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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Partakers of
plenty
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
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Title: Partakers of plenty

A study of the first Thanksgiving

Author: James Deetz

Jay Anderson

Release date: January 5, 2024 [eBook #72628]

Language: English

Original publication: Plymouth, Mass: Plimoth Plantation, 1972

Credits: Bob Taylor, Steve Mattern and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PARTAKERS OF

PLENTY ***
 PARTAKERS OF PLENTY
A Study of the First
Thanksgiving
James Deetz and Jay Anderson

This article is printed with the permission of the

Saturday Review of Science and was previously published
under the title of “The Ethnogastronomy of Thanksgiving”
in the November 25, 1972 issue of the
Saturday Review of Science
 PARTAKERS OF PLENTY
A Study of the First Thanksgiving

“Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men
on fowling, that we might after a special manner rejoice
together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors. The
four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little help
beside, served the company almost a week. At which
time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms,
many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the
rest their greatest king Massasoit, with some ninety men,
whom for three days we entertained and feasted, and
they went out and killed five deer, which they brought to
the plantation and bestowed on our governor, and upon
the captain and others. And although it be not always so
plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the
goodness of God, we are so far from want that we often
wish you partakers of our plenty.”
So wrote Pilgrim Edward Winslow to a friend in England shortly
after the colonists of New Plymouth celebrated their first successful
harvest. This brief passage is the only eyewitness description of the
events that were to become the basis of a uniquely American
holiday: Thanksgiving. As with so many of the facts of the Pilgrims’
first years in America, this occasion has become so imbued with
tradition that it is difficult to place it in the perspective it occupied in
Winslow’s eyes. Indeed, any reference to giving thanks is notably
missing from Winslow’s description. What took place on that fall day
some three-and-a-half centuries ago is best understood as the first
harvest festival held on American soil, the acting out of an institution
of great antiquity in the England the Pilgrims had left behind. It was
a time of joy, celebration, and carousing, far removed from any
suggestion of solemn religious concern. To appreciate just what it
meant to those Englishmen, we must know who they were and what
they had endured in the year prior to that first harvest of 1621.
The one hundred and one emigrants who crowded aboard the
Mayflower in the fall of 1620 were a mixed lot. Thirty-five of them
were religious dissenters who had known years of persecution,
flight, and exile. Another sixty-six were added to the group by its
financial backers to bring their total number to a level deemed
sufficient to establish a colony in the New World. Whether a non-
dissenting cooper like John Alden or a religious leader like William
Brewster, each member of the tiny band carried the mark of English
culture as it was on the eve of the Renaissance. Save for the higher
social classes, which were not represented in the group, the English
people of the time were products of a medieval world whose legacy
was still felt in the first years of the seventeenth century. It is easy
to forget that 1620 is further removed in time from the American
Revolution than it is from Columbus’ discovery of the New World in
1492. So it was that the church members—“saints,” as they styled
themselves—carried the strong tradition of East Anglican yeoman
culture to the New World, its peasant customs deeply rooted in the
soil and its bounty. The others in the group—called “strangers” by
William Bradford—were a more heterogeneous lot, many coming
from the urban world of London, others from the countryside. As a
group they were to create a culture in New England that bore
unmistakable traces of the Middle Ages, whether it be in dress style,
the arrangement of their community, their theology, or their social
institutions.
 From the start events seemed to conspire against the Pilgrims as
they prepared to depart from England. They were originally
scheduled to sail in late summer on two ships, but difficulties with
one of them resulted in their being crowded aboard the Mayflower,
which finally put to sea in mid-September. The crossing itself was,
for that time, successful; only one of the company perished. (Just
two years before, another group of 180 dissenters had attempted to
reach Virginia from Amsterdam; only forty-nine survived.) After sixty-
six days at sea land was sighted off Cape Cod, and the weary band,
much buffeted by ocean storms, must have indeed been glad to
have arrived. But by then the year was old, and there was no hope
of acquiring adequate sustenance from the land in the coming
months.
 After some preliminary explorations of the Cape, a site for a
settlement was finally selected in what had been an extensive Indian
cornfield some years in the past. Evidence of the Indians’ former
presence was everywhere. Exploring Cape Cod on foot, the Pilgrims
discovered and excavated an Indian grave and entered an
abandoned Indian encampment, where they found buried corn
caches, some of which they appropriated. Later they would repay
the Indians for the corn they had taken on that cold November day.
But they had only one encounter with living Indians at that time,
which was hostile and involved an exchange of shots for arrows; no
one was injured in the incident. Had the Pilgrims known the
situation, there would have been less concern about the Indians
than they must have felt. Three years earlier the Indian population
of the New England coast had been ravaged by some European
disease, and as much as three-fourths of the population had
perished. The Pilgrims were to have no further confrontations with
the Indians until the following spring, and their next one was to be
dramatically different.
Their first year in the New World started badly. Upon arrival there
had been rumblings of dissension from the “strangers” in the
company, and anarchy seemed a real threat. This problem was met
by framing the famous Mayflower Compact, which established a
participatory form of government for the settlers. But even if all had
been harmonious among the people, the physical hardships of
establishing a colony were genuine and disturbing: using the
Mayflower as a base of operations, work parties went ashore daily,
constructing a common house and a platform for their guns, laying
out house lots, and scavenging food supplies. Slowly, as the winter
wore on, a small town began to grow on shore. The work was done
under physical hardship, coupled with the latent threat from Indians,
who appeared from time to time in the distance but never came
close enough to engage in conversation. At other times smoke from
the fires of unseen people appeared in the distance.
As the tiny town grew, its population declined. William Bradford’s
account of the winter’s sickness lends a sense of immediacy to what
must have been a terrible time:
“So as there died some times two or three of a day in the
foresaid time, that of 100 and odd persons, scarce fifty
remained. And of these, in the time of most distress, there
was but six or seven sound persons who to their great
commendations, be it spoken, spared no pains night nor
day, but with abundance of toil and hazard of their own
health, fetched them wood, made them fires, dressed
them meat, made their beds, washed their loathsome
clothes, clothed and unclothed them. In a word, did all the
 homely and necessary offices for them which dainty and
queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear named....”

