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An Unlikely Audience
An Unlikely Audience
Al Jazeer a’s Struggle in Amer ica

WILLIAM L AFI YOUMANS

1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2017

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
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above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Names: Youmans, William Lafi author.
Title: An unlikely audience : Al Jazeera’s Struggle in America / by William Lafi Youmans.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2017. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016038025 (print) | LCCN 2016052210 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190655723 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780190655730 (epdf) |
ISBN 9780190655747 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190655754 ( online course)
Subjects: LCSH: Al Jazeera America (Television network) | Television
broadcasting of news—United States.
Classification: LCC PN1992.92.A392 Y68 2017 (print) |
LCC PN1992.92.A392 (ebook) | DDC 384.5506/5—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016038025

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
 Contents

Preface vii
Acknowledgments xi

Introduction 1

1. The Obstacles to Al Jazeera in America 21

2. Media Ports of Entry 47

3. In the Beltway Before the Spring: The Rise of Al Jazeera English,

Except in America 69

4. Al Jazeera English’s “Moment” in the Media-​Politics Capital,

Washington, DC 89

5. Al Jazeera America: The Defunct New York City

Broadcast Channel 113

6. AJ+: Al Jazeera’s Digital Start-​up in San Francisco 139

Conclusion: Al Jazeera in US Ports of Entry 165

Afterword: Points of Clarification 181

Appendix A: Methodology 185

Notes 189
Bibliography 213
Index 233
 Preface

When I received my first gate pass granting me access to enter Al Jazeera’s com-
pound in Doha back in 2010, I could not anticipate where it would eventually
take me. I was a graduate student just beginning my dissertation research. I was
fascinated by Al Jazeera English (AJE) from a distance, as a viewer. It was an
experiment in international journalism that offered a notably divergent edito-
rial perspective on a world, especially by staking out an interest in the parts
of the world neglected by western news channels that claim a global expanse,
namely the BBC and CNN. Al Jazeera English claimed to be a direct challenge
to the traditional patterns in the flows of global news, producing news from
the global south and making it available to viewers around the world, but most
subversively, those of the global north. As a budding scholar concerned with the
world’s inter-​relations through media, this was an alluring promise.
The more time I spent at AJE’s headquarters in Doha, the more I appreciated
the magnitude of the technical, reportorial, and managerial complexities behind
making good, international television. It was my first extended exposure to the
innards of a daily TV news operation. It all began with a degree of awe at the
spectacle of television production. I was struck by the ongoing coordination of
so many individuals in a bewildering, nonstop manufacturing process.
The Doha headquarters was a research site where the professional practices
of journalism met the unique, and seemingly contradictory, politics of a mis-
sion aiming to subvert the global news order—​to generate reporting from a
conscientious position of alterity. The channel could reconcile these purposes
through an embedded multi-​perspectivality, identifiable both in the channel’s
distributed organizational map that had personnel all around the world and in
the makeup of the workforce. In the channel’s headquarters, I found a distinctly
multinational medley of professionals with very different personalities, politi-
cal outlooks, career paths, backgrounds, visions, and job descriptions. It was
among the most diverse institutional settings I ever witnessed at work. Yet, this

vii
viii P reface

heterogeneous group managed to put out a continuous series of news packages,

reports, programs, and documentaries. That astounded me, as did the conten-
tiousness and creativity of the news-​making I witnessed. The employees, being
journalists, were naturally opinionated, disputatious, and committed enough to
transparency to air those sentiments freely to this curious researcher. It was
eye-​opening to witness how vivacious debates over “the news” were behind the
scenes. The relative seamlessness of the broadcast obscured a complex social
machinery of production. This made studying it all the more tantalizing, but also
speaks to the difficulty of imposing a straightforward narrative on how media
like Al Jazeera are made. I try to justify my necessary simplification in this book
by focusing on one main factor, geography, because it interweaves many others.
This book was only possible because I enjoyed a privileged view of subsequent
developments around my chief interest, the network’s struggle in the US market,
from the launch of AJE in 2006, to its “moment” covering the Egyptian revolu-
tion to the establishment of Al Jazeera America and AJ+. With my dissertation,
I was primarily fascinated in what AJE’s entry into the United States said about
both the network and the country as a polity and world power. As the network
moved quickly into the launch of Al Jazeera America and then AJ+, my basic
research question about how the network competes in a difficult US news mar-
ket and post-​9/​11 political context became even more pertinent. As I observed
the channels from up close as a researcher and from afar as a viewer, my thinking
on the geographic aspects of AJ’s three services—​the subject of the book—​came
into sharp relief. It was not my first focus, but a discovery that came about much
later. The “aha” moment arrived in the fall of 2015 when I was returning to my
home department, Communication Studies at the University of Michigan, to
deliver a talk based on my fieldwork at AJ+’s offices in San Francisco.
Over the years, I returned to Doha multiple times for research, and was lucky
to have emails and phone calls returned. Conducting close observation of, and
interviews with, present and former staff at all levels of AJ’s organization, I
depended very much on a cadre of willing participants, more than sixty in total,
to demystify what I observed and to open up about their own sense-​making.
Many of them graciously gave me hours of their very busy, deadline-​obsessed
schedules, and were, from as best as I can tell, candid with me. To prevent them
from any harm that might result from my research, I offered them confidential-
ity as a matter of course, even though I disclosed this book is an academic treat-
ment rather than a journalistic expose. Many of them said they would speak
on the record, but others required I protect their identities. For the purpose of
consistency and to minimize any potential harms from participation with my
research, as unlikely as it appears, I do not provide the names of my interview-
ees. Without their openness and participation, this book could not have been
possible.
 P reface ix

