ukasz Stanek Technical University Delft, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architectural Theory

The production of urban space by mass media storytelling practices: Nowa Huta as a case study.

The paper examines the printed mass media representations of Nowa Huta, a city in Poland, in the last fifteen years and investigates the instrumental roles these representations play in the practices of production of space in this city.1

The research method developed in this investigation is based on the theory of the production of space by Henri Lefebvre. According to Lefebvre, space is produced by three types of practice: spatial practices of physical transformation of the environment, practices of representation of space and everyday practices of appropriation of space. The first practice produces spaces as perceived, the second produces representations of space which allow space to be conceived, and the third transforms space into what is called representational spaces, i.e. space considered as lived.2 Lefebvres characteristic of representations of space as institutionalized conceptualizations of space produced by intellectual practices applies fully to mass media representations of space3 thus justifying the choice of Lefebvres theory as the basis for the envisaged investigation.

The initial version of this article was written under the supervision of Ewa Kuryowicz (Technical University

Warsaw). My understanding of Henri Lefebvres theory of production of space, applied in this article, is based on a research fellowship at the ETH Zurich supervised by kos Moravnszky and intensively consulted with Christian Schmid. I am grateful to Brent Batstra (TU Delft), Christine Boyer (Princeton University), Arie Graafland (TU Delft) and Patrick Healy (TU Delft) for their careful readings and comments.
2 3

Comp. the interpretation of Lefebvres theory of production of space in: Stanek:2004. To representations of space (referred to also as to mental space) Lefebvre counts representations produced

by planners and urbanists [ps:38] as well as philosophical [comp. ps:1-7] and scientific [ps:107,8] theories on space. Lefebvre stresses the danger of the reductionist [comp. ps:38] and ideological [ps:44] application of representations of space and their dependency on the social and economical relations [ps:3]. Representations of space are institutional since they are tied to the relations of production and to the order which those relations impose [ps:33]. They are systematic, since they subordinate the relations between objects and people in represented space to a logic [ps:41] and thus need to be consistent, although their consistency may be challenged [ibid.].

Lefebvres theory is particularly useful for the following investigation, since this theory provides a conceptual framework for linking an empirical examination of a carefully delineated practice that of mass media representation of space to other practices of production of space. The understanding of this linkage, however, requires a theoretical concept of the relationship between different practices of production of space. Lefebvre gives only a sketchy description of this relationship which he calls dialectical but at the same time distinguishes it from the classical dialectics of Hegel and Marx. Most of Lefebvres interpreters try to explain this relationship by a reconstruction of the principles of Lefebvres dialectics, but these attempts are neither philosophically convincing nor applicable to urban reality.4 Instead of speculating on the principles of dialectics, the proposed paper suggests an alternative approach, based on the concept of practice, which is fundamental for Lefebvres philosophy. According to this perspective, products of a particular practice of production of space are used as tools by other practices of production of space. In the case discussed in this paper, the representations of space produced by the printed mass media gain various instrumental roles in other practices of representing space as well as in practices of physical transformation of space and in the quotidian practices of appropriation of spaces. Thus, after delineating and characterizing different mass media representations of Nowa Huta between 1989 and 2004 in the first and second part of the paper, the third part examines the instrumental roles of these representations in other practices of production of space in this city. The paper is neither a didactic demonstration nor a secure application of the suggested interpretation of Lefebvres theory, which provides a general framework for collecting and examining data; this framework allows revealing dependencies between various aspects of the urban reality which were unnoticed or unexplained in available analyses of Nowa Huta. At the same time, the discovery of these dependencies might be seen as an argument in favor of the proposed interpretation of Lefebvres theory, showing its productivity for urban analysis.

Comp. Soja [1989], Dimendberg [1998], Shields [1999], Schmid [2003], Elden [2004]; for a discussion on

these interpretations, comp. Stanek [2004]. Sojas contribution in [1996] is a development (or modification) of Lefebvres theory rather than an interpretation.

