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Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance: A Comparison

of Filipino and US Parents

Article in Journal of Comparative Family Studies · June 2014

DOI: 10.3138/jcfs.45.3.351

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Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance: A Comparison of Filipino
and U.S. Parents
Author(s): Sampson Lee Blair
Source: Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 45, No. 3 (SUMMER 2014), pp. 351-366
Published by: Dr. George Kurian
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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance:
A Comparison of Filipino and U.S. Parents

Sampson Lee Blair*

INTRODUCTION

The degree of success which children have in school has been shown to be related t
variety of characteristics, including factors ranging from community characterist
schools themselves (Epstein and Sanders, 2002). The familial resources which child
utilize, though, are generally regarded as being even more influential in affecting
performance (e.g., Englund et al., 2004; Furstenberg, 2004). Among the various f
assistance which families can provide, parental involvement is perhaps the most ess
it has been demonstrated to significantly affect children's academic success in nu
ways (Berthelsen and Walker, 2008; Fan, 2001; Hara, 1998). While rese
acknowledge the importance of parental involvement, particularly as it represents a
social capital which parents can provide to their children (e.g., Hill et al., 2004), it
necessary to recognize the cultural differences which might exist. Specifically, the
influence of parental involvement may vary considerably, as a function of the
context (see Park, 2008).

Depending upon the cultural context, along with the nature of the schools themse
forms of parental involvement and the types of activities in which they can engage m
considerably from one country to another (see Oswald et al., 1988). In U.S cultur
instance, American parents are generally expected to be highly involved in their c
lives, and to take on a very supportive role in their children's school activities (Ep
Sanders, 2002). Even the context of the families themselves may affect the rela
between parental involvement and children's school performance, as differences i
structure (e.g., number of parents, number of siblings), family behaviors (e.g., pa
styles), and the socioeconomic traits of the family (e.g., family income) will likely va
one country to another. In keeping with calls for more international studie
relationship between parental involvement and children's school performance (s
2008), the present study examines and compares samples from the United States
Philippines. These two countries are each quite unique, as the manners in which pa
children interact are reflective of the history of each respective culture. It is with
cultural contexts that parental involvement and the respective social capital they ar
and able to provide to their children occurs, and may differ as a function of those con

' Department of Sociology, 430 Park Hall, The State University ofNew York, Buffalo, NY 14260 USA
([email protected]).

©Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Volume XLV Number 3 Summer 2014

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352 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Parental Involvement

In general, parental involvement is regarded as the interaction and assistance which parents
provide to their children and to their children's schools in order to somehow enhance or
benefit their children's success in the classroom. The specific interpretation of parental
involvement, though, has varied a bit from one researcher to another. Hill et al., (2004) posit
that parental involvement pertains to such activities as parents volunteer work at school,
communication and discussions with teachers and school administrators, assisting with
homework, discussions about school and future aspirations with their children, and the
quality of parent-teacher relationships (see also Hill and Taylor, 2004). Ho and Willms
( 1996) argue that parental involvement contains four distinct elements: 1 ) home discussions,
2) home supervision, 3) school communication, and 4) school participation. However,
Epstein (1992) suggests that parental involvement encompasses six forms: 1) parent
behavior which creates a positive home learning environment, 2) parent-school
communications, 3) parent assistance and volunteerism at school, 4) parent-school
communications about home learning activities, 5) parental involvement in the decision
making processes within the school, and 6) parental access to educational resources in the
larger community. According to Epstein (1992), these different forms of parental
involvement can vary, depending upon the household, parental, school, and community
characteristics of the child. While it is readily apparent that characteristics such as the
parents' educational attainment or household income might affect the nature and extent of
parental involvement, it is also necessary to recognize that social and cultural factors can
also impact such involvement (Berthelsen and Walker, 2008). Indeed, social and cultural
factors can vary tremendously from one country to another, and can affect both the
expectations of parents and their particular understanding of how best to assist their children
in their academic pursuits.

Researchers have often proposed that parental involvement is best understood through the
perspective of social capital theory (Parcel et al., 2010). Coleman ( 1988) suggests that social
capital is inherent within the relationships inside and outside the family, as those
relationships affect various outcomes for the family and its individual members. Simply, the
relationships which parents have with their children, as well as those which parents have
with teachers, school administrators, librarians, or any non-family member who can affect
the academic outcomes of their child are a form of social capital. Social capital, however, is
often based primarily within the family, and it is the family which represents the major
context in which such capital affects the school performance and attainment of youth
(Furstenberg, 2005). Family capital, then, is regarded as providing children with a sense of
identity and a common purpose, both within their family and also within the culture in which
they live (Furstenberg, 2005). The involvement of parents in their children's education
brings elements of both social capital and family capital into play, and will have a substantial
effect upon the development of children and their success in school (Gofen, 2009). Among
Filipino parents, for example, assistance given to children in their school endeavors is very
much regarded as an investment, not only in their children, but also in the subsequent
financial stability of the family itself (Medina, 2001 ).

