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Becoming Jewish, Believing in Jesus
Becoming Jewish,
Believing in Jesus
Judaizing Evangelicals in Brazil

MANOELA CARPENEDO

1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press


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© Oxford University Press 2021

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in


a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form


and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data


Names: Carpenedo, Manoela, author.
Title: Becoming Jewish, believing in Jesus : Judaizing evangelicals in
Brazil / Manoela Carpenedo.
Description: New York, NY, United States of America :
Oxford University Press, 2021. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020001395 (print) | LCCN 2020001396 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190086923 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190086954 |
ISBN 9780190086947 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Evangelicalism—Relations—Judaism. | Judaism—
Relations—Evangelicalism. | Evangelicalism—Brazil. |
Judaism—Brazil. | Women—Religious life—Brazil.
Classification: LCC BR1641.J 83 C375 2020 (print) |
LCC BR1641.J 83 (ebook) | DDC 278.108/3—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020001395
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020001396

DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190086923.001.0001

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America
Preface

Something is changing in contemporary religion. An unexpected


fusion of two major Western religious traditions, Judaism and
Christianity, has been developing in many parts of the world. There
is a noticeable worldwide growth of congregations and communities
that combine, in multiple permutations, beliefs, and rituals, identity
claims deriving from Judaism and Evangelical Christianity. While
ritual borrowing and the appropriation of Jewish tenets by Christians
are not new, the current adoption of Jewish narratives, rituals, and
even political anxieties by Christians is gaining more and more
relevance in the sociopolitical landscape. An example of the im-
portance and materiality of these religious inclinations on the geopo-
litical level can be seen in the intricate relationship between the US
administration’s decision, in a nod to its Evangelical base, to recog-
nize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in 2017. Echoing such dispositions,
in Brazil, Charismatic Evangelicals are now demanding that the far-​
right President Bolsonaro fulfils his campaign promises to follow the
U.S.’s move, despite Brazil’s decades-​long pro-​Palestine geopolitical
alignment. Even more surprising was the presence of Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Bolsonaro’s inauguration, where he
announced that a new diplomatic era for both countries was about to
start: “Israel is the promised land, Brazil is the land of promise.”
This book investigates an unanticipated facet of this tendency
within Latin American Charismatic Evangelicalism. Based on field-
work conducted between 2013 and 2015 in Brazil, it explores why
a community of former Charismatic Evangelicals1 with no Jewish
1 I use the term “Charismatic Evangelicals” to refer to believers broadly identified

with the Charismatic Evangelical movement—​either with early Pentecostal churches or


viii Preface

background are gradually embracing Jewish tenets and Jewish


Orthodox lifestyles, while still nurturing some Christian tenets
such as the belief in Jesus as the Messiah. During the course of my
fieldwork, I had the chance to witness how this radical religious
change was taking place in the lives of these former Charismatic
Evangelicals. Astonished, I watched as community members built
mikvot (ritual pools) in backyards; male adults, teenagers, and chil-
dren underwent circumcision; members incorporated kosher food
into their diets; and increasing numbers of women chose to respect
menstrual taboos and strict codes of modesty in dress (including
the daily wearing of headscarves)—​all without showing any in-
terest in converting to or being recognized by mainstream Judaism.
Instead, according to them, their mission is to disseminate the
“Judaizing truth” in the Christian world. To differentiate these nas-
cent groups from other religious tendencies mixing Judaism and
Christianity, I have coined the term “Judaizing Evangelicalism.”
From the start of my years of fieldwork until the final compila-
tion of my research results in this book, my thoughts were occu-
pied with the question of why this group of former Charismatic
Evangelicals abandoned Christianity’s universal claims to embrace
the unaccountable rules of an ethnic religion that was not part of
their upbringing. Why would people, particularly women who hail
from backgrounds with more relaxed gender and moral norms,
want to live like Orthodox Jews, especially in Brazil!? Although
I am an experienced social scientist and ethnographer, it was not
easy to comprehend the rationale behind such religious transfor-
mation. When I first embarked on this project, my concerns were
very much connected with defining the proper “nature” and “iden-
tity” of the people I was working with. Blinded by a crystallized
binarism, I would try to classify the group either as “Jews” or