1. The first socialist city in Poland: the representations of Nowa Huta during communism.

Nowa Huta was founded in 1949 by the communist regime as the first socialist city in Poland. Located 10 km from Krakw, the Polish historical capital, as an independent industrial city for the workers of the future steelworks,5 Nowa Huta became a district of Krakw already in 1951.6 The decision to construct a new city was followed by a massive propaganda campaign held in the state-controlled and censored mass media. The reasons of the localization of the city are still controversial, but nowadays most historians agree, that they were both economical and political (aiming at a change of the social structure of the conservative city of Krakw).7 First houses were built already in 1949 and the steelworks were officially opened as the Lenin steelworks (or HIL) in 1954. During the postwar years many young people, mostly of rural origin, came from the whole country to Nowa Huta attracted by the possibility of a professional training, work and accommodation. The urban plan of the city is based on the concept of neighborhood units, which was state-of-the-arts in the 1940s theory of urban design.8 The socialist realism as the architectural style of Nowa Huta was already in the 1960-s abandoned for an impoverished version of modernism.9 The city witnessed much political unrest and the 1980-s Nowa Huta was one of the most important centers of anticommunist opposition in Poland. After the political transition in the year 1989, the steelworks (named since 1990 the Sendzimir steelworks, or HTS) faced serious economical problems, and the district came to be associated with criminality and unemployment. Since the official statistics do not support this association,10 sociologists diagnose a striking difference between [the statistics] and the consciousness of the inhabitants [03.03] and the social mechanism called the

5 6

The name of the city Nowa Huta means in Polish new steelworks. After the administrative reform in 1991, Nowa Huta was divided into five smaller districts (XIV, XV, XVI,

XVII and XVIII). Within Krakw, Nowa Huta remained a unique and specific place, and therefore I refer to it in this paper as to a city.
7 8

Comp. Salwiski:1999,77-94. This was stressed by Stanisaw Juchnowicz, one of the designers of Nowa Huta, in an interview with the author

in March 2005 in Krakw.

For a discussion on the urbanistic concept of Nowa Huta, comp. Juchnowicz:2002 or Irion, Sieverts:1991. Comp. articles listed at the end of this paper as: 03.03; 04.04; 04.11.

10

self-fulfilling prophecy of social crisis [Bukowski:2003]. The following investigation will show that both the structure and the content of mass media representations of Nowa Huta contributed to this mechanism.

It is impossible to understand the mass media representations of Nowa Huta after 1989 without taking into consideration the representations of the city during the communist period. They were already given attention by scholars,11 who, however, rarely go beyond a mere catalogue of representations. In this section, I would like to concentrate on three issues, which determined the mass media representations of the city after the political change: the relationship between the represented and the representation, the logic of oppositions as caused by the political and institutional conditions of public life in the communist Poland, and the thematic fields addressed in the mass media representations, most importantly the representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist city.

The role played in the development of Nowa Huta by its mass media representations can be best grasped by focusing on the fact that the city was posterior to the emergence of its mass media representations. The first representations of Nowa Huta appeared in the mass media before the construction of the city even began. Nowa Huta was literally set up according to one media story, which was powerful enough to move the people to come voluntarily (in most cases), contribute to the construction and pledge their future to the city. It is not difficult to delineate this single story, since it was omnipresent in the state controlled press in the late 1940-s and early 1950-s, and which later, by ritualistic repetition, achieved the status of a foundation myth. It is a private history which following the canon of private histories from the Stalinist era is both personal and universal, intimate but shared by everybody. The climax of the foundation myth is a picture of a young person who comes to Nowa Huta attracted by the mass media reports on the first socialist city and finds nothing but mud. This story introduces already the problematic of representation and its most important issues which will reappear in all subsequent
11

