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Contributors
Marlene Brennan, DNP, FNP-BC, PMHNP-BC Sandra Ripper-Brown, DNP

Assistant Professor Neuroscience Program
Christine E. Lynn College of Nursing St. Mary’s Medical Center
Boca Raton, Florida West Palm Beach, Florida
Sharon K. Byrne, DrNP, CRNP, NP-C, AOCNP, Denese Sabatino, MSN, ARNP-C, CCRN
CNE Nurse Practitioner/Clinical Educator, Department
Co-Chair, Department of Nursing of Critical Care
Assistant Professor, School of Nursing, Health and Cleveland Clinic
Exercise Science Weston, Florida
The College of New Jersey Baptist Hospital
Ewing, New Jersey Miami, Florida
Denise Vanacore, PhD, CRNP, ANP-BC,

Karin Klause, MSN, FNP-C PMHNP-BC
Florida Community Health Centers, Inc. Director, NP and DNP Programs
Fort Pierce, Florida Gwynedd Mercy University
Gwynedd Valley, Pennsylvania
Gary Laustsen, PhD, FNP-BC, FAANP, FAAN
Assistant Dean, Academic Practice and Innovation Kenneth Winland, MS
Assistant Dean, Practice and Community Engagement Warren, Rhode Island
Associate Professor/FNP
Oregon Health & Science University Karen Wisdom-Chambers, DNP, FNP-BC
School of Nursing Portland Campus Instructor, NP Program
Portland, Oregon Christine E. Lynn College of Nursing
Florida Atlantic University
Donna Maheady, EdD, APRN-BC Boca Raton, Florida
President, www.exceptionalnurse.com
Adjunct Faculty We would also like to thank the following individuals
Utica College for contributions to previous editions:
St. Petersburg, Florida Sandra Allen
Lisa J. Bedard
Denise Coppa
Kymberlee A. Montgomery, DrNP, WHNP-BC, Marcia Gardner
CNE Diane Gerzevitz
Drexel University Allison M. Jedson
College of Nursing and Health Professions Janice S. Hayes
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Deborah A. Raines
Karen Rugg
Lynne Palma, DNP, FNP-BC, CDE Lorraine M. Schwartz
Associate Professor Susan Elaine Sloan
Christine E. Lynn College of Nursing Douglas H. Sutton
Florida Atlantic University Sharon A. Thrush
Boca Raton, Florida Marcella R. Thompson
vii
4469_Winland-Brown_FM_i-x.indd vii 3/21/17 3:04 PM

Acknowledgments
We would both like to thank the entire F. A. Davis team, especially Susan
R. Rhyner, Senior Acquisitions Editor, for her vision, enthusiasm, and sup-
port; Marcia L. Kelley, Developmental Editor, for her expertise, efficiency,
and good humor; and Amanda Minutola, Echo Gerhart, Dan Clipner, and
Christine Becker, Editorial and Production Managers, for hanging in there
with us every step of the way!!! Day by Day!
JW-B & LMD
viii
4469_Winland-Brown_FM_i-x.indd viii 3/21/17 3:04 PM

Contents
UNIT ONE 1
Introduction 1
1. Achieving Success on a Certification Examination 3
LYNNE M. DUNPHY and GARY LAUSTSEN
2. Test-Taking Skills and Designing Your Study Plan for APRN Certification 9
LYNNE M. DUNPHY and GARY LAUSTSEN
UNIT TWO 25
Evaluation and Promotion of Client Wellness 25
3. Health Promotion 27
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN
4. Care of the Emerging Family 55
DONNA C. MAHEADY and JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN
5. Growth and Development 85
LYNNE M. DUNPHY
6. Health Counseling 117
LYNNE M. DUNPHY
UNIT THREE 155

Assessment and Management of Client Illnesses 155
7. Neurological Problems 157
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN and SANDRA RIPPER-BROWN
8. Integumentary Problems 183
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN and KARIN T. KLAUSE
9. Head and Neck Problems 209
KAREN W. CHAMBERS and LYNNE M. DUNPHY
10. Respiratory Problems 239
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN and KARIN T. KLAUSE
11. Cardiovascular Problems 265
DENESE SABATINO and JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN
12. Abdominal Problems 299
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN and KENNETH WINLAND
13. Renal Problems 325
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN and KENNETH WINLAND
14. Male Genitourinary Problems 351
SHARON K. BYRNE and LYNNE M. DUNPHY
15. Female Genitourinary Problems 377
KYMBERLEE A. MONTGOMERY and JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN
ix
4469_Winland-Brown_FM_i-x.indd ix 3/21/17 3:04 PM

x CONTENTS
16. Musculoskeletal Problems 407

SHARON K. BYRNE and LYNNE M. DUNPHY
17. Endocrine and Metabolic Problems 437
LYNNE PALMA and JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN
18. Hematological and Immune Problems 467
LYNNE M. DUNPHY and JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN
UNIT FOUR 495

Issues in Primary Care 495
19. Issues in Primary Care 497
LYNNE M. DUNPHY and MARLENE BRENNAN
UNIT FIVE 527

Practice Examination 527
Comprehensive Practice Examination 529
JILL E. WINLAND-BROWN and LYNNE M. DUNPHY
4469_Winland-Brown_FM_i-x.indd x 3/21/17 3:04 PM

UNIT ONE
INTRODUCTION
4469_Winland-Brown_Ch01_001-008.indd 1 3/18/17 12:58 PM

Chapter 1: Achieving Success
on a Certification Examination
Certification and Why It Is Important
Licensure
Certification
Your Role
Certification Examinations
American Nurses Credentialing Center
American Academy of Nurse Practitioners Certification
Program
Achieving Success
References
Lynne M. Dunphy
and Gary Laustsen
With the purchase of this book, you have taken a programs, and most states require individuals to main-
major step to achieving or maintaining your certain their RN license to apply for and maintain their
tification as an advanced practice registered nurse APRN license. All but a few states currently require
(APRN). The earlier in your educational process you certification to apply for an APRN license. In addition
begin preparing for the certification examination, the to the states’ requirements of certification for licen-
greater your chance of success. This book will help sure, clinical facilities, employers, and insurance pay-
you understand the certification process and the steps ers require certification.
you need to take to succeed on the certification exam-
ination of your choice.
CERTIFICATION
Certification is the process by which a nongovern-
Certification and Why It Is Important mental agency or association grants recognition to
an individual who has met certain predetermined
There are basic differences between becoming licensed standards for practice. For APRN certification, this
(a process you complete with your state’s board of is achieved through the successful passing of a cer-
nursing or similar entity) and becoming certified. An tification examination. Becoming certified is the
understanding of these differences is important. standard for APRN professionals. As of this writing,
only New York, California, Indiana, and Kansas do
not require certification prior to obtaining licensure
LICENSURE
to practice as a family nurse practitioner (FNP) or
Licensure is a legal requirement of each state to prac- adult-gerontology primary care nurse practitioner
tice nursing in that state. The purpose of licensure is (AGPCNP).
to protect the public from unsafe practitioners. Legal Certification exams, based on an analysis of cur-
regulation of nursing practice (whether at the RN or rent practice, validate entry-level knowledge in an
APRN level) is the joint responsibility of the state leg- advanced nursing specialty in a defined population
islature and the state board of nursing (and in some area. Certification exams are competency-based ex-
states the board of medicine). Registered nurse (RN) aminations that provide a valid and reliable assess-
licensure is a requirement for enrolling in APRN ment of entry-level clinical knowledge and skills of a

4 unit one: INTRODUCTION
APRN REGULATORY MODEL
APRN Specialties
Focus of practice beyond role and population focus linked to health-care needs
Examples include but are not limited to Oncology, Older Adults, Orthopedics, Nephrology, Palliative Care
Population Foci
Licensure occurs at levels
of role & population foci
Family/Individual Women’s Health/ Psychiatric-

Adult-Gerontology Neonatal Pediatrics
Across Life Span Gender-Related Mental Health
APRN roles
Nurse Clinical Nurse Nurse

Anesthetist Nurse-Midwife Practitioner
Specialist
Figure 1-1
nurse practitioner. This certification aligns with the

Box 1-1: Purposes of National Certification
Consensus Model for APRN Regulation: Licensure,
Accreditation, Certification, and Education (LACE). • Required for advanced nursing practice licensure in
Certification exams are administered through testing all but a few states
divisions of professional associations. These include • Indicates specific advanced role and population-
the American Nurses Association (ANA) subsidiary, the based competencies at an entry level building on
foundational nursing knowledge
American Nurses Credentialing Center (ANCC),
• Required for third-party reimbursement in Medicare
and the American Association of Nurse Practitioner’s populations as well as by most other insurers
American Academy of Nurse Practitioners Certifi- • Often required for institutional credentialing
cation Program (AANPCP). National certification • Required by the U.S. Department of Veterans
examinations by these bodies designate an APRN Affairs and the U.S. Armed Forces
role in a specific population (see Fig. 1-1), serve as • Required to obtain a National Provider Identifier
(NPI)
eligibility for licensure to practice in most states, and
are required for most third-party reimbursement, as
well as institutional credentialing. For a list of some
of the main purposes of national certification, review Box 1-2: Recognized Nursing Associations
Box 1-1. and Organizations Offering Advanced-Practice
In summary, the candidate for certification as an Nursing Certification for the Nurse Practitioner
APRN should recognize that certification is a formal Role
process conducted by nongovernmental organizations
to validate entry-level APRN knowledge, skills, and American Academy of Nurse Practitioners Certification
Program (AANPCP): http://www.aanpcert.org
competencies, based on predetermined standards and
practice analysis, and is a part of the requirement in American Nurses Credentialing Center (ANCC):
most states to obtain licensure and status as an APRN. http://www.nursecredentialing.org
See Box 1-2 for recognized certifying organizations for
FNP or AGPCNP practice.
retesting. The purpose of this book is to help you
achieve that goal, but your role in this process requires
YOUR ROLE
a commitment in time and effort to be successful.
You are making an important decision to become Table 1-1 lists the requirements for nurse prac-
an APRN or to maintain your certification through titioner certification by the ANCC and AANP as of

