too has not changed. I
sit and talk with them as long as I used to do, in the same
manner and on the same topics.
The newspapers arrive here between noon and 1.00 p.m.

My room faces the Superintendent’s office. The jailor brings
the paper from there direct to my room. As soon as he got out
of the office and I could hear his foot-steps, my heart used to
palpitate with the apprehension that the paper may contain
some dreadful news. Then I used to check myself with a jerk.
My sofa is placed in such a manner that it does not face the
door. Hence, until the visitor comes inside, he cannot see my
face. By the time the jailor arrived, I was able to nod at him
with a smile and to indicate that he might leave the paper on
the table and then I used to resume writing as if I was in no
particular hurry to glance at the paper. I admit that all this was
a show put up by my conceited self, so that its power of
patience and dignity may not be tarnished by the blemish of
over anxiety and lack of control.
Give me heart, O God,

For without heart there is no life.
Appendix 5 163
Finally, on 9*^^ April, the poisoned cup of sorrows brimmed

over. At 2.00 p.m. the Superintendent handed over to me a
telegram from the Bombay Government conveying the bad
news. I learnt later that the Superintendent knew about it even
earlier, having heard the news over the radio and he had told it
to some colleagues, though not to me.
I am particularly grateful for the behaviour of my co¬

prisoners during this period. In the beginning, when news of
her illness began to arrive, they were naturally concerned and
anxious to do whatever they could to help me. When, however,
they came to know of my stand on this issue, that I had decided
not to make any appeal to the government, they kept silent and
did not try to interfere with my line of thought or action.
Thus ended the 36 years of our wedded life. Death stood

up like a wall between us and we can now look across at each
other only by standing near this wall.
During the last few days I had to traverse a course of

many years though my determination did not desert me, it
seemed as if my feet had no strength left in them. There is an
old grave in the Fort compound. God knows whose it is, but
ever since I arrived here I have seen it hundreds of times. Now
when I look at it, I seem to have developed a certain affection
for it. Last evening I gazed at it for a long time and suddenly I
remembered every line of the elegy written by the Arabic poet
Mutatim Bin Novera on the death of his brother, Malik.
Let me stop now. If you had been listening, you would

have said, in the words of the poet Sauda:
Tor God s sake, cut your long tale short

For the story has robbed me of my sleep. ’
Appendix 6
Speech at Jama Masjid, Delhi, 1948
(After the creation of Pakistan, Maulana Azad made two

historic speeches to allay the fears and anxieties of the Indian
Muslims. The first speech was made at Lucknow and the second,
reproduced below, was delivered at Jama Masjid, Delhi)
Dear Brethren,
You know full well the chain that has dragged my feet to
this place. It is nothing new for me to address this vast crowd in
the historic mosque built by Shah Jahan. I have also addressed
you earlier, when your faces shone with confidence and peace
of mind, instead of being smudged with weariness and doubts,
as they are now. When I observe the anxiety on your faces and
the desolation in your hearts today, I cannot but recollect the
forgotten events of the last few years. You remember that I
called you and you cut off my tongue, that I took up my pen,
and you lopped off my hand, that I wanted to walk and move,
and you trimmed my feet, that I wanted to turn over, and you
broke my back. Even at the height of the past seven years’
misguided politics which has ended, leaving a bitter taste in the
mouth, I alerted you at every sign of danger, and you not only
ignored my call, but revived the old traditions of denial and
neglect with which people used to face the call of truth.
The result is before you. Today you are surrounded by those

very dangers whose dread had led you astray from the right path.
If you ask me, I am today nothing more than something

inert, or a long-lost cry, or someone who has spent his life in
his homeland like a stranger. This does not mean that I have
Appendix 6 165
stuck to the post I chose initially for myself because someone

had clipped my wings, or because there was no other place for
my nest. What I want to say is that my lapels cry because your
impudent hands have torn them. My feelings are hurt and my
heart is aggrieved. Will you pause and consider which path did
you adopt? Which stage have you reached so far and what is
your position now? If you live with fear now, if you feel
mentally deranged, it is the just retribution of your past deeds.
It is not long ago when I told you that the two-nation
theory was the death-knell of a life of faith and belief. I urged
you to forego it because the pillars on which you relied were
soon to shatter into pieces. But you heeded me not. You never
thought that the passage of time would not change its ways to
suit your convenience. Time did not halt in its strides. You see
that those on whom you relied for support have forsaken you,
left you helpless at the mercy of fate, the fate that in your
dictionary is something different from the Will of God, for you
term your lack of courage as fate.
The Englishman’s chess-board was overturned against your
wishes and the idols that you had carved to seek guidance
deserted you, although you had thought that this chess-board
will remain spread for ever and the worship of those idols will
sustain you. I don’t want to probe your wounds, nor to further
increase your restlessness, but if you could look back a little
towards the past, many of your knots could be unraveled.
Once, while making you conscious of the need of securing
India’s freedom, I had told you:
‘What will be will be and no group can stop it through its
inauspicious efforts. India is destined to undergo a political
revolution and the twentieth century winds of freedom will slash
through the bonds of Indian slavery. If you do not keep pace with
time, if you continue with your present listlessness and inaction,
the future historian will write that your group, a crowd of 90
millions, adopted an attitude towards the freedom of the country
which was peculiar to groups that have become extinct.’
Today India is free and you can witness how the flag of
free India is waving majestically from the ramparts of the Red
Fort. It is the same flag which used to be the object of ridicule
of the rulers and the butt of their jokes when unfurled earlier.
It is correct that time has not taken a turn according to
your desires. On the other hand, it has shown due deference
to the birth-right of a nation and fulfilled her aspirations. And
it is this turn of events that has made you apprehensive to a
certain extent. You think as if something good has been
wrested away from you and replaced by something bad. This
is not a fact, but an illusion. The fact is that the bad thing has
disappeared and its place has been taken by good thing.
Indeed, you are restless today because you had not prepared
yourself for the good things and had set your heart on bad
things: I refer to the foreign domination under which for ages
you were like a plaything in the hands of your rulers. There
was a day when you were concerned with the launching of
some war. Today you are worried about the results of that
war. I am really amazed at your haste that no sooner than the
journey has started, you have grown apprehensive about losing
your way.
My brethren, I have always endeavoured to keep politics
apart from personalities and thus never entered these thorny
patches. That is why most of what I had to say was said
obliquely, through hints and allusions. Nevertheless, today I
want to say something unequivocally. The partition of India was
fundamentally wrong. The way religious differences were
fanned inevitably created the signs and portents which we have
witnessed and unfortunately are still witnessing today.
It is no use recapitulating the happenings of the last seven
years and no good can come out of it. It must be said, however,
that the rising tide of sufferings that besets the Indian Muslims
today is the direct result of the misguided leadership of the
Muslim League and the colossal blunders committed by it. What
is happening today could hold a surprise for the Muslim League,
Appendix 6 167
but not for me, for I had anticipated these consequences from
the very beginning.
Now that the Indian politics has taken a new turn, there is
no place here for the Muslim League. It is entirely up to us
whether we can think constructively. I have invited the Muslim
leaders of India to meet in Delhi in the second week of
November to consider the situation. Invitations have already
been dispatched. The prevailing mood of panic is but transient
for I assure you that none can defeat us except we ourselves. I
have always told you, and I repeat today, that you should give
up the path of vacillation and doubt, and desist from wrong¬
doings. This triple-edge dagger of vacillation, doubt and wrong¬
doings is even more lethal than the two-edged sword which,
according to your youth, has dealt so many blows upon you.
You should also reconsider your escapist ways which you
call by the high-sounding name of migration. You must realise that
it is wrong. Take heart and develop the habit of thinking. Then
you will understand that these decisions of yours are but hasty.
Do you have any inkling of as to where you are going or why?
Behold the minarets of this mosque bend down to ask you
where have you misplaced the pages of your history! It seems
but yesterday when your caravans alighted on the banks of the
Jamuna and performed their ablution. How is it that you feel
afraid of living here today, in this Delhi, which has been
nurtured by your blood?
Dear friends, you must change yourself radically. As your
wild enthusiasm of a short while ago was quite misplaced, in the
same manner, your fear and terror of today is quite uncalled for.
There is no place for either cowardice or frenzy in a Muslim. A
true Muslim can be swayed neither by greed nor by fright. That
some faces have disappeared from your sight is no cause for
alarm. Indeed they had brought you together to make their
departure easier. If they snatched their hands away from your
hands, it is pot a bad thing. But beware lest they have taken your
hearts along with them. If your heart is still intact, fill it with the
vision of God who had about 1300 years ago conveyed

through an illiterate Arab the message that those who have
faith in God and are firm in their faith, for them there is no
fear and no sorrow of any sort. The winds rise and pass.
Today’s wind may be a scorching tempest but it will not last
long. Before our own eyes this period of tribulation will be
over. You too should change with it as if you had never been
in this condition ever.
I am not in the habit of repeating my words but due to your

indifference I have to reiterate that the third power has left with
its baggage of pride and power. Whatever was destined is
coming to pass. Political thinking has thrown away its old
mould and a new one is being cast now. If your hearts have still
not changed and if your minds have still some reservations, then
it is another matter. But if a real desire for change has found a
place in your hearts, you should change in the same way as the
history of the country has changed. For today, when we have
already completed a revolutionary phase, some pages in the
history are still blank and we can still fill them gracefully,
provided we are willing to do so.
Dear friends, keep pace with the changes. Do not say that
you were not ready for the change. Prepare yourself for it now.
The stars may have fallen but the sun is shining bravely. Borrow
some of its rays and take them to those dark comers which
yearn for light.
I am not asking you to seek certificates of loyalty out of

the fear of the ruling power or to live like camp-followers, as
you did during the days of foreign domination. Let me remind
you that some of the bright signs and symbols that you
discern today in India as a heritage of the past were
contributed by your own forefathers. Do not forget them. Do
not forsake them. Live like their worthy inheritors. Realise that
if you yourself are not willing to run away, no power on earth
could make you do so.
Appendix 6 169
Come, let us take the pledge that this country is ours, that
we belong to it and that fundamental decisions of its destiny will
remain incomplete till we participate in them.
Should you fear the quaking of the earth today, when you
yourself were once like an earthquake? Should you dread the
gloom now, forgetting your previous radiant existence? Should
you take notice of this water trickling down from the skies and
hitch up your trousers, while your forefathers plunged into the
seas, trampled the hearts of the mountains, laughed at the bolts
of lightings, turned away the faces of the tornadoes, challenged
the tempests and made them change their path? Is your faith
breathing its last that you who used to catch hold of the kings
by their collars are today searching for customers who could
buy your collars? You have forgotten your God so completely
that one doubts whether you ever believed in Him.
Dear Brethren! I have no new antidote for you, only

something that was brought about 1400 years ago by the
greatest benefactor of humankind, that is, the Quranic prescription
which says:
'Do not fear and do not grieve,