Although I had a clear interest in contributing to international communica-

tion theory when I started this study, I quickly realized how incomplete disci-
pline or research methodology would be for really making sense of this question
before me. Over the more than five years I’ve spent studying AJ’s expansion into
the US market, I’ve had to broaden my theoretical and methodological arsenal
into a tableau that may frustrate the purists in both realms. While this book is
primarily geared toward those interested in media and international affairs, I
draw piecemeal and incompletely from economics, business, political science,
sociology, anthropology, law, philosophy, history, and Middle East studies.
Methodologically, I deployed semi-​structured interviews, surveys, content anal-
ysis, legal analyses, and an experiment (explained in appendix A). I am guilty of
jumping between and then denying the separability of geographic scales of anal-
ysis, from the global, to the transregional, international, and local. This eclecti-
cism is part of who I am. A book, after all, is always a reflection of the author’s
worldview and its necessarily disjointed components. It is also justified by the
book’s subject being a complex organization that defies any single, neat lens.
 Acknowledgments

This book would not have been possible without the care, encouragement, and
inspiration I received from so many people, peers, friends, mentors, and family.
The saying that “it takes a village to raise a child” is just as apt to describe the
community it takes for an author to complete a book. I could not name every-
one, so excuse any absences.
No one sacrificed as much for the book as did my great partner, Sharon, who
gave up many evenings and weekends with me in support of what must have
seemed a never-​ending project. As she observed, she is present in this book,
between the lines and in its spaces, holding it all together because without her
loving support and forgiveness I could not have completed it. I must also thank
my immediate family—​Ed, Nadia, Samer, and Scott—​and my extended relatives
who all saw me a little less than I would have liked in order for me to produce this
manuscript. My closest friends who were patient with me as I became a hermit
are also owed a debt of gratitude. Dr. Ammar Askari, in particular, was a great
help in always asking about the book’s progress, giving thoughtful remarks on
draft chapters, and inducing me to meet deadlines.
Of course, I could not have written this book, literally speaking, without the
many Al Jazeera personnel, present and former, who spoke with me, provided
me information, and gave me so much time and attention in the process. Some of
them were much more instrumental to this book than this flat acknowledgment
admits, but for the sake of protecting their identities, they must go unnamed.
Also, this book could only exist in this form thanks to my editor Hallie
Stebbins and her diligent team at Oxford University Press. I am honored they
believed in this project. Their touch on the manuscript improved it greatly. The
book’s reviewers were also especially influential in directing me to strengthen
the book’s arguments and flow.
The project’s seeds lay in my time in graduate school at the University
of Michigan. The Department of Communication Studies supported me

xi
xii Acknowled gments

tremendously, beginning first and foremost with the faculty and mentors who
educated me: Susan Douglas and Robin Means Coleman taught me how to teach
and research, and championed me through the doctoral program. I also called
upon various other faculty members during my time there and in the years after
for advice, support, and education: Nojin Kwak, Shazia Iftkhar, Nick Valentino,
Sean Jacobs, Amanda Lotz, Sonya Dal Cin, Rowell Huesmann, Josh Pasek,
Julia Sonnenvend, Mike Traugott, and Derek Valiant. Amy Eaton and Orlandez
Huddleston were also very supportive. My classmates and friends there were
instrumental, especially Katie Brown for our collaborative research on AJE and
other topics that informed parts of this book.
Deserving of special thanks are my dissertation advisers, who set me on
this path and shaped my scholarly identity. W. Russell Neuman crucially set
my sights on studying Al Jazeera English when I was searching for an idea and
offered instrumental advice on all matters of graduate student existence. Paddy
Scannell greatly expanded my theoretical horizons as my teacher, adviser and
inspiration, and he encouraged me with his continued, engaged passion for my
work. Aswin Punathambekar’s generous commitment of time and wisdom as a
mentor and friend and his scholarship were formative in my development (and
he introduced me to many of the core concepts in the book). Finally, my out-
side committee member Andrew Shryock did so much to push my thinking and
taught me to strive for more complexity.
The book’s authoring really began while I was an assistant professor at the
School of Media and Public Affairs at George Washington University. I owe so
much to the excellent encouragement, constructive feedback, and occasional
interventions I received from my colleagues. Kim Gross’s support and mentor-
ship, as well as Steven Livingston’s critical reminders and generous book-​lend-
ing, supplemented their gracious commitment of time to reading and editing
my proposal early on, and then giving me useful guidance on the whole book
process. The SMPA’s tireless director Frank Sesno was a champion, offering his
assistance, as well as commiseration, as he completed his own book. I would be
negligent to exclude a special note of appreciation for Jason Osder, my collabo-
rator on another project, who both let me neglect our work so I could complete
this book, and offered terrific feedback and inspiration. Babak Bahador also let
me shelve our co​authored work and gave me intellectual encouragement dur-
ing our many lunches. Nikki Layser, Silvio Waisbord, Dave Karpf, Bob Entman,
Kerric Harvey, Janet Steele, Pat Phalen, and Matt Hindman coached me through
various stages of this book and energized me with occasional pep talks. I received
kernels of wisdom, inspiration and substantive feedback from my outstanding
colleagues Nina Seavey, Catie Bailard, Imani Cheers, Steve Roberts, Sean Aday,
Al May, Lee Huebner, Cheryl Thompson, Ethan Porter, Chris Sterling, and Mike
Shanahan, my departed colleague. Maria George, the heart of the SMPA, was of
course essential to so many facets of this work, as well as my sanity.
 Acknowledgments xiii