chapter 1: ACHIEVING SUCCESS ON A CERTIFICATION EXAMINATION 5
TABLE 1-1. REQUIREMENTS TO SIT FOR TABLE 1-2. ANCC FAMILY NURSE
NURSE PRACTITIONER CERTIFICATION PRACTITIONER CERTIFICATION
EXAMINATION CONTENT OUTLINE (2016)
ANCC AANP
DOMAINS OF NUMBER OF PERCENT OF
• Present final, • Be a graduate (or imminent PRACTICE QUESTIONS QUESTIONS
degree-conferred graduate) of an accredited
transcripts Master’s NP, post-graduate Foundations for 64 37
• Present validation NP, or DNP program Advanced Practice
of Education • Present official final Professional Practice 30 17
Form signed by transcript with date degree Independent Practice 81 46
program director/ conferred
Total 175 100
faculty • Complete program faculty–
supervised clinical clock
hours
• Hold a current RN license describes the major categories and domains of practice,
as well as related topics and subtopics, which are cov-
ered on the examination. The examination currently
consists of 200 questions, 175 of which are scored and
2015. You must keep abreast of both of these creden- 25 pilot questions that are not scored. The nonscored
tialing Web sites for continued and changing infor- questions cannot be distinguished from the scored
mation regarding the details and processes for taking items.
the certification exam. To qualify to take an examina- The TCO includes information about how the
tion and become certified at the APRN level, a nurse content is weighted—that is, how many or what
must (1) meet the requirements for clinical or func- percentage of the test questions are in each of the
tional practice in a specialized field and (2) provide major domains. Table 1-2 lists the major categories
evidence of successful completion of an approved or domains of practice for the FNP examination and
Master or Doctor of Nursing Practice curriculum. includes an approximate number of questions and
the overall percentage for each category. To facili-
tate understanding of each of the major domains, the
ANCC also includes subcategories in a topical outline
Certification Examinations
format. Table 1-3 provides similar information for the
AGPCNP examination.
This book is geared toward the person who is seeking
The importance of reviewing the current handbook
national certification as an AGPCNP and/or FNP.
and TCO before sitting for the examination cannot be
The AGPCNP certification examination is designed
to assess your abilities as an APRN in the delivery of
primary care services to an adult population, defined as TABLE 1-3. ANCC ADULT-
adolescence through old age. The gerontological nurse GERONTOLOGICAL PRIMARY CARE
practitioner (GNP) certification is no longer offered NURSE PRACTITIONER CERTIFICATION
by either ANCC or AANPCP. EXAMINATION CONTENT OUTLINE (2016)
The FNP certification examination is designed to
assess your abilities as an APRN in the delivery of pri-
mary care services across the life span, including pre- DOMAINS OF NUMBER OF PERCENT OF
and postpartum care, pediatric primary care, and the PRACTICE QUESTIONS QUESTIONS
care of older adults. This spectrum of care is sometimes
referred to as “cradle to grave.” Foundations of 51 29%
Advanced Practice
Nursing
AMERICAN NURSES CREDENTIALING Professional Roles 51 29%
CENTER Independent Practice 73 42%
The ANCC Web site contains the certification hand- Total 175 100%
book, including a test content outline (TCO) that

overstated. All questions are classified according to life an additional 30 minutes for check-in and practice
span and problem-focused content areas. The life span time at the computer, including a tutorial. Because it
dimension for the AGPCNP examination includes is a computerized examination, you will receive your
non–age-specific content as well as specific content score 3 to 5 minutes after completing the examina-
pertaining to the adolescent, the adult, and the aging tion. A passing score is 350 or higher of a possible 500
adult. The FNP life span dimension includes the same points; 2014 statistics reveal 80.5% of AGPCNP and
content as the AGPCNP examination plus content 73.8% of FNP candidates passed on their first attempt.
relating to children, infants, and childbearing women. If not successful, a candidate can apply to retest after
The gerontological population is defined as persons 90 days.
older than age 65. You will need to be recertified every 5 years. At
The last dimension is related to problem areas and present, 500 hours of active practice must be attested
organizes question content by body system—for exam- over the previous 5 years. Additionally, continuing
ple, cardiovascular, endocrine, and respiratory. education credits and/or academic credit must be doc-
What this means is that each test question in the umented. If not able to clinically practice, or if there
Foundations for Advanced Practice and the Indepen- is a lack of continuing education and/or academic
dent Practice domains is characterized across three credit, a practitioner may elect to retake the certifi-
dimensions. For example, a test question that asks cation examination as a way of demonstrating current
about the treatment of a 70-year-old woman with a competency. Please check the ANCC Web site for the
diagnosis of osteoporosis would be characterized as most current information because guidelines for recer-
follows: tification are subject to change.
• Dimension 1—Clinical Management

AMERICAN ACADEMY OF NURSE
• Dimension 2—Life Span: Older Adult PRACTITIONERS CERTIFICATION
• Dimension 3—Problem Area: Musculoskeletal PROGRAM
Be aware that the TCO may change from exam- The AANPCP currently offers competency-based
ination to examination, so you need to review your national certification examinations for the AGPCNP
handbook carefully for the most current content and FNP. Reflecting APRN knowledge and exper-
breakdown. tise, the content areas of these examinations include
To assess each examinee’s level of specialty knowl- health promotion, disease prevention, and diagnosis
edge independent of the group taking the examina- and management of acute and chronic diseases. The
tion, a criterion-referenced standard is used. In this examinations given by the AANPCP were developed
approach, each examinee’s score is compared with an in conjunction with the Professional Examination
absolute number determined by the content experts Service, a not-for-profit organization with more than
who develop the examination. You need to answer 50 years of experience in developing and administer-
every question. Even if you have no idea of the answer, ing national licensing and certification examinations
by sheer chance alone you stand a 25% chance of in health-related fields.
guessing the correct answer. You are not penalized for In order to take either certifying examination,
incorrect answers. candidates must possess a master’s or doctoral degree
The test-development committee determines (DNP) from an accredited program. This certification
the passing score after careful consideration of the program is fully accredited by the National Commis-
content of the test questions. The passing score is sion for Certifying Agencies (NCCA).
always expressed in terms of the number of questions The AANPCP, in conjunction with the Pro-
you must correctly answer on the total test. Diag- fessional Examination Service, conducted a role-
nostic feedback is given if the examinee fails the delineation study to determine areas of clinical
certification exam. Additional statistical examina- knowledge to be tested. As a result of this study,
tion of the pilot questions is assessed for inclusion the examination was structured around assessment
in the final graded pool of test questions on the next (approximately 48 questions, or 36%), diagnosis
examination. (approximately 33 questions, or 24%), formulation/
Your performance on the total test determines planning/implementation of treatment plans (approxi-
your success or failure. The examination is adminis- mately 31 questions, or 23%), evaluation and follow-up
tered year round in a computerized testing center. You (approximately 24 questions, or 17%). The Web site
are permitted 3.5 hours to answer 200 questions. Plan and handbook also provide a list of knowledge areas

chapter 1: ACHIEVING SUCCESS ON A CERTIFICATION EXAMINATION 7
for the FNP and AGPCNP exams. Examinees must be about cultural differences and cross-cultural commu-
able to integrate knowledge of pathophysiology, psy- nication, will be integrated with content concerning
chology, and sociology with the assessment, diagnosis, specific aspects of diagnosis, pharmacology, and dis-
and treatment of patients in primary care. Knowledge ease management.
of health promotion and disease prevention, as well as Questions testing physical assessment and
management of acute/episodic and chronic illness in history-taking skills, as well as content from advanced
the primary care setting, are tested. physical assessment, remain prominent. Although a
The AGPCNP examination tests knowledge of certain amount of basic pharmacological content is
adolescent, adult, and geriatric primary care; the FNP included, the latest drugs and pharmacological inter-
examination tests clinical knowledge of prenatal, ventions may not always appear because the examina-
pediatric, adolescent, adult, and geriatric primary care. tion questions are prepared and tested well in advance.
These examinations use growth and development (Note: Questions about your knowledge of safe pre-
as the basis of age-related changes, and specific age scribing for pregnant women almost always appear on
parameters are not defined for any population. the FNP examinations.)
These AANPCP examinations have a pass rate Be careful in applying your experiences from
of 87.5% for FNP and 85.7% for AGPCNP according clinical activities as a student or as a newly certi-
to 2014 data. They are also computer-based examina- fying APRN. The correct answer and other answer
tions offered year round. You know whether you have choices—also referred to as “distractors”—will not
passed or failed at the end of the examination. necessarily correlate with what you’ve currently seen.
Remember, the examination reflects the ideal answer
according to the references used and the expert pan-
Achieving Success els of the certifying body; this ideal answer may not
always mirror the realities of specific practices. Test
Nurse practitioner programs often focus on assess- answers are drawn from national guidelines and stan-
ment, management, and evaluation of disease. Indeed, dards of practice promulgated by a variety of bodies.
this is the role most of you perform in your respec- New national guidelines or standards may take up to a
tive work settings. The ability to diagnose and treat year for questions to be developed, piloted, and then
disease is paramount to your safe and effective func- included in the exam. The questions on the examina-
tioning as an APRN, and certification examinations tion are looking for generalized responses and might
increasingly reflect this reality. However, it is import- well reflect phenomena that you have not seen. Allow-
ant never to lose sight of the fact that these exam- ing yourself to become frustrated with the distractors
inations are certifying your abilities as an APRN and will not help you but rather will hinder your ability to
as such have an underlying commitment rooted in succeed. This is why it is essential that you study large
nursing-based knowledge, health, health promotion, numbers of sample test items (see chapter 2).
and human responses to health and illness. This is Being test savvy and succeeding on a multi-
especially apparent on the TCO of the ANCC example-choice examination is a far different skill from the
ination. Fully 37% of content is labeled “Foundations expert skills you bring to your practice. These skills
of Advanced Practice.” are not mutually exclusive. It is a matter of having the
As an APRN, your reaction to the various correct mind-set—one predicated on an awareness of
manifestations of health and illness phenomena is the nursing base of the certification examination cou-
instinctively different from that of other primary pled with an understanding of the test blueprint. Be
care providers. This comes up in different ways on determined not to select an anecdotal answer based
each examination, but it is an important distinction on experience from your practice experiences but
to keep in mind as you ponder the various ques- rather to select an answer based on nationally recog-
tion responses and wonder what answer is the best. nized, clinically based guidelines and rooted in clinical
Similarly, the test blueprints and types of questions literature.
asked reflect a continued commitment to concepts of You have taken the first step toward certification
health promotion and disease prevention as well as by purchasing this book. Understand the essential
to the underlying principles of therapeutic commu- reasons to become nationally certified. Fix the end
nication skills that are so essential to forging mean- goal vividly in your mind. Imagine how you will feel
ingful APRN-client relationships. Nursing-based when you receive that message on the screen saying
elements of growth and development, nutrition, and PASS, knowing that you are a nationally certified
therapeutic communication, as well as questions APRN.