McNeal (1999) argues that parental involvement is more complex, and posits that there are
three particular elements of social capital which should be considered: 1 ) form, 2) norms of
obligation and reciprocity, and 3) resources. Resources, McNeal (1999) posits, is the most
crucial form of capital which parental involvement represents, as parents are able to give
time, support, and energy toward the socialization experiences of their children, and thereby
enhance their growth and well-being (see Kim and Schneider, 2005). Understandably, the

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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance 353

social capital paradigm necessarily posits that the resources provided by parents are finite,
and having larger numbers of children may result in each individual child being able to
obtain fewer resources (Sim and Li, 2009). While such attributes as parental educational
attainment and household income are associated with children's academic performance,
there is consensus that the involvement of parents in school activities, maintaining contact
with school faculty and administrators, and discussing and assisting children with school
assignments can all increase the chances of children's success in school (Sandefur et al.,
2006).

There is substantial evidence to support the contention that greater parental involvement
yields benefits for children's academic performance (Eccles and Harold, 1996; Englund et
al., 2004; Epstein and Sanders, 2002). Parental contributions, in terms of time spent with
their children, time spent interacting with teachers and school administrators, and assisting
the school through volunteerism, have all been shown to enhance children's academic
success (Kim, 2002). Even the frequency of parent-child discussions about school issues
(e.g., homework, teacher-student relations) have been shown to significantly affect
children's academic performance (Jeynes, 2005). Simply, greater involvement on the part of
parents appears to have substantial benefits for children's performance in the classroom. Fan
(2001) also posits that parental involvement can have a long-lasting effect upon children's
performance, and can even positively influence eventual levels of educational attainment.
Among students who may be performing poorly, Hara (1998) argues that higher levels of
parental involvement can bring about substantial improvement over time. Although such
influence can vary by the age and grade level of the child, previous studies have suggested
that parental involvement may have its greatest impact among elementary school children
(Singh, et al., 1995).

The Context of Education in the Philippines

As a result of the unique social and political history of the Philippines, its educational system
is directly modeled after that of the United States. Currently, the system consists of
elementary school, with grades one through six, followed by high school (four years), and
ultimately college, where most degree programs, ranging from a four-year bachelors degree
to a doctorate or professional degree, are available. Schooling is mandatory through the sixth
grade, and the Philippine government, in conjunction with external entities such as the World
Bank, United Nations, and foreign governments, has made great efforts to provide
elementary education to all children (see Tan et al., 1997).

Elementary schools throughout the Philippines are often subjected to a variety of challenges,
ranging from overcrowded classrooms, understaffed faculty, and a lack of adequate
resources (Peterson, 1991). In rural schools, even electricity is often lacking. Families, in
turn, are often strained to provide adequate support (e.g., school supplies, uniforms), yet
Filipino parents, across all social class levels, typically regard education as essential to their
children's success, and are willing to go to great lengths to help their children through school
(LaRocque, 2004). Unfortunately, retention is a major concern in Philippine schools, as
many students do not continue past their elementary grades. The odds of a 12-year-old being
enrolled in school are only about one-half of those of a 9-year-old (Maligalig et al., 2010).
Simply, a substantial number of students do not make the transition from elementary school
to high school.

There is also a clear distinction between the school experiences of females, as compared to
males. Girls are approximately 1.5 times more likely to attend school than are boys

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354 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

(Maligalig et al., 2010), and females tend to have about 1.5 more years of schooling, as
compared to boys (Arguillas and Williams, 2010). In many instances, children drop out
school in order to work and provide financial and/or instrumental assistance to their familie
(Guerro, 1993). Sons, in particular, will drop out of school in order to find employmen
(DeGraff and Bilsborrow, 2003). Previous studies have suggested that this differential
pattern of educational attainment for females and males results from the filial obligatio
present within Filipino families. In many instances, daughters may be given preferent
support (i.e., financial) by parents, as it is believed that daughters will have a stronger
commitment to supporting their parents as they grow older (Arguillas and Williams, 20
Parents may regard this as a better investment, on the assumption that daughters will be m
likely to perform well in school, obtain a good job, and provide support to their paren
(Medina, 2001 ). Parents are often motivated by the desire to see their children, both sons an
daughters, finish school quickly, so that they can help their families financially (Salaz
Clemena, 2002).