And You will indeed gain the upper hand.
If you are possessed of true faith. ’
Appendix 7
Presidential Address at the Special Session of the
Indian National Congress, Delhi, 1923
We have to remember that the magnitude that the events of
the world assume in the pages of history is never perceived by
the protagonists of those events. We too are passing through a
revolutionary phase which fulfils all those conditions that
according to the historians give rise to mighty revolutions. The
world is heading fast towards a new turn. All things that till
yesterday were believed to the unshakable truths are today
shaking to their very core. Like its principles and beliefs, the
boundaries of this world are also getting blurred. Many heights
have fallen down and many depths have raised their level. Having
risen to the maximum point things have started falling and the
gloomy night of despair has already reached the limit, after which
sunrise seems to be around the comer. Who can foresee what the
immediate future has in store? Even so, whatever is happening
makes it abundantly clear, and we don’t need any fortune teller to
tell us, that a new East is emerging through revolutionary efforts.
The awakening in the East which for the past 25 years was only
an awakenings is today passing through subsequent stages. Ghazi
Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s hands have awakened not only the
sleeping destiny of Turkey, they have knocked at all the doors in
the east. The echoes of that knock extend on the one hand to the
plains of west Asia and, on the other, to the wilderness of Africa.
They are even riding the waves of the Indian Ocean and it would
not be surprising if the echoes of this knock reverberate through
every nook and comer of the East.
Gentlemen, India cannot ignore or forget its natural and
geographical associations with the peoples’ stmggle in the east.
Appendix 7 171
She has linked her own struggle with this movement because she
is deeply conscious of and shares the sentiments of togetherness
and affinity which commonly shares purpose, events and times,
generate naturally in different groups living in a land. Consequently,
India welcomes every nation of the East which is fighting for
her freedom and feels sorry for each such nation as lagging
behind her companies in this field. India assures the patriots of
Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Iraq, Morocco and those of other
eastern countries that millions of Indian hearts are anxious for
their success, and that the attainment of freedom by these
countries is no less dear to our heart than our own independence.
Gentlemen, when we look towards the magnificent palace

of the Caliphs in Turkey, to congratulate her on her splendid
victories, our mind immediately turns to a tiny cell in India
where India’s greatest son is imprisoned. I am certain that if
there is anyone outside Turkey who deserves to be congratulated
on Turkey’s victory, he is the great leader of India, Mahatma
Gandhi who raised his voice in Turkey’s support at a time
when no one even in Turkey had rallied forth to her defence.
It was his discerning eyes that grasped the entire scope and
depth of this issue at a glance and invited all Indians to make it
a national issue and not that of the Muslims alone. Gentlemen,
the struggle that India waged under the guidance of Mahatma
Gandhi for the Khilafat Movement, is a very special and
significant event of the present times, and a debate will be
carried on in the pages of history over its consequences. It is
indeed before time for us to assess all the consequences of
that struggle. Even so, some of the consequences are so
obvious that they would admit of no doubt or debate and each
one of these consequences is so important and significant that
a struggle could be launched to attain it.
Due to the Khilafat Movement, the Hindu-Muslim unity

issue, without which India’s freedom would be but a disjointed
dream, was able to overcome the obstacles which were
blocking its progress for a long time.
I
Let us pause for a moment and analyse the troubles we face

today in the context of the psychology of collective action. It
requires no reiteration that as in the case of individuals, the real
source of actions of a nation lies in its mind. When the mental
development of the members of a nation reaches the stage when
it may express itself externally, it waits for favourable conditions
to do so. Among the favourable conditions, a strong motivation is
required to surmount all differences of views and opinions and
mobilise all the desperate elements of the nation on a focal point.
When the individual minds join together to form the collective
mind of the group, then they are moved more by emotions than
by reason or logic. Consequently, the focal point too is created by
emotions and not by logic. When this condition is fulfilled, active
struggle commences and depending on the force behind it, a
confrontation with other emergent and opposing forces takes
place. Thereafter, the struggle may succeed in attaining a target
or, according to the natural laws of progression, it advances but
haltingly. The stoppages on the way are of varying conditions and
governed by various laws but, in any case, the law of action and
reaction has its way to a certain extent. At such moments a
sudden mood of despondency and weariness overtakes us, the
effect is left most on the body of ideas harboured by us. It seems
as if a large number of stray papers which were tied in a knot
had suddenly loosened or united. Differences begin to raise their
head. Winds of dissension begin to blow and the national struggle
has a most trying time. As, like all other conditions of a group,
this too is physical, it is largely unaffected by reason or
knowledge. However sensible the individuals might be, however
aware of the past experiments of the world, they cannot restrain
their hearts and minds from reacting to the conditions.
Nevertheless, if the vital parts of the struggle are sound then all
these symptoms which are but physical do not constitute any
threat to it. Often it is but a momentary pause. On certain
occasions it constitutes a difficult problem and sometimes it
develops into a postponement which is full of dangers.
Appendix 8
Tributes
Mahatma Gandhi
I have had the privilege of being associated with Maulana

Abul Kalam Azad in national work since 1920. In the knowledge
of Islam he is surpassed by no one. He is a profound Arabic
scholar. His nationalism is as robust as his faith in Islam. That
he is today the supreme head of the Indian National Congress
has deep meaning which should not be lost sight of by every
student of Indian politics. (May, 1940)
Dr. Rajendra Prasad
There is a Persian proverb, Buzurgi b-aql ast na b-sal,

Tawangari b-dil ast na b-mal, which means: superiority or
greatness proceeds from wisdom and not from years; even as
generosity proceeds from large-heartedness and not from
possession of wealth. If ever there was a manifestation of the
truth of this saying in our history, it was when Maulana Azad was
elected President only after two to three years’ service of the
Congress at the age of 34. Within this short period of great
national awakening and excitement he had deeply impressed his
colleagues and co-workers not only by his eloquence, but also by
the keenness of his intellect, the soundness of his counsel and his
capacity to reconcile conflicting viewpoints and bring about
amity in the midst of diversity. His devotion to the country,
preparedness for sacrifice and courage of conviction were
demonstrated again and again during the long period of struggle.
a great portion of which he, like many of his colleagues, spent

in prison or detention camps.
He held fast to Hindu-Muslim unity and never budged an
inch, standing firmly by it like a rock in the midst of
uncharitable criticism and worse from many of his own co¬
religionists. Naturally enough, all sections of the country came
to love and respect him. His counsel was sought to resolve all
complicated tangles and it was freely and frankly given without
fear or favour. Equally, naturally, this trust in his wisdom,
integrity and patriotism was exhibited when he was again
elected President of the Congress in 1940 at a time when the
Hindu-Muslim controversy was reaching a breaking point and a
demand for a separate independent State for Muslims was being
formulated and expressed. He continued as President during the
most momentous period of Indo-British relations when
negotiations for transfer of power were carried on again and
again between the Congress through its President, Maulana
Azad, and the representatives of the British Government.
I doubt if anyone else has held the responsible position of
the President of the Congress continuously for a period longer
than or even equal to that of the Maulana and this too at a time
when most delicate and momentous questions were discussed.
The Congress trusted his wisdom and integrity and he came out
like pure gold through this most trying ordeal when the great
bulk of his co-religionists were ranged on the other side.
It is not for me to speak about his learning and erudition. I
am told that his commentary on the Holy Koran is recognized as
authoritative not only in this country but also in other Muslim
countries. In the midst of all his political activities, he retained
his love of books and devoted not an inconsiderable portion of
his time to studies. It has been said of Lokamanya Tilak that if
he had not joined the political movement and instead devoted
himself exclusively to Vedic studies, he would have made even
more invaluable contributions to learning than he actually did. I
believe the same is true of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad whose
Appendix 8 175
exclusive devotion to the study of Arabic and Persian could

have produced similar results.
After the attainment of independence he was naturally given

the portfolio of education which included art, culture and
scientific research. The great impetus and encouragement he
was able to give to be development of art, literature and cultural
activities and scientific research are demonstrated by the
establishment of various academies and research laboratories
and institutes, and the commissions which were appointed from
time to time to deal with educational problems. He was a great
representative of Indian culture which in its essence excludes
nothing that is valuable and worth having, and absorbs what is
good, noble and beautiful artistically, morally and spiritually.
The great demonstration of respect and affection which we

witnessed during his journey to the burial ground was but a
confirmation of our people’s love and faith in his leadership and
his capacity to guide.
Maulana Azad has abandoned the moral coil, but his spirit
will continue to inspire us and others yet unborn. May we prove
worthy of this great heritage!
Dr. S. Radhakrishnan
We are too near the tragedy even to make a proper

assessment of the great services rendered by Maulana Azad to
our freedom movement and to our progress thereafter. He was
a great scholar, a self-sacrificing patriot and a statesman. One
great thing for which our people have to remember Maulana Azad
is his work for India’s unity. He was a devout Muslim and an
ardent patriot. He felt that in this country, consisting of followers
of many races and religions, all should work for national
consolidation and progress. He suffered persecution on account
of his views but he never faltered so far as his clear vision was
concerned. It is essential for all of us to realise, in these days
of growing separatism, that the most important factor in India’s

progress is consolidation of the country and subordination of all
other interests to the supreme goal. That is the lesson we have
to learn from him.
Maulana Azad believed in the principle of justice in public
affairs and compassion in personal relations. His was a life of
search and attainment. He lived, full of glory, a life of which
every Indian can be proud. I have no doubt that his memory
will abide in our hearts.
From an address at public meeting in Delhi
Jawaharlal Nehru
Mr. Speaker, Sir, it has fallen to my lot often to refer in this

house to the death of a colleague or some great man. I have to
perform that duty, a sad duty, again today in regard to one who
was with us a few days ago, and who passed away rather
suddenly, producing a sense of deep sorrow and grief not only
among his colleagues in Parliament, but among innumerable
people all over the country.
It has become almost a commonplace, when a prominent
person passes away, to say that he is irreplaceable, that his
passing away has created a void which cannot be filled. To
some extent that is often true; yet, I believe that it is literally
and absolutely true in regard to the passing away of Maulana
Azad. I do not mean to say that no great men will be bom in
India in future. We have had great men and we shall have great
men; but, I do submit that that peculiar and special type of
greatness that Maulana Azad represented is not likely to be
reproduced in India or anywhere else.
I need not refer to his many qualities which we all know—
his deep learning, his scholarship and his great oratory. He was a
great writer, and he was great in many ways. But there are other
scholars; there are other writers; there are other orators. There
was in Maulana Azad a combination of the greatness of the
Appendix 8 177
past with the greatness of the present. He represented and he

always reminded me of what I have read in history about the
great men of several hundred years ago; if I think of European
history, the great men of the Renaissance, or, in a later period, of
the encyclopaedists who preceded the French Revolution, men of
intellect, men of action. He reminds me also of what might be
called the great qualities of olden days—graciousness chiefly.
There were many bad qualities in the old days, of course, but
there was a certain graciousness, a certain courtesy, a certain
tolerance, a certain patience which we sadly seek in the world
today. There is little of graciousness in the world, though we may
become more and more advanced in scientific and technical
ways. Even though we may seek to reach the Moon, we do it
with a lack of graciousness, with a lack of tolerance, with a lack
of some things which have made life worthwhile since life began.
So, it was this strange and unique mixture of the good qualities of
the past, the graciousness, the deep learning and toleration with
the urges of today that made Maulana Azad what he was.
Everyone knows that even in his early teens he was filled
with the passion for freeing India, and he turned towards ways
even of violent revolution. And then he realised, of course, soon
after that, that was not the way which would gain results.
He was a peculiar and a very special representative in a
high degree of that great composite culture which has gradually
grown in India. I do not mean to say that everybody has to be
like Maulana Azad to represent that composite culture. There are
many representatives of it in various parts of India; but he, in
his own venue, here in Delhi or in Bengal or Calcutta, where he
spent the greater part of his life, represented this synthesis of
various cultures which have come one after another to India,
rivers that had flowed in and lost themselves in the ocean of
Indian life, India’s humanity, affecting them, changing them,
and being changed themselves by them.
He came to represent more specially the culture of India as
affected by the culture of the nations of Western Asia, especially
Iran and Arabia. So, in that sense, I say that I can hardly
conceive of any other person coming who can replace him,
because there was already a change in the age which produced
him and that age is past. A few of us are just relics, who have
some faint idea of that age which is past.
I do not know if the generation that is growing up will even
have any emotional realisation of that age. We are functioning in
a different way; we think in a different way; and a certain gap
in mental appreciation and understanding separates us, separates
the generations.
It is right we change; I am not complaining. Change is
essential lest we become rooted to some past habit which, even
if it was good at some time, became bad later. But I cannot help
expressing a certain feeling of regret that with the bad, the good
of the past days is also swept away. That good was something
that was eminently represented by Maulana Azad.
So we mourn today the passing of a great man, a man of
luminous intelligence and a mighty intellect with an amazing
capacity to pierce through any problem to its core. I used the
world ‘luminous’. I think perhaps that is the best word I can
use about his mind—a luminous mind. When we miss and when
we part with such a companion, friend, colleague, comrade,
leader, teacher—call him what you will—there is inevitably a
tremendous void created in our life and activities.
It is possible that the initial reaction may not be a full
realisation of the void. The initial reaction is one of shock and
sorrow. Gradually, as days pass, the void appears deeper and
wider and it becomes more and more difficult to fill that place
which was filled by the leader who has passed away. But that is
the way of the world and we have to face it. We have to face it
not negatively but positively, by devoting and dedicating ourselves
to what he stood for and trying to carry on the good work which
he and others who have left us—captains and generals of our
peaceful forces who have worked for the independence and
progress and advancement of India, who have come and who
Appendix 8 179
have gone, leaving their message behind. And so I hope that