Neo-​Pentecostal tendencies. In this form of Christianity, believers hold the tenets that
(a) Jesus offers salvation; (b) Jesus heals; (c) Jesus baptizes with the Holy Spirit; (d) Jesus
is coming again (Dayton, 1987; 19–​23). In Chapter 1, I offer a fuller description of the
“Charismatic Evangelical” label.
Preface ix

“Christians.” By tracing levels of cultural and religious authenticity,


I relied on fixed notions of culture and static interpretations of what
would be considered properly “Christian” or “Jewish.” Adopting
what I called a personal “cultural/​religious intensity scale,” I en-
gaged in a feverish measurement of their levels of “Jewish au-
thenticity”; I carefully pondered the group’s remaining Christian
tenets and habits. Through these lenses, I analyzed a variety of
manifestations, ranging from theological documents to ritual
expressions, to clothing, gestures, language, and more. In this re-
search, I found a labyrinth of expressions, symbols, and intentions
that could not be encompassed by my pre-​fixed “Christian” and
“Jewish” cultural categories.
I was not alone in this dualistic approach. When discussing my
work with other scholars or presenting it to academic audiences,
the same question echoed: What could be appropriately interpreted
as “Jewish” or “Christian”? Some would argue that the community
I studied could not be considered Christian anymore, mainly be-
cause of their divergent theological ideas and embrace of Jewish
lifestyles. Others would point out that this “Christian community”
had taken cultural appropriation to an unusual extreme, especially
in adopting the practices of a minority that had been historically
persecuted for being Jewish.
My scholarly aim is not to classify this community according
to any pre-​fixed Christian or Jewish cultural notions. Instead of
providing ultimate categorizations, this work presents a sociocul-
tural picture of the process of religious change undertaken by this
community. By closely analyzing the radical Judaizing experience
of former Charismatic Christians, this book captures people’s re-
ligious journeys, their subjective transformations, and the moral
learning processes which are inevitably embedded in the develop-
ment of their new religious tendency.

Although this book is about an unexpected identification of


Christians with Judaism, its origins can be traced to my engagement
x Preface

with left-​wing feminist politics in Brazil, my home country. I am


part of the generation that witnessed not only the Brazilian eco-
nomic boom of the first decade of the 2000s, but also the social
and moral shifts that accompanied the administrations of former
Presidents Lula (Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva) (2003–​2011) and Dilma
(Dilma Roussef) (2011–​2016). In a climate of drastic reconfigu-
ration of habits and traditions within Brazilian culture, one could
observe Brazil’s gradual transformation primarily through the
development of particular social policies. Initiatives with goals
ranging from the elimination of famine, to income redistribution,
to the extension of access to education, to the development of iden-
tity politics and the implementation of affirmative action in the
public sector all had a profound impact on Brazil’s sociocultural
landscape. Following the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, as
a student of social and clinical psychology I was deeply involved
in the embryonic circles concerned with women’s issues and diver-
sity that were arising in some Brazilian universities and that later
influenced today’s “feminist spring” movement in Brazil.
Born and bred in a socioeconomically privileged milieu, it
took me a while to become aware of the uneasy place that the re-
ligious Other occupied in this climate of rampant sociocultural
transformation. While Brazil is recognized for its myriad of reli-
gious expressions existing side by side with its colonial Catholic
foundations, one can say that the Brazilian intelligentsia privileges
secular positions and secular modes of living. We cannot deny that
some forms of religious expressions are widely celebrated in this
environment, such as indigenous religions and Afro-​Brazilian pos-
session cults. Even some streams of Christianity enjoy a respectable
place: the Marxist leanings of liberation theology are a good ex-
ample. In these circles, however, it is the crente, the fervent Brazilian
Charismatic Evangelical, who is cast as the religious Other, a source
of repugnance.
Susan Harding was the first to notice this phenomenon in
North America. Working in the context of the United States, her
Preface xi