The SMPA, the Columbian College, and the Institute for Middle East Studies
in the Elliott School of International Affairs provided funding for the research,
writing and formatting of this book. Various student researchers helped along
the way, most notably: Rawan Alkhatib, Phillip Waller, Lenin Hernandez, and
Rania Said Abdalla.
Other GWU colleagues helped me with the book a great deal. Libby Anker
provided spirited mentorship and excellent feedback on both prospective titles
and drafts of chapters. Dawn Nunziato and Arturo Carrillo, my friends and co-​
conspirators in the law school, cheered me on through this and allowed me to
slack in our collaboration to see the book through. They also gave me a vital
social outlet.
I enlisted help and support from outside my home institutions, as well.
My friend and colleague, Niki Akhavan, met with me occasionally to share her
insights on book-​writing and served as an occasional sounding board. Shawn
Powers and Mohamed Zayani read drafts of chapters and improved them greatly
with feedback. I am indebted to Monroe Price, who took me under his wing in
many ways and is a role model. Many more inflected the project’s development
in their own ways, indirectly and directly: Shakuntala Rao, Nasir Khan, Bilge
Yesil, Raed Jarrar, Amelia Arsenault, Rhonda Zaharna, Daya Thussu, Terry Flew,
Phil Seib, Adel Iskander, Marwan Kraidy, and many others.
Although this village is an expansive one, I am responsible for the book’s
shortcomings and oversights.
An Unlikely Audience
 Introduction
First then we must understand that place would not have been
inquired into, if there had not been motion with respect to place.
—​Aristotle, Physics IV.4

It was remarkably ambitious. The Qatar-​owned Arab news network Al Jazeera

hoped to fully reverse its status as a virtual medium non grata in the United
States in the early 2000s. By 2004, it began planning an English-​language chan-
nel to become a mainstream source of news for viewers around the world. Once
it launched in 2006, the channel put a special emphasis on reaching American
viewers. This turnabout should have been unimaginable under the presidency of
George W. Bush. He and his administration displayed open hostility against the
company’s flagship Arabic-​language news channel, tarnishing the brand as a vir-
tual enemy combatant. American leaders were upset by the relatively young net-
work’s highly critical reporting and oppositional editorial vantage point during
the early years of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. It reported on civilian casual-
ties, put a spotlight on allied forces’ military setbacks and interviewed mem-
bers of the Taliban and Iraqi insurgency groups. Government officials feared Al
Jazeera endangered the wars’ missions by threatening to erode international
and domestic public support and inflaming regional passions against the United
States. They answered with sharp rhetoric against Al Jazeera. In his 2004 State
of the Union address, the president disparaged the news operation as a source of
“hateful propaganda.” Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld called its report-
ing “vicious, inaccurate, and inexcusable.” This antipathy trickled down into the
public’s enmity, drawing on popular anxieties and suspicions toward all things
Middle Eastern that defined the war on terror’s zeitgeist. The American pub-
lic and much of the commentariat were outraged that Al Jazeera aired some of
Osama bin Laden’s post-​9/​11 video messages and later showed video of cap-
tured US and allied soldiers. Many Americans came to associate Al Jazeera with
Al Qaeda. There were equally false perceptions that it aired militant groups’
beheading videos and glorified mob violence against American troops and con-
tractors in Iraq.

1
2 AN Unl ikely A udi enc e

Still, American reactions to Al Jazeera’s Arabic news reporting were layered

and surprisingly diverse. The young network received a surge in interest from
many inclined to distrust the president and oppose the wars he prosecuted.
A DC-​based producer with the Arabic channel estimated they “were fielding
an average of 60 calls a day from American viewers wanting to know what Al
Jazeera was saying.”1 Well-​known in media circles for its close-​up coverage of
the wars, AJ’s footage made its way into US news media reports frequently.2
It was impossible to ignore that the channel’s reporting of the wars from
the ground was unique and rich; its on-​the-​ground vantage point contrasted
with the embedded perspectives of western news media participating in the
US military’s press control system. The military placed reporters within allied
forces’ units.
Before the wars, Al Jazeera’s Arabic service had some fans in the United
States. Outside of Arabic-​speaking communities, regional experts in the govern-
ment and academia relied on the channel for information and analysis about the
region. It won praise for breaking new ground in the Arab satellite-​news sphere
by, for example, giving airtime to banned dissidents, covering taboo topics, and
thereby widening the range of topics in public discourse. Its political talk shows
featured guests who vigorously debated and aired live, uncensored callers—​
revolutionary by the region’s television news standards.3 In the years before the
US invasion in Afghanistan, State Department officials made positive remarks
about the station, and the government-​funded broadcaster Voice of America even
sought to carry some of its programs (Al Jazeera declined).4
By the time Al Jazeera was looking to reach English-​speaking audiences
around the world, it was unquestionably a contentious source in the United
States. The built-​up public and official resentment against its brand naturally
burdened the network’s efforts to build an American audience with its English
language service. Its investment to expand into the country was astounding.

Al Jazeera in the United States

President Bush’s and Secretary Rumsfeld’s denunciations had the surprising
consequence of boosting Al Jazeera’s already swelling international reputation.
Their animosity only escalated demand for the type of reporting the Arabic
channel pursued—​bold, visually compelling, challenging, and directly from the
scenes of war. When employees traveled around the world, they heard robust
praise, even, surprisingly, in countries where Arabic was not a common lan-
guage. They observed cafe-​goers watching for the gripping imagery alone in
South Africa, India, and Indonesia, among other places.5 This indicated to them
the existence of large untapped demand. The network’s calligraphic, tear-​drop-​
shaped logo was already one of the world’s most recognizable.6 To capitalize
 I n tro du ctio n 3