though he may go, he will live and his message will live and
illumine us as it did in the past.
Speech in the Lok Sabha, New Delhi
Dr. Zakir Husain
In order to make something of life, every man, be he great

or small, seeks light and warmth from some source. When I
was a boy, I also wanted to light the earthen lamp of my being.
The first wick of my lamp I lit from Maulana’s lamp. As a
student, I used to read his Al-Hilal. I used to read it aloud to a
group of fellow students. It was then that my wick caught fire.
Maulana had a many-sided personality. He was not only a

fighter for freedom and a great statesman; he was a great
theologian and a great scholar as well. He was a great literary
artist, and possessed an excellent taste and rare aesthetic
sensibility. He loved books ardently. Let nobody imagine that he
ever forsook scholarship and literature for politics. ToThe last,
he was faithful to his first love. Yet he knew that knowledge
could become a burden. It could weigh a person down and
make him utterly ineffectual. While he was supreme in learning,
he was also fully conscious of his social responsibilities and the
duties he owed to his country. He showed that he could fight
for what was right, that he could devote his whole life to wrest
the freedom of his country and, after achieving that freedom, to
strive to make something out of it, to build on its foundations
the grand edifice of a good and graceful national life. He proved
that learning is not some cabbalistic incantation meant to outwit
and confuse simple folks, but a radiance which could light the
path of others.
This scholar, thinker and warrior of righteousness has left a

glorious example behind. Persons of discernment know that to
speak out the true word, to declare the truth, the bitter truth.
is the greatest ‘Jehad (righteous war) of all. Telling the truth

leads to much unpleasantness. People resent it. Did not they
bear resentment against the Maulana? I address myself to
fellow Muslims in the audience. Let us recollect, did we not
use every possible means of hurting the Maulana’s feelings?
Did we not censure him in the worst possible terms? In spite
of all that, did that soul of dignity every utter a word against
anyone? Is there any among you who can come forward and
testify that he ever by words or gesture complained or
expressed resentment against his detractors? He bore all,
never minding anything. Yet he never forebore from telling
the truth.
He did not mix much with people. Of late, he had become

even more retiring in his habits. But even though he met few
people, he was a friend of all. Even though he kept to himself in
his room, he was our comrade. He made us feel that he shared
our life, for he shared and inspired our highest aspirations.
Maulana is no more with us. As the Rastrapati (Dr. Rajendra

Prasad) said, the pen which scattered pearls as well as hurled
bolts, is no more; the tongue that showered petals as well a
emitted sparks, which consumed falsehood and illumined truth, is
no more. The pen lies broken and the tongue is silenced. But the
Maulana lives, for his example survives, and we ought to borrow
light and warmth from that example and orient our lives on the
lines he desired and which he exemplified in his own life. We
have a mighty task before us. It is not easy to build up this nation
of ours. There is no magic or trick which can achieve for India;
not one but many generations will have to give their all before we
can build up our nation.
For some time the firmament of our nation was resplendent

with a host of brilliant stars. One by one they have vanished
from our sight. But let us not mind that. Even if we mind it,
what can we do about it? We are helpless. Go they must. It is
God’s will. None can bring them back.
Appendix 8 181
However, our duty is clear. Let us try to fulfil the work of

these great men. What was being done by one may perhaps by
accomplished by a thousand jointly. But let us always strive to
look in the direction shown by the great men, towards
untarnished truth, towards selfless action, towards objective
learning, towards mutual understanding. Let us realise that the
duties that we owe in our life require to be fulfilled daily. There
is never an end to duty.
In my opinion the greatest service which the Maulana did
was to teach people of every religion that there are two aspects
of religion. One separates and differentiates and creates hatred.
This is the false aspect. The other, the true spirit of religion,
brings people together; it creates understanding. It lies in the
spirit of service, in sacrificing self for others. It implies belief in
unity, in the essential unity of things. And this is a lession which
must be learned by men of all religious denominations, by all
those who want to form factions based on language or on caste
or creed and thus aim to destroy the unity of our life. The disease
which ails us today is that our small and narrow loyalties have
succeeded in gaining the upper hand. We are more attached to
little groups, and do not fully comprehend the bigger ones. It is
not necessary to break or destroy the smaller loyalties. It is not
necessary that we cease being a Sikh, a Hindu, a Muslim or a
Parsi. But we must put our country and the whole mankind first
before we can be worthy of being called a true Muslim, a true
Hindu, a true Christian, a true Parsi or a true Sikh. The life of
Maulana offers a radiant example of this ideal. This is what we
need most at present in our everyday life, in our body politics.
We should firmly resolve today that we shall breathe this spirit—
the true spirit of religion—into the life of our nation.
Rendered from speech in Urdu at a public meeting in Delhi
Humayun Kabir
It is almost fifty years ago that Maulana AbuT Kalam Azad
first burst upon the Indian scene, but even to this day his
countrymen—admirers no less than critics—have not been able

to make up their minds as to whether he was more distinguished
as a man of letters or as a statesman. He was still a young man in
his early twenties when he took the literary world of Northern
India by storm with his flaming articles in Al-Hilal and Al-
Balagh. He had already attracted notice as a promising poet, but
it was his political and religious studies that marked him out as a
man of outstanding abilities. As mere literary efforts they are
something unique in the history of Urdu language and literature.
Rarely has there been such a combination of rhetoric and
eloquence, of wit and poetry, of biting sareasm and lofty
idealism. A new style in Urdu prose grew out of the models
supplied in the editorials of Al-Hilal. Later in his translation of
the Quran he achieved a distinction of language and thought that
has rarely been equaled and never surpassed in Urdu.
It was not, however, the poetic grace or the literary

excellence of his articles that captured the imagination of
Indian Muslims. They had been living in an atmosphere of
despondency and lack of faith since the rise of British power in
India. The defeat of 1857 had deepened their loss of spirit. Sir
Syed Ahmed tried to restore the falling fortunes of the
community by courting the favour of the conquerors and
withdrawing it from the field of active politics. Shunning of
politics almost inevitably changed into opposition to politics.
Such a negative policy was bad in itself, and the circumstances
of the day made it a source of great danger to the country and
the community. The attempt of the Muslims to withdraw from
politics was in sharp contrast to the rising consciousness of
nationalism among the Hindus who were becoming more and
more politically active. With all his friendship and regard for
the Hindu community. Sir Syed’s politics therefore inevitably
took a turn which, from being anti-political, became, in the
hands of his successors anti-Hindu.
Support for the government and opposition to the Congress

were the two aspects of the policy of a majority of Indian
Appendix 8 183
Muslims when Maulana Azad first appeared on the scene. To

the vast majority of the semi-politically-minded Muslims of the
day there seemed no alternative policy to that of Sir Syed:
namely, cooperation with the British and separation from the
Hindus. Maulana Azad’s clear and unambiguous call of complete
identification with the national movement and strong opposition
to the forces of British imperialism at first shocked and then
angered sections of the leading Muslim politicians of the day.
When he declared that independence of India was necessary not
only in the interest of Indian Muslims but of the entire Muslim
world, many of them could hardly understand what he meant.
His stand appeared to the majority of the Muslim intelligentsia of
the day as the starkest political heresy. As a sequel, Al-Hilal
became a focus for the resurgent spirit of Indian Muslims.
For almost fifty years Maulana Azad stood as a champion

of the claims of nationalism, progress, freedom and democracy.
This has seemed a paradox to many but will not surprise those
who know about his family background and upbringing. He
counted among his forefathers famous religious divines and
successful men of affairs, who shared the common
characteristic of fearless devotion to truth. His father’s
maternal grandfather Maulana Munwwaruddin was disgusted
with the state of affairs in pre-1857 India and decided to
migrate to Mecca. He could not however do so as the Revolt
started while he was still in Bhopal and death overtook him
before he could leave India.
Maulana Azad’s father was Maulana Khairuddin who also

could not reconcile himself to the degradation that seemed to
threaten Indian Muslims. He actually did what his grandfather
had wished to do, went to Mecca and settled there. He became
well known throughout the Islamic world after an Arabic work
of his in ten volumes was published in Egypt. He was also
greatly interested in social work and was responsible for the
repair of the Nahar Zubedia which was the main source of
water for the people of Mecca.
Maulana Khairuddin believed in the old ways of life and had

no faith in modem western education. Nor did he have much
regard for the existing institutions of oriental learning in India or
outside. He, therefore, arranged for Maulana Azad’s instmction at
home by some of the most eminent scholars of the day. Maulana
Azad fully justified his father’s decision and was able to complete
his studies at the exceptionally young age of sixteen.
Soon after, Maulana Azad came across the writings of Sir

Syed Ahmed and was greatly impressed by his views on modem
education. He realised that a man could not be tmly educated in
the modem world unless he studied modem science, philosophy
and literature. He, therefore, decided to learn English and
French and soon started to read English newspapers with the
help of dictionaries. He kept up his interest in the study of
English to the last day of his life.
There followed a period of great mental crisis in Maulana

Azad’s life. He began to question prevailing customs and beliefs,
social and political attitudes and even the religious traditions which
he had inherited from his family. Differences among the different
sects of Muslims raised doubts in his mind about religion itself
and it was several years before he was able to achieve for himself
a rational acceptance of the religious tmths of Islam.
This was also the period when his political ideas began to
change. For some time he was attracted by the revolutionary
groups which were working for the liberation of India. When he
was about twenty, he went out for a tour in Iraq, Egypt, Syria
and Turkey. His travels in these lands confirmed his belief that not
only traditional education but the traditional ways of life must
change if Muslims were to play a creative role in the modem
world. Inspired by a new enthusiasm for nationalism and rational
belief in religion, he started Al-Hilal soon after his return to India.
The success of Al-Hilal was phenomenal. It brought not

only a new personality but a new political temper into the Indian
scene. It created a revolutionary stir among the masses and
Appendix 8 185
challenged the leadership of the Aligarh party. This party had

based its politics on the principle that Musalmans must be loyal
to the British rule in India. Maulana Azad proclaimed a different
programme and declared that Muslims must identify themselves
with the common aspirations of Indian nationhood and challenge
the foundations of British rule in India. The success of Al-Hilal
disturbed the Government who sought to curb it in various
ways. Finally, the Government interned the intrepid young editor
in an attempt to control his activities. When, after several years,
Maulana Azad came out of internment in 1920, he was
immediately recognised as a national leader in his own right and
one of the first lieutenants of Mahatma Gandhi. He became
President of the Congress in 1923 when he was barely 35. No
one has become President of the Indian Congress at a
comparable age. Since then his life has been identified with the
Indian national struggle and it was appropriate that he should be
the Congress President when the British finally agreed to hand
over power to Indian hands in 1946.
This brief review will indicate that there was nothing

strange in the role which Maulana Azad played in Indian public
life. Descended from a family of religious divines, his upbringing
and training were in keeping with the traditions of his family.
His role as a reformer and a patriot was a natural development
of his study of the theology and religious lore of Islam. With its
emphasis on democracy, freedom and rationalism, Islam
provoked in the youthful Maulana Azad a violent reaction against
the servile politics, the outmoded class divisions and the mental
obscurantism of the day. He stood for freedom from political
bondage, feudal obsequiousness and superstitious servility. His
role will seem surprising only to those who have forgotten the
traditions of earlier Islam and remember the beliefs which grew
up round what Englishmen have often described as the Indian
Mohammedanism. It is interesting to note that the orthodox
scholars brought up in a purely oriental tradition responded
first to Maulana Azad’s call. It was among the members of the
Jamiat-ul-Ulema that the found his earliest and most steadfast