Just how hungry the Pilgrims were during these trying times is
less clear. Provisions had been moved ashore from the ship and
stored in the common house. That these were not ample for the
group is suggested by numerous references in their journal to the
other foods they acquired—on one occasion they killed an eagle, ate
it, and said that it was remarkably like mutton. The appearance of a
single herring on the shore in January raised hopes of more, but
they “got but one cod; [they] wanted small hooks,” and this was
eaten by the master of the ship “to his supper.” In at least one case
they found themselves in competition with both Indians and wild
animals: “He found also a good deer killed; the savages had cut off
the horns, and a wolf was eating of him; how he came there we
could not conceive.” But it would seem that, while food was never
plentiful, actual starvation was held at bay. Yet if death was a
constant companion, hunger was almost certainly a regular visitor to
them.
The winter gave way to the warming sun, and on March 3, 1621,
“the wind was south, the morning misty, but towards noon warm
and fair weather; the birds sang in the woods most pleasantly.” With
the coming of spring, there was a welling up of hope. On March 16 a
remarkable thing occurred:
“... there presented himself a savage, which caused an
alarm. He very boldly came all alone and along the houses
straight to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not
suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of
boldness. He saluted us in English and bade us
welcome....”
The appearance of an English-speaking Indian was truly a source of
wonder to the Pilgrims; indeed, it was thought to be providential.
This first Indian to come among the Englishmen was Samoset,
whose home was in Maine. He told the Pilgrims of yet another
English-speaking Indian, Squanto by name, who had more fluency in
the language than he. Small wonder that he did, for Squanto had
been kidnapped by one Thomas Hunt in 1614, sold into slavery in
Spain only to escape to England, where he found a home with the
treasurer of the Newfoundland Company. He made at least one
round trip to America and back before returning again in 1618;
jumping ship, he made his way back to his home at Plymouth only to
find that his people had been wiped out by the disease of the year
before. The role of these two Indians in the first years of the
Pilgrims’ life in America was immense. Before March had run its
course, they had arranged a meeting between the English and
Massasoit, the chief of the local Wampanoags, which resulted in the
concluding of a treaty of peace and mutual assistance. It was
Squanto who instructed the Pilgrims in the ways of planting corn
with herring taken from the local brooks where they ran thick in the
spring. This first corn crop was to assume a critical role in their life
before the year was out.
The Pilgrims were genuinely surprised that the Indians wished to
live at peace with them. Their reasons for doing so were doubtless
complex. In the first place they were not the fearsome people the
Pilgrims had been led to believe inhabited the land. The history of
European-Indian relations before the coming of the Pilgrims is
marked by trust and friendliness on the Indians’ part, all too often
betrayed. Yet, although stories of the Europeans’ actions had
circulated among the Indians over all of northeastern North America,
it seems that not all Indians were ready to believe the worst. But
there was more to it than that. The epidemic of 1617 had upset the
balance of power that had prevailed among the native American
population for years. The Indians who had suffered most were those
along the coast, where the disease had had its most drastic effect.
Not far inland were Narragansets and further west Pequots, neither
of whom had felt its effects. It would be insulting to the intelligence
of Massasoit and his Wampanoags to believe that they did not
perceive the advantage English allies would give them in opposition
to their western neighbors. In the words of one of the Pilgrim
chroniclers of the time:
“We cannot yet conceive but that he [Massasoit] is willing
to have peace with us, for they have seen our people
sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and
fowling, when as they offered them no harm as they
might easily have done, and especially because he hath a
potent adversary the Narragansets, that are at war with
him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to
him, for our pieces are terrible unto them.”
 And so it was that by the late spring of 1621 the surviving fifty
Pilgrims had cause to hope. Their fears of conflict with the Indians
had been at least temporarily calmed. Eleven houses had been built
along a narrow street. Hardly well appointed, they were sturdy
structures built in the timber-framed tradition of their homeland and
afforded shelter and comfort to the small band. The sickness had
passed, and judging from what William Bradford was to write years
later, the food supply did not present a critical problem. By the
summer of 1621, nature was favoring the Pilgrims with wild
foodstuffs:
“... others were exercised in fishing, about cod and bass
and other fish, of which they took good store, of which
every family had their portion. All the summer there was
no want.... And besides waterfowl there was a great store
 of wild turkey, of which they took many, besides venison,
etc. Besides they had about a peck of meal a week to a
person....”
The meal could only have been the remains of the stores brought on
the Mayflower, for Bradford added, “or now since harvest, Indian
corn to that proportion.” But with the memory of the past winter
painfully fresh, the Pilgrims could ill afford to rest and rely on
providence to supply them. It was critical that they produce a crop
to insure an adequate surplus for the coming winter. To this end they
planted their fields with a mixture of English and Indian crops.
Twenty acres were put into Indian corn, after the planting advice
tendered by Squanto, and also some six acres of peas and barley. As
the summer progressed, the troubles that had earlier dogged the
company seemed to threaten a return. The barley failed to measure
up to expectations. Worse, the peas were a total disaster. “They
came up very well, and blossomed, but the sun parched them in the
blossom.”