The Context of Filipino Parent-Child Relationships

The contemporary culture of the Philippines is rather unique, reflective of its long history
occupation and contact with foreign nations. Spain, during its three centuries of ruling of t
Philippines, introduced Catholicism, with which the majority of contemporary Filipin
affiliate themselves. As a result of the pro-natalist doctrine of the Catholic Church, coup
with the large agricultural segment of the economy, Filipino families tend to be large
Although fertility levels have steadily decreased over recent decades, women in t
Philippines still average 3.03 children (World Bank, 2011 ). Indeed, it is generally consider
to be unhealthy for a child to grow up without siblings (Costello and Casterline, 2002)
Filipino families are bilineal, and there is a strong tendency toward economic cooperatio
among both nuclear and extended family members (DeVos, 1985). The generaliz
exchange of support—financial, instrumental, or otherwise—is a normative expectation
among Filipino families (Peterson, 1993).

The culture of the Philippines encourages couples to have children, yet childreari
practices may differ, depending upon both the sex of the child and the sex of the paren
Holmes and Tiefenthaler (1997), in an analysis of time spent by Filipino parents
childcare, found that mothers provided 90% of the total childcare time within the fami
with fathers contributing only 6% (older siblings provided the remainder of childcare
younger siblings). Filipino children typically consider their mothers to be nurturant,
consistent in their expectations, and as allowing children a fair amount of autonomy (Pag
et al., 1987). Filipino mothers tend to exercise a minimal amount of physical punishment
and tend to use scolding, spanking, pinches, and ear pulling as their usual choices of corpo
punishment. Overall, however, children tend to regard their fathers as the prima
disciplinarian within the family. Javillonar (1979) reports that Filipino fathers typical
intervene only when their child has committed a serious infraction, and that physical
punishment by their father is more often feared by children (as compared to their fear
punishment from their mother). Filipino culture also promotes the inclusion of extended
in childrearing, and family members such as grandparents, aunts, uncles, and older cous
will instruct a child that her/his behavior reflects upon the reputation of the entire fam
(Paguio et al., 1987).

A strong sense of filial obligation and responsibility is common throughout the Philippin
Children, even at relatively young ages, are expected to contribute as best as they can to t
family (Go, 1994). Older children, for example, are typically expected to tend to the needs

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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance 355

their younger siblings (Enrile and Agbayani, 2007; Go, 1994). This is particularly the case
for the eldest daughter in a family, who will retain the honored title of'ate' (elder sister) for
her entire life. As compared to daughters, sons will often be given more privileges within the
family, while daughters will be given more responsibilities (Enrile and Agbayani, 2007). In
conjunction with the cultural expectation for filial obligation, Filipino parents may
sometimes encourage their children to pursue either more education or a particular career, so
that the child can provide financial support to the parents and the family (Salazar-Clemena,
2002). Understandably, such parental influence can have a substantial effect upon a child's
performance and eventual attainment in school.

In general, Filipino culture tends to be very collectivistic and family-centered, with children
raised with a sense of both respect and obligation toward their parents (Agbayani-Siewart,
1994). Parent-child relationships are often influenced by "kapwa," which refers to the sense
of shared identity Filipino family members, but particularly parents and children, share with
one another (Salazar-Clemena, 1993). Simply, Filipino parents have a strong sense of
investment in their children, and actively try to improve their children however possible. On
a cultural scale, though, the sense of "bayanihan" permeates Filipino society, emphasizing
that the individual should contribute for the group, and not only for themselves. American
culture, in contrast, tends to be much more individualistic, and places greater emphasis upon
individual effort and individual rewards (see Althen, 1988). Overall, these differences in
cultural perspectives and differences in the contexts of parental involvement and education
may yield different consequences for children in the Philippines and the U.S. A direct
examination of parents and children from these two cultures will now be made.