colleagues and followers. It was the emphasis on freedom in all
its aspects which attracted Maulana Azad from the cloister of
the recluse into the battle-ground of politics and kept him in the
centre of the struggle till his dying day.
The politician was however never able to submerge the
scholar in Maulana Azad. The scholar is concerned with the
permanent values of life unlike the politician who usually
concentrates on the events of the day. Maulana Azad was always
more of a statesman than a diplomat or political tactician. Two
qualities which marked all his political actions were his balance
and sobriety and his clarity of judgment. With all a poet’s
sensitiveness, he never allowed his emotions to take control of his
political decisions. His like or dislike of a person rarely if ever
swayed his judgment. He tried to assess every situation with an
objectivity that was surprising to friend and foe alike. From this
balance and sobriety followed the clarity of his vision. So long as
a man is rational and judges things in the light of reason, he
cannot err. Mistakes in politics, as elsewhere, occur only when
prejudices sway the balance and prevent us from weighing the
different elements in the situation before us. His sobriety and
clarity of judgment gave Maulana Azad’s political decisions a kind
of impersonality which awed friends and disconcerted opponents.
This also explains why in the midst of the bitterest of
controversies, not one word of anger, indignation or indictment
ever passed his lips, even against those who took every
opportunity of trying to insult and humiliate him. In the midst of
storm and conflict he remained unperturbed. This discipline
developed in him a tremendous personality and his courage and
determination won the admiration of even his worst enemies.
It was inevitable that with a personality at once so
resplendent and so reserved, all kinds of stories and legends were
built up around Maulana Azad. There is the apocryphal story of
his studentship in Al-Azhar. As stated above, he was educated at
home and went to Al-Azhar only as a visitor after he had finished
Appendix 8 187
his studies. The tremendous reputation as a scholar which he

had built up while yet in his teens is revealed in another story. He
once carried on a lengthy controversy by correspondence with a
well-known scholar of the day who expressed a desire to meet
him in person in order to reach a decision on certain points.
When the youthful Maulana arrived, the old savant received him
and politely enquired why his father had sent him instead of
coming himself. There is also the story of a meeting to which he
was invited as the chief-guest of the day but was refused
entrance as no one could believe that a callow youth could be the
well-known scholar for whom everyone was waiting.
Providence often distributes its gifts to different persons in

diverse measures. To some it gives physical strength and to
others, intellectual eminence. To some it gives affluence and to
others fame and recognition. It is rarely that all these gifts are
showered upon the same individual. Maulana Azad was one of
the fortunate few to whom Providence gave in full measure all
the things which human beings desire and yet with a contrariety
which is beyond human understanding. Combined all these gifts
with a sensitiveness and sympathy for human suffering which
turned his personal achievements into an agony at the sight of
so much folly, so much futility and so much hatred all around.
It was inevitable that a man like Maulana Azad was lonely in

spirit. No one who came near him failed to notice the
solitariness of his spirit. Courteous, kindly and a man of infinite
charm, he yet breathed an atmosphere of reserve which few
could penetrate. He lived in his own world of thought, and out
of his musings derived the strength to endure the giant agony of
the world. With all his exquisite sense of human suffering, there
was in him a courage of endurance and an optimism about the
essential goodness of man which sustained him in the midst of
all his sufferings. Essentially a rationalist, he believed that God’s
will must ultimately triumph. This was his faith and this is his
testament to the people of his generation in India and abroad.
Dr. K. G. Saiyidain
Maulana was first and last an educationist—an educationist

in the wider and deeper sense of the word, i.e., one passionately
concerned with the inculcation of the right ideals and values and
attitudes in the people. Ever since he started his career as a writer
and journalist and launched his Al-Hilal, his profound scholarship
and his knowledge of religion, history, philosophy and literature
were devoted to preaching the message of true patriotism and of
the good life for the individual and the community, which knows
no barriers of race or caste or creed or exclusive geographical
loyalties. His powerful speeches and writings swept across the
country, galvanized the hearts and minds of the older as well as
the younger generation and gave them hope, courage and
confidence. He taught them to respect their own culture and
history but did not encourage the attitude of only looking
backward for inspiration. He was, and continued to be, forward-
looking all his life.
The secret of his success as an educationist lay in the fact

that he practiced in his life what he preached in his works. He
had the qualities of character and intellect which he wished to
inculcate in the people of his country. His whole life bore a
shining stamp of sincerity and truth—which he loved and
advocated with Socratic passion; truth which makes no
compromise with expediency and no concessions to ill-informed
criticism or opposition, however bitter it might be; truth for
which he was prepared to pay the highest price by courting
imprisonment at the hands of a foreign government and
misunderstanding and even insults at the hands of his own
countrymen; truth about which he once quoted this famous
verse of a Persian poet:
The message that is embedded in

my heart is not the Mulla 5 sermon;
it can only be uttered on the
scaffold, not from the pulpit!
Appendix 8 189
No one can achieve success as an educationist unless he has

caught some little spark of this divine fire.
As a Minister, who presided over the educational destinies

of the country since the attainment of the independence, he has
left the impress of his great personality in many directions.
During this fateful decade, so full of difficulties and crises,
education was not able to secure adequate resources for its
development. But he espoused the cause of education with
vigour and succeeded in winning for it a place on the map of
the Five-Year Plans of national development. While controversy
raged indecisively about Basic Education, he had it firmly
accepted as the pattern of national education. He had the
problem of secondary education surveyed by a commission and
its reconstruction was promptly initiated under his guidance. He
was deeply interested in the improvement of standards in the
universities and was solicitous to safeguard their due autonomy.
Apart from other measures taken to strengthen higher education,
he established the University Grants Commission to give special
thought to its needs and problems.
His humanism could not reconcile itself to the fact that

many groups and classes be debarred from full participation in
the growing life of the country, because centuries of social
neglect and tyranny had deprived them of their human rights.
In order to equalize and democratize opportunity, several
schemes of scholarship were initiated of which the most
noticeable was one for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
other Backward Classes for which the financial provision was
raised from Rs. 0.3 million to Rs. 20 million during his regime.
Technical education expanded and developed almost beyond

recognition during these few years. So did the programme of
educational publications, under which hundreds of useful reports,
brochures and monographs were brought out, including a few
authoritative and scholarly works like Philosophy, Eastern and
Western and the history of the struggle for freedom in 1857.
Cultural and international activities, which had hardly any

place in the old Education Department before 1945, came into
their own. Through the establishment of the three National
Akademies and the Indian Council of Cultural Relations; through
the fuller development of the Departments of Archaeology,
Archives and Anthropology; through the growing relationship
with UNESCO in the cause of peace and international
understanding and through the promotion of cultural exchanges
with many foreign countries, cultural activities received a new
stimulus in the country and Indian culture a new recognition
and respect abroad. As a writer and a man of culture, he was
sensitive to the financial plight of writers, artists and others
working in the field of culture and he sponsored a scheme
under which those in really indigent circumstances could be
given financial assistance. This was, no doubt, a new scheme
so far as our National Government was concerned, but
patronage of arts and letters by the “court” has been part of
Indian tradition for centuries. What was new was his care to
see that no strings of any kind direct or indirect, were attached
to financial help from the State.
In many problems of great delicacy and complexity it was

his large-hearted and balanced approach which showed us the
right path. He had a phased programme formulated for the
development of Hindi but insisted that it should be so
implemented as to give no cause for grievance or apprehension
to other national languages, which were equally dear to him.
When, in the first flush of freedom and nationalism, many who
had themselves received western education wanted to oust
English or at least relegate it to the background, this man of
vision who was himself a product of the traditional system of
eastern education, insisted that English should be retained and
given an important place in our national life.
He was, above all, deeply interested in the welfare of the

teacher community and worked hard not only to improve their
financial condition but also to raise their social status. I know
Appendix 8 191
how, whenever there were any major difficulties that teachers

had to face anywhere in the country, he took personal interest
in them and they knew that they could always rely on his
sympathy and understanding. I recall with poignant interest
the words that he spoke at the last meeting of the Central
Advisory Board of Education only a fortnight before his death.
They will bear repetition because they bring a farewell word
of appreciation from him to hundreds of thousands of our
teachers all over the country. I hope our teachers will cherish
them with affection and government and other educational
authorities will honour them as a legacy:
“Whatever may be the system that we may adopt, there

can be no real improvement without an improvement in the
quality of our teachers. For various reasons our teachers have
been unhappy in the recent past. You are aware of some of the
steps taken by the Ministry to improve the condition of service
of teachers and raise their status in society. One of the main
achievements in the Second Five-Year Plan has been the
improvement of salary scales of teachers in Primary and Basic
schools. Further measures for improving the morale of
teachers at all levels are also constantly before me.
“While these measures have done a good deal to raise the

morale of teachers, some of the good effects have been lost
because of constant and carping criticisms of our existing
teachers. I know that many of them are ill-trained and some
have come to the profession only as a last resort, but at the
same time we must recognise that in spite of great difficulties
they have served the nation well. We must realize their
difficulties and appreciate the great service they have done to
the nation by looking after the educational needs of the younger
generation. Many of them have shown a devotion to their duty
and a spirit of service which deserves the warmest praise from
all who have the true interest of the nation at heart. I hope that
the Central Government and the State Governments will keep
these facts constantly in mind and do nothing which can in any
way impair the morale of the teachers or making them feel that
their services in the cause of education are not properly
appreciated.”
At this very meeting, he also gave—as if with a prophetic

vision that this was for him the last occasion to do so—his
appraisal of the work of the Ministry, with the objectivity that
characterised all his thinking and judgment. He stated clearly
that, from the point of view of what was possible under the
difficult circumstances of the last decade, there was no need
for us to be apologetic, that we could hold our head high at
what had been achieved during these few years. This was the
assessment of the practical statesman. But, as a person of
vision who could not only look back on the road that had been
traversed but also see the goal ahead, he frankly confessed that
from the point of view of what was desirable, progress was
obviously inadequate and unsatisfactory. It is now our duty and
the challenge of his memory to us to build a bridge between the
possible and the desirable.
But as a man, the Maulana was even greater than his work
as a Minister. With what grace and dignity and sense of justice
did he preside over our activities! Never interfering in details,
not even greatly interested in them, unless they impinged in
some way on principles or policy; always ready to help and
encourage, always willing to overlook faults and weaknesses
except when they encroached in any way on the public interest
or the integrity of administration; always shunning personal
publicity, sometimes even with indignation! I had standing
instructions to decline politely any requests that institutions,
organisations, associations or buildings be associated with his
name. “So long as I am a Minister, I cannot allow any such
thing.” He would not even accept honorary degrees from the
universities. If I remember all-right, he had only once accepted
such a degree in the early years of his ministership. He presided
with incomparable poise and dignity over the conferences of
Education Ministers and the Central Advisory Boards of
Appendix 8 193
Education, unraveling complex issues with patience and

understanding. We would sometimes be worried about possible
conflicts and complications which might arise when many
diverse views had to be reconciled, but not the Maulana. The
same sympathy and understanding and absence of a doctrinaire
approach which enabled him to deal with complex political
situations guided him in the educational field and kept the keel
of our educational ship steady.
—From the ‘Education Quarterly'
Acharya J.B. Kripalani
What are then the outstanding impressions left on those

who had the privilege of being associated with the Maulana, for
more than three decades, particularly in the days of India’s
struggle for independence? It is that in matters fundamental he
had thought out things for himself in his early youth and had
come to certain definite conclusions. These were that India
must be free, free not only for its own sake but for the sake of
the rest of the colonial world including the Islamic countries....
He realized that the only way to independence was to bring into
the movement the masses of India.
Fortified by this conviction, he never wavered in his faith or

in the leadership of Gandhiji. Of course, like many others he did
not believe in non-violence as a creed, but remained loyal to the
policy that had been adopted by the Congress. These convictions
stood the test of time. No vicissitude in his own political life or
the alignment of forces in the country could change them....
For years the Congress Working Committee was just like a

family, and in the family circle Maulana Sahib’s great scholarship
and his genial temperament enlivened his conversation whenever
we of the Congress Working Committee met at lunch, tea or
dinner, or when at Wardha we enjoyed the simple but large-
hearted hospitality of that patriot of the mercantile community,
Jamnalal Bajaj.
The company was regaled with anecdotes drawn from

history, geography and the biographies of great personages in
history, particularly from Islamic countries. He would tell us
where a particular custom rose or from where a particular fruit
or dish was introduced in India.
It is well known that after Independence many popular

causes had his support in the counsels of the mighty created by
the new order. Among them his was an independent voice.
Where none could oppose, he ventured to remonstrate. On rare
occasions, he did succeed. On his death it was thus natural for
popular opinion to feel that the restraining influence of sanity
had disappeared from the political life of the country. Here then
was Maulana Sahib, a great divine, a great scholar, a great
orator in Urdu, a great fighter for national freedom. With all his
fervent love for the country, he was an internationalist to the
core. Great as was his contribution to the freedom fight, his
memory will live more as a harmonious personality full of
knowledge and wisdom.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Qazi Abdul Ghaffar Aasar-e-Abu 7 Kalam