After the total failure of July’s pea crop and the disappointment
with August’s “indifferent good barley,” the Pilgrims faced a real
threat of starvation. This may at first seem strange, considering their
assessment of wild foods:
“For fish and fowl, we have great abundance; fresh cod in
the summer is but coarse meat with us; our bay is full of
 lobsters all the summer and affordeth variety of other fish;
in September we can take a hogshead of eels in a night,
with small labor, and can dig them out of their beds all the
winter. We have mussels ... all the earth sendeth forth
naturally very good sallet herbs. Here are grapes, white
and red, and very sweet and strong also. Strawberries,
gooseberries, raspas, etc. Plums of three sorts, with black
and red, being almost as good as damson....”
However, none of these foods are high in energy, and the typical
English farmer was accustomed to a diet that gave him almost six
thousand calories a day. To get these calories, he ate a normal daily
diet of one pound of meal or peas cooked up in a porridge, pudding,
or bread, over a pound of butter and cheese, and a full gallon of
strong, dark ale. Some dried or corned meat and fish were also
eaten but usually only in small amounts—quarter pound a day. The
Englishmen in the 1620s certainly did not live on flesh alone. William
Bradford, for example, described a season of semistarvation, when
“the best they could present their friends with was a lobster or a
piece of fish without bread or anything else but a cup of fair spring
water.” Simply to meet his daily caloric needs, a Pilgrim would have
to eat a twenty-pound lobster at breakfast, lunch and supper. As
they lacked dairy cows in 1621 and their peas and barley were
insufficient, their survival hinged on the Indian corn. If this crop
failed, so would the pilgrimage.
It did not fail. In October twenty acres of corn, laboriously planted
and manured with shads in the Indian manner, ripened beautifully.
Describing this bounty, Winslow religiously acknowledged in Puritan
fashion that “our corn [grain] did prove well, and, God be praised,
we had a good increase of Indian corn....” Thus, the corn yield was
unexpectedly high. Each Pilgrim could look forward to two pounds of
corn meal every day.
It might have seemed appropriate for the Pilgrims to formalize
their thanks to God with a solemn day of thanksgiving. Instead, they
opted for an older mode of thanksgiving known as Harvest Home.
Most of them as boys had experienced the secular revelry of Harvest
Home, when, after the main grain crop was ingathered, it was cakes
and ale and hang the cost. Earlier in the sixteenth century it had
been so rowdy during harvest time that Henry VIII had attacked the
numerous feasts that prevented farmers from “taking the
opportunity of good and serene weather offered upon the same in
time of harvest.” So by the late 1500s the holiday was begun only
after the harvest was safely home. Then came day after day of
revelry, sports and feasts. As Thomas Tusser, the Elizabethan farmer-
poet, described it:

In Harvest-time, harvest folk

servants and all,
Should make all together
good cheer in the hall,
And fill the black bowl
of blyth to their song,
And let them be merry,
all harvest-time long.

Why the Pilgrims selected Harvest Home over a solemn day of

thanksgiving is not clear. Perhaps, after their long urban exile in
Leyden, Holland, they needed to reassure themselves that they were
still capable farmers. Harvest Home, the most important of the rural
festivals, was a natural symbol of their success.
Plymouth’s Harvest Home conformed in most essentials to its
English prototype. It was, for example, deliberately long. William
Bradford, the governor, began the holiday when he sent out four of
the best hunters for fresh meat. They returned that evening with
enough fowl—geese, ducks, and possibly turkeys—to last a week.
During this period there were various traditional “recreations,” one of
which was parading of sorts. In England villagers customarily
marched through the fields of stubble, singing the old harvest songs,
waving handfuls of grain often plaited into kern or corn dolls. The
men would then demonstrate their prowess with firearms or
longbows. When Winslow writes, “... amongst other recreations; we
exercised our arms,” he is referring to customs like these. It is
doubtful that any kern dolls were fashioned at Plymouth; Puritans
did not take kindly to graven images of the Mother Earth or Mary
sort. But they had muskets and fowling pieces, and under the
command of Miles Standish, a professional soldier, they acquired
some of the noisier martial skills. Harvest Home gave them a chance
to demonstrate these to each other and to Massasoit’s Indians. The
turkey shoot held in many rural communities before Thanksgiving is
a modern survival of this harvest custom. Another traditional
recreation was athletics. Englishmen were serious sportsmen. King
James had even issued a Book of Sports in 1618, which enumerated
those “lawfulsports” like “archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any
other such harmless recreation ...” suitable for playing after church.
Puritans were not against sports as such, but they were against
them on religious holidays; the Sabbath was not made for sporting.
For example, on Christmas Day, 1621, William Bradford chided some
of the newer settlers in Plymouth for playing “stool ball” (an ancestor
of cricket) and “pitching the bar” (weight throwing):
“... he went to them and took away their implements and
told them that was against his conscience, that they
should play and others work. If they made the keeping of
it [Christmas] a matter of devotion, let them keep their
houses; but there should be no gaming or reveling in the
streets.”
Since Harvest Home was not a religious day, it provided an ideal
context for sports.
 But by far the most important recreation was feasting. In fact, to
Elizabethans the word recreation itself primarily meant enjoying a
leisurely, well-prepared meal and so re-creating or renewing mind
and body. Farmers were instructed that at “the feastes that belong
to the plough, the meaning is onely to joy and be glad for comfort
with labour would sometimes be had.” And there is every reason to
believe they were joyful and relaxed. One of the best observers of
Elizabethan England wrote:
“Both artificer [craftsman] and husbandman [farmer] are
sufficiently liberal and very friendly at their tables; and
when they meet they are so merry without malice and
plain without inward Italian or French craft and sublety,
that it would do a man good to be in company among
them ... the inferior sort are somewhat to be blamed that
being thus assembled talk is now and then such as
 savoreth of scurrility and ribaldry, a thing naturally
incident to carters and clowns.”