DATA AND MEASURES

Data for this study are taken from two separate surveys. Data on U.S. parents are taken
the Parent and Family Involvement in Education (PFI-NHES) study of2007. The PF
was part of the National Households Education Surveys, which were conducted by
National Center for Education Statistics. The PFI-NHES is a nationally represe
sample of parents of school children, and was intended to gather information about p
involvement, school choice, and a variety of parent-child and parent-school relation
(Hagedorn et al., 2008). Data on Filipino parents are taken from a survey performed i
as part of the author's Fulbright Scholar award, sponsored by the Philippine-Ame
Educational Foundation and the U.S. Department of State. Participants were recruited
nine, randomly selected, elementary schools. A cluster sampling approach was use
questionnaires were sent out with children in grades 5 and 6 in the participating sch
each school, surveys were distributed to the students, who were instructed to take the
envelopes containing the surveys home to their parent(s). Each of the questio
contained explicit instructions, directing only one parent in the home to complete the
The survey was provided to participants in both Filipino and English, so as to avo
dilemmas in regard to language. The questions in the survey focused on family structur
background, socioeconomic characteristics, and the nature of support given by the
which might affect children's academic performance. In regard to residence, 427
respondents lived in an urban area, while 265 lived in a rural area. 377 of the partic
children attended public schools, while 315 attended private schools. The Phili
Department of Education, along with the regional superintendent of public schoo
individual school principals, provided approval for the study to be conducted. Fro
Philippine survey, a total of 692 parents were surveyed, while the U.S. survey cont
total of 1,410 parents (in both surveys, these were the resulting sample sizes after ad
for missing or incomplete responses).

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356 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

In both surveys, a variety of measures were utilized. In order to measure childre

educational performance, parents in both surveys were asked to describe their child's grad
The coding for this measure was: 1 ) mostly D's or lower, 2) mostly C's, 3) mostly B's, and
mostly A's. Fortunately, in most instances, schools in the Philippines and the United Sta
use the same grading scales. As such, this measure represents the parents' best assessment
how well their children are performing.

In order to ascertain the familial context, a variety of household and parental characterist
were included in the study. In both surveys, a measure of parental educational was taken,
the highest was included as a measure of parental educational attainment (coded as l=6t
grade or less, 2=beyond 6th grade, but did not complete high school, 3=high school gradua
4=attended college, but did not finish degree, 5=college graduate, 6=graduate or
professional degree). In the Philippine survey, the total income of the household w
measured in Philippine pesos, as: 1) less than 25,000, 2) 25,001 to 50,000, 3) 50,001
100,000,4) 100,001 to 150,000,5) 150,001 to 200,000,6) 200,001 to 250,000,7) 250,001
300,000, 8) 300,001 to 350,000, 9) 350,001 to 400,000, 10) 400,001 and above. The
comparable measure of household income in the U.S. sample was coded as: 1) less th
$10,000,2) $10,001 to $20,00,3) $20,001 to $30,000,4) $30,001 to $40,000,5) $40,001
$45,000,6) $45,001 to $50,000,7) $50,001 to $60,000,8) $60,001 to $75,000,9) $75,001
$100,000,and 10)$100,001 and above.

In addition, parents in both surveys were asked how many specific languages were used
the home. From this question, a dichotomous measure was created to indicate whether
English was the predominant language spoken in the home (l=yes, 0=no). Parents in bo
surveys were also asked whether their child had access to a computer/internet at their schoo
(coded as l=yes, 0=no). Finally, the total number of children in the home, and the sex of thei
child in the 5 th or 6th grade (the focal child of the study) were included, using data from bo
surveys. Given the need to control for differences across racial groups, a measure of No
White ( 1=yes, 0=no) was included in the analyses of the U.S. data.

In order to assess parental involvement, six different measures, each of which captured
separate dimension of parental involvement, were included. Parents in both surveys wer
asked whether they had rules in the home for their child about their homework (each
response was coded as l=yes, 0=no). Parents in both surveys were also asked whether, ove
the past year, they had attended a festival/concert with their child, taken their child t
museum, or taken their child to the public library. These three items were combined in
single measure (each response was coded as l=yes, 0=no), with a range from 0 to 3 (wit
resulting Cronbach's alpha of 0.87 for the Philippine sample, and 0.85 for the U.S. sampl
Parents in both surveys were also asked about their involvement in various school activiti
Specifically, parents were asked whether they participated in the parent-teacher associati
of their child's school, whether they had assisted in fimd-raising activities, or whether th
had volunteered at their child's school. These three items were combined in a single measu
(each response was coded as l=yes, 0=no), with a range from 0 to 3 (with a resultin
Cronbach's alpha of 0.83 for the Philippine sample, and 0.86 for the U.S. sample). Final
parents in both surveys were asked how often they helped their child with their homewo
(with responses ranging from l=not at all, 2=rarely, 3=occasionally, to 4=regularly).