2. Ghulam Rasul Mehr Naqsh-e-Azad
3. Dr. Abid Husain Hindustani Musalman
Aina-e-Aiyyam Men
4. Khawaja Ghulam-us-Saiyidain Aandhi Men Chiragh
5. Dr. Ghulam Husain Zulfiquar Zafar Ali Khan
6. Abdur Razzak Malihabadi Azad Ki Kahani Azad ki
Zabani
7. Abdur Razzak Malihabadi Zikr-e-Azad
8. Abid Raza Bedar Maulana Abu’l Kalam Azad
9. Malikzada Manzur Ahmad Abu’l Kalam Azad (Fikr-o-
Fun)
10. Ajkal, August, 1958 Azad number
11. Urdu Adab, Aligdech Azad number
12. Naqoosh, Lahore Aap Beeti Number-2
13. Abu’ 1 Kalam Azad Qaul-e-Faisal
14. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad Ghubar-e-Khatir
15. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad Tarjuman-ul-Quran
16. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad Tazkira
17. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad (Editor) Al-Hilal—various issues
18. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad Sarmad (Article)
19. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad Presidential address,
Congress session,
Ramgarh, 1940
20. Abu’ 1 Kalam Azad Presidential address, special
Congress session, 1923
21. Abu’ 1 Kalam Azad Presidential address, Khilafat

Conference, Agra, 1921
2 2. Abu ’ 1 Kalam Azad India Wins Freedom
23. Mahadev Desai Maulana Abu’l Kalam Azad
24. Publications Division Maulana Azad—a homage
25. Humayun Kabir (Editor) Maulana Azad—a memorial
volume
26. Jawaharlal Nehru The Discovery of India
27. J.B. Kripalani Gandhi—His Life and
Thought
28. Durga Das From Curzon To Nehru
29. M. Mujeeb Muslims in India
30. Ram Gopal Indian Muslims
Index
“A” Afzal, Shah Mohammad, great
Aah, brother of Azad See Yaseen, grandfather of Azad, 4
Abu’l Nasr Ghulam Afzal, Sheikh Mohammad, 96
Aamal Nama, a book by Raza Ali, Aga Khan, 67
97 palace of 67
Aap Beeti, a book by Hasan Agra, 29, 113, 126, 131
Nizami, 97 Ahimsa, 59
Abdu, Sheikh Mohammad, 22 Ahmad, Aftabuddin, father-in-law
Abdul Ghaffar, Qazi, 6, 105 see of Azad, 9
also Asare-Abu’l Kalam Ahmad, Fazluddin, 28, 38, 96, 101
Abdul Hameed, Sultan of Turkey, Ahmad Khan, Sir Syed, 15, 16,
22 21, 109
Abdul Qadir, Shah, 93 Ahmadnagar, See Ahmednagar Fort
Abdul Wahid Kanpuri, Khwaja, 23 (prison)
Abdullah, Dr. Syed, Urdu Critic, Ahmedabad, 40, 41, 42
102 Ahmednagar Fort (prison), 9, 10,
Abdur Rahman, Hafiz, of Amritsar, 67, 68, 70, 102, 103, 104, 105,
12 106, 157
Abdur Razzak Malihabadi, Aksan-ul-Akhbar, a journal, 11
Maulana, 13, 23-24, 87, 101, Ajmal Khan, Hakim, 20, 35, 41,
110, 112, 116, 117 see also 68, 102, 116
Zikr-e-Azad Akbar, Mughal Emperor, 3, 96, 112,
Abhay Chand, 107 113, 114
Abroo Begum see Hanifa Akhbar-e-A’am, a journal, 19
Al-Azhar, 13, 186
Abyssinia, 137
Afghani, Jamaluddin, 19, 22, 26, Al-Balagh, a journal, 19, 20, 21,
no 23, 28, 29, 34, 91, 96, 102,
182 See also Azad.
birth, 22
Al-Hilal, a journal, 16-17, 18, 19-
death, 22
20, 21, 22-23, 24, 25, 28, 29,
Afghanistan, 22 34, 91, 93, 96, 102, 116, 118,
Afghans, 22 119, 149, 179, 182, 184, 185,
Africa, 55, 141, 157, 170 188
East Africa, 158 South Africa, First issue of, 16
58, 67, 137 Nehru writes about, 17
Aftabuddin Ahmad See Ahmad, See also Azad
Aftabuddin Albania, 138
Afzal Haq, Chaudhri, 97 See also Alberuni aur Jughrafia Aalam
Mera Afsana (MS), 92 See also Azad
198 Abu’l Kalam Azkd
Alexander, 74 American Jews, 107

Ali brothers, 36, 47 Armughan-e-Farrukh, a poetic
All, Mohammad, See Mohammad selection, 7
Ali Arzoo, See Fatima
Alia, mother of Azad, 5, See also Asaf Ali, 55, 67, 68, 80
Azad Asia, 141, 170
Aligarh, 17, 122, 185 University, Western, 177
125 Asare Abu 7 Kalam, a book by Qazi
Alipore, 39 Abdul Ghaffar, 6, 105
All India Congress Committee, See Assam, 48, 74, 76
Indian National Congress Attlee, Clement, 74, 76
All India Convention of Nationalist Aurangzeb, 104, 107
Muslims, 60
Australia, 137
All India Council for Technical
Austria, 138
Education, 82
Autobiographies, notable in Urdu,
All India Khilafat Conference, 131
97
All India Muslim Educational
Azad, Maulana Abu’l Kalam:
Conference, 13
acquires nickname ‘Junior
All India Shia Conference, Muslim
Hazrat’, 5
party in India, 68
adopts poetic name ‘Azad’, 5,
All India Ulema Conference, 131
7 real name, 1, 5
All-Party Conference, 44
address at Kharagpur Institute
Allahabad, 45, 57, 62, 63 of Technology, extract, 84-85
Ambedkar, Dr. 51
address at National Council of
Amerey, Mr., Secretary of State for Technical Education, 84
India, 72
address at the Central Board
America, See U.S.A. of Education, extract, 82-83
Amritsar, 11, 12, 32, 34, 44, 129 address at the Indian National
An-Nadva, a journal, 11, See also Congress Session, Delhi, 43-
Shibli, Maulana 44, 170-172
Andaman and Nicobar Islands, 57 Extract, 43-44
Andhra Pradesh, 42 Text, 170-172
Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam, address at the Madrassa
session of, 12 Islamic, Calcutta, 123-25
Ansari, Dr. M.A., 45, 46, 68
address at the Paris Session of
Arabia, 28, 109, 178 UNESCO, 86
Arabic, language, 8, 9, 94, 107, address to the Indian National
111, 175, 183 Commission for Co-operation
Arabic, education, 123, 124 with UNESCO, 86-87
language, 8, 9, 94, 107, 111, Al-Balagh, a journal of, 19, 20, 21,
175, 183 23, 28, 29, 34, 91, 96, 102,
Archangel, 18, 26 182
Index 199
Al-Hilal, a journal of, 16-17, 18, President, Delhi Session,

19-20, 21, 22-23, 24, 25, 28, 43-49, 51-79
29, 34, 91, 93, 96, 102, 116- as President, Khilafat Movement 36
17, 118, 119, 149, 179, 182,
as President, National Council of
184, 185, 188
Technical Education, 84
first issue of, 16
as President, Nationalist Muslim
Jawaharlal Nehru writes about,
Party, 45
17
as Principal advisor to the Prime
Popularity of, 116-17
Minister, 87
Alberuni aur Jughrafia Aalami
as writer and scholar, 8-9, 91-108
(MS), writing of, 92, ancestors
aspirations, his, extracts, 32-
of, 8
34
Arabic, taste for, 94
at AU India Muslim Educational
arrest of, 31, 37, 38-39, 57, 67,
Conference, 13
as Chairman to boycott the Simon
at Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam,
Commission, 44
Lahore Session, 12
as contributor (regular) to many
at Khilafat Conference, Meerut, 36
journals, 11
at Muslim Press Conference,
as Deputy Leader of the Congress
Lucknow, 13
Party in Parliament, 87
at Nationalist Muslim Party,
as Editor of ‘An-Nadva’, 12
Allahabad Session, 45
as Editor of Vakil, 13
at Round Table Conference, Simla,
as Education Minister, 77, 80-90
72-73
academies, boards, commissions,
committees set up by, 82, 85-86, Azad ki Kahani, writing of, 92
87 birth of, 1,6
educationist, 88-90, 188-192 brothers and sisters, of, 5
on adult education, 81 death of brother, 12
/
on Arabic education, 123-25 death of sister, 71
on teachers, welfare, of, 89 brought to Calcutta at the age of
on technical education, 8-9 2, 1
on women’s education, 82
brought to Hooghly at the age of
as in-charge of Parliamentary 10, 2
Affairs of Bengal, Bihar, Uttar
Call to Muslims to join Hindus in
Pradesh, Punjab, Sind and
the fight for independence, by,
NWFP, 48
20
as journalist, 8-9, 11-31
Childhood and early life, of, 1-10
as President, Indian National
episodes of childhood, extracts, 56
Congress, 43-44, 51-79, 110,
Chinese tea, taste for, 106
133, 170-172 members of his
working committee, 54-55 death of, 121
President, Bombay, Session, 9 difference with Mahatma Gandhi,