fascinating work explored the ways in which the modernist project


has constructed the fundamentalist Christian subject as the “re-
pugnant cultural Other.” While Charismatic Evangelical Brazilians
cannot be socially and religiously compared to American funda-
mentalist Evangelicals in almost any aspect, the same discursive
practices that distinguish the “us” of modern educated seculars
from the “them” of backward religious believers apply here. Crentes
not only are seen as ignorant, conservative, and prone to mass
manipulations by the Brazilian intelligentsia, but also are viewed
as situated within the financially disadvantaged and marginalized
sectors of society. Although solid research complicating these ster-
eotypical notions has in recent decades been conducted by bril-
liant and innovative scholars, the image of the brainwashed, highly
emotional, patriarchal, and working-​class Charismatic Evangelical
continues to prevail. New frameworks like the Anthropology of
Christianity are gaining steam in some academic circles, but the
Christian Other is still not very easily understood.
While these characterizations might indeed partly reflect the
reality of many Brazilian born-​again believers, I gradually came
to find them inadequate. I was studying in Europe, trying to un-
derstand the lives of overburdened, undocumented Brazilian
women who packed the Charismatic Evangelical churches in
global capitals every weekend. In my search for more nuanced
perspectives on the religious Other, I was lucky enough to find
Saba Mahmood’s seminal work, Politics of Piety. Basing her ar-
gument on her fieldwork within women’s mosque movements
in Cairo, Mahmood challenges the limits of the progressive sec-
ular premises which assume that life in religious worlds must be
inferior, and that the secular imaginary offers the best lifestyles
and ways of existing meaningfully in the world. When I first
encountered these debates, I was shocked and intrigued. More
than ever, I wondered why some women, instead of embracing
progressive feminist views like mine, would prefer to submit to
rigid, nonsensical religious norms?
xii Preface

This book, in part an exercise in self-​scrutiny, aims to answer


this question. The austere religious movement mixing Judaism and
Christianity that I encountered in the South of my country proved
to be an ideal environment for analyzing these pressing issues.
Why would Brazilian women be willing to adhere to numerous
religious norms, including menstrual and sexual taboos, dietary
requirements, and strict modesty codes? In the following pages,
I explore the reasons that motivate these women when they decide
to adopt strict observance of elements of a religious tradition that
was not a part of their upbringing.
Acknowledgments

This book would not be possible without the support of several


people and organizations. Here, I briefly note some remarkable
people I am utterly grateful for their role in this project.
My greatest debts are to the religious community and the reli-
gious women who allowed me to enter their worlds. I am very
grateful for them sharing their insights with me and inviting me
so warmly into their homes and lives. Without their collaboration,
this book would not have been possible. I hope that this recollec-
tion of my experiences with them will be interesting and not offend.
Scholarly work is about intellectual transmission. I am deeply in-
debted to my PhD supervisor at the University of Cambridge, Dr
David Lehmann, who provided extraordinary support and directed
my thinking all the way up to publication. David inspired empir-
ical rigor and encouraged my analytical work through his razor-​
sharp comments. I will never be able to fully express my gratitude
to David: mentor, interlocutor, and friend for so many years.
My academic journey started at the Universidade Federal do Rio
Grande do Sul in Porto Alegre, Brazil. As an undergraduate, I had
the chance to work as a research assistant with Professor Henrique
Caetano Nardi. His mentoring and commitment to research on
gender studies inspired my trajectory in different ways. Henrique
shared his knowledge and critical eye, pushing me to consider
graduate school abroad. Henrique was right; I am truly grateful for
Henrique’s encouragement and friendship.
I am especially thankful for the financial support of Cambridge
Overseas Trusts, Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal
de Nível Superior (CAPES) and the Institute of Latin American
xiv Acknowledgments

Studies (ILAS) School of Advanced Studies at the University of


London for funding the research described in this book. Without
their support, this book would not have been possible.
I would also like to thank my PhD examiners Dr Veronique
Altglas and Professor Nathan Wachtel, for their comments and
thoughtful suggestions on my then-​doctoral thesis, which matured
into this book manuscript. My research also benefited from stim-
ulating discussions with Professor Paul Freston, who gave helpful
feedback in the final writing stages. At Cambridge, I was also lucky
enough to receive academic support and invaluable advice from Dr
Emma Wild-​Wood and Dr Mónica Moreno Figueroa.
For listening to me so patiently, offering encouragement and
guidance over the years, I would like to give special thanks to
my dear friend Dr Anabel Inge. From its inception, Anabel un-
conditionally supported this project; her intellectual rigor,
recommendations, and love inspired my trajectory in many ways.
Thanks also to everyone involved in this project at Oxford
University Press (NY). Many thanks to my editor, Cynthia Read,
who gave invaluable guidance and support throughout the pre-​
publication process. I would like to thank Brent Matheny for his
help in preparing the book’s visuals and cover. Thanks also to
OUP associates Aishwarya Krishnamoorthy and Raj Suthan. I am
also thankful to the graphic designer William Navarro for the
cover image.
I am very happy to have the opportunity to publicly thank
and dedicate this book to my family. Thanks to my parents, Jane
Carpenedo and Geraldo Rodrigues, for their support and uncon-
ditional love. Thanks to my sister, Isabella, and my warm and vi-
brant extended family, which I love so much. My greatest debt is to
my husband, my partner, Alexandre, who stood by my side in the
moments of joy and tears prompted by this project and helped me
every step of the way.
Introduction