on its improving visibility outside its home geo-​linguistic region, AJ com-

menced a strategy of globalization. After experimenting with a website that
offered translations of its Arabic reports, the network launched a major project
to expand to new TV markets: a full news broadcasting service in the modern
lingua franca, English.
The network established the editorially independent channel Al Jazeera
English (AJE) in November 2006 after two years of planning and preparation.
Designed to compete with global news giants like CNN and the BBC, it differed
from them with its avowed “global south” orientation. It would cover the parts
of the world to which the global news titans gave scant attention: Southwest
Asia, Sub-​Saharan Africa, Latin America, and urban ghettoes in the West.
Issues that the incumbent news agencies underreported were to compose its
news agenda, from poverty and the plight of minority groups, to the social,
cultural, and environmental costs of global capitalism and power politics. Its
mantra of giving “voice to the voiceless” was to be a fresh news perspective on
the world.
Being on American soil positioned it to speak back to the empire, as it pro-
claimed, but there were also strategic and practical reasons. Al Jazeera English
valued penetrating the American news market as a step to emerging as a pre-
eminent, global media organization. Finding success in the world’s power would
boost its standing elsewhere. At the same time, the United States was a central
fixture in international news; AJE had to be able to cover the country’s seat of
government. To these ends, the Doha-​headquartered network built an editorial
and production hub in Washington, DC. It was one of the channel’s four regional
broadcasting centers when it started broadcasting, and became the office from
which AJE covered all of the Americas.
This aspiration to go from a loathed enemy castigated as a propaganda
medium to a staple of the American TV news diet was made possible by the
network’s sponsor, the government of Qatar, which enjoyed deep pockets and
was willing to fund the channel’s rapid spread to benefit its own prominence.
It was an investment in that the Al Jazeera brand elevated the small country’s
stature. Despite Al Jazeera’s rich resources, however, reaching Americans with
its news was no easy task. The US news market was virtually impenetrable for
foreign news outlets. After four years of struggling to make headway, AJE’s
best chance finally came. In early 2011, the channel emerged as the indispens-
able source of news for the major news event of the year: the Arab Spring, a
series of popular uprisings across the Middle East. In particular, its reporting
on Egypt’s mass protests that toppled longtime dictator Hosni Mubarak cap-
tivated American news viewers and won wide accolades. Al Jazeera English
enjoyed a momentous boost in its online audience. However, due to the
political stigma and doubt that Americans would tune in, the vast majority of
American cable and satellite providers decided against offering the channel.
4 AN Unl ikely A udi enc e

Without TV distribution agreements in place, AJE did not have the reach of
the mainstream cable news companies it wanted to compete with: namely,
MSNBC, Fox News, and CNN. With the Arab Spring moment, AJE hoped to
convert the carriers to gain substantially wider television distribution, which
was still the primary means of reaching American news viewers. It failed to
convince them; the channel was absent from almost all American television
sets. Being widely available online was no substitute for placement on cable
and satellite TV listings. After years of floundering to grab an audience share
in the coveted American news market, the network gave up on the idea of
AJE being widely seen in the United States and adopted another market entry
strategy.
In the first days of 2013, the Al Jazeera Media Network announced that it
bought Current TV, an American youth-​oriented news channel cofounded by
former Vice President Al Gore and a few others. The deal for the flailing outlet
gave the Arab network what its English enterprise could not obtain—​a sizable
cable and satellite TV distribution footprint. Rather than keeping the acquired
property in place as it was or simply replacing its signal with AJE’s to get the
international channel on air, Al Jazeera adapted it into a US-​only operation,
rebranding it as Al Jazeera America (AJAM). The network converted Current
TV’s offices in New York City to AJAM’s headquarters. After only eight months
of preparation and test piloting, AJAM’s first programs went live in August
2013. Despite its cable and satellite availability—​60–​65 million households—​
the channel only pulled in a minuscule audience in the low tens of thousands
after nearly two years.7 It was too little to show for the estimated $2 billion
expended up to that point. In late 2015, the network faced budget cuts due to
diminished financial support from Qatar. It shuttered the channel in April 2016,
after less than three years of broadcasting.
The network was not completely out of the American news market. It had a
side-​bet in place. Starting with the Current TV purchase in early 2013, Al Jazeera
also developed a digital media channel, AJ+. The network transformed Current
TV’s San Francisco offices into the home base for this project. Empowered to
operate independently of AJAM and AJE, AJ+ assumed a unique editorial voice,
one that was not typical of traditional journalism. The news presenters spoke to
the younger generation of 18-​to 35-​year-​olds, addressing them colloquially, as
peers. AJ+ videos are opinionated, humorous, and even activist at times, a far
cry from the objective news voice of its sister channels. That was not the only
difference. Rather than relying on cable and satellite companies to reach the
public, AJ+’s primary distribution modes were custom mobile phone and tablet
apps, social media platforms and YouTube. This self-​identified “start-​up” was
designed to be future facing, ahead of the news-​technology curve, in contrast to
AJAM’s assumption of the form, style, and distribution modes of a traditional
news broadcaster. In contrast to AJE’s exit and AJAM’s closing, AJ+ became
 I n tro du ctio n 5

something of a smash hit, amassing billions of online video views in its first two
years. The network hailed AJ+ as a success, and it launched other language ver-
sions, chiefly in Arabic and Spanish.

An Incomplete Globalization
On its surface, the story of Al Jazeera in the United States reveals an under-​
appreciated tension between two orthodox theories from different corners of
social science. On the one hand, we have heard so much about the vigorous
power of communication technology to expand news and information flows
around the world; this conception has come to define media globalization as
an era of unfettered access to knowledge. On the other, Al Jazeera is irretriev-
ably ensnared in the volatile US–Arab relations of the war on terror era, which
undoubtedly militates against its market success. These two forces give us dif-
fering guidance about what we should have expected with Al Jazeera’s arrival in
the United States. Yet, we can see why these lenses are ultimately dissatisfactory
starting points for this analysis.
Media and communication scholarship and popular thought have been so
dazzled by the seeming dominance of networked logics underpinning Internet
technology, which followed a prior history of techno-​bewilderment at the vast
capacity of satellites, concerns about the magical powers of broadcasting, and
before then, how the telegraph would change the world. There tend to be grand
pronouncements about the newest mechanisms that provide access to media
content. At the same time, the conventional view of globalization is that borders
have weakened greatly under a constant pluralism brought on by the rapid flows
of people, information, goods, and services, altering the relationships between
places, arguably making them more networked and interconnected across space.
These come together in the idiomatic terminology to describe forms of mediated
experience like online community, network society, virtual worlds, cyberspace,
and telecommuting. They reflect a re-​conceptualization of media geography that
collapses traditional categories of social life, such as the distinct lifeworlds of
places, into wider, technologically hosted spaces.* The transnationalized media
lifeworld is the new normal.
This case of Al Jazeera in the United States calls into question positive prog-
nostications about the cosmopolitan openness of the information society, or the
imagined emboldening of the public sphere often thought to characterize this