Preparing the feast, however, was seldom so leisurely for the

housewife and her daughters. After a month of cooking and carting
meals for half a dozen men famished from working nearly twenty
hours a day (and frequently being called on to join them in the fields
when rains threatened), the housewife was required to set forth
“a humble feast, of an ordinary proportion which any good
man may keep in his family, for the entertainment of his
true and worthy friends ... that is, dishes of meat that are
of substance, and not empty, or for show; and of these
sixteen is a good proportion both [for your] first and
second and third course....”
This “humble” smorgasbord, totaling forty-eight dishes, from the first
popular English cookbook, Gervase Markham’s The English
Huswife (1623), was for the housewife more ideal than real. The
typical harvest feast was more modest. A Yorkshire farmer, Henry
Best, wrote that
“it is usual, in most places, after they get all the pease
pulled or the last grain down, to invite all the workfolks
and their wives (that helped them that harvest) to supper,
and then they have puddings, bacon, or boiled beef, flesh
or apple pies, and then cream brought in platters, and
every one a spoon; then after all they have hot cakes and
ale; for they bake cakes and send for ale against that
time.”
In communities where labor was pooled at harvest and families
helped each other, there would be a round of these meals—in form
and function similar to small parish tureen suppers today except that
one hostess at a time would assume overall responsibility, excepting
neighborly help from other wives.
The atmosphere at Plymouth’s Harvest Home feast was similarly
warm and close. A year of privation, culminating in the death of half
of the community, had pulled the rest together. Communal farming
was adopted—cooperation legalized. By breaking bread together in
the open, they sanctified in a robust, secular way their communion.
The familiar scene to which we have been accustomed, of Pilgrims
and Indians feasting together while seated at tables in the open, is
mostly a creation of later artists. It is doubtful that there were
enough tables to accommodate even a tenth of the number who
were celebrating. It is more likely that food was taken, not at an
appointed time and place, but at frequent intervals throughout the
time of the festival. Seating was almost certainly on the ground for
the most part. Lacking forks, which did not appear in Plymouth until
a century later, food was taken with fingers, from the tips of knives,
and with spoons. Wooden trenchers (small shallow dishes) were
probably much in evidence, while other foodstuffs could have been
consumed directly from large kettles, or, in the case of meat, eaten
with the hands, hot from the roasting fire. Far from the formality of
a single meal taken together, the consumption of food at Plymouth’s
first Harvest Home was but one event that mixed with the gaming
and “exercising of arms” in one happy blend.

What did they eat? Essentially the yeoman fare noted by Henry
Best but with some intriguing American additions. Fresh meat was
rare in the farmer’s everyday diet, but feasts featured it. The
traditional meat was a young, lean goose. Tusser warned that
despite

... all this good feasting

yet are thou not loose
 till thou geve the Ploughman
in harvest his goose.