Take the next step on the road to success by American Academy of Nurse Practitioners Certifi-
turning to chapter 2. It will assist you in the devel- cation Program description: http://www.aanp.org/
opment of important test-taking skills and pro- education/aanp-certification-program
vide guidelines for creating your individualized American Nurses Credentialing Center certification
study plan. Web page: http://www.nursecredentialing.org.
Dunphy, LM, Winland-Brown, JE, Porter, BO, and
References Thomas, D: Primary Care: The Art and Science of
Advanced Practice Nursing, ed 4. FA Davis, Phila-
Advanced Practice Registered Nurse Consensus delphia, 2015.
Model for Regulation: http://www.nonpf.org/default National Organization of Nurse Practitioner Faculties:
.asp?page=26 http://www.nonpf.com/

Chapter 2: Test-Taking Skills and
Designing Your Study Plan for APRN
Certification
Study Habits: Know Yourself
What Is Your Preferred Learning Style?
Active Versus Passive Studying
Getting Started
Tips for Studying
Nature of the Exams

Test-Taking Skills: An Acquired Art
General Strategies
Basic Tools
Specific Strategies
Designing Your Study Plan

Assess and Diagnose
Plan and Implement
Evaluate
Last-Minute Preparations: Relaxed and Ready

References
Lynne M. Dunphy
and Gary Laustsen
This chapter has several parts. The first part actively

assists you in assessing your study and testing style. It Study Habits: Know Yourself
prepares you to develop an individualized study plan
that will enable you to achieve your goal: becoming a There are several approaches to developing good study
nationally certified advanced-practice registered nurse habits and effective test-taking skills. Among them are
(APRN). Another part reviews the nature of the adult- recognizing what your preferred learning style is, real-
gerontology primary care nurse practitioner and family izing the importance of active versus passive studying,
nurse practitioner certification examinations (we use the and following basic tips for getting started and devel-
term “exam” from this point on) and how that translates oping test-taking skills.
to actual test questions. The remaining parts deal with
the specifics of answering multiple-choice test questions WHAT IS YOUR PREFERRED
and the skills necessary to succeed on a multiple-choice
LEARNING STYLE?
exam. Evaluating test-taking skills, developing a for-
mal study plan, and being ready on exam day are also Awareness of your learning style will guide you in
covered. selecting study strategies. Learning styles are related

to the pathways or channels through which you pre- channel. Think about which of the three learning styles
fer to absorb information. The three types of learners discussed works best for you. Time is often at a premium
are commonly identified as visual, auditory, and tactile for nurses studying for certification, and capitalizing on
(sometimes called kinesthetic). your preferred learning style will help you study in the
most efficient way. Keep strategies for your preferred
Visual Learners learning style in mind as you develop your study plan.
Visual learners learn better from reading and writing

than from hearing and talking about information. ACTIVE VERSUS PASSIVE STUDYING
They usually find background noise, such as music and Regardless of your personal learning style, the more
television, distracting rather than helpful. Following actively you are engaged in the material, the better
are strategies for visual learners: your ability to retain and comprehend content. For
• Read texts in a quiet place. example, many of us have had the experience of read-
ing an entire chapter, or listening to a review CD, only
• Watch appropriate videos.
to find that our mind drifted away sometime earlier
• Use visual study aids such as concept maps, and we have difficulty recalling even the most basic
flash cards, and charts. information. Time is a precious commodity, so it is far
• Use highlighting markers or colored paper to more efficient to learn actively the first time than to
take notes. reread or relisten to an entire chapter a second time.
Tips used to improve active learning include taking
Auditory Learners notes while reading and pausing after each heading or
subheading to summarize the content. Can you iden-
Auditory learners grasp information most effectively tify the main idea that the author was attempting to
by listening and talking. Combining information with impart? Did you pass over new terms without taking
music often works well for auditory learners. Following the time to become familiar with them? As you read a
are strategies for auditory learners: summary, do you realize that you really need to go back
• Read texts aloud. to a more detailed reference because your knowledge
is insufficient? Although active engagement may slow
• Listen to audiotapes of course material. you down initially, it will save you time in the long
• Make up a song about the content and sing run because now you are involved in active learning
it aloud (especially helpful for assimilating and not simply hoping that something will stick as you
difficult content). speed by.
• Listen to background music or other noise.
• Talk about the content with a study partner. GETTING STARTED
Studying, like regular exercise, is good for the brain.
Tactile or Kinesthetic Learners As a health-care professional, you will find that it will
Tactile or kinesthetic learners prefer to learn “hands always be your job to keep abreast of the professional
on.” They have difficulty sitting still for long periods. literature and spend some time studying. To recer-
During study sessions, they should stand and move tify, you are mandated to keep your practice current
around or take frequent stretch breaks. Integrating through a combination of clinical hours and continu-
physical activity with study works well for these learning education options. The earlier you begin to plan
ers. Following are strategies for tactile learners: for certification or recertification, the better.
The principles of effective study are simple—
• Move around while studying. worthwhile studying takes time and effort. And in
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walking or biking. quate time and plan accordingly. Be prepared to delay
the start of new projects until this one is complete and
• Rewrite or type notes.
you have successfully taken the exam. There is no way
Although almost everyone is capable of learning around the hours involved. There are no shortcuts.
through all their sensory pathways, most have a preferred But you need to make it easy to begin.