*
  David Seamon, borrowing on Buttimer (1976), defined the lifeworld as the “taken-​for-​granted
pattern and context of everyday life through which the person routinely conducts his day-​to-​day
existence without having to make it an object of conscious attention” (1979, 20).
6 AN Unl ikely A udi enc e

era of the connected world. As a case of media globalization, Al Jazeera’s entry

has been rough, contested, and ultimately incomplete. This is a far cry from the
seamlessness of media circulation imagined by visions of a borderless world of
information currency enabled by the proliferation of networked information
and communication technologies.
Of course, Al Jazeera suffered a brand problem due to the political climate
under the Bush administration. Still, as much as its US foray was disputed and
costly, it was not a simple tale of prohibition, as one may expect due to phenom-
ena energized as a result of the war on terror, such as Islamophobia, the national
security state, post-​9/​11 geopolitical competition, or other ideological closures
that presumably work to keep Al Jazeera out of the United States. These do
not clearly explain how AJE experienced a “moment” of rapid acceptance in
2011 or why AJ+ is a relative success, nor why the most Americanized chan-
nel, AJAM, closed down. Too many analyses of Al Jazeera in America overstated
the influence, and consequentially the scale, of the country’s exclusive impulses
by attributing AJE’s absence to a ban, for example.† Despite the lack of formal
closures, it is impossible to deny that historical obstacles and sociopolitical ten-
sions stood in the way of a case exemplifying a modern techno-​economic process
like media globalization.
Neither the theorizing on expanding global flows through online plat-
forms, nor the expected impediments built into US–Arab relations, offer the
full story then. As general theories they are bound to overdetermine, that
is, generate simplistic, exaggerated predictions. While both dynamics touch
upon AJ’s ambitions in countervailing ways, they are too macro to be fully
explanatory on their own. The inadequacy of the media globalization and
US–Arab relations frameworks calls for a more refined view of where AJ’s
services actually were in the country. The book’s beginning was a recognition
that this global news operation’s most integral work was carried out at vari-
ous localities, the places of its facilities: the cities of Washington, DC, New
York, and San Francisco. These were the sites where this news network’s US
services landed, making them the network’s most direct meeting points with
the forces of inclusion that offered routes to circumvent exclusionary barriers.
Al Jazeera’s expedition into the US market, then, can be fruitfully investigated
through the channels’ presence in the American cities where they located and
worked to reach the country at-​large.

†
  Popular articles such as the 2011 “Al Jazeera English Blacked Out Across Most of U.S.” (Grim
2011) and network officials, like long​time director-​general Wadah Khanfar (2011) furthered this
impression by using words like “banned” to describe AJE’s lack of cable and satellite distribution.
Bloggers also characterized AJE as being blocked for similar political reasons (Bebawi 2016, 87).
 I n tro du ctio n 7

The Book’s Argument

The book’s central contention is that the three US-​facing subsidiaries were
indelibly shaped by the respective places that hosted their operations: AJE in
Washington, DC; AJAM in New York City; and AJ+ in San Francisco. These
media capitals inflected the channels’ ingress into the country through the
assimilative power of their main, pertinent industries: DC’s media-​politics, New
York City’s traditional TV news, and San Francisco’s technology–new media. To
convey how these key cities in effect modulated, attenuated, and domesticated
an avowedly global media network, this book proposes we understand these
urban formations as media ports of entry. This term is adapted from the mari-
time, transportation context to express how these centers are formative for resi-
dent, multinational media seeking expansion into new markets. The ports are
not just neutral, logistical re-​transmission points in globalization patterns. As
Aristotle’s quotation that is the epigraph of this introduction insinuates, we are
interested in these cities as places with respect to how Al Jazeera moved through
them, and how they gave form to its services. The media ports of entry frame-
work is fully explained in c­ hapter 2.
What follows is an effort to position this interest within several conceptual
lines of inquiry in international communication. Delving into micro-​scale forces
at the level of key cities, with their industries and unique sociopolitical and cul-
tural components, is based on recognition that the global is translated through
localities—​a premise of the literature on “glocalization.” Centering cities, as this
book proposes, challenges the primacy of methodological nationalism in cross-​
border communication research, and does so borrowing from the research tradi-
tion on global cities as the vital points of transmission in globalization. Media
capitals are the places where agglomerated media industries are found, and they
assist external firms in their market expansion. This theoretical mosaic com-
bines the many geographies of Al Jazeera, descending through scalar levels from
the global to the national and the local.