71
discussion with Jawaharlal Nehru in Ranchi jail, 29

about Cripps Mission, 62 in the Investigation Committee for
early life—See childhood Multan, 44
education, of, 1, 6, 7 India Wins Freedom,
Autobiography, 10, 13, 60, 70,
educational philosophy, of, 81
71, 92
Elan-e-Haq, writing of, 92
India’s freedom and Indian
elected to the Lok Sabha, 80
nationhood, part played for, by
European tour. 111 ^ 51-79
externed from Bengal, 23, 26, Indian National Commission, of
from Calcutta, 30 UNESCO, inaugurated, by, 86
Faisla-e-Muqaddama-e-Jama influence of Immam Ghazali, on
Masjid, Calcutta, writing of, 92 93-94
faith, his, 15-16, 21 influence of Immam Ibne Taimiyya,
father, of, 4 on, 94
death, 12 influence of Jamaluddin Afghani,
on, 22, 26
See also Khairuddin, Maulana,
father-in-law, of 9 influence of Shah Waliullah, on,
93
father of grand-mother of, 4
influence of Sheikh Mohammad
father’s maternal grand-father, 183
Abdu, on, 22
first book Elan-e-Haq by, 11 influence of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,
first ghazal, published, 7 on, 15
forefathers, 4, 183 investigates Dr. Khare’s changes
foreign tour, 12, 13, 18 in his Cabinet, 48
impressions from, 18-19 involved in politics, deeply, 23-24,
extract, 13 32-50, 51-79
freedom of thought and action, of, involved in the Non-Cooperation
13-14 Movement, 31
games in childhood, of, 1-2 joined editorial staff of Daru-e-
Ghubar-e-Khatir, writing of, 92 Sultanat, 13
grandfather, 4 joined the Interim government, 77
great-grandfather, 4 joined the revolutionaries,
revolutionary movement, 18
great-great-greatfather, 4
Karawane Khayal, writing of, 92
home town, 4
Khutbat-e-Azad, writing of, 92
‘Imam-ul-Hind’ (Leader of India),
letter on the death of his wife,
to name as, 37
9-10, 70-71, 157-163
in Ahmednagar Fort prison, 9, 67,
letter of Jinnah, 64-65
68-71
letter to Syed Sulaiman Nadvi,
in Bankura Jail, Bengal, 72
extract, 23
in Delhi jail, 47
letters to the Viceroy, Lord Wavell,
in Meerut jail, 46 69-70, 74
in Naini Central Jail, 57, 157 life and achievements, an
in Presidency jail, Alipore, 39 evaluation of, 109, 121
Index 201
Lisanu-s-Sidq, a journal by, 11 National Tahrik (MS), writing of,

literary style, of, 19-20 92
love for freedom, of, 22 Navadir-e-Abu’l Kalam, writing of,
love for music, of, 112 92
Makatib-e-Abu’l Kalam, writing of, on communal problems, 74

92 on fundamental unity of religions,
Malirkotla Ka Niza, writing of 92, extract, 96
marriage, 9 on Indian Musalmans, a basic
question, for 151-156
Masala-i-Khilafat aur Jaziratul
Arab, writing of, 92 on isolation, his, writes, extract,
26-27
meeting with Aurobindo Ghosh, 18
on joint electorate, 46
meeting with Lord Mountbatten, 77
on Muslims, 53-54
meeting with Lord Wavell, 73
reforming the Muslims, 13
meeting with Mahatma Gandhi, 35
on UNESCO’s role, 86-87
meeting with Maulana Hali, 12
Paigham, a journal, 32
meeting with Maulana Waheduddin
passion for study, his, 3
Saleem, 12
Qaul-e-Faisal, writing of, 39-40,
meeting with Nawab Sadr Yar Jung
92, extract, 40
Habibur Rahman Khan
Quran, as seen, interpreted and
Sherwani, 102
translated, by, 93, 94, 95
meeting with revolutionaries in study of, extract, 95
other countries, 18
religious views of, 15, 18, 19, 20-
meeting with Shyam Sunder 21
Chakravarti, 18
reply from Jinnah, to, extract, 65
meeting with Sir Stafford Cripps, review of Tazkira-e-Sadiqa, a book,
61 8
memories of his wife, 9-10, 70-71, role in boycotting the Simon
157-163 Commission, of, 44
message for Mahatma Gandhi when role in rousing the Muslims to fight
arrested in Calcutta, extract, 38 for freedom of, 25-56, 36
mother, of 5 romantic interlude, of, 13-14
death, 12 Sarmad Shahid, writing of, 92
Musalman Aurat, writing of, 92 sermon in Ranchi, by, extract, 27-
Mutafarriq Khutut (MS), writing of, 28
92 sisters, of, 5
Nairang-e-Aslam, a poetic journal, death of sister, 71
of, 8 son, the only child, of, 9
Naqshe Azad, writing of, 92 death, 9
extract, 115 Taqarir, writing of, 92
Tarjuman-ul-Quran, writing of, 9, “B”

28, 29-31, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, Babur, Mughal emperor, 112
11, 120 Badauni, Mulla Abdul Qadir, 3
See also Tarjuman-ul-Quran
Badiuzzamani, 91
Taza Mazamine Maulana Abu’l Baghdad, 12
Kalam Azad, writing of, 92 Bahlol, Sheikh, See Jamaluddin,
Tazkira, writing of, 3, 8-9, 14-15, Maulana
91, 92, 96, 97-102 comparative Bajaj, Jamnalal, 54, 193
study, of, 97-102, See also Balkan war, 18, 20
Tazkira-e-Sadiqua Balkans, 137
tribute by Acharya, J.B. Kripalani, Baluchistan, British, 74, 151
to, 193-194 Bankura jail, 72
tribute by Humayun Kabir, to, 181- Bardoli, 40, 42, 58
187 Bareilly, 130, 131
tribute by Jawatiarlal Nehru, to 176- Begi, Sheikh Farid Bakhshi, 113
177 Bengal, 17-18, 23, 26, 41, 46, 47,
tribute by Dr. K.G. Saiyiddin, to, 48, 49, 57, 65, 70, 72, 74, 76,
188-193 124, 177
tribute by Mahatma Gandhi, to, 173 Bay, of 57
tribute by Dr. Rajendra Prasad, to, division of, 17-18
173-175 Provincial Khilafat Committee of,
tribute by Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, 41
to, 175-176 West Bengal, 84
Bengali revolutionaries, 21
tribute by Dr. Zakir Husain, to
179-181 Bengalis, 26
urged the Muslims to adopt the Bhagat Singh, 45
Non-Cooperation Movement, Bhakta Saints, 120
36 Bhatnagar, Sir Shanti Swarup, 85
Us-Sabah, a journal, 11 Bhava, Vinoba, 57
Verses composed, by, 1, 7, 14, Bhopal, 4, 5
extracts, 1, 7 Bible, 107
Viceroy Lord Wavell invites for Bihar, 48, 53, 70, 76
Round Table Conference, Bijnore, 95
Simla, 72, attends, 73-73 wife, Bilgrami, Bekhabar, a Persian poet,
of, 9-10, 70-71, 157-163 death, 68
9, news of, 162-163 Birmingham, 141
last meeting with, extract from a Bombay, 4, 7, 9, 10, 44, 46, 49, 66,
letter, 10 69, 70, 158, 159, 160, 161, 163
letter on her death, memories about, Bose, Subhas Chandra, 52, 53, 57,
9-10, 70-71, 157-163 escaped from internment, 57
writing of, 92 meeting with Hitler, 57
Azamgarh, 13, 115 raised Indian National Army, 57
Index 203
/
Boycott of the Simon Commission, Cleveland, Sir Charles, 30

44-45 Colvin, Sir Auckland, 150
British Government, 17-18, 35, 46, Communal award, 51
51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 64, policies, 21
65, 67, 71, 72, 75, 77, 136, problem, 145, 146
138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, Comrade, a journal, 19, 21
145, 146, 148, 174 Congress, See Indian National
diplomacy of, 17-18, 137, Congress,
imperialism of, 52, 135, 138, Constantinople, 5
143, 145, 146, 150, 183 Cow-sacrifice, 43
policy of, 55, 141 Cripps, Sir Stafford, Mission of 58,
Bukhari, Hafiz Mubarak, a 59, 60, 61-62, 63, 65, 72, 73,
calligraphist, 5 • 74, 78
Burma, 57, 67 arrival in India, 60
Bux, Khan Bahadur, Allah, 60, 62, letter to Jawaharlal Nehru, 63
68 meeting with Azad, 61
meeting with Mahatma Gandhi,
“C” 61
Cabinet Mission, 75, 76, 77, 78 proposals, of, 58, 61-62, 63
Cairo, 13 Czechoslovakia, 138
Calcutta, 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, «D”
13, 22, 26, 30, 32, 36, 39, 40,
Dacca, 63
44, 45, 58, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66,
‘Dagh’ Nawan Mirza Khan, an
72, 76, 83, 84, 92, 110, 114,
eminent, poet 7
117, 128, 130, 158, 177
Dandi March, of Mahatma Gandhi,
Canada, 137 46
Carlyle, 3 1 Dara Shikoh, 107
Cavesher, Sardar Sardul Singh, 47 Dargah of Sheikh Salim Chisti, See
Central Advisory Board of Chisti
Education, 82, 83, 89, 191, 192 Darul Musannefin See Shibli
Centre of Learning and Attributes, 8 Academi
Chakravarti, Shyam Sunder, the Daru-e-Sultanat, a journal, 13
revolutionary, 18 Darwin, thinker of the West, 81
Chamberlain, 138, 141 Das, Deshbandhu, C.R., 36, 37, 39,
Chand Bibi, 69 41, 44, 45, 49, 50
Chauri Chaura, in Uttar Pradesh, 42 Dastan-e-Ghadr, a book by Zaheer
Cheeta Khan, jailor of Ahmednagar Dehlavi, 97
Fort, prison, 69, 70 Defence of India Act, 26
Chhindwara, 29 Delhi, 1, 3, 4, 8, 13, 35, 37, 42, 43,
China, 62, 72 44, 47, 49, 51, 60, 61, 79, 140,
Chinese language, 58 141 164, 167, 170, 176, 177,
Chisti, Sheikh Salim, Dargah, of, 120 179, 181
Churchill, Winston, 60, 76 Deo, Shankar Rao, 54
Deoband, 37 Forward Block, 52

Desai, Bhulabhai, 54, 67 France, 13, 18, 136, 141
Dilgudaz, a journal, 19 French revolution, 31, 177
Direct Action Day, 75-76 Freud, thinker of the West, 81
Discovery of India, a book by Full freedom See Independence,
Jawaharlal Nehru, 17, 68 complete
extract from, dihoui Al-Hilal, 17
Fundamental unity of religions, 96
Dominion Status, 58, 59, 61, 137
Fundrusky, 107
Dufferin, Lord, 149
“G”
“E”
Gandhi, Mahatma, 34, 35, 36, 37,
Eastern Higher Technology 38, 40, 41, 42-43, 44, 45, 46,
Institute, the 83, 84 47, 48, 51, 52, 56, 57, 58-59,
Education, in India, 80-90 61, 65, 66, 67, 70, 71, 73, 74,
technical, 82, 83-85 77, 78, 79, 80, 110, 122, 127,
Education Quaterly, 87 129, 130, 140, 143, 156, 171,
Egypt, 13, 17, 18, 22, 183, 184 173, 185, 193
Egyptian unrest, 18 Gandhi : His Life and Thought, a
Elan-e-Haq, a book by Azad, 11, 92 book by Acharya Kripalani, 78
Emadi, Maulana Abdullah, 23 Ganga, the river, 154
Europe, 19, 55, 135, 140, 141, 142 General Election, 74
imperialism of, 19
Germany, 57, 136, 138
in war, 55
Nazi, 136
Ghaffar Khan, Khan Abdul, 47, 54,
68
Faisla-e-Muqaddama-e-Jama
Masjid, Azad’s writing, 92 Ghaffar, Qazi Abdul, 6
Faruqi, Dr K.A., if, 20 Ghalib, 20, 106, 114
Fascism, 134, 138 Ghazali, 91, 94
in Italy, 138 Ghosh, Aurobindo, 18
Fateha, 10 Ghosh, Profulla Chandra, Dr., 54,
Fatehpur Sikri, 120 71
Fatehpuri, Niaz, 19, 91 Ghubar-e-Khatir, a book by Azad,
Fatima Begum, elder sister of Azad, 9, 68, 71, 91, 92, 102-107, 156
1, 5, 9 review of, 102-107
poetic name, 5 Gokhale, 64
Fazluddin Ahmad See Ahmad, Goldie, Mr., Deputy Commissiorrer,
Fazluddin 38
Fazlul Haq, 52
Gopi, Nath, Munshi, 19
Fiqh, 94
Government of India Act, 1919, 140
First World War, 21, 34
Government of India Act, 1935, 47,
Five Year Plans, 83, 189
51, 140
Second Five Year Plan, 89, 191
Govind, Rajguru, 45
Index 205
Greek, 21, 94, 95 Hindu Mahasabha, 60