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gaining his election at Liverpool, while Mr. Cobden was returned in
his absence for the West Riding of Yorkshire, as well as for
Stockport; Mr. C. P. Villiers, on whose motion the Corn Laws had
been repealed, being also doubly returned for South Lancashire and
Wolverhampton, both these elections affording thereby unmistakable
evidences of the feeling of the country in favour of unfettered
commerce. With so great an accession of strength to the Whig
Government, further progress in Free-trade measures became
inevitable, and the greatest uneasiness prevailed among shipowners
as to their future destiny.
Though events of a calamitous character to
Commercial general commerce intervened, the shipping
panic interest escaped, and, indeed, flourished. Beyond
the large quantities of corn necessary to import, so
as to meet the urgent wants of the famishing people of Ireland, it
was found by the end of December, 1846, that the deficiency of
grain in France, Belgium, and Germany, as well as in the south of
Europe, was greater than had been apprehended, and,
consequently, prices rose throughout the Continent, the average
reaching 75s. per quarter in England.[77] Suddenly, large quantities
of shipping were again required to execute orders received from
France and Belgium for purchases made at advanced prices. The
alarm lest the scarcity should still further increase became general;
and, in consequence of this, together with apprehensions for the
home crops, the average price of wheat rose in May (29th), 1847, to
102s. 5d.[78] Such prices naturally led to great speculation; while the
efforts made to bring corn from the most distant regions gave an
enormous impulse to the carrying trade, both in Europe and
elsewhere.[79]
But a frightful reaction soon followed. Corn was
and distress of poured into the ports of Great Britain from all parts
1847. of the world with astonishing rapidity. The docks of
Liverpool exhibited a quantity of flour that,
perhaps, had never been, at any previous period or in any country,
imported by merchant vessels to one market.
Suspension of Prices fell to 56s. per quarter for wheat, and heavy
Bank Charter commercial disasters ensued. Money advanced in
Act.
value; in August and December the pressure for it
increased to a panic. The Bank rate of interest rose to 10 per cent.;
and the discount of the best paper became almost impossible.
Numerous failures followed; and as representations were made that
the credit of the country itself was seriously threatened,
Government, on the 25th October, reluctantly stepped forward to
arrest further disasters, and took upon themselves the responsibility
of risking the violation of the provisions of the Bank Charter Act of
1844; Lord Russell, as First Lord of the Treasury, and Sir Charles
Wood, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, advising the Bank to
enlarge the amount of its discounts and advances to a minimum of 8
per cent., promising if any infringement of the law should result that
Government would secure a Bill of indemnity for the Bank on the
meeting of Parliament.
The measures taken by Government produced a salutary effect on
commercial circles; and as no actual infringement of the Bank Act of
1844 had occurred, Ministers, considering the purpose they had in
view by their letter of October 25th fully answered, intimated that it
was unnecessary any longer to continue in force this letter of relief
and indemnity.
FOOTNOTES:
[61] See ‘Report of the London Shipowners’ Society, 1833.’
[62] The chief of these was Mr. G. F. Young, who, it must be admitted, made out a
very startling, and, at the time, apparently a very strong case against repeal, or
even reciprocity; while Mr. Richmond, Mr. W. Philippe, Mr. W. Imrie of Liverpool, Mr.
Duncan Dunbar, Mr. J. Macqueen, and others, brought forward an immense array
of facts in support of their allegations.
[63] It was stated that a vessel built in Dantzig, according to the following detailed
specification, would cost 10l. 17s. 6d. per ton, and in the United States 12l. per
ton; but that a similar vessel could not be produced in any part of Great Britain
under 15l. per ton. Say 757 tons, and first class: length on deck, 140 feet; length
of keel, 129 feet; breadth of beam, 32 feet; depth of hold, 22 feet; height of
’tween decks laid, 7 feet; the frame to be of oak; bottom planking to the bilge,
elm; topsides, wales, &c., pine; ceiling, pine; to have a top-gallant forecastle,
fitted for the accommodation of the crew; round house aft, fitted for the
accommodation of the captain and officers; the deck otherwise flush; single
bulwarks and monkey-rail; patent windlass; caboose fitted with cooking stove;
small capstan in the forecastle; a small capstan abaft the mainmast; three
anchors; two chain cables of 120 fathoms each; masts, spars, studding-sail
booms, and spare spars complete; patent fids and tressels; roller blocks; one long
boat; one cutter; one gig with oars, &c., complete, copper fastened to the wales;
ship rigged; cordage standing and running rigging complete; two hawsers; two
suits of sails complete; the ship to be fastened with iron hanging-knees from the
upper deck, and with diagonal iron knees from lower-deck beams to the bilge;
patent pumps on deck, and also bilge pumps; all the timber, cordage, sail-cloth,
and ironwork, to be of the best materials.
[64] It was contended that as the whole freight of sugar was only 3l. per ton from
the West Indies or Cuba, equal to one-third of a penny per lb., while the duty was
14s. per cwt., or 1½d. per lb., any reduction in the freight could not reach the
consumer. Such was, also, the case with other articles of large consumption. The
average freight of tea was 4l. 15s. per ton, of 50 cubic feet, equal to 1-5/10d. per
lb., the duty 2s. 2d. per lb. The average freight on tobacco from New Orleans had
been 50s. per hogshead, or equal to 7/15ths of a penny per lb.; from Virginia, 35s.
per hogshead, or one-third of a penny per lb.; the duty being 3s. per lb. Taking
flour from the United States at 4s. per barrel, freight would be a farthing a lb. The
freight upon indigo at 4l. 15s. per ton, of 50 cubic feet, would be equal to 11/16 a
lb. The freight on coffee at 4l. per ton is equal to about one-third of a penny per
lb., the duty on foreign being 6d., and on coffee from the British possessions 4d.
per lb. On cotton the average freight for the previous ten years from Bombay, 3l.
5s. 4d. per ton, of 50 cubic feet, which is equivalent to 7/16ths of a penny per lb.;
from the United States it was estimated at 5/8ths of a penny per lb. At these
rates, it was urged that it would require a microscopic coinage to secure it to the
consumer; it would all be absorbed. Supposing the freight to be reduced one-
third, below which no British shipowner could live, leaving a fair freight to pay for
the expenses of the ship, and a small profit, and supposing the freight to be so
reduced from the foreigner sailing cheaper than we could, it was contended that
no benefit could result to the consumer: on the other hand, by its retention, you
retain, also, that which it is of the most vital interest for any country to retain, its
national defences.
[65] Taking a hypothetical calculation of the result of a voyage of twelve months’
duration of a British ship of 500 tons, and of a ship of equal tonnage of the above-
mentioned nations respectively, and taking the items of wages, insurance, interest
on capital, calculated at 5 per cent., and depreciation of the property, which
experience warrants at 10 per cent. per annum, the total amount of those items,
on a ship of 500 tons built in England, and costing 8750l., would be 2623l. 10s. on
such a voyage; on a ship of the United States, costing, as estimated, 7250l., it
would be 2191l. 10s.; that on a Dutch ship, costing 7000l., it would be 2110l.; that
on a Bremen ship, costing 5500l., it would be 1626l.; that on a Swedish ship,
costing the same amount, it would be 1550l.; and that on a Prussian ship, costing
4720l., it would be 1329l.; making a difference in favour of an American ship of
432l.; of a Dutch ship of 513l. 10s.; of a Bremen ship of 997l. 10s.; of a Swedish
ship of 1073l. 10s.; and of a Prussian ship of 1294l. 10s. These gross
disbursements resolved into their elements, as regards wages, stood thus. The
wages on a British ship were calculated at 786l.; the wages of an American ship of
the same size, viz., 500 tons, 669l.; in a Dutch ship, 640l.; in a Bremen ship, 471l.;
in a Swedish ship, 395l.; and in a Prussian ship, 331l. 10s. The items of these
wages, as regards British ships, were, an English captain, 10l. a month [that is the
amount of wages, but the emoluments of a British captain would be very much
more than that]; chief mate, 6l. per month; second mate, 4l. per month;
boatswain, 3l. 10s. per month; carpenter, 5l. per month; cook, 2l. 10s.; nine able
seamen, at 45s. each, 20l. 5s.; eight ordinary seamen, at 30s. each, 12l.; and
three apprentices, at 15s. each, 2l. 5s.; making a monthly amount of 65l. 10s.,
which multiplied by 12, gives the amount stated, 786l.
[66] Mr. Colquhoun, now Sir Patrick Colquhoun, Q.C., at one time Plenipotentiary
of the Hanse Towns at Constantinople, also gave evidence (see 3980, &c.); but,
from a point of view entirely different from that of Mr. Richmond. The Hanse
Towns, as carriers for the large continent of Germany, were naturally opposed to a
system which circumvented their sphere of action, while Holland took the opposite
view.
[67] Mr. Richmond was one of my constituents when I represented the Borough of
Tynemouth, and, though he strongly opposed my return to Parliament, I have a
pleasing recollection of him as a courteous man, and a fine specimen of the old
school of Protectionists. In reply to a question of how it was that, in spite of such
gloom and ruin, the shipowners of that borough continued to build more vessels,
he replied, “Sir, do not you know that Hope is the last thing that forsakes the
human breast?”
[68] See ante, p. 42-8, Reports from their Consuls.
[69] Evidence of Captain Briggs.
[70] Evidence of Captain Briggs.
[71] These tables occupy much space. Vide ‘Report,’ p. 690. House of Commons
Inquiry.
[72]
Per Ton.
£ s.
A ship 12 years, A 1 Class, 300 tons old measure, built complete, sold for 12 12
” 10 ” A 1 Class, ditto 10 10
” 9 ” A 1 Class, ditto 9 0
[73] Vide Evidence of Mr. Braysher, 2297.
[74] It followed from the system, that there was coincidently a protected trade
and an unprotected trade. The protected trade included in 1847 the whole coast of
Africa and Cape of Good Hope, St. Helena and Ascension, Mauritius, British India,
the British North American Colonies, the Australian Colonies, the British West
Indies, the Fisheries, and the Channel Islands. The unprotected trade included
Russia, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Prussia, Germany, Holland, Belgium, France,
Portugal, Spain, Italy, Gibraltar and Malta[75], Turkey, the Morea and Egypt,
Tripoli, Barbary and Marocco, China, Sumatra and Java, the foreign West Indies,
the United States of America, Mexico and the States of South America, the Ionian
Islands, the Cape de Verde and the South Sea Islands. In these two categories,
protected and unprotected, the whole of the British trade was then
comprehended.
[75] Gibraltar and Malta, although colonies of the British Crown, were considered
as not in Europe, or foreign countries, with reference to the Navigation Laws, and
our Customs Regulations.
[76] On April 3, 1848, Mr. Bright urged on Mr. Labouchere the propriety of
importing cotton from Havre, then abundant there; but he replied that the Minister
could not abrogate the Navigation Laws; Hansard, vol. xvii. p. 1202.
[77] See Tooke’s ‘History of Prices,’ vol. v. p. 95.
[78] Mr. Tooke says in a note that the highest price in Mark Lane had been
reached on the 17th May, when 115s. per quarter was paid for wheat; a very fine
parcel was sold in the Uxbridge Market, at 125s.
[79] The total quantity of grain imported of all kinds into this country was
3,790,957 quarters in 1846; but the total imports in 1847 reached 9,436,677
quarters, while the imports of meal and flour in these two years amounted to
3,347,565, and 8,633,991 cwts. respectively. That year my firm alone (W. S.
Lindsay and Co.) chartered, in their capacity as shipbrokers, vessels to bring from
the Black Sea, Egypt, America, and elsewhere, no less than 1,250,000 quarters of
grain of different sorts.
CHAPTER VII.
New Parliament, November 18, 1847—Speech from Throne—Mr.
Robinson and Shipowners deceived—Conversation between Mr.
Bancroft and Lord Palmerston—Mr. Bancroft’s declaration—Official
letter from Mr. Bancroft to Lord Palmerston, November 3, 1847—Lord
Palmerston’s reply, November 17, practically giving prior information
to the Americans—Lord Clarendon tells the Shipowners’ Society that
the laws will not be altered, December 26, 1846; and repeats this
assurance, March 15, 1847—Interview between Lord Palmerston and
Mr. Bancroft, published in ‘Washington Union’—Excites great
indignation when known in England, January 1848—Parliament re-
assembles, February 3, 1848—Lord Palmerston admits the
correspondence with America—The Earl of Hardwicke’s proposal,
February 25, 1848—Earl Grey grants a Committee—Evidence of the
Shipowners before the Lords’ Committee—Mr. Young proposes some
modifications, the first concessions of the Anti-Repeal Party—Claim in
favour of direct voyages—Government insists on Total Repeal—
Detailed views of Admiral Sir George Byam Martin—Importance of
keeping up the merchant navy—Arguments from his personal
experience as to its value as a nursery for seamen—Working of the
system of apprenticeship, and of impressment—Evidence of Admiral
Berkeley, and of Mr. R. B. Minturn—Details about American ships—
Reciprocity treaties so far as they affect Americans—Their whale
fishery.
On the 18th of November, 1847, the new