RESULTS

Table 1 presents the mean levels of household and parental characteristics, among pare

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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance 357

the two countries. As shown, the average level of Filipino parental educational attainment
was quite high, with the typical parent having attended college (though not to completion).
U.S. parents reported a significantly lower average level of educational attainment. Slightly
better than half (55%) of the Filipina mothers within the sample were employed outside the
home, as compared to approximately two-thirds (66%) of the American mothers. The
average household income was in the 100,001 to 150,000 (Philippine pesos) range, which, at
the time of the survey, was equivalent to approximately $2,200 to $3,300 in U.S. dollars.
While this is certainly low, as compared to family incomes in the U.S., it is consistent with
the national average family income in the Philippines (World Bank, 2011). As is often the
case within the Philippines, the average household income among families in this sample
suggests that they frequently found themselves struggling to afford basic necessities. The
average American household income, by comparison, was approximately $50,000.
Table 1.
Mean Levels of Household and Parental Characteristics
among Filipino and U.S. Families
Filipino American

Parental educational attainment 4.89 4.37***

(1.15) (1.31)
Employed mother 0.55 0.66***
(0.49) (0.47)
Household income 4.19 6.80***
(3.01) (2.92)
Number of children 3.29 2.10***
(1.99) (0.99)
English spoken in home 0.11 0.85***
(0.32) (0.36)
Child has access to internet 0.52 0.83***
(0.50) (0.37)
Sex of child (Female = 1) 0.56 0.47***
(0.49) (0.49)
Non-White 0.24
(0.43)
N = 692 Filipino parents, 1,410 U.S. parents
Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5" and 6" grade students; standard deviations are shown in parentheses;
Significance indicates difference between Filipino and U.S. means; *** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p <. 10

Among Filipino households, the average number of children was 3.29, as compared to 2.10
among U.S. households. Given the strong pro-natalist culture of the Philippines, such a high
level of childbearing is to be expected. In regard to language within the family, only about
11 % of Filipino parents reported that they spoke English in their homes, as compared to over
85% of American parents. Within the Philippine educational system, most classroom
instruction, from the first grade through the university level, is offered in English. As such,
English is commonly spoken throughout the country (although this is more often the case
within cities, as compared to distant rural areas). Within the family home, however, it would
appear that the native dialect (there are over a hundred individual dialects spoken with the
Philippines) is more commonly used. Understandably, having English spoken in both the
school and home environments might have consequences for children's educational
performance.

In regard to children's access to computers, approximately half (52%) of Filipino children

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 358 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

were reported to have access to a computer, while about 83% of American children ha
similar access. Given the fiscal difficulties encountered by many Filipino households, it
actually quite impressive that so many schoolchildren are able to avail of a computer. Fina
among Filipino households, there were slightly more females (56%) included, as compa
to the number of male children, where American households had slightly more males (53%

Table 2 presents the mean levels of parental involvement, as well as the children's gra
averages. Within the framework of family capital, such direct contact does imply tha
children will have a great likelihood of academic success. Interestingly, parents in bot
countries reported having a somewhat high set of rules maintained in the home regardi
their child's schoolwork. This seems to suggest that both Filipino and American parents
quite active in maintaining boundaries for their children's school behavior.

Table 2.
Mean Levels of Parental Involvement and Children's Grades
among Filipino and U.S. Families
Filipino American

Rules about schoolwork 0.93 0.93

(0.26) (0.25)
Attendance at events together 1.41 1.08***
(0.96) (0.89)
Volunteer (school support) 1.97 1.72***
(1.03) (0.99)
Help with homework 3.16 2.34***
(0.90) (1.06)
Children's grade average 3.03 3.30***
(0.48) (0.83)
N = 692 Filipino parents, 1,410 U.S. parents
Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5" and 6* grade students; standard deviations are shown in parentheses;
Significance indicates difference between Filipino and U.S. means; *** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p <. 10

As compared to Filipinos, American parents in the sample reported a significantly lower

frequency of attendance at events together with their children. This measure assessed how
often the parents and children attended festivals, visited museums, and went to the public
library together. Given the sharp difference in household incomes (and, thereby, the ability to
afford such activities), it seems odd that American parents' participation in such activities is
lower. In regard to parent-school contact, Filipino parents report a significantly higher level
of volunteer service at their children's schools, as compared to American parents. In addition,
Filipino parents also reported a substantially rather higher rate of assisting their children with
their homework. Together, these three measures (attending events together, volunteering at
the child's school, and assisting with homework) again present an image of actively involved
Filipino parents, who are investing substantial capital in their children's educations. Finally,
in terms of the children's school performance, parents from both countries reported that their
children, on average, were receiving 'B's' in school. American parents, though, report a
slightly higher average grade on the part of their children, as compared to Filipinos.