mythology, 21 Hindu-Muslim differences, 64
philosophy, 94, 95 Hindu-Muslim riots, 75-76
Gujarat, 74, 120 Hindu-Muslim Unity, 43-44, 67,
171, 174
Guntur, district of Madras, 42
Hindus, 16, 18, 20, 25, 26, 35, 38,
Gurgaon, 80
43, 44, 51, 52, 56, 65, 75, 76,
Gwalior Fort, 3
121, 149, 155, 181, 182, 183
Hitler, 57
Home Rule, 45
Habibur Rahman Khan Sherwani
Hoogly, 2, 84
Nawab Sadr Yar Jung, 102-103,
156 Humayun, 112
Husain Ahmad, Maulana, 20
Hadi, Maulana Mohammad,
grandfather of Azad, 4 Hyat Khan, Nawab Khizr, 68
Hyderabad, 12, 22, 102
Haider Ali, 114
Haider, Syed Sajjad “Yeldrim”, 12
Hali, Maulana, 12, 109, 115 Imam Razi, 111
Hadith, 3, 94 Independence, complete, 45, 46, 53,
Hamdard, a journal, 19, 24 58 /
India divided, a book by Rajendra
Hanifa alias Mahmuda, sister of
Prasad, 77
Azad, 5
India Wins Freedom, a book by
Poetic name, 5
Azad, 10, 13, 60, 70, 71, 92
Hardoi, 11 Indian Unity, 78, 79
Harijans, 51 Indian Council for Cultural
Hasan, Maulana Mohammad, great- Relations, 87, 190
great-grandfather of Azad, 4 Indian Musalmans See Muslims,
Hasan Nizami, 97 See also Aap-Beeti Indian,
Indian National Army, 57, 68
Haseen, son of Azad, 9
trial, 68
Hasrat, Begum
Indian National Commission for
Hasrat, Chiragh Hasan, 23
Cooperation with UNESCO
Hasrat, Mohani, 97, 116, See also 86-87
Quid-e-Farang Indian National Congress, 9, 10,
Hazrat Mujaddid Alf Sani See Sani, 20, 21, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,
Hazrat Mujaddid Alf Hedjaz, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48,
4, 6, 22 50, 51-52, 53, 55-56, 58, 59,
Hikayaat-e-Burq-o-Khirman, an 60, 61-62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67,
article by Azad, extract, 24 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 87,
no. 111, 131, 133, 134, 136,
Himalayas, 21
138, 139, 140, 141, 145, 146,
Hindu architecture, 120
147-148, 149, 158, 170, 173,
Hindu communal force, 43 174, 182, 185, 193
campaign for full freedom, 46 Jama Masjid, Delhi, 79, 124, 164
coalition Ministry of, 48 Jamai, Ghulam Ahmad, 23
conflict with Muslim League, 20 Jamaluddin, Maulana, alias Sheikh
Parliamentary Board of, 48, 51, Bahlol, 3, 96, 97
Proposals of Cripps Mission, Jamiatul Ulema, the Muslim party,
rejected by, 62 37, 45, 67, 78, 131, 186
resolution on the War in Japan, 57, 58, 62, 65, 72
Europe, of, extracts, 55-56
Jhansi, 123
Working Committee of, 10, 42,
Jinnah, Mohammad Ali, 37, 49, 51,
46, 51-52, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61,
52, 64, 65, 67, 68, 71, 73, 75,
62, 65, 66, 72, 73, 75, 78, 111,
76, 77
138, 139, 140, 158, 193
views of, 65
Indo-Asia, a journal, 87
writes to Azad, extract, 65
Indo-British relations, 174
Joseph, Prophet, 116
Indo-Persian, style of a painting of,
120 Josh Malihabadi, the noted Urdu
poet, 91, 114
Interim Government, 75, 76, 77, 80
Journalism, Urdu, 8
Investigation Committee for Multan,
the, 44 “K”
Iqbal, the poet, 105
Kabir, Humayun, 6, 90, 181
Iran, 17, 112, 155, 178
Kai-Shek, Chiang, Chinese leader,
Iraq, 12, 13, 17, 18, 28, 171
58, 59
Ireland, 137
Kai-Shek, Chiang, Mrs., 58
Irwin, Lord, 46, 47
Kamal Pasha, Mustafa, 18
Islam, 9, 20, 24, 67, 94, 107, 109,
Kala Pani, a book by Azad, 97
111, 153, 154, 155, 173, 184,
Kandhar, 29
185
Karachi, 46, 130
teachings of, 18, 93
Karamabad, 29
Islamic Caliphate, 129, 130
Karawane Khayal, Azad’s writing,
law, 130
92
philosophy, ancient, 13
Karnatak music, 86
science, ancient, 13
Kasur, in undivided Punjab, 4
tradition, 17
Kasuri Maulvi Mohiuddin, 28
Iskandra, See Sikandra
Istanbul, 22 Kathgodam, 116
Italy, 138 Katju, K.N. Dr., 57
Kazi, Abdul Ghaffar, See Abdul
“J” Ghaffar, Qazi
Jafar Thanes Ali, Maulana, 97, See Khadang-e-Nazar, a journal, 8, 11,
Also Kala Pani Khairuddin, Maulana, father of
Jahangir, Mughal Emperor, 3, 112, Azad, 4-5, 6, 9, 11, 12, 110,
113, 114 183-184
Jalianwala Bagh, massacre at, 32, buried, 110
129 children, 5
Index 207
death, 12 Lajpat Rai, Lala, 36, 37, 41, 45

education, 4-5 death, 45
journey to Hedjaz, 4 Lalit Kala Akademi, 85-86
marriage, 5 Languages, national, 89, 155
wife, 5 Lawrence, Lord Pethwic, 74
Khalil, Ibne, 91
League of Nations, 139
Khan Bahadur Allah Bux, See Bux
Liaqat Ali Khan, 75, 77
Khan Bahadur Allah
Linlithgow, Lord, 56, 63
Khan, Zafar Ali, See Zafar Ali Khan
Lisanu-s-Sidq, a journal by Azad,
Kharagpur Institute of Higher
11-12
Technology, 82, 84, 85
London, 13, 46, 51, 76, 77
Khare, Dr., 48
Lucknow, 11, 12, 13, 47, 79, 102,
Khayyam, Omar, 20, 107
116, 117, 134, 136, 164
Khilafat Committee, 45
Khilafat Conference, 36, 37, 125, “M”
Provincial, 130 Macdonald, Ramsay, 51
Khilafat movement, 35, 126-127, Madani, Maulna Husain Ahmad, 37
131, 171
Maddock, Dr., Col., 43
merged with Congress
Madras, 42, 63
Movement, 35
Madras Legislative Party, 63
Khilafat problem, 35
Madrasa Aalia, 123
Khudai Khidmatgars, 47, 67, 78
Mahbood Aalam, Munshi, 19
Khusro, 113
Mahmudal Hasan, Maulana, 20
Khutbat-e-Azad, Azad’s writing, 92
Majlis-e-Ahrar, the Muslim Party
Khwaja Abdul Wahid Kanpuri, See
in India, 67
Abdul Wahid Kanpuri Khwaja
Makatib-e-Abu’l Kalam, Azad’s
Kutb Shahi Dynasty, 120 writing, 92
Kripalani, Acharya J.B. 54, 71, 78,
Makhzan, a journal, 11
193
Malaviya, Pandit Madan Mohan, 44
Kohat, 44
Malaya, 57, 67
Kohinoor, 118
Malihabad, 117
Kol, tribal, 26
Malik Ram, 4
Koran, Holy, See Quran
Malirkotla ka Niza, Azad’s writing,
Kidwai, Rafi Ahmad, 47 92
Kitchlew, Dr. 37 Mandal, Jogendranath, 76
“L” Marx, thinker of the West, 81
Labour Party, the, in England, 74, Masala-i-Khilafat aur Jaziratul

76 Arab, Azad’s writing, 92
Lahore, 11, 12, 37, 44, 45, 130, Masita Khan, 112
131 Mathmavi, a book by Rumi, 92
Maulana Jamaluddin, See Mountbatten, Lord, 77, 78

Jamaluddin Maulana Mubarak, Mulla, 3
Mazzini, Joseph, 130 Mughal Art in India, 112
Mecca, 1, 5, 6, 7, 183 Mujadded, Pir Ghulam, 37
Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni, See
Mecca and Medina, 5
Badauni, Mulla Abdul Qadir
Meenai, Ameer, the reputed poet, 7
Multan, 44
Meerut, 36, 46
Munnawaruddin, Maulana, father of
Mehr, Maulana Ghulam Rasul , 92-
Azad’s grandmother 4, 96, 183
93, 114, 119
death, 4
death, 119
journey to Hedjaz, 4
Mehta, Sir Feroz Shah, 64 Muntakhabut Twarikh, 3
Mera Afsana, a book by Chaudhri Muraqqa-e-Aslam, a journal from
Afzal Haq, 97 Hardoi, 11
Michael, Lord, 27 Musalman Aurat, Azad’s writing, 92
Milton, 128 Mushtaq Husain, Nawab, 63
Mir, poet, 118 Music, Hindustani, 86
Mira Bahen, 66 Karnatak, 86
Mirza Hasan, 113, 114 Muslim architecture, 120
Mirza Khan, Nawab, ‘Dagh’, poet, 7 Muslim Communal Force, 43
Mirza Shahrukh, 113 Muslim Educational Conference, 64
Mischief of the Graves, the, an Muslim Leaders, 17, 28-29, 35, 47
article by Azad, 109 Muslim League, 16, 20, 21, 49, 60,
Mohammad Abdu, Sheikh, 22 62, 63-64, 65, 72, 74, 75, 76,
Mohammad Ali, Maulana, 19, 20- 78, 80, 166-167
21, 24, 29, 35, 37 foundation of, 16
Mohammad Saeed, See Sarmad policy of, 21
Mohammad, Sheikh, son of Maulana Muslim Nationalist, a Muslim Party
Jamaluddin, 3 in India, 46, 67, 78
Mohani, Hasrat, 20 Muslim Parties in India, 67-68
Muslim Press Conference, 13
Mohiuddin Ahmad, Abu’l Kalam,
Muslim Reformers, 17
real name of Azad, See Azad
Muslims, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 20,
Molotov, 57
21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28-29, 34,
Momin Conference, the Muslim
35, 38, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49,
Party of India, 67
52, 53, 54, 60, 62, 64, 65, 67,
Mongol, 96
75, 76, 105, 109, 110, 121, 125,
Montesque, Charles Loti, French 129, 148-149, 150, 151-156,
writer, 102
164-169, 171, 174, 180, 181,
Moonje, Dr., Communal leader, 42 182, 183, 184, 185
Morhabadi, 26 and Hindus, perfect unity
Morocco, 171 among, 38
Mosul, 12 basic question for, Indian,
Mother of Habib, a widow, a 151-156
neighbour of Azad, 6 reforming the, 12, 13
Index 209
Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Ghazi, 170 New Zealand, 1 37