Entering the Field: One Day with


the “Judaizing Evangelicals”

I sensed Tziporah’s suspicion in our first phone call. It was winter


in my hometown in southern Brazil. I found it challenging to begin
my fieldwork by negotiating access to a community that identifies
somewhere between Charismatic Evangelicals and Orthodox
Jews. But at last, I found a way in through Tziporah—​I would be
attending their day-​long Shabbat service.
Tziporah’s husband is the rosh, the leader of the community
(I’ve been asked not to disclose the specific name of the com-
munity, so I will simply call it the kehillah, or congregation).
Tziporah is a tall and vibrant woman in her late thirties. When
we first met, she was heavily pregnant with her first child. Her
headscarf and her embroidered long-​sleeved dress accentuated
her lofty presence. Her appearance instantly piqued my interest.
Indeed, the entire congregation seemed to me very peculiar. On
that first day, I must confess, I was not comfortable at all. In my
first interview with the rosh, he had instructed me to follow their
strict tzniut, or codes of modesty, if I wanted to visit his con-
gregation. So it was wearing a funereal black dress that covered
wrists and ankles and closed-​toe shoes that I entered a rather
unassuming rented house for the Shabbat. Unsure how to wrap
a headscarf (like a Catholic nun, or like a Muslim?), I simply
carried mine with me.
I arrived at 9:00 a.m. for the congregation’s day-​long Shabbat ser-
vice. Approximately 35 to 50 people were in the large room. Men

Becoming Jewish, Believing in Jesus. Manoela Carpenedo, Oxford University Press (2021). © Oxford University
Press. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190086923.003.0001
2 Introduction

with long beards and personalized kippot1 sat on the right, and
women in full-​length colorful skirts and tichels (headscarves) on
the left. Behind a central table was a cabinet containing the Torah.
On either side were shelves housing Jewish artifacts, including the
Israeli flag and the iconic Jewish nine-​branch candelabrum, the
menorah.
Tziporah was warmer in person. But her gentle introduction
to the kehillah and overview of its links to Judaism and Yeshua
(Jesus) did little to assuage my discomfort. I felt I was intruding
into something very private, even secretive. I also battled with my
own judgments of women from modern backgrounds, with no
Jewish upbringing, who would want to “regress,” as I saw it, to such
orthodoxy.

The Shabbat Experience

The first part of the service consisted of sung or chanted prayers


in Hebrew. The Siddur prayer book each person held was written
in Hebrew, though I noticed that most joined the singing via the
prayer book’s phonetic transliteration into Portuguese. Drawing
on the mainstream Jewish Shabbat liturgy, many Hebrew hymns
were chanted in sequence: the morning blessings, the Shema,
Amidah, and the rest. Classic Shabbat songs and psalms of praise,
such as Oseh Shalom, Adon Olam, Mi Chomocha, and L’Maan
Achai, were also chanted. Looking back, it is interesting to see
that this initially foreign, strange worship soon became familiar,
along with its melodies—​I can now recite the prayers almost
by heart.
To an outsider, the sight could have been mistaken for any
Conservative Jewish service. However, observing the enthu-
siasm, intonation, and body language, I soon saw clear differences.