G L O C A L I Z AT I O N : T H E G L O B A L I N T H E L O C A L ,
AND VICE VERSA
Corporate media have long embraced the practical imperatives of customization
that expansion to external markets warrants. In the 1990s, the founder of News
Corporation, Rupert Murdoch, said that global media networks had to adjust by
presenting the “best international programming and mixing it with local con-
tent.” That was why “[l]‌ocalization is playing an increasingly crucial role” in the
growth of global news institutions.8 The awkward portmanteau “glocalization”
refers to the co-​occurrence of “universalizing and particularizing” forces in the
8 AN Unl ikely A udi enc e

international movement of goods, people, and services.9 Tailoring to markets

was commonplace among transnational broadcasters due to heterogeneous lan-
guage needs.10
From where did the notion of “glocalization” as business logic arise? The com-
mon genesis story, which Robertson and others traced, was that it was an explicit
strategy of Japanese corporations that sought new foreign markets by tailor-
ing products for their idiosyncratic preferences.11 This principle was expressed
in Japanese as “dochakuka.” Meaning “living on one’s own land,” the term was
likened to taking root, or “adapting farming techniques to local conditions.”12
As Murdoch’s business wisdom demonstrated, this became a near necessity for
international media. This incentive to localize was an outcome of accelerated
development of national media systems around the world. For expanding media
companies, the greater complexity of target-​country markets required adept dif-
ferentiation to compete with emergent domestic media better equipped to meet
the news needs of their compatriots. National audiences, likewise, tended to
prefer domestic news sources. Powerful western media companies could no lon-
ger dominate foreign markets so easily as when their national industries were
sparse and underfunded.13
As Roudometof noted, ascribing glocalization to corporate strategy is mis-
leading and constrains its application to more critical research. It can be more
than a strategic business principle. In his archaeological recovery of utterances
of “glocal,” he found it was first put into print in a 1990 art installation in Bonn,
Germany. The piece, an orthogonal cube, was intended as a statement on the
interconnectedness of the various ecological scales from the local to global, in
effect modelling how we must think of the intertwined geographies of environ-
mental issues. Roudometof advocated returning to this original usage to think of
the various spatial scales as simultaneous, interconnected, mutually constituted
fields of social, political, economic, and cultural action.‡ The ecological meta-
phor pushes us to acknowledge the complex, borderless interlinkages that reveal
the old caricature of top-​down globalization as rare. We are forced to admit the
ubiquity of strange fusions of goods, ideas, and meanings both produced and
consumed between variable distances. Our transnational lives are more multi-
form than simple categorical thinking about global–local permutations allows.
The distinction in the two tales of this admittedly awkward term’s origins
is pertinent because construing it within the purely business context of mul-
tinational corporate strategy gives way to an overemphasis on actors at the
global scale, making the local a subject that the global works upon. This is a

  Scholars who deployed glocalization stressed the sorts of global-​local interplay and interpen-
‡

etration Robertson (1995; 2014) emphasized. Rosenau (2003), Waisbord (2004), Holton (2005),
Sreberny (2006), and Jijon (2013), among many others, represent a broad range of disciplines of
study and also differ in how they describe the dynamics of “glocalization.”
 I n tro du ctio n 9

formula for “a superficial ‘façade’ of diversity.”14 However, Al Jazeera’s three

enterprises based in US media capitals betray an iterative, tactical glocalization
neither stemming purely from a calculated business strategy nor typifying the
sort of organic, cultural blending of pluralistic, horizontal complexity. This book
explores AJ’s three channels as outcomes of transnational processes negotiating
the global force of AJ’s institutional mandate with local industries and norms
sited in the American media capitals, all within unfolding sociopolitical, techno-​
economic and journalistic settings.
Glocalization usefully draws attention to the mutual interaction of multi-​
sited influences, not just Doha as the central administrative site emanating its
own version of globality in the shape of this network, but those of the media
capitals in which Al Jazeera established facilities. Framing this study narrowly
around AJ’s agency draws upon the business strategy notion of glocalization,
which prioritizes the institutional entity as relatively autonomous. This implies
its decisions are the main deciding factors in its fate. Al Jazeera’s pursuit of
American viewership was far from a straightforward case of a business actor
seeking new customers in a normal, competitive market. AJ’s subsidiaries oper-
ated in a trying sociopolitical context burdened by historical, intercultural, sym-
bolic baggage, not to mention the inhospitable political economy of oligopolistic
gatekeepers in the form of cable companies. It also faced a public culture charac-
terized by rampant disinterest in world news that does not implicate American
national interests or center on natural disasters. These structural points of
resistance—​further explored in ­chapter 1—​only pushed this news network to
acclimate to the uncertain US market, to more deeply hybridize as simultane-
ously Arab, global south, and international/​foreign, as well as American.§ The
three cities of production were the primary arenas through which Al Jazeera’s
hybridization took place. The three subsidiaries Americanized in ways steered
by the cities, their media industries, and other attributes of them as places of
creative work.

M E T H O D O L O G I C A L N AT I O N A L I S M
Layered between the global and the local scales is the nontrivial authority of the
state and the still-​potent identity of the nation. Privileging national boundar-
ies and media flows between them has been at the core of thinking about how
media move in the world. The nation-​state is often the primary unit of analy-
sis.15 The earliest research on “news flows” tracked the circuitry of news around

§
  Kraidy (2005) operationalized hybridity to analyze media as the integration of multiple, distant
contexts in a state of admixture. Its adoption in this book is noteworthy because as a conceptual tool
“hybridity” traditionally features more prominently in cultural studies than journalism and news
media research.
10 AN Unl ikely Audi enc e