In England it would have been a domesticated bird, fattened on

the grain stubble. In Plymouth it was a wild one, part of the large
haul of fowl that Winslow mentions. William Bradford remembered
many years later not only these waterfowl but also a “great store of
wild turkeys.” These would certainly have been eaten, and with
relish, but roast goose constituted the feast’s foundation.
Englishmen preferred its flavor and housewives the ease with which
it could be roasted.
 The “flesh” pies Best referred to would have in England been filled
with old chicken, hare, or pigeon meat, tenderized by hours of
simmering and then baking. Plymouth, however, had a spectacular
substitute: venison. This was the Elizabethan’s chief culinary status
symbol, seldom eaten by ordinary farmers but continually craved.
Kept in deer parks by the gentry, “... venison in England [was]
neither bought nor sold, as in other countries, but maintained only
for the pleasure of the owner and his friends.” The five deer donated
by Massasoit were a great luxury. Served up in corn-meal venison
“pasties,” they gave the feast an aristocratic aura the Plymouth
farmers could never have foreseen, not having the guns or skills
necessary to bring down a deer regularly. Ironically, venison soon
became a symbol to Englishmen of New England’s natural bounty. A
more realistic choice would have been the ducks and geese, which
they could and did bring down in droves with their fowling pieces.
 Pudding was the Harvest Home’s most typical dish, composed as it
was of the cereals and fruits that had just been ingathered. A special
harvest version called frumenty (or furmenty) became synonymous
with the harvest feast itself and elicited the lines, “The furmenty pot
welcomes home the harvestcart.” John Josselyn, a later visitor to
New England, described a New England furmenty made with a
variety of oats brought over from East Anglia by the Puritans
(although whole-grain wheat, barley, or corn were just as suitable):
“They dry it in an oven, or in a pan upon the fire, then
beat it small in a mortar ... they put into a bottle [two
quarts] of milk about ten or twelve spoonsfuls of this
meal, so boil it leisurely stirring of it every foot, lest it burn
too; when it is almost boiled enough, they hand the kettle
up higher and let it stew only, in short time it will thicken
like a custard; they season it with a little sugar and spice,
and so serve it to the table in deep basons.”
It was an expensive dish. To make up for their lack of sugar, the
Pilgrims would have added many of the wild fruits mentioned by
Winslow: grapes, berries, and plums. Though water can be used in
place of milk for frumenty, milk was the preferred ingredient. An
available milk supply might have existed, if goats were among the
livestock brought on the Mayflower. While there is no specific
mention of any animals being brought on that first ship, Winslow’s
statement that “if we have once but kine, horses and sheep ... men
might live as contented here as in any part of the world” suggests
that goats and pigs may well have crossed the Atlantic with the
Pilgrims.
The Pilgrims also had an American pudding—which later, encased
in a pastry crust, became the Thanksgiving dish pumpkin pie. In
October 1621, lacking the wheat or rye flour to make a pie crust,
they probably cooked pumpkins as a side dish. Josselyn described
this
“ancient New-England standing dish ... the housewives
manner is to slice them when ripe, and cut them into dice,
and so fill a pot with them of two or three gallons, and
stew them upon a gentle fire a whole day, and as they
sink, they fill again with fresh pompions, not putting any
liquor to them; and when it is stew’d enough, it will look
 like bak’d apples; this they dish, putting butter to it, and a
little vinegar (with some spice, and ginger, etc.) which
makes it tart liken an apple, and so serve it up to be eaten
with fish or flesh.”
Cakes and ale ended the feast. The cakes were made of corn—
roasted, pounded in homemade mortar and pestle, mixed into a
paste with water, and fried on a griddle into thin, crisp “pan” cakes.
Crumbly and dry, they complemented the strong, sweet ale that was
drunk with them. Ale and hop-flavored beer were fermented from
malted (germinated and roasted) barley at home. The alcohol
content ranged from 4 to 8 per cent—the stronger was brought out
for holidays like Harvest Home. The Pilgrims’ first ale and beer were
brought over on the Mayflower and soon ran short. So precious
were they that, when Bradford was sick and asked the sailors for a
small can (quart) of beer, they replied that even if he “were their
own father he should have none.” So water was drunk throughout
the summer of 1621 but was considered an “enemy of health, cause
of disease, consumer of natural vigour, and the bodies of men.” The
“indifferent good barley” of August probably became October’s
strong harvest beer. It would not last long, but they were fortunate
to have it.
The food at this first American Harvest Home was notable then,
“not for variety of messes [dishes], but for solid sufficiency.” Like the
Pilgrims themselves, it was rooted in the good earth and culture of
yeoman England. And after the initial shock of transplantation both
the people and their food grew strong in their new home. They
recognized the significance of what had been done, and, venison pie
in one hand and leather mug of ale in the other, each celebrated
with gusto the achievement. It was the best of times.
So it is that, when twentieth-century Americans celebrate their
Thanksgiving, they are continuing a tradition that is older than the
nation itself. Many of the features of the modern version—feasting,
the menu in part, and athletic contests—are in the spirit of America’s
first Harvest Home. The religious component of Thanksgiving, and