The first theoretical contribution was given by Renata Siemieska [1969, 4468]. An interesting attempt to

evaluate the credibility of mass media representations from the first years of Nowa Huta by comparing them with the reports of the secret police may be found in the article by Maria Christian [1999]; comp. also [Stenning:2001].

stories on the city: the mass media as the carrier of the representations of space, the influence of these representations on people (the seductive media image as transformed into a mental one) and their self-referentiality (since the foundation myth was the very first story on Nowa Huta, the story referred to in the foundation myth as read by the newcomer could be nothing else than the foundation myth itself). The story dramatically addresses the issue of the relationship between the represented and representation, in its exemplary showing as a distance between the splendid media image of the city and the mud on the building site; precisely this distance is the locus of emotions in Nowa Huta: hope, nostalgia, dissatisfaction, resignation or anger. This type of report, showing Nowa Huta as an ongoing realization of a project which is a representation of the future city and a conditional legitimization of its present state will constantly reappear in the subsequent mass media reports on the city.12

Besides the articles resembling a sporting report displaying the city as catching up with its own representation, two other types of the relationship between the represented and the representation can be traced in the mass media between 1949 and 1989. A widespread way of writing about Nowa Huta is demythologization: the popular representations are criticized and rejected as myths based on wishful thinking, propaganda or superficial observation. Instead, the examination of the real city is recommended in order to discover its essence, to be displayed in a new representation.13 The third way of writing about Nowa Huta completely reverses the two above described approaches. Nowa Huta is claimed to be a symbol, which means, that the city is not the represented but it is the representation itself. This symbolism was based on a metonymy: the social promotion of workers in the city symbolized the new role of the proletariat in the whole country; the steelworks symbolized the industrialization of Poland.14

12

For example Gorczyski [1977] in the article An urban utopia or reality? writes that Nowa Huta does not

exist yet and asks whether it is becoming a socialist city.

The articles titles speak for themselves: We dont know Nowa Huta [Steinhauf:1969], Myths and reality

[Czarski:1975], Truth and legend about Nowa Huta [Roszko:1976].

Comp. for example lusarski:1984 or 89.10;

This brief analysis of the relationships between the representation and represented which were implied by mass media representations of the city reveals the complexity of the master representation of Nowa Huta: that of a socialist city. A socialist city may be understood as the project of the city, which is supposed be achieved in the future, the essence of the city which may be discovered by means of demythologization, and the city itself as a symbol for the political, economical and social development of the country.15 However, what can be analytically discovered as a set of distinctive relationships was blurred in the mass media practices of representation. This blurring was not accidental on the contrary, it was a functionalized blurring. It was used by the regime as a rhetorical tool in order to reject every critique of the city as partial biased - since referring only to the part of the city and not to the city as a whole.16

The functionalization of blurring of the representation of Nowa Huta is one of the consequences of the politicization of the discourse on the city stemming from the definition of Nowa Huta in political terms, namely as a socialist city. The consequences were, however, more far-reaching. Since in communist Poland a free political discussion was forbidden, the only way of linguistic engagement for those deterred from producing signifiers was to create a spectacular exemption to the official discourse on the level of the signified. Thus, the only possibility to deny the official representations of Nowa Huta, was to execute subversive actions in the public space which negated these representations. The representations of Nowa Huta as the socialist city were militantly rejected by the inhabitants in a series of riots, strikes, manifestations17 and in mass participation in religious events.18
15

For the spatial and social characteristics of socialist city comp. for example French [etc.] [1979] or Andrusz

[etc.] [1996].
16

For example, the critique of the not satisfying present state of the city was dismissed by the official media as

not taking into consideration the fact that the city was a project in development; on the other hand, the critique of the project as being utopian was rejected by pointing at the present state of the city in order to show that a lot of the project had been already realized.
17

The first violent demonstration against the authorities took place in 1960 when the government withdrew the

construction permit for the first church in the city. This event is known as the defense of the cross. The openly political strikes were organized later than in the rest of the country. The most important strikes and riots in Nowa Huta took place in the 1980-s and made the city known as one of the most important center of anticommunist opposition in the country.