New Parliament, Parliament was opened by commission. It had
November 18, been thus early called together to consider the
1847.
distress caused by the recent commercial
embarrassments and the severe pressure still prevailing in Ireland,
notwithstanding an abundant harvest, together with the importation
of an unprecedented quantity of grain, flour, and provisions.
The Speaker having been chosen, the Speech from
Speech from the Throne, delivered by the Marquess of
Throne. Lansdowne, contained the following important
paragraph:—“Her Majesty recommends to the consideration of
Parliament the laws which regulate the navigation of the United
Kingdom, with a view to ascertain whether any changes can be
adopted which, without danger to our maritime strength, may
promote the commercial and colonial interests of the empire.”
The guarded terms in which this paragraph was
Mr. Robinson couched lulled the suspicions of some of the
and Shipowners leaders of the Protectionist party. Mr. Robinson, a
deceived.
merchant connected with the Newfoundland trade,
and an influential member of Lloyd’s, was, at that time, in Parliament
for the borough of Poole. On the debate on the Address, he said,
“that with respect to the Navigation Laws, he had looked with much
attention to the precise words in her Majesty’s Speech on this
subject, and he did not object to them. He did not object to inquiry
into those laws, with a view to consider any or what relaxation or
modification might be made applicable to the existing state of
things, and the maintenance of the maritime interests of Great
Britain and her dependencies.”
But though Mr. Robinson and the party of whose
Conversation views he was then the exponent may have deluded
between Mr. themselves into a belief that Government had no
Bancroft and
intention of bringing any measure into Parliament
Lord
Palmerston. for the abrogation of the Navigation Laws, it is,
now, beyond doubt that the administration of Lord
Russell, whatever might have been his Lordship’s
Mr. Bancroft’s
declaration.
individual opinions, had resolved to introduce and
support, with all its power, a very sweeping
measure. In the autumn of 1847 the American Minister put himself
in communication and had interviews with Lord Palmerston,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, at which Mr. Labouchere was
present.[80] On one of these occasions, Mr. Bancroft informed them
that the American Government, believing it was the disposition of
Parliament to make a large and liberal alteration in the Navigation
Laws, was anxious to co-operate with the English Ministers in that
great work, and, in conjunction with them, to set an example which
he hoped would be productive of important and salutary effects. Mr.
Bancroft’s language was singularly expressive and emphatic. In one
of the interviews he said to the English Ministers: “We are ready to
do anything you like; if you can do but little, we must do little; if you
can do much, we will do much; if you shall do all, we shall do all.”[81]
This important declaration (whether or not Mr. Bancroft had any
authority for making it in all its fulness) became at a future period
the subject of incessant comment and controversy. It is important,
therefore, that the facts, as they occurred, should be clearly stated.
There can be no doubt that this conversation took place in the
month of October 1847, but what Mr. Bancroft meant must probably
ever remain a matter of conjecture. If, however, language is of any
value in conveying the views or intention of the person who speaks,
it may fairly be presumed that the positive expression “little” had
reference to the carriage of European produce, indifferently, in either
American or British ships to the ports of the United States, and the
general produce of the world from American ports in the like manner
to ports of Great Britain. The equivalent the Americans could give in
return for the comparative “much,” presuming this to mean
unrestricted trade with British colonies, is difficult to conjecture;
seeing that the Americans have no colonies, and, in point of fact, no
equivalent whatever to give. As regards the superlative “all, in return
for all,” it could only have had reference to the coasting trade so
jealously guarded at that time by both countries; and, in the sequel,
it will be evident how far this magnanimous offer corresponded with
the tenacious policy then and to this day adhered to by the United
States Government.
Lord Palmerston, entertaining a strong feeling in favour of the repeal
of the Navigation Laws, at once perceived what use could be made
of the concurrence of the United States Government in a large
measure of reform. He accordingly requested Mr. Bancroft to put his
views in a formal communication, which was done as follows:—
“American Legation, 3rd November, 1847.
“The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and
Official letter Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States
from Mr. of America, has the honour to inquire of
Bancroft to Lord
Viscount Palmerston, her British Majesty’s
Palmerston,
November 3, Principal Secretary of State for Foreign
1847. Affairs, if her Majesty’s Government is
inclined to remove existing restrictions on
international commerce.
“Universal reciprocity, in the widest sense, is held by the
American Government as the only thoroughly appropriate
basis for intercourse between two great nations. The
prohibition of the indirect trade has but restrained
enterprise: it has done good to neither country. To
abrogate it would at once set free dormant commercial
wealth without injuring any one.
“Should her Majesty’s Government entertain similar views,
the undersigned is prepared on the part of the American
Government to propose that British ships may trade from
any port of the world to any port in the United States, and
be received, protected, and, in respect to charges and
duties, be treated like American ships, if, reciprocally,
American ships may in like manner trade from any port in
the world to any port under the dominion of her British
Majesty.
“The removal of commercial restrictions, while it would be
of mutual advantage to the material interests of both
countries, could not but give openings to still further
relations of amity between them, and, by its influence on
the intercourse of nations, create new guarantees for the
peace of the world.
“The undersigned, &c.
(Signed) “George Bancroft.”
The following reply was given by Lord Palmerston:—
“Foreign Office, 17th November, 1847.
Lord
Palmerston’s
“Sir,
reply, November “I have lost no time in communicating to
17,
my colleagues your note of the 3rd inst. on
the subject of the Navigation Laws which regulate the
commerce of the British Empire and that of the United
States with each other.
“This question has already engaged the serious attention
of her Majesty’s Ministers, and we observe with pleasure
that the sentiments we entertain with regard to it are
shared by the Government of a country, with which we are
so closely united by the ties of an extensive commerce
and of a common origin.
“We do not, however, think that we should be justified in
advising the Crown to enter into an engagement which
would be at variance with some of the most important
principles of the existing Navigation Law without the
previous sanction of Parliament; but it is our intention to
propose to Parliament, without unnecessary delay,
measures which would enable us to place our commercial
intercourse in regard to the matters to which your note
refers on the most liberal and comprehensive basis with
respect to all countries which shall be willing to act in a
corresponding spirit towards us.
(Signed) “Palmerston.”[82]
It thus appears that the English Ministers
practically giving communicated their intentions formally and
prior explicitly to the American Government, and,
information to
the Americans.
through that Government to the American people,
a day before they chose to inform the English
Parliament and the nation, somewhat vaguely, in
Lord Clarendon the Queen’s Speech, of the course they might,
tells
eventually, be led to pursue. A year previously, on
Shipowners’ the 21st of December, 1846, the Shipowners’
Society that the Society of London had had an interview with Lord
laws will not be
altered,
Clarendon at the Board of Trade. On that occasion,
December 26, as appears from the Minutes of the Society, they
1846, and were graciously received, and assured in distinct
repeats this language, that no intention was entertained on the
assurance, part of her Majesty’s Government of making any
March 15, 1847.
alteration in these laws. Three months later, on the
15th March, 1847, these gentlemen, entertaining a feeling of
mistrust in the then governing powers, went again to the Board of
Trade and asked the same question, and were once more assured
that there was no intention on the part of Government to interfere
with the fundamental principles of the Navigation Laws; that an
individual member, Mr. Ricardo, had indeed mooted the subject of a
committee, which Government could not refuse, but that the
committee should be a fair one, with Mr. Milner Gibson[83] as
chairman, as they were desirous to give satisfaction to all parties
interested. So far no intention was expressed of tampering with
these laws; and we have seen that Mr. Robinson, on scrutinising the
terms of the Queen’s Speech in November, acquiesced in its
propriety, no suspicion having entered his mind, that, already, these
laws were foredoomed by Ministers, still less that, the very day
before Parliament met, they had communicated their intentions to a
foreign maritime Power—a nation, too, which, at that moment, was
straining every nerve to wrest from us the supremacy of the ocean.
Under such circumstances as these, the following article, first
published in the ‘Washington Union,’[84] created intense
astonishment. Nor is it surprising that it should have done so:—
“Repeal of the Navigation Laws.—A
Interview correspondence has taken place between the
between Lord British Secretary for Foreign Affairs and our
Palmerston and
Mr. Bancroft
Minister at that Court relative to the repeal of the
published in Navigation Laws of Great Britain. Mr. Bancroft
applied to Viscount Palmerston early in November
to learn whether Ministers would consent to
‘Washington establish with the United States a perfect system
Union.’ of reciprocity, in making all vessels of either
country, fitting out from any port of the world, free
to trade to any port of the other nation, whether home or colonial.
Viscount Palmerston, after the lapse of some weeks (it was just
fourteen days), replied that, although her Majesty’s Ministers did not
feel at liberty to advise her Majesty at once to make such a change
in the commercial system as was asked by Mr. Bancroft without the
consent of Parliament, yet as soon as that body should meet, a
measure would be introduced which would embrace all the views put
forth by Mr. Bancroft in his note. It is not doubted that Parliament
will at once act favourably on the Bill. The importance to the United
States of such a measure can scarcely be exaggerated. The British
colonial system has been a most grievous restriction on our
commerce, and its annihilation, as promised by Lord Palmerston, will
open to our enterprising merchants the lucrative trade of the East
and West Indies, and of the other British settlements from which
they have been hitherto debarred. This will be the greatest stride yet
taken by Free-trade: and it is not to be doubted that all Europe will
follow the example of Great Britain! The liberal commercial treaty
made by Hanover with the United States has been in no small
degree instrumental in disposing the British Government to this wise
measure. The Rhine provinces have recently imitated the example of
Hanover towards the United States; and everywhere silently but
steadily our commercial relations are being put upon the most
advantageous footing. The repeal by Great Britain of the laws
restricting the trade of the United States with her colonies will be far
more beneficial to this country than any commercial treaty ever
made by our Government.”
Such was the announcement put forth in the American journals
semi-officially, and the reader will judge how far this “puff direct” of
the American executive was borne out by facts, or the dates and
tenor of the correspondence given between the American Minister in
England and the English Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The
spirit of the most perfect liberality, and, I must add, complete
reciprocity, seemed to pervade all Mr. Bancroft’s professions when
communicating with Lord Palmerston and Mr. Labouchere, promising
“little, much, and all,” according as the same could be obtained from
Parliament. In his special despatch, he described the concessions his