the world. Studies like the International Press Institute’s The Flow of News, pub-
lished in 1953, set the level of analysis of “where” news is made and consumed
only “in terms of states,” thus highlighting “the geopolitical borders of (nation-​)
states drawn in maps.”16 There was presumed flow in countries’ domestic news
media covering other parts of the world, though skews in international coverage
created imbalances in representations.17 Media imperialism and other models
premised on international hierarchy, including the accounting of contra-​f low18
in media, emphasized the nation-​state to account for how more powerful coun-
tries set the international news agendas and dominated export of media. Even
in much of the media glocalization research, the included “local” usually refers
to the national, as Annabelle Sreberny observed.19 This shows how foundational
the national level is to thinking about media and communication.
Admittedly, there is cause for “thinking nationally” about media like AJ, given
that most media markets are national, governed by national regulations, such
that the state and national media systems have not withered away.20 No assess-
ment of Al Jazeera in the United States can deny that its perceived foreignness
from a nationalist perspective was a primary factor in its US market challenges.
The prevailing political context AJ navigated in the United States was largely
defined by the national government. The Bush administration framed AJ as
hostile to the country’s interests. On the sending side, Qatar’s national goals
of soft power and visibility imbue AJ’s expansionism.21 Yet, as the quick review
of Al Jazeera’s inflow into the United States shows, its performance was incom-
plete and variable through different parts of the country and at various times.
If we only approach Al Jazeera in the United States purely through the lens of
the national, then we miss vital, analyzable nuance at both the sub-​and supra-​
national arenas of action.
Thinking “glocally” about Al Jazeera in the United States requires what Ingrid
Volkmer described as a methodological transition from the frame of “ ‘national’/​
‘foreign’ ” to “relativistic processes of local/​global, space/​place.”22 This permits a
downward shift in the scale of focus to AJ’s services in their respective cities, as
well as analytical openness to the interregional dimension, rather than starting
and ending with the country at large. This move, however, must be carried out
with an eye toward multi-​scalar analysis, even if the local is the focus. It cannot
be divorced from the others, as national, regional, and global phenomena also
manifest in localities. There is no segregation between the scales, making com-
plete isolation of one level against the others an inherently artificial exercise;
we can only emphasize the unique attributes of action at one scale in relation
to the others. I take Volkmer’s call to suggest an instructive epistemological-​
methodological shift from the language of flat generalities of national contain-
ers that standard assessments of international communication tend to presume.
This is tied to a methodological nationalism that Ulrich Beck identified as
 I n tro du ctio n 11

equating “societies with nation-​state societies” such that “states and their gov-
ernments [are] the cornerstones of a social sciences analysis.”23
Methodological nationalism is an ill-​fitting approach for inquiry into AJ’s
services, which sprawl beyond the normal units of territoriality, being global-
ized, interregional and multinational, but with concentrated editorial, produc-
tion, and marketing functions in predominant cities. As intuitive as it is to
contemplate AJ’s services in terms of Qatari sponsorship and American receiv-
ership as a nation—​even in an intensified political atmosphere like the “war on
terror”—​it is incomplete for understanding the fuller breadth of how the sub-
sidiaries unfolded, as their particular urban contexts proved deeply influential.
They defied the categories of the national dimension, being neither excluded nor
fully welcome. This realization motivates the book’s orientation to the inflective
power of the three cities.

G L O B A L C I T I E S A N D T H E S PA C E O F F L O W S
Examining the influence of cities on Al Jazeera draws from prior theorizing
about the import of the metropole on social phenomena, political might, and
economic power—​processes in which media are intertwined. In traditional urban
sociology, the city was a self-​enclosed unit defined by inherent, intrinsic struc-
tural dynamics as a social realm. It was a place on its own, and fit within a clear
ordering of cascading geographic scales: below the international and national.
Inter-​city research in the 1960s began construing cities as related to each other.
Rather than being totally discrete, interconnected cities composed interdepen-
dent systems.24 Under this paradigm, the performances of cities impacted each
other; this required assessing their linkages and interworkings.25 The primary
model was of hierarchical relations. Efforts to measure and comparatively rank
cities guided much of the empirical work.
City research opened up further with critical research that denaturalized
urban formations and submitted that they actualized larger, spatial processes,
such as globally expansive political economies. David Harvey’s and Manuel
Castells’s works in the early 1970s followed Henri Lefebvre’s conception that
“(Social) space is a (social) product.”26 Castells’s early interrogation, La question
urbaine, examined how cities were spatially altered as a consequence of macro-​
level phenomena like capitalism, making civic cultural divides not natural but
“problematic” and ideologically produced to privilege dominant class interests.27
The “inhabiting” of space through the social practices of “everyday life” defined
the urban milieus. Crucially, these forces also engendered trends in municipal
planning, from the limited quality and scale of free public space to structur-
ing street life to encourage consumerism. Capitalism construed the physics of
city life and design. For Harvey, space and the social were subject to mutually
12 AN Unl ikely A udi enc e