Table 3 presents the logistic regression models of having rules about schoolwork, among
both Filipino and U.S. parents. Interestingly, the models shown for parents of both countries
yield relatively few significant coefficients. Among American parents, speaking English in
the home was shown to be positively associated having established rules in the home about
schoolwork (increasing their likelihood by almost 57%). In addition, American parents were

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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance 359

shown to be significantly less likely to maintain such rules for daughters, as compared to
sons (decreasing the likelihood of daughters being given rules by approximately 35%).
Given that parents of both countries were highly likely to apply such rules to their children,
these models may simply be unable to assess the limited variance in this measure.

Table 3.
Logistic Regression Models of Parental Involvement (Rules about Homework),
among Filipino and U.S. Families
Rules about schoolwork

Filipino American

Parental educational attainment .028 -.128

(1.028) (.880)
Employed mother -.151 .013
(.860) (1.013)
Household income .094* -.022
(1.099) (.978)
Number of children .032 l* O OO OO
(1.032) (.916)
English spoken in home 1.023 .451*
(2.782) (1.569)
Child has access to internet .221 .409
(1.247) (1.505)
Sex of child (Female = 1) .164 -.430**
(1.178) (.650)
Non-White -.153
(.858)

Nagelkerke R-square .029 .020

-2 Log Likelihood 355.974 674.599

N=692 Filipino parents, 1,410 U.S. parents;

Significance Levels: *** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p <. 10
Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5" and 6* grade students; Odds Ratios are shown in parentheses

Table 4 presents the ordinary least squares regression models of the remaining three forms of
parental involvement. All of the models are significant, and yield some rather intriguing
effects. In regard to attending events together, Filipino parents are significantly more likely
to do so when parents have higher levels of educational attainment (b = .093). This same
association is shown among American parents, as well (b = .209). Clearly, higher levels of
parental educational attainment seem to enhance parental involvement in both countries.
Among Filipinos, however, household income (b = .122) is also a salient factor in
influencing parental involvement, as is maternal employment (b =. 101). Given the extreme
financial hardships faced by many families in the Philippines, having an employed mother,
along with a higher level of income, may provide the means of affording attendance at such
events. In conjunction with these effects, Filipino parents are also shown to be more likely to
attend events together with their children when English is regularly spoken in the home (b =
.104). This language effect may be associated with income, as well, since bilingual abilities
often lead to better employment opportunities in the Philippine paid labor force.

In the models of parental volunteering, American parents are shown to be substantially more
likely to do so when they have higher levels of educational attainment (b =. 113). Similarly,

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360 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Table 4.
OLS Regression Models of Parental Involvement among Filipino and U.S. Families
Attendance at Volunteer Help with
events together (school support) homework
Filipino American Filipino American Filipino American
Parental educational
attainment .093** .209*** .055 .113*** .016 .090***
(.077) (.142) (.049) (.086) (.012) (.073)
Employed mother .101*** -.020 .007 -.013 .027 .013
(.194) (-.039) (.016) (-.027) (.049) (.028)
Household income .122*** .010 .008 .182*** .162*** -.096***
(.039) (.005) (.003) (.062) (.049) (-.035)
Number of children .038 -.016 .055 .044* -.035 -.032
(.018) (-.014) (.028) (.044) (-.016) (-.034)
English spoken in home .104*** .036 -.005 .058** .056 .115***
(.314) (.090) (-.016) (.160) (.160) (.337)
Child has access to internet .033 -.009 -.164*** .008 .000 .027
(.064) (-.021) (-.339) (.022) (.000) (.077)
Sex of child (Female =1) .043 .037 .055 .045* .038 -.029
(.083) (.066) (.114) (.089) (.070) (-.061)
Non-White .042 .007 .076***
(.087) (.015) (.188)

R-square .075 .050 .034 .085 .042 .028

F 7.899*** 9.250*** 3.402*** 16.195*** 4.237*** 5.074***

N = 692 Filipino parents, 1,410 U.S. parents; Significance Levels: *** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .10
Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5® and 6® grade students; unstandardized coefficients shown in parentheses
American parents' likelihood of volunteering at their child's school is also significantly
associated with household income (b = .182). Among Filipino parents, however, neither o
these socio-economic indicators yields a significant association. Interestingly, though,
Filipino parents are shown to have a lower likelihood of volunteering when their child ha
access to a computer (-.164). In the context of Philippine schools, however, this association
may be reflective of the school's ability to provide high-value teaching materials (e.g.,
computers), thereby making their need of parental assistance (particularly in regards to
fimdraising) less necessary.