Government was prepared to grant, as universal reciprocity in its
widest sense, which, if it meant anything at all, meant the opening
to our ships of their extensive coasting trade in return for the
opening of our still more extensive colonial trade to the ships of the
United States; or, if such was not his meaning, it meant that, when
we opened our coasting trade, they would do so likewise. But the
latter portion of his despatch, and the semi-official announcement in
the ‘Washington Union,’ contain, in other respects, many vague
generalities and, as subsequently appeared, the Government of the
United States never had any intention of opening its coasting trade
to the ships of Great Britain.
When the correspondence transpired in January
Excites great 1848, it created great astonishment, if not alarm
indignation and indignation, throughout the country, especially
when known in
among shipowners and all persons who considered
England,
January 1848. that their best interests were interwoven with the
maintenance of the Navigation Laws. The
Conservative press loudly reproached Lord Palmerston for having
made known the intentions of Government with regard to this
important measure to the American Minister before communicating
them to Parliament; nor could the Liberals approve of the course
that had been adopted.
On the evening of the 3rd February, 1848, the day
Parliament re- of the re-assembling of Parliament, there was
assembles on considerable excitement in the House of
February 3,
Commons, and, amidst it, Mr. Robinson asked the
1848.
Foreign Minister whether any correspondence or
communication had taken place between him and
Lord Palmerston the Minister of the United States about the
admits the
Navigation Laws; and, if so, whether he would lay
it upon the table? Lord Palmerston, with the ready
correspondence tact for which he was distinguished, and with the
with. America. smiling coolness so characteristic of him, especially
in times of excitement, at once and frankly avowed
that there had been such a correspondence; looking, with a twinkle
in his eye and a smile on his lip, at Mr. Robinson, as if to inquire in
turn, and “if there has been, what is there to make such a fuss
about?” adding that the correspondence would, at once, be laid on
the table.
This announcement, perhaps more from the manner in which it was
made than from the fact accompanying it, that Ministers intended
immediately to submit to Parliament a proposition on the subject,
quieted the House, but, at the same time, awakened the shipowners
out of doors to what they considered their dangerous situation. They
felt conscious that, in the House of Commons, a Free-trade majority
would sanction any measure the Government might have the
courage to propose. On the other hand, in the House of Lords,
where popular passions prevailed less, they hoped to find a less
prejudiced tribunal; hence, they prudently resolved to change the
“venue,” and to appeal to the Upper House for the perpetuation of
Protection. With this view they selected Lord Hardwicke as their
mouthpiece and champion; and, in order to complete the inquiry
commenced by the Lower House in the preceding session, resolved
to move the appointment of a Committee of the Lords to inquire into
the policy and operation of the Navigation Laws; the shipowners
being sanguine that there, at least, they would be able to make out
a satisfactory case, and counteract the one-sided evidence they
conceived had been given by the repeal party before the Committee
of the Commons.
Accordingly Lord Hardwicke on the 25th February,
The Earl of pursuant to notice, moved the appointment of a
Hardwicke’s
Select Committee of the Lords.[85] Recapitulating
proposal,
February 25, in his speech the events of the preceding year,
1848. and, dwelling in terms of indignation on the
dissimulation which, he said, had been practised,
he charged Ministers with having deceived the country; and
stigmatised the whole evidence before the Committee of the
Commons as one-sided and unfair. He complained that a
distinguished officer of the Royal Navy, Sir James Stirling, had given
his evidence in favour of the abolition of the Navigation Laws; but
that, before he could be cross-examined, the Committee were
informed, that the duty of the gallant officer required his absence,
and that he had sailed from England. His Lordship then entered into
numerous details, pronouncing Mr. Porter’s evidence to be false; he,
and the statistical officers of the Board of Trade, “being learned in
that description of theory which was so popular now-a-days;”
whereby forty-seven vessels of 7101 tons, which had, in 1846,
entered inwards from French ports, were converted, by multiplying
the number of entries inwards, into 228,186 tons, and by treating
the clearances outwards in a similar manner magnified to such an
extent that they represented 556,824 tons; while the Prince Ernest,
a passenger and mail boat, employed between Calais and Dover, of
145 tons, figured in the Custom House returns as 24,215 tons of
British shipping![86]
Earl Grey, in granting the committee, took care to
Earl Grey grants express an opinion, that no further inquiry was
a Committee. necessary. He defended the course taken by his
colleague, Lord Palmerston, contending that no
understanding had been come to with the Government of the United
States with regard to the repeal of the Navigation Laws, and that the
correspondence implied nothing more, than that a mutual relaxation
of existing restrictions would be beneficial to the maritime commerce
of both countries: he concluded by defending Mr. Porter’s returns,
and added, that “their Lordships would find that, on strict
examination, the allegations of falseness would vanish altogether.”
The contest being thus transferred for the time to
Evidence of the a Committee of the Lords, the shipowners feeling
Shipowners sure of success before this tribunal, brought
before the
forward a large amount of evidence, much of
Lords’ which was instructive, though somewhat
Committee. conflicting. Mr. G. F. Young, who again took the
leading part, insisted that if foreign ships were
allowed to trade indiscriminately with British possessions, and took
part in the indirect trade with foreign countries, it would be
impossible that British ships could obtain an equivalent, because by
far the greater proportion of foreign States do not possess any
colonies. But, even if they had anything to offer in return, he had
little faith in “reciprocity;” because every nation, except England,
appears to exhibit, with respect to its maritime commerce, an
intense feeling of nationality, and a fixed determination to support its
commercial marine. Sweden, he said, admits any article used in the
construction and equipment of Swedish-built ships duty free, and
remits to such vessels, for the first year after they are built, the
export duties on goods charged to others. Russia adopted a
somewhat similar policy by exempting all vessels built in that country
from the payment of her port-charges, for the first three years after
they were launched. But Mr. Young failed to see that, while all such
concessions as these must be made good by extra taxes on the
people of the respective countries, they were at the same time
prejudicial to their own shipping, in that they encouraged the
production of cheap and inferior vessels.
Numerous arguments of a similar character were adduced, some
based on facts, others on conjectures; and not a few adverted to
heavy losses the British shipowner contemplated from causes which
never had and never could have any real existence. Prussia, for
instance, he said, confines the trade in the importation of salt to her
own ships, which was true; America, invariably, gave the preference
to her own ships, a statement either conjectural or, in some degree,
supported by the fact that her merchants often found it to their
interest as traders, and, not through any feeling of “intense
nationality,” to employ on certain trades their own ships in
preference to those of any other nation. He further alleged that
British shipowners would be irretrievably ruined by the admission of
foreign ships, an assertion, of course, speculative, or purely
imaginary. While maintaining that the evils of the Navigation Laws
had been greatly overrated, he thought the advantages of these
restrictive laws were equally exaggerated. He, however, attached the
very greatest importance to the “Long Voyage clause,” considering
that it was far from clear that the interests of the country required
its repeal, or that it could be safely repealed without the most
injurious consequences to British navigation; in a word, he thought
no other clause in the Navigation Act so essential to the
maintenance of British navigation.
He could not, however, fail to see that the
Mr. Young impossibility of bringing American cotton from
proposes some Havre, cochineal from Teneriffe, or hides from
modifications,
Buenos Ayres (about which great complaints had
been raised), occasioned great inconvenience. The cochineal from
Teneriffe was no doubt, as explained elsewhere, absurdly
exaggerated as a grievance, but it involved other articles, and could
not be maintained on principle. Mr. Young, therefore, to remedy this
evil, suggested a modification of the third clause of the Navigation
Act, by introducing some words with respect to the produce of
distant quarters of the world, as that which regulated by the second
clause the importations from Europe; namely, by the limitation of the
restriction to certain articles to be specifically enumerated; the
enumerated articles being made to comprise all those bulky
commodities, the retention of the importation of which to British
shipping was of the last importance, while the surrender of the
remainder would not materially affect British maritime commerce,
and ought therefore, in his opinion, to be conceded to general
convenience. The effect of this would be to exclude from the
restriction such minor articles as are not the staple produce of those
countries, and which, though not entering largely into British
consumption, might occasionally be required as part of assorted
cargoes. Another relaxation Mr. Young proposed, guarding himself,
however, by stating that he had no authority to do so from any
constituted body of shipowners, was to introduce in like manner, in
perfect accordance with the general principle of the Navigation Laws,
a permission to import the produce of Asia, Africa, and America, not
only from the country of production, but, from the country within
those distant parts of the world in which the produce might be
found. Under such a regulation, he explained that if it should happen
that the hides of Buenos Ayres were found at New York, it would
enable those hides to be imported into England either in British ships
or in American ships; and it would enable tea, the produce of China,
in like manner to be imported from New York, or any part of Asia,
Africa, or America.
This was, perhaps, the first concession which the
the first anti-repeal party had made with regard to the
concessions of Navigation Laws. They vainly thought it would tend
the Anti-Repeal
to settle the whole question. They saw that the
party.
relaxation proposed, if fully carried out, while
meeting many of the cases of real grievance complained of by
commission merchants, would practically retain most important
advantages they would never consent to relinquish, but which they
would as certainly lose if they were to allow the importation of
goods, the produce of distant quarters of the globe, in foreign ships
direct into Great Britain from the place of production.
This modification of the Navigation Laws was, doubtless, important,
and was said to be in strict harmony with the principle then
regulating the importation of goods from the various countries of
Europe, which, in 1825, was permitted by Mr. Huskisson to be made
from the place where found, the earlier restriction having been that
the importation must be from the place of production.
The shipowners would still have retained to British shipping the
advantage of the direct voyage, which was, after all, their great
point. In consenting to the plan, they urged that, in the end, the
interest of the consumer would be equally secured with that of the
shipowner, by giving that encouragement afforded by the Navigation
Act to direct rather than indirect importation. The opponents of
repeal exhibited great alarm lest, if indirect importations were
permitted, these would take place from distant ports of the world
into the nearer ports of Europe, and be there warehoused: and they
expressed the fear that the people of this country would then
consume considerable proportions of the productions of tropical
climates, burdened with the expenses of previous importation into