constitutive tendencies.28 That is, the spatial life of cities reflected and in turn
projected a range of social, economic and political forces. The spatial arrays of
cities gave shape to the local arenas of action. This laid the foundation for his
later work on the outcomes of capitalist accumulation on cities, arguing that
surplus capital fixed into new spatial formations; capital-​intensive investments
from distant companies transformed urban architectures.29
Yet, cities contain their own relative economic power as centers of trade,
finance and other activities in the global economy. Jane Jacobs’s Cities and the
Wealth of Nations declared cities the prime moving units within national and
international economies to the extent their vitality is the barometer for broader
economic health.30 Research on “world cities” measured and identified major cit-
ies that serve as the most important connected points in the global economy’s
spatial architecture. It emphasizes inward/​outward mobility between them while
recognizing that the metropoles possessed authorities and economic might vis-​à-​
vis national governments.31 Saskia Sassen depicted such global cities as the net-
worked command and control centers in the world’s finance-​driven economy; they
could be identified by their clusters of advanced producer services that comple-
ment global firms.32 In this strain, media industries, Stefan Krätke and P. J. Taylor
found, helped elevate global cities through their own arrangements as agglomer-
ated multinational firms.33 Cities exercise independent influence within spatial-
izing processes then.
Cities have historically been principal hubs for trade. Janet Abu-​Lughod showed
the linkages between great cities of Europe, the Middle East and Asia through
trade patterns in the 13th and 14th centuries.34 She likened the centers of the day,
such as Genoa, Damascus and Peking, to an economic “archipelago,” or series of
islands. Those pre-​modern urban formations did not form an integrated, unified
network, but were autonomous routing points distinct on their own; trade merely
linked them.35 This historical snapshot gestures toward a prevailing interest in
the work on cities: whether the movement of flows and systemic inter-​linkages
diminish the unique placeness and potencies of cities. This is a salient concern
because the book contends that cities leave their mark on foreign media firms set-
ting up shop within them. To do so, they must have their own identifiable traits
and means of leverage. They must be distinct—​as places—​from the structural
processes that tie them.
Manuel Castells eloquently captured this tension between the realm of
quickly circulating movement and the place of the city in The Rise of the Network
Society.36 He articulated it though the difference between the “space of flows”
and the “space of places.” His distinction contrasted the effects of technologically
driven transformations in media ecologies, among other facets, with the per-
sistent role of place, constituted by legacy geographic concepts. For Castells, “a
place is a locale whose form, function, and meaning are self-​contained within the
boundaries of physical contiguity.”37 Historically, place contained the universe of
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
que ell es el missatger de la mort, quan justament al destruir els
rosegadors y els insectes, no fa més que salvar de la destrucció molts
y molts elements de vida. Com que la Oliba viu molt aprop de la casa
(devegades sota sa teulada ó dintre de la soca d'un vell arbre proper y
es allavors que les ombres de la nit arriban quan l'animal comensa
son jornal precedit de sos ahuquets ó veus que no son ni més ni
menys que son cant d'alegría per haver arribat la hora de sos ápats),
no es estrany que la fantasia popular hagi pogut veure arrelada
dintre d'ella, la crehencia de quelcóm misteriós en la vida de la Oliba.
Més avuy no hi ha motiu pera seguir conservant aquesta crehencia, y
després de les esperiencies sobre el travall del aucell, ha d'ésser
aquest considerat com un dels més importants servidors de la
Agricultura y digne, per consegüent, del més gran respecte y
estimació.

La Oliba té 36 centímetres de llargária. Es de color blanch y gris,

quin to es més ó menys variat. Segóns Brehm, aquests colors y finura
de plomatge s'acentuan més en les Olibes del Sur de la Europa. La
Oliba es pot ésser l'aucell de rampinya nocturn que té mes llargues y
punxagudes les ales, y aixó explica son vol rápit y sostingut, que tant
li facilita la cassa dels insectes voladors.

Quan la nit vé, l'aucell, que durant el día ha estat amagat en son
domicili havitual dintre el qual la llum del día no hi penetra, va á
cercar son aliment: els insectes voladors, els escarabats y les orugues,
els ratolíns y petites rates. Aquests darrers, que son pot ésser els més
terribles enemichs dels conreus, son els preferits per l'aucell: es quan
no'ls troba, que arreplega lo demés.
En molts punts d'Alemanya, convensuts els agricultors de lo que
dihém, han donat aculliment en les mateixes cases de camp als
esmentats aucells. Al efecte han obert entrada á sota de la teulada y
en la fachada de llurs esmentades cases, donant pas á una espécie de
corredor d'uns 40 centímetres d'alsária per uns 20 centímetres
d'amplária, formant ángul recte y acabant en una cavitat un xich més
espayosa.

Bailly diu que la veu de la Oliba se composa tan aviat de sons forts
com els produits per una persona borratxa que dorm ab la boca
oberta y que poden traduirse per xei, xei, xei, y que l'aucell repeteix
durant una hora dalt de la teulada de la casa hont viu ó en les hortes,
arbrats, jardíns y torrenteres, ó be també de crits forts, precipitats,
dins del bosch ó sobre els camps. Aquests crits poden traduirse per
els mots grei, grei, grei.

La Oliba es un actiu volador que s'apropa al home, passantli molt

arran de son cap sens temor. A les nits de lluna, vola totes les hores
de la mateixa y baixa á terra de tant en tant, pera reposar ó
apoderarse del rosegador ó insecte. En les nits de fosca, sols pot
cassar durant el cap-vespre y la matinada.

Se diu que la Oliba fa grans danys en els colomars; més aixó es molt
difícil creureho, al veure la indiferencia ab la que els colóms veuen
que sels hi acosta l'aucell. Naumann assegura que un parell d'ólibes
se vingueren á establir dintre un colomar. Al arribar la nit sortían les
ólibes per fer sa cassa. De dia se podía veure les aus de rampinya
dormint mentres els colóms anavan y venían. Aquest fet prova de
sobres que la Oliba no fa cap dany als colóms.
La Oliba porta á son domicili totes les preses que li es dable trobar.
Aquestes provisións li son útils pera les nits de fosca ó de mal temps,
en les que l'aucell no pot cassar. Naumann parla d'una Oliba captiva,
á la que se li davan 15 rates cada nit.

Diu Lenz: “En tots indrets deuria procurarse atraurers' á les ólibes.
En la meva casa, y en ses quatre fatxades, he practicat una obertura
que dona pas als esmentats aucells, els que troban al interior de la
casa, lloch á propósit á modo d'uns caixóns, en els que hi viuen.”

“Els terrassáns de Holstein (Prusia), diu el Doctor W. Claudius, se

guardan molt bé d'inquietar á les ólibes que viuen sota les teulades
de llurs cases, conseguint aixís veures lliures dels atachs dels
rosegadors.”

El B. D'Hamonville diu que en ses cases de camp hi té construits

estatges pera les ólibes que en elles hi viuen desde molts anys,
conseguint qu'els conreus propers se vegin á salvo dels atachs dels
rosegadors, encara que hi hagin en la encontrada fortes invasións
dels mateixos. El dit naturalista afegeix que la Oliba es, per ell, un
dels aucells més útils á la Agricultura y digne del més gran respecte.

Fi
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