1 Plural of kippah, Jewish religious skullcap.


Introduction 3

The service presented some elements reminiscent of the type of


Charismatic Evangelicalism that I had encountered in my previous
investigations, when doing fieldwork in Latino migrant churches
in Paris and in London. The end of the initial part of the service
was marked by the blowing of the shofar, or ram’s horn, much to
the delight of the clapping children. In mainstream Judaism, the
shofar is sounded only twice a year, on Rosh Hashanah (the Jewish
New Year) and Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement). Seeing and
hearing it during a standard Saturday service would be surprising
for any Jew.
During the break, we all convened in a modest dining area,
where the rosh blessed the challah, the traditional Jewish Sabbath
braided bread, baked by the women exclusively for Shabbat. Coffee,
tea, and juice were also served. I was grateful to some middle-​aged
women who invited me to try the delicious bread and cakes they
had baked, which made it much easier to initiate conversation.
I learned that most of the people in the kehilla came from working-​
class backgrounds, with relatively little education. Men were
mainly involved in manual work as builders, carpenters, or glaziers,
while the women were either housewives or worked in the service
economy as cleaning ladies, seamstresses, or in similar roles.
The second part of the service also was not dissimilar to main-
stream Jewish services. First, they read the Parashah, the weekly
section of the Torah. Men (never women, to my frustration) were
invited to read excerpts in front of the congregation, usually in
Portuguese, but occasionally in Hebrew. I observed that people
seemed nervous in reading from the holy book, even in Portuguese.
After the Torah reading, a male elder delivered the sermon. That
week, the Vayeishev section of the Torah (Genesis 37:1–​40:23) told
the story of Joseph, son of Jacob, who was sold into slavery by his
jealous half-​brothers, and ended up becoming the second most
powerful man in Egypt after Pharaoh. While the sermon cov-
ered the themes of jealousy, righteousness, and recompense with
great conservatism, and was delivered by an elder who could easily
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It is seen that the agreement is close, and probably within the limits of
experimental error. A comparison with the second relation is not possible at present,
and we meet also here with a difficulty arising from the fact that Moseley observed a
greater number of lines in the radiation than should be expected on Kossel’s
simple scheme[33].
There is another point in connexion with the above considerations which appears
to be of interest. In a recent paper W. H. Bragg[34] has shown that, in order to
excite any line of the radiation of an element, the frequency of the exciting
radiation must be greater than the frequency of all the lines in the radiation. This
result, which is in striking contrast to the ordinary phenomena of selective
absorption, can be simply explained on Kossel’s view. The simple reverse of the
process corresponding to the emission of, for instance, would necessitate the
direct transfer of an electron from ring 1 to ring 2, but this will obviously not be
possible unless at the beginning of the process there was a vacant place in the latter
ring. For the excitation of any line in the radiation, it is therefore necessary that
the electron should be completely removed from the atom. Another consequence of
Kossel’s view is that it should be impossible to obtain the series of an element
without the simultaneous emission of the series. This seems to be in agreement
with some recent experiments of C. G. Barkla[35] on the energy involved in the
production of characteristic Röntgen radiation. From these examples it will be seen
that even if Kossel’s considerations will need modification in order to account in
detail for the high frequency spectra, they seem to offer a basis for a further
development.
As in the former section, it is assumed that the spectra considered above are due
to the displacement of a single electron. If, however, several electrons should
happen to be removed from one of the rings by a violent impact, the considerations
at the end of the former section would not apply, since the electrons removed in this
case can be replaced by electrons in the other rings. We might therefore possibly
expect that the rearrangement of the electrons, consequent to the removal of more
than one electron from a ring, would give rise to spectra of still higher frequency
than those considered in this section.