the ports of continental nations, in addition to what was then paid
under the limited direct importation!! It was only, he said, with the
view of remedying palpable absurdities, such as that of the hides
brought from Buenos Ayres to Hamburg, that Mr. Young suggested a
modification of the existing law, which he thought would not merely
meet that case, but also remove the greater part of the
inconveniences complained of arising from the operation of the
Navigation Laws.
But these concessions were not sufficient for the
Government requirements of Government. They, or rather the
insists on Total Free-trade party, which had by this time greatly
Repeal.
increased in power and influence, had long felt
that the principle on which the Navigation Laws were framed was
entirely wrong, and consequently, that they could not accept any
modification short of total and unconditional repeal. But they knew,
also, they had still a powerful party to contend against, and that it
was necessary to fortify their opinions by as strong an array of facts
as could be collected. These were not, however, easily obtainable;
nor could the advantages derivable from free navigation be proved
by experience. No nation as yet had put this to the test; and, in fact,
experience would hitherto have shown that the experiment of
throwing open British ports to vessels of all nations, so that they
might enter and depart, unconditionally, would have been alike
unwise and dangerous. Nevertheless, Government felt its views to
be sound, and that the change contemplated would benefit
shipowners as well as the nation, but, in the absence of facts,
experience alone could support the opinions thus formed and used
as arguments in favour of the Government policy. The inferiority, in
many respects, of the masters of our merchant ships, compared with
those of other nations, which competition, they said, would improve,
as well as the vessels under their charge, was one of their strongest
points.
But Government had to meet many other arguments on which no
experience existed; and, not the least of these was the question of
manning the navy, embracing the all-important one of the
maintenance of the British fleet.
Among other witnesses who came before the
Detailed views Lords’ Committee, Admiral Sir George Byam Martin
of Admiral Sir was a stout advocate for upholding the Navigation
George Byam
Laws. He contended that these laws gave
Martin.
encouragement to the British shipowner by
exclusive advantages in the colonial and coasting trade, which he
regarded as a compensation for the obligation of building his ships in
some parts of the Queen’s dominions, and of employing a certain
number of apprentices. If manufacturers really felt that these laws in
any degree cramped their commercial enterprise, they ought also,
he thought, to be content to yield somewhat for the maintenance of
a service to which they all owed their protection and safety. The
Admiral held that the Navigation Laws gave protection to British
seamen, by securing to them employment in a calling for which they
qualified themselves by a long and severe apprenticeship. There
were only, he said, four main objects presented to the shipowner to
give him hope of a satisfactory competition with the cheap carriers
of other countries:
1st. That by the abrogation of the Navigation Laws he would be left
at liberty to build his ships in cheap foreign countries.
2ndly. That he would be allowed to take foreign seamen, without
limitation of number.
3rdly. That he would no longer be compelled to take apprentices;
and
4thly. As a further temptation to the shipowner to be reconciled to
the change, his men would no longer be liable to impressment.
None, however, of these points could, in the opinion of Admiral
Martin, be conceded without loss to the public service.
If the abrogation of the Navigation Laws left the shipowner at liberty
to build his ships in foreign countries, and he availed himself of that
licence, it would inevitably diminish the shipwright class in this
kingdom; yet on this class, the admiral argued, the safety of England
had greatly depended during the late and former wars, and this he
thought would be even more the case in any future wars in which
the country may be plunged.
“During the war which ended in 1815, we had,” remarked the
admiral, “800 pennants flying, and even so many as 900 ships were
in commission for a considerable time. Great exertions were
necessary on the part of the shipwrights to keep up the repairs of
such a fleet, and to build new ships to supply the decay and the
casualties constantly going on. But numerous as our fleet was then,
it was likely to be on a much larger scale hereafter; for, in addition to
our usual fleets, there must, of necessity, be an immense number of
steamers in a great measure as an addition, though not as a
substitute for sailing ships.”[87]
The number of shipwrights in the King’s yards throughout the war,
he estimated, might be taken at an average of 3714 and 875
apprentices, making a total of 4589 working shipwrights, besides
550 in the colonial yards. Notwithstanding this great shipwright
strength, and the efforts exacted from them, the Admiralty was
obliged to seek every possible assistance from the private
shipbuilders,[88] and to these persons Admiral Martin maintained
protection was due, considering how much they had done for the
country when we had enemies to deal with in every quarter.
I need not dwell upon all the other points of Admiral Martin’s
evidence; but that which relates to the merchant service and
manning the navy must not be omitted.
If the Navigation Laws were done away, Admiral Martin believed, the
shipowner who would go to foreign countries for cheap ships would,
from the same motive, take foreign seamen, such
Importance of as Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, or Dutchmen, who
keeping up the would be content with small wages and a cheap
merchant navy.
scale of dietary. In this way, a large number of
British seamen would be deprived of the
Arguments from employment they now enjoyed owing mainly to the
his personal Navigation Laws; and, in such a case, the naval
experience as to
its value as a
service must suffer in proportion, especially, when,
nursery for in time of war, seamen are most urgently required.
seamen. It had been said, and it was a “marvellous
assertion,” that the merchant service contributes
so little towards the supply of the navy—that, so far as concerned
this point, there need be no hesitation in abandoning the Navigation
Laws. An assertion more completely contradicted by all experience,
Admiral Martin confidently stated, had never been uttered. The
merchant service, he held, was everything to the navy, while the
navy, he was convinced, could not exist without it. He was unable,
adequately, to express his surprise at these loose assertions, for
every person who remembered the muster of the navy immediately
preceding the war in 1793, could not fail to know that the glorious
victory of the 1st of June, 1794, under Lord Howe, was gained by
the merchant seamen of the kingdom. We had not then, he said,
20,000 men, and these were scattered over the globe when the war
broke out; it was, therefore, the merchant service that enabled us
rapidly to man some sixty sail of the line, and double that number of
frigates and smaller vessels. By promptly bringing together about
35,000 or 40,000 seamen of the mercantile marine, Admiral Gardner
was able at once to proceed to the West Indies with seven sail of the
line, nine frigates and sloops of war; Lord Hood to man twenty-two
sail of the line, and a large number of frigates and sloops, with
which he occupied Toulon and took Corsica; while, by its aid, other
squadrons were sent to America and to the East Indies to protect
our interests in those quarters. The command of seamen from the
merchant service also enabled Lord Howe to occupy the Channel
with twenty-seven sail of the line and numerous frigates, thereby
affording security to our own homes, and the means of protecting
our colonies and commerce by detached squadrons.
Notwithstanding these proofs of naval energy on
Working of the the first outburst of the late war, and of the
system of important help derived from the merchant service,
apprenticeship,
the number of men obtained was, after all,
inadequate to the wants of the country. The merchant service,
suddenly drained of so many thousands, could, afterwards, give only
a comparatively small and occasional supply as ships arrived from
foreign ports, or as apprentices grew out of their time. Now this
continued, though insufficient succour to the navy, Admiral Martin
thought, could never have been maintained throughout so long a
war but for the provident provisions of the Navigation Laws in
making it compulsory on shipowners to take a certain number of
apprentices, and thus to keep up a constant replenishment of
seafaring men.[89]
He expressed himself of quite a different opinion to those who were
sanguine in believing the abrogation of the Navigation Laws would
increase our shipping; and stoutly combated the notion that we
could retain the same quantity of tonnage after we had entered on a
system of rivalry with foreign countries in cheap carrying. But,
assuming that we retained 4,000,000 tons[90] of shipping, it might
be well to see how the comparison stood with respect to the supply
of men derived from the 1,500,000 in 1793, and what might be
expected from the present 4,000,000 tons. In 1793, and up to 1835,
the Act of Queen Anne secured a replenishment of seafaring men by
apprentices of more than double the number, when we had only
1,500,000, to what the Act of 1835 did in 1848 with 4,000,000.
Consequently, in that respect, nothing was gained by the increased
tonnage. By the Act of Queen Anne, vessels of 30 tons were obliged
to take an apprentice; whereas under the Act of 1835 a vessel of
200 tons takes only one apprentice. Under the Act of Queen Anne,
vessels of 400 tons took five apprentices; under the Act of 1835,
only two. Formerly ships of 1400 tons were obliged to take fifteen
apprentices; whereas, under the present Act, the largest ship built
was only required to take five: so that the lesser amount of tonnage
in 1793 gave a larger supply of fresh hands than the 4,000,000 tons.
The admiral did not fail to point out, in comparing the two periods,
that the increase to 4,000,000 exhibited a noble proof of our
commercial growth under the protection of the Navigation Laws, and
seemed to warn us of what we hazarded in giving up 4,000,000 of
shipping tonnage to be scrambled for by all the nations of the world.
A more important and alarming view of the subject
and of was the encouragement held out to the shipowner
impressment. to believe that, among other changes
contemplated, his men would be no longer subject
to impressment. If that were to be the case, asked, pertinently,
Admiral Martin, what was the use of increased numbers, the
presumed result of increased tonnage, if the men were locked up,
and, thus, were not at once available for the navy?[91]
It is unnecessary to repeat Admiral Martin’s further remarks
concerning apprentices. I may, however, state that he considered the
complaints against them but a “plausible grievance” of a few
shipowners. Apprentices, he held, were not much expense, for
though they ate as much as men, they soon became active and
useful in the ship, performing a man’s duty without wages. They
were, besides, the cheapest people to shipowners, who in war time
were glad enough to have their full number of them, because, as
apprentices, they were in fact so many hands protected from
impressment. The number of fresh hands required to keep up the
stock of seamen was very considerable; for the hard life of sailors
tells early on human strength, and the perils of their pursuit
contributes much to the waste of life. The Admiral, therefore, held
that law which compelled shipowners to take apprentices was a
most valuable part of the Navigation Laws, and ought not on any
account to be given up: and that a constant influx of young blood
into the sea service was essential to the interests of a naval country,
and any diminution of the present number of apprentices in
proportion to the existing tonnage would, in his opinion, be
detrimental to the navy, and hazardous to our national security.
With regard to the quality of the supply from the commercial to the
military navy of this country, and to the comparative value of those
who had been brought up in the merchant service, or of those who
entered the navy for the first time, Admiral Martin unhesitatingly
said, that the real practical seaman was the north country sailor; but
that the coasting sailor and the South Sea-fishery sailor were now
very scarce, if we had not lost the latter altogether.
Captain Maurice Frederick Fitzhardinge Berkeley,