In the models of parental assistance with children's homework, Filipino parents are shown
be more likely to help their children when the family has a higher level of income (b =. 162).
Again, in the context of the Philippines, a higher level of parental income may also be
associated with higher levels of parental educational attainment, a greater ability to provid
educational materials in the home, and a greater amount of available time to assist children
Among American parents, parental educational attainment (b = .090) is significantl
associated with the likelihood of assisting with children's schoolwork, as is the speaking o
English predominantly in the home (b =. 115). However, among American parents, a highe
level of household income yields a negative association (b = -.096) with assisting children
with their schoolwork, which is direct contrast to the association shown among Filipino
parents. There are several possible explanations for this negative association, one of which
that American parents may provide financial or resource support to their children (e.g.
providing them with a computer, hiring a tutor), rather than providing direct one-on-one time
assisting their children with schoolwork.

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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance 361

Table 5 presents the ordinary least squares regression models of children's grade
performance, as reported by parents of both countries. As shown in model 1 among Filipinos,
only parental volunteering (beta = .111) is shown to be significantly associated with
children's grade performance. In the full model (model 2), a variety of other household
characteristics do yield significant associations. Among families in the Philippines, a higher
number of children (beta = -.132.) is negatively associated with children's overall grade
performance. Given the comparatively higher fertility levels in the Philippines, it is
somewhat understandable that parental/household resources might be strained by the
financial needs of a larger number of children, which, in turn, might impact the children's
performance in school. Interestingly, access to a computer/internet (beta =. 158) is shown to
be quite beneficial to Filipino children's grades. Filipinas (daughters) are shown to be
substantially better performers in school (beta = .193), as compared to sons. Even after
controlling for the other household characteristics, though, parental volunteering (beta =
.153) is still shown to significantly affect Filipino children's grades in school. Within the

Table 5.
OLS Regression Models of Children's Grade Performance
among Filipino and U.S. Families
Filipino American
Model 1Model 2 Model 1 Model 2

Parental educational attainment .073* .154***

(.031) (.098)
Employed mother -.010 -.015
(-.009) (-.027)
Household income .021 .098***
(.003) (.028)
Number of children -.132*** -.016
(-.032) (-.013)
English spoken in home .059 -.072***
(.089) (-.166)
Child has access to internet .158*** .114***
(.152) (.254)
Sex of child (Female = 1) .193*** .101***
(.187) (.167)
Non-White -.066***
(-.126)
Rules about schoolwork -.004 -.016 .013 .023
(-.007) (-.030) (.044) (.078)
Attendance at events together .060 .012 .120*** .085***
(.030) (.006) (.112) (.079)
Volunteer (school support) HI*** .153*** .176*** .109***
(.052) (-071) (.147) (.091)
Help with homework .007 -.028 - 180*** -.172***
(.004) (-.015) (-.141) (-.134)

R-square .018 .118 .078 .168

F 3.227** 10.912*** 29.855*** 23.442***

N = 692 Filipino parents, 1,410 U.S. parents;

Significance Levels: *** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .10
Note: Sample is limited to parents of 5* and 64 grade students; unstandardized coefficients shown in parentheses

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362 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

social capital framework, it seems that the structural traits of Filipino families may ha
greater impact on their children's school performance, as compared to the levels of par
involvement.

Among American parents, the coefficients shown in model suggest that pare
involvement has a much greater impact in the U.S. Attending events together (beta=. 12
parent and child has a substantial benefit for children's grades. Similarly, pare
volunteering (beta = .176) at their child's school has a very positive effect on childre
school performance, as well. Interestingly, however, parental assistance with schoolw
(beta = -.180) yields a negative association with children's grades. The causality of thi
association may be at issue, as those children whose grades are suffering may f
themselves receiving greater amounts of parental assistance.

In the full model, American parents with higher levels of educational attainment (be
.156) are shown to have a very positive effect upon their children's grades. Higher leve
household income (beta = .107) are also shown to affect children's school performance
American daughters, just like their Filipina counterparts, are shown to perform better
school (beta=. 101 ), as compared to sons. Another similarity between Filipino and Ame
children's performance in school can be seen in the influence of having computer/inte
access (beta = .120) upon school grades. Ultimately, after controlling for the househo
characteristics, the grades of American children are still significantly affected by three of
four forms of parental involvement (attending events together, parental volunteerin
school, and parental assistance with schoolwork). These findings suggest that parenta
involvement has a more salient impact upon U.S. children's school performance
compared to their counterparts in the Philippines. Seemingly, this may suggest that fa
capital, as gauged by parental involvement, is more meaningful within American familie
compared to Filipino families. The nature and implications of these findings will now
discussed.

CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION

This study was initiated with the goal of examining the nature and consequenc
involvement in children's school performance in the Philippines and United Sta
researchers have addressed this topic previously, few have provided such a c
comparison. Utilizing a social capital perspective, this study proposed that the
of family capital, in regards to both direct and indirect parental involvement,
financial and structural elements of the family, can have a substantive effect upo
academic performance. Understandably, the social, political, and economic con
a developing country, such as the Philippines, could make family capital tha
meaningful in the lives of children, as parents, particularly impoverished pare
investments in their children's futures and the opportunity to improve the
seriously (Gofen, 2009). The structural and cultural differences between these t
though, may lead to distinct manners in which family capital is associated wit
school success.

One structural distinction is that the prevailing poverty in the Philippines undoubtedly
affects every facet of family life. Coupled with the long history of political and social strife, it
would seem that Filipino parents face insurmountable challenges in raising their children.
By comparison, parents in the United States should, on average, have many more resources
to provide to their children. However, the results of these analyses suggest that Filipino
parents are, by comparison, more active in the educational lives of their children. Filipino

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 Parental Involvement and Children's Educational Performance 363

parents engaged their children in conversations about their schoolwork and future plans at a
fairly high frequency. Consistent with the cultural norm of relatively strict obedience within
the family, Filipino parents were shown to maintain a high level of rules for their children,
suggesting that Filipino children are expected to adhere to their parents' expectations.
Filipino parents were also shown to spend a great deal of time with their children each week.
This, in and of itself, is quite remarkable, given that the paid labor roles of many Filipino
workers make it difficult for them to spend large amounts of time at home with their families.
Even in terms of providing volunteer support at their children's schools, the parents were
quite active. Overall, Filipino parents assisted their children with schoolwork, attended
events together with their children, and volunteered more frequently at their children's
schools, as compared to American parents. These differences, however, may be rooted in the
cultural distinctions between the two countries. Specifically, the very family-centered and
collectivist culture of the Philippines lends itself to a greater level of parental involvement.

The social capital paradigm used in this study posits that parental involvement, when
provided, should yield educational benefits for the children. Based upon the findings shown
herein, a substantial amount of support for this contention was provided. Even after
controlling for the various household and parental characteristics, the measures of parental
involvement were shown to significantly affect children's school success, and in very
meaningful, tangible ways. Direct support by American parents (e.g., helping with
schoolwork, attending events together) seemed to yield positive benefits for children's
grades, yet had no significant bearing among Filipino children. On the other hand, indirect
parental involvement (i.e., volunteering at their children's schools), had a substantial benefit
for the school grades of both Filipino and American children. Household income, being
representative of parents' ability to provide material resources and other educational support
to their children, was shown to be a significant factor in predicting American children's
grades, yet household income had no significant bearing upon the grades of Filipino
children. Indeed, it is well worth noting that household income was positively associated
with parental assistance with schoolwork among Filipinos, yet was negatively associated
with parental assistance with schoolwork among Americans. Clearly, the nature of parental
involvement, as well as the particular facets of family capital, has different meanings within
the two cultures.

Within American culture, the educational system is hierarchical, and places little emphasis
on vocational skills, and considerably more on achieving higher credentials. Parents
recognize the rewards which their individual children will reap in the future, if given
sufficient support by their families. While the educational system of the Philippines is
modeled after that of the U.S., the financial difficulties encountered by many families may
make it necessary for parents to emphasize the more pragmatic needs of the family, as a
whole. As previously mentioned, Filipino children often drop out of school in order to obtain
employment, so that they can financially assist their families. Given the stark economic
realities faced by many Filipino families, and coupled with the family-centered culture, this
pattern is to be expected.

In regard to research on parental involvement and children's academic performance, though,

these findings serve to underscore the need to recognize the culture-specific nature of
familial and educational norms. Much of our understanding of social capital and,
particularly in regards to parental involvement, family capital has been developed through
analyses of U.S. samples. Whether in terms of the specific features of the U.S. educational
system or of American families, themselves, the existing explanations concerning parental
involvement and children's school success may not appropriately apply to other cultures.

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364 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

The findings of this study clearly indicate that Filipino parents are highly involved in th
children's lives. There is no doubt that Filipino parents are engaged in their children's
educations, and want them to succeed, yet the filial responsibilities engrained in their cultur
may sometimes necessitate that parents place the needs of the family ahead of the needs
the individual child. This seeming inconsistency would not make sense in American cultu
but it is entirely appropriate and is the norm within Filipino culture. Clearly, existing theor
which envision the flow of family capital as proceeding exclusively from parents to children
particularly during the child and adolescent years, need to take such cultural differences int
account. Future studies should attempt to examine more international samples, so as to
explore these cultural variations, and develop theories which can more readily account f
both structural and cultural traits.

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