University of Manchester,
August 1915.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Communicated by Sir Ernest Rutherford, F.R.S.
[2] Phil. Mag. xxvi. pp. 1, 476, 857 (1918) and xxvii. p. 506 (1914). These papers
will be referred to as I., II., III., & IV. respectively. See Transcriber’s Notes
[3] van den Broek, Phys. Zeit. xiv. p. 32 (1913).
[4] See Rutherford, Phil. Mag. xxvii. p. 488 (1914).
[5] See J. H. Jeans, “Report on Radiation and the Quantum Theory,” Phys. Soc.
London, 1914.
[6] Nicholson, Month. Not, Roy. Astr. Soc. lxxii. p. 679 (1912).
[7] Einstein and Haas, Verh. d. D. Phys. Ges. xvii. p. 152 (1915). That such a
mechanical rotational effect was to be expected on the electron theory of
magnetism was pointed out several years ago by O. W. Richardson, Phys.
Review, xxvi. p. 248 (1908). Richardson tried to detect this effect but without
decisive results.
[8] Nicholson, Phil. Mag. xxvii. p. 541 and xxviii. p. 90 (1914).
[9] Fowler, Month. Not. Roy. Astr. Soc. lxxiii. Dec. 1912.
[10] Evans, Nature, xcii. p. 5 (1913); Phil. Mag. xxix. p. 284 (1915).
[11] For we get a series in the extreme ultraviolet of which some lines
have recently been observed by Lyman (Nature, xcv. p. 343, 1915).
[12] See Nature, xcii. p. 231 (1913).
[13] See also Stark, Verh. d. D. Phys. Ges. xvi. p. 468 (1914).
[14] Rau, Sitz. Ber. d. Phys. Med. Ges. Würzburg (1914).
[15] Merton, Nature, xcv. p. 65 (1915); Proc. Roy. Soc. A. xci. p. 389 (1915).
[16] Stark, Elektrische Spektralanalyse chemischer Atome, Leipzig, 1914.
[17] Stark, loc. cit. pp. 51, 54, 55, & 56.
[18] On this view we should expect the Rydberg constant in (13) to be not
exactly the same for all elements, since the expression (5) depends to a certain
extent on the mass of the nucleus. The correction is very small; the difference in
passing from hydrogen to an element of high atomic weight being only 0.05 per
cent. (see IV. p. 7). In a recent paper (Proc. Roy. Soc. A. xci. p. 255, 1915),
Nicholson has concluded that this consequence of the theory is inconsistent with
the measurements of the ordinary helium spectrum. It seems doubtful, however,
if the measurements are accurate enough for such a conclusion. It must be
remembered that it is only for high values of that the theory indicates values
of very nearly unity; but for such values of , the terms in question are very
small, and the relative accuracy in the experimental determination not very high.
The only spectra for which a sufficiently accurate determination of seems
possible at present are the ordinary hydrogen spectrum and the helium spectrum
considered in the former section, and in these cases the measurements agree
very closely with calculation.
[19] Fowler, Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc. A. 214. p. 225 (1914).
[20] Fowler, loc. cit. p. 262, see also II. p. 15.
[21] Stark, loc. cit. pp. 67-75.
[22] Rau, loc. cit.
[23] Franck & Hertz, Verh. d. D. Phys. Ges. xv. p. 34 (1918).
[24] Cuthbertson, Proc. Roy. Soc. A. lxxxiv. p. 18 (1910).
[25] Franck and Hertz, Verh. d. D. Phys. Ges. xvi. pp. 457, 512 (1914).
[26] Paschen, Ann. d. Phys. xxxv. p. 860 (1911).
[27] Stark, Ann. d. Phys. xlii. p. 239 (1913).
[28] This value is of the same order of magnitude as the value 12.5 volts recently
found by McLennan and Henderson (Proc. Roy. Soc, A. xci. p. 485, 1915) to be
the minimum voltage necessary to produce the usual mercury spectrum. The
interesting observations of single-lined spectra of zinc and cadmium given in their
paper are analogous to Franck and Hertz’s results for mercury, and similar
considerations may therefore possibly also hold for them.
[29] Moseley, Phil. Mag. xxvi. p. 1024 (1918); and xxvii. p. 703 (1914).
[30] Nicholson, Phil. Mag. xxvii. p. 562 (1914).
[31] Kossel, Verh. d. Deutsch. Phys. Ges. xvi. p. 953 (1914).
[32] Malmer, Phil. Mag. xxviii. p. 787 (1914).
[33] See Kossel, loc. cit. p. 960.
[34] Bragg, Phil. Mag. xxix. p. 407 (1915).
[35] Barkla, Nature, xcv. p. 7 (1915). In this note Barkla proposes an explanation
of his experimental results which in some points has great similarity to Kossel’s
theory.
Transcriber’s Notes
In footnote 2, the series of the first three papers were published in 1913
instead of 1918.
This series of papers are collected in a single paper entitled “On the
Constitution of Atoms and Molecules” namely: Paper I.—Binding Of Electrons By
Positive Nuclei, pp. 1-25; Paper II.—Systems Containing Only A Single Nucleus,
pp. 476-502; Paper III.—Systems Containing Several Nuclei, pp. 857-875. This
series of papers can be found at: Project Gutenberg.
Paper IV entitled “The effect of electric and magnetic fields on spectral lines”
can be found at: Project Gutenberg.
Page numbers in the present paper are refered to the above editions.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE QUANTUM
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