Evidence of R.N., who also gave evidence, entered into various
Admiral explanations concerning the effect of bounties, and
Berkeley,
of the impressment of seamen, and approved the
practice by which seamen in foreign parts could enter her Majesty’s
ships without being deemed deserters: he admitted, however, that if
he were a captain in a merchant vessel “he might probably think it a
hard case.” He took care to remark that “the fault was not always
with the men;” and, at the same time, gave a different testimony to
that of Sir James Stirling about the proportion of merchant seamen
who served on board men-of-war. In his opinion, two-fifths of the
navy had been brought up in the merchant service; while a good
many who had commenced life in it as boys, had subsequently gone
into the merchant service. With respect to the registry system, he
remarked that in the Jews’ shops at Shadwell, and in similar places
at Bristol, sailors could purchase as many register-tickets as they
wanted, and, for half the amount of the fine, that would be asked of
them if they went to the Custom House.[93]
Mr. Robert B. Minturn, an eminent merchant and
and of Mr. R. B. shipowner of New York, was the last witness
Minturn. examined before the Committee of the Lords. He
was owner of portions of many ships, and part
owner in the lines of packets between New York and London, and
between New York and Liverpool. He traded also with India and
China, and was also owner of whalers which went to the South Seas.
Like most others of the high-class merchants trading to foreign
countries, he was neither concerned in the inland trade of the United
States nor the coasting trade. Having furnished evidence as to the
progress of American tonnage, he stated that the New York packets,
which were universally acknowledged to be the best description of
ships built in the United States, having all of them a portion of live
oak in them, cost, exclusively of their cabins, about $70 per ton,
equal to about 14l. 10s. per ton, sterling. In this estimate it must be
remarked that the American tonnage differs from our own.[94]
The American classification of ships also differs
Details about from that at Lloyd’s. There the rating depends on
American ships. the age, the material, its quality, together with the
quantity of the fastenings, whether copper or iron,
and the mode of workmanship. The oak used in New York comes
principally from Virginia, the live oak entirely from Florida; and the
sheathing-copper and iron are those supplied from England, iron
from other countries then paid a duty of 30 per cent.: sheathing-
copper was free of duty, but cake or pig-copper, from which bolts are
manufactured in America, paid 5 per cent. Sails were, till recently,
brought from England, Holland, and Russia; but hemp-canvas was
then being made in America. Cotton sail-cloth had for a long time
been used to a considerable extent.
Shipwrights’ wages in the United States were then $2½ a day, about
10s. 6d. sterling. In New York, these artificers work only ten hours
per day on new work, and nine hours on old work; but repairs of
ships were more expensive in England than in the United States. In
the equipment, as we have seen, of American ships, great attention
was paid to lessening manual labour by capstans, winches, and
other contrivances; and as they were much more lightly rigged in
proportion to their tonnage, they were sailed with fewer men; the
average number being about two and a half sailors to every 100
tons in a packet ship ranging from 900 to 1200 tons; but in a
common American freighting ship, where despatch was of less
importance, the proportion is even smaller. For instance, the Henry
Clay, already mentioned, 1207 tons, American, and 1467 tons,
English, had thirty seamen, two boys, and a carpenter, besides the
captain, four mates, cook, and steward: 40 all told.
With regard to the payment of the American captains, it is not the
practice to pay them by time, but by some advantage in the voyage.
In foreign freighting voyages the captains depend chiefly on the
primage, which is 5 per cent. upon the amount of the freight. That is
usually their chief source of emolument; but they, generally, receive
also $30 a month wages. This, of course, gives them an interest in
prosecuting the voyage successfully, and in stimulating their men to
exertion; but, with great good taste, Mr. Minturn excused himself
from making a comparison between American and other ships; he
strenuously, however, denied that any national feeling influenced the
merchants in the least degree with respect to the freighting their
goods from England in American bottoms.
With regard to the effect on America of the
Reciprocity reciprocity treaties to which I have already alluded,
treaties and which came into operation shortly prior to
1830, it would appear that though the Government
so far as they of the United States proposed to all foreign nations
affect that, if they would open their ports to American
Americans. shipping, they might enjoy all the benefits of their
foreign trade, the shipowners were distrustful of
the operation of this Free-trade system, as it was chiefly embraced
by the States of the north of Europe, which had no commerce to
offer in return. Hence efforts were continually made to rescind these
treaties; but the experience of their operation has been that the
American commerce has increased in a much greater ratio since that
period than it had done before. The reciprocity treaties have not,
indeed, promoted the growth of American tonnage; but, on the
other hand, they have not retarded it; and if the shipowners in the
United States do not avow their error, at all events their opposition
has now ceased. Mr. Minturn was far from acknowledging that the
Americans had gained by these treaties; indeed, he gave a positive
opinion that they had nothing to do with the increase of United
States shipping. No new markets had been opened, but commerce
with all the world had increased, and probably nowhere so much as
with England. The chief extension of the commerce of the United
States with South America was with the Brazils, which was enhanced
owing to the consumption of coffee, the duty on which had been
taken off, the result being that the American consumption had
doubled within ten years.
The temperance system adopted on board the American vessels had
resulted in the greatest possible advantage, both in the efficiency
and discipline of the crews; and, with these, in the increased safety
of the ship and consequent diminution in the rates of insurance.
Indeed, Mr. Minturn stated that American underwriters attached so
much importance to it, that at the commencement of this reform
they encouraged it by offering to return 10 per cent. on the
premium, on all vessels that performed a voyage without the use of
ardent spirits.
Such are a few of the leading points of evidence furnished to the
Lords’ Committee, who adjourned sine die on the 6th July, 1848.
FOOTNOTES:
[80] I take this from Mr. Labouchere’s account given many months afterwards. See
Hansard, vol. xcviii. p. 1008.
[81] These are the exact words given by Mr. Labouchere in his speech, May 15,
1848.
[82] Vide ‘Parliamentary Papers,’ vol. lix., 1847-8, p. 33.
[83] Vice-President of the Board of Trade.
[84] This paper was the Government organ.
[85] See Hansard, vol. xcvi. p. 1313.
[86] ‘Parliamentary Paper, 1847,’ No. 28.
[87] How completely this prediction has been falsified by the substitution of steam
vessels for all the old sailing line-of-battle ships!
[88] The first ship of the line built by contract was in 1755, when Messrs. Wells
built the Elizabeth, of 74 guns; and, since that time, private shipbuilders have
contributed greatly to the public wants. They built and repaired (chiefly in the last
war) 93 sail of line-of-battle ships, and 466 frigates and smaller vessels, making a
total of 559 vessels of war. In the last war Napoleon I. had as building ports,
Venice, Genoa, Toulon, Rochefort, L’Orient, Cherbourg, Antwerp, and, practically
also, all the ports of Holland.
[89] One of the most remarkable incidents of the manning of a ship of war is that
of Sir Edward Pellew and H.M.S. Nymphe. When war was declared by the French
in February, 1793, it was unexpected; and the navy was on a peace establishment
of only 16,000 sailors and marines. It was necessary at once to increase this
number to 60,000. Pellew, finding it impossible to get seamen for his frigate, at
once put eighty Cornish miners on board his ship, and a few months later fought
and won the celebrated action with the Cleopatra—most of his crew never having
seen a shot fired before. (See Osler’s ‘Life of Viscount Exmouth.’)
[90] There belonged, in round numbers, to the United Kingdom and her colonies
and possessions on the 1st January, 1875, 7,500,000 tons of merchant vessels: of
these about 2,000,000 tons were steam vessels; and as each of these will perform
the work of four sailing vessels, it may be said that we now possess in our
merchant service an equivalent to 13,500,000 registered tons of sailing shipping,
so that in twenty-five years we have more than trebled Admiral Martin’s highest
estimate.
[91] The question of impressment is too important to be passed over without any
notice. Every well-constituted mind holds the principle of impressment in
abhorrence; but every reflecting statesman is aware of the immense importance of
such a power, especially as it is never brought into use but when the country is in
actual peril. Admiral Martin, in his evidence, furnished his experience of what
impressment had practically done for us in times past, he having been in three
armaments, 1787, 1790, and 1791, on all of which occasions the equipment of the
fleet was like magic[92], and the effect of the prompt display of the gigantic naval
strength of this country in each case saved the expenditure of thousands of lives
and millions of money. If these objects be worthy of national regard, we must
submit to the mortification of sanctioning even so great a trespass on the liberty of
the subject. The event of 1790, Admiral Martin thought, deserves especial mention
as showing distinctly what the nation gained by impressment, and the results of a
great naval demonstration. A quarrel had at that time arisen, though, perhaps,
from an insignificant cause, with the Court of Spain; it became, however, of the
greatest importance, owing to the threatened alliance of France, then under the
control of the National Assembly, with the Court of the Escurial. On the 2nd of
May, the King in Council authorized the issue of warrants of impressment of
seafaring men, and, in the middle of June, Admiral Barrington put to sea with a
large division of the fleet. It was insisted that this could never have been
accomplished except by the power of impressment; and Admiral Martin, doubtless,
expressed the general opinion of his profession in stating as his sincere belief that
“if we lost the power of impressment we should lose the country.” Yet, while
urging the necessity of preserving the power of impressment, he also maintained
that nothing should be left undone which could tend to render the practice as
infrequent as possible, and that every exertion should be made to render the
service itself attractive to the seamen.
[92] In 1787, we equipped a fleet to support the Stadtholder. In 1790, we had a
misunderstanding with Spain about Nootka Sound; and in 1791, we raised a naval
armament to check the ambition of Russia.
[93] By the law then in force every seaman, before he could be employed on
board a merchant ship, was required to produce a certificate from the officer of
the Registrar of Seamen, called a register-ticket, showing that he was duly
qualified for his duties, either as able or ordinary seaman; but the system was
found to be impracticable, and was so grossly abused that it has since been
abolished.
[94] In the United States the old English measurement is still adhered to, and the
poops of ships are not measured, which accounts for much of the difference
observable in the measurement of British and American ships. For example, the
Henry Clay, of 1207 tons American measurement, where the poop was not
included, measured 1467 tons by the new English mode, on which light, dock, and
other dues are charged. The ship Queen of the West, 1106 tons American,
measured for light dues in Liverpool, 1270 tons English. The effect of this would
be that the calculation of $70 per ton would be diminished in a corresponding ratio
if taken in English tonnage, and with the poops included. The estimate of $70 per
ton, that is, American measurement, applies to the cost of a ship with her spars
and sails, rigging, and everything complete ready to receive a cargo, but without
her sea stores.

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