Mutafarriq Khutut (MS) Azad’s Nigar, a journal, 1 9
writing, 92 Nizam of Hyderabad, 102
Mutatim Bin Novera, Arabic poet, Noakhali, 76
163
Non-Cooperation Movement, 31,
Mutaunnabi, 91 35, 36, 41, 43, 123, 130, 131
“N” Non-Cooperation Resolution, 64
Nadva and Aligarh, the activities Non-Violence, 58, 71
of, 20 North-West Frontier Province, 46,
Nadvi, Maulana Abdus Salam, 23, 47, 48, 74, 78
Nadvi, Maulana Syed Sulaiman, 23, “O”
94, 115
O’Dwyer, General, 32
Nafisi, Dr., Professor of Tehran
Omar Khayyam, See Khayyam,
University, 92, 111
Omar
Nagpur, 36, 37, 41, 44
Oraon, tribal, 26
Nahar Zubedia, 183
Naidu, Sarojini, Smt., 54, 67
Naini Central Jail, 55, 157
Paighatn, a journal, by Azad, 32, 34
Nairang-e-Aalam, a journal by
Paisa Akhhar, a journal, II, 19
Azad, 8, 11
Palestine, 17, 171
Nariman, 48
Pakistan, 71, 76, 78, 119, 164
National Council of Technical
Panipat, 12
Education, 83
Pant, Pandit Govind Vallab, 45, 52
National Panchayat Board, 44
Paris, 13, 22, 86, 1 8 I
National Tahrik (MS), writing, 92
Patel Sardar Vallabhbhai, 36, 46,
Nationalist Muslim Party, 45
48, 52, 54, 71, 77
Naqshe Azad, Azad’s writing, 92
Peaock Throne, 119
Extract, 115 Pearl Harbour, 57
National Akademies, 190 Permanand, Bhai, 97
Navadir-e-Abii’l Kalam, Azad’s Persian Letters, a book by Charles
writing, 92 Loti Montesque, 102
Nazar, Munshi Naubat Rai, 11 Phansi Ki Kothri, a book by Ranbir,
Naziri, 91, 117 97
Nazis, 56 Pirpur Committee Report, 52
in Germany, 138 Poona, 51, 56, 67, 69, 106,
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 17, 36, 45, 53, Act, of, 5 1
54, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 67, 68, Press Act, 21
69, 72, 75, 76, 77, 80, 161, Prince of Wales, 39
176 Princely States, the, 60
Nehru, Pandit Motilal, 36, 41, 44, Provincial Khilafat Conference, 131
45 Punjab, 4, 45, 46, 48, 57, 74, I 13,
Nehru, Rameshwari, 62 131
“Q” Round Table Conference, 44, 46-

47, 51, 72-74
Qachar, the King of Iran, 22
Roosevelt, Franklin, President of
Qaid-e-Azadm conferred the title
the USA, 57-58, 59, 72
upon Jinnah, 71
Rousseau, 101
Qaul-e-Faisal, Azad’s writing, 39-
Roy, B.C., Dr., 70
40, 92, 120
Roy, M.N., 53
extract, 40
Rowlatt Act, 32, 34
Qayyam Ibne, 96
Rudra, Principal of St. Stephen’s
Qazi Abdul Ghaffar, See Abdul
College, Delhi, 35
Ghaffar Qazi
Rumi, 91, 92
Quetta, 29
Rushd, Ibne, 91
Quid-e-Farang, a book by Hasrat
Russia, See Soviet Union
Mohani, 97
Quit India Movement, 65, 67, 68, “S”
74 Sa’adullah, 48
Quran, Holy, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, Sabarmati, 42
92, 93, 94, 95-96, 110, 111, Sadabad, in Afghanistan, 22
174, 182 Sahabi Najafi, a Persian poet, 107
Qutb Minar, 43 Sahitya Akademi, 85-86, 95
Saiyidain, Dr., K.G., 87
“R”
Samad, Mirza Abdus, 112
Radcliffe Commission, 78
Sangeet Natak Akademi, 85-86
Radhakrishnan, Dr. S., 86, 174
Sani, Hazrat Mujaddid Alf, 3, 8
Rajaji, See Rajagopalachari
Sargent Report, 83
Rajagopalachari, C, 36, 55, 63, 80
Sarkar Committee, 84
Rajasthan, 120
Sarkar, N.R. 84
Rajendra Prasad, Dr., 48, 52, 54,
Sarmad, 107
71, 77, 80, 173, 180
Sarmad Shahid, Azad’s writing, 92
Rajguru Govind, See Govind,
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes
Raj guru
and Backward Classes, 88, 189
Ramgarh, 53, 55, 132
Second World War, 50, 51, 57-58,
Rampur, 80
64
Ranbir, See Phansi Ki Kothri
Secondary Education Commission,
Ranchi, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31,
82
32, 35, 38, 96, 158
Shah Jahan, 164
Rang Mahal of Rajasthan, 120
Shankaracharya, Jagatguru, 37
Rangoon, 20
Sharar, Abdul Halim, 19
Rawalpindi, 44
Shaukat Ali, Maulana, 37, 44
Raza Ali, 97 See also Aamal Nama
Sheikh Mohammad, See Mohammad,
Razi , Imam, 94-95
Sheikh
Red Fort, Delhi 68
Sheikh Mohammad Zahir Vatri, See
Revolt of 1857, the, 4
Vatri, Sheikh Mohammad Zahir
Revolutionary movement, 18
Sherwani, Tasudduq Ahmad Khan,
Ribbentrop, 57
45
Index 211
Shia, 104 Tafsee-re-Kabir, 94

Shibli, Maulana, 11, 12-13, 102, Tagore, Rabindranath, 26
109 Taimiyya, Ibne, 91, 94, 96, 102
Shibli Academi, 115 Taqarir, Azad’s writing, 92
Shuddhi, conversion of non-Hindu
Tara Chand, Dr., 90
to Hinduism, 43
Tarjumanul Quran, a book by Azad,
Shukla, Pandit Ravi Shanker, 48
9, 28, 29-31, 91, 92, 93, 95,
Siddiqui, Maulana Hamid Ali, 23
96, 111, 120
Sikander Begum, Nawab, the ruler
dedication, of, the story of,
of Bhopal, 4
29-30
Sikandra, 113
publication, of, story of, 95
Simla, 45, 72, 73, 74
review of, 96
Simon Commission, 44 writing of, story of, 29-31
Sindh, 48, 60, 62, 74
Taza Mazamine, Maulana Abu’I
Singapore, 57, 67 Kalam Azad, Azad’s writing, 92
Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, See Ahmad Tazkira-e-Sadiqua, a book by Azad,
Khan, Sir Syed 3-8, 14-15, 28, 91, 92, 96, 97-
Sirhind, 3 102
Sitaramayya, Pattabhi, 52 comparative study with other
Slade, Miss, See Mira Bahen autobiographies in Urdu,
Smyrna, 129, 130 extract, 97-102
Social reform of Muslims in India, influence of Sir Syed Ahmad
12 Khan on Azad, 15
Soviet Union, 57, 60, 137 romantic phase of Azad’s
Spain, 138 life, 14
Sufis, 107, 120 Tehran, 111
Sufism, 81, 91 University, 92
Suhrawardy, 76 Thaqafat-ul-Hind, an Arabic
Sukhdev, 45 quarterly, 87, 112
Sunnah, 3, 4 Tilahri, Maulana Akhtar Ali, 94
Sunnism, 104 Tilak, Lokmanya, 42, 174
Surat-a-Fatiha, 95 Timur, Mughal Emperor, 112
Swaraj, 43, 130 Tipu Sultan, 114
fund, 36 Tiwana, Khizr Hayat Khan, 74
party, 48, 49, 50 Tolstoy, 101
Syed Ahmed, Sir, 182, 183, 184 Tripoli, the revolution in, 20
Syed Mahmud, Dr., 55, 67, 68, 103, Turah, 107
104 Turkish, 8
Syria, 12, 13, 17, 18, 171, 184 atrocities, 130
unrest, 18
Tazuk, Jahangir’s writing, 113
Tab Ugh, conversion of non-
Turkey, 13, 17, 18, 22, 34, 35, 171,
Muslims to Islam, 43
184
“U”
Wilson, President, 136
UNESCO, 81, 86, 87, 88, 190 Women’s Education, 82
Role of, 86-88 Wordsworth, 10
U.S.A., 57, 58, 72 ttY”
Mission, 130 Yaseen Abu’l Nasr Ghulam ‘Aah’

Naval base at Pearl Harbour in 5, 6, 8, 9, 12
the pacific, 57
death, 12
University Education Commission,
marriage, 9
82
poetic name, 5
University Grants Commission, 189
verses composed by, specimen,
Urdu, the language, 8, 9, 71, 91,
8
92, 93, 97, 103, 182
visit to Iraq, 12
journalism, 8, 24
Young India, 40, 42, 128
Urfi, 91
Yamuna river, 154
Urvat-ul-Vasqa, an Arabic journal
“Z”
from Paris, 19, 22, 23
Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana, 19, 24,
Us-Sabah, a journal, founded by
29
Azad, 11
Zaheer Dehlavi, 97, See also
Uttar Pradesh, 45, 46, 48, 70
I Dastan-e-Ghadr
«Y” Zainab, sister of Azad, 5
Vakil, a journal, 11 Zainabadi, 104
Valera, De, 137 Zakir Hiisain, Dr., 20, 179
Vatri, Sheikh Mohammad Zahir, 5 Zamindar, a journal, 19, 24
Vinoba Bhave, See Bhave, Vinoba Zikr-e-Azad, a book by Maulana
Vedanta, 81 Abdur Razzak Malihabadi, 101
Zuleikha Begum, wife of Azad, 9-
“W”
10, 70, 157-163
Waheeduddin Saleem, Maulana, 12
death, 9
Waliullah, Wall, 93
Interest in Azad’s affairs, 9
Wardha, 59, 60, 65, 66, 138, 140,
last meeting with Azad, 10
193
letter on her death by Azad, 9-
Wasti, Shaikh, 102
10, 70-71, 157-163
Wavell, Lord, the Viceroy, 72, 73,
Telegram to Mahatma Gandhi,
74, 76
by, when Azad was sentenced,
Western imperialism, 22
text of, 40-41, See also Azad,
Willingdon, Lord, 47 wife.
The book presents the life history of Maulana Abu’l Kalam Azad,
who has been written upon extensively, yet scattered. An attempt
has been made to bring together the stray strands, objectively.
Unconventional and a firm believer in carving out his own course,
he lit many a lamp to dispel gloom and ignorance.
Maulana was a man of great learning, who had mastered the old
classics and yet was blessed with modern scienfic temper. This
‘Imam-ul-Hind’was worthy of leading the entire humanity.

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ABU’L KALAM AZAD

Price : Rs. 120.00

Published by The Additional Director General (In-charge), Publications Division,

Editor : Maneesh Singhal

Sales Centres : • Soochna Bhawan, CGO Complex, Lodhi Road,

Typesetting : Nautiyal Computers, G-11, Aruna Park, Shakar Pur, Delhi-110092

The object of the series is to record for the present and

The biographies are planned as handy volumes written by

The manuscript of the book was prepared by the author in

m ratbut srfi id borifc^^Jtq er/y :^66d 5rfti "io jqho^.i/iifiED 'srfT.

It is not easy to present the life-history of Maulana Abu’l

While a bibliography has been given at the end, I deem it

When Maulana Azad’s mortal remains were being carried in

Childhood and Early Life 1

1 Speech at the inauguration of Madrassa Islamia,

2 Speech delivered at Khilafat Conference, Agra,

3 Qaul-e-faisal - Court statement, 1922

4 Presidential address at the fifty-third session of

5 On the death of his wife, 1943

6 Speech at Jama Masjid, Delhi, 1948

7 Presidential address at the Special Session of

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D escribing MAULANA AZAD’S childhood, his eider

“My tender heart sheds tears of compassion.

“As a child Azad was never fond of the games children

1. Ajkal (Urdu) September, 1959, pages 14-15. Interviewer was

his way.’ When we said,‘Brother, there is no crowd here, whom

“Once, plague broke out in Calcutta and father dispatched

“On another occasion our elder sister, who had a temper

“Azad had a passion for studying. When he was about 17, a

he picked up a cigarette case from the table at which Azad was

“Indeed it may be said that Azad had never a real childhood.

The above narrative indicates how apparent it was even in

One of Azad’s ancestors, Maulana Jamaluddin alias Sheikh

“This evidence was a source of great delight to me. The

preferred poverty, loved to sit on bare ground and shunned

1. Tazkira, page 302, edited by Malik Ram, published by Sahitya

journey to Hedjaz. He had already finished his education in India

Maulana Khairuddin was called ‘Hazraf by his followers

Parents naturally exercise considerable influence in the

“My father had employed a calligraphist, Hafiz Mubarak

In another context, Azad wrote about his mother.

“When I consider her moral and intellectual insights, I

According to Maulana Azad, he was bom in Mecca during

Abu’l Nasr Ghulam Yaseen ‘Aah’ was elder to Azad by two

- ■• •; -) ir^ i '^ . ' V kL ..