Thus, since the only way to address the representations of Nowa Huta was to accept or to deny them, the representations were forced to follow the logic of oppositions. From the beginning of the city, Nowa Huta, the socialisty city, was defined as proletarian, atheist, young, healthy, strong, wealthy, modern, green, spatial in opposition to Krakw, which was supposed to be bourgeois, reactionary, clerical, old, degenerated, weak, impoverished, old-fashioned, stony, cramped. Some other opposing representations emerged out of the social reality in the city (most importantly, the opposition between a proletarian, industrial city and a big village19). Even representations which were loosely connected to the master image of the socialist city (for example: Nowa Huta as the city of greenery) were also caught into the logic of oppositions (since the 1970-s the slogan of a green city was contested by the diagnosis of the ecological catastrophe caused by the steelworks).20 The last two oppositions were presented in the public mass media and thus the contradictions expressed by them must have been addressed in the official discourse. The schemes applied in order to tame these contradictions were that of a temporal transition (from peasants to workers) or that of Marxist dialectics, following

18

Most important were the two visits to Nowa Huta of the pope John Paul II (the former archbishop of Krakw)

in the years 1979 and 1983. In his 1979 sermon the pope directly addressed the official representation of Nowa Huta as a city of working people, but rejected its equation with socialist and thus atheist, saying: the contemporary problematic of the human work [] is based [] on one fundamental category: this is the category of dignity of work and thus that of the dignity of man. [] This fundamental category [] is a Christian category [Wojtya:1979].
19

In 1979 as much as 74% of the residents of Nowa Huta were of rural origin and the transition from the rural

into urban communities (in habits, value systems, ways of arranging the flat etc.) was one of the main topics of sociological investigations of Nowa Huta in the 1950-s and 60-s [comp. Siemieska:1969; Pieczonkowa:1970; Bukowski:2003]. At the same the city was undeniably an industrial city with the steelworks being the most important employer (in the 1980-s 80% of the people were employed by the steelworks and cooperating companies) and organizer of social infrastructure; the rhythm of the four-shift work in the factory regulated the life of the whole city [99.14; 99.28; comp. Karsznia:1997; Bukowski:2003]. The two representations were confronted as early as in the late 1950-s, when the mass media presented Nowa Huta as a city of rural people, who were torn from their traditional environments and value systems, and became completely deprived of moral and social attitudes; the first shocking contribution to this theme was Adam Wa yks Poem for Adults [comp. Wa yk:1956].
20

Comp. Forowicz:1983; Przekrj:1984; 88.05.

which the contradiction between city and countryside were presented as being overcame by a new emerging rural-urban socialist society [comp. Wereksiej:1976].

This net of opposing representations dominated by the master image of the socialist city and the complex relationships between the representation and the represented shaped the representations of Nowa Huta after 1989, when the former subversive representations gained access to the public mass media.

2. The contested city: representations of Nowa Huta in the local mass media after 1989.

The most important change in the discourse on Nowa Huta after 1989 is its pluralisation. The official discourse was not simply replaced by the former subversive one (what was the case with many discourses on other controversial themes in Poland after 1989). A new, spatial split emerged (running across the political one): between the local, or interior discourse, supported by Nowa Hutas local media and the exterior discourse, present mainly in the Krakws local press and the majority of the national press. The two were joined by professional discourses (architectural, sociological, historical, geographical) which permeated into the mass media and by discourses tied to particular institutions (the steelworks and the district authorities, but also various cultural centers and organizations, like some organizations of tenants). Active roles in the discussion on Nowa Huta play also some individuals, who take recognizable positions thus setting the framework for the whole discussion on the city.21

The following investigation of the mass media representations of Nowa Huta after 1989 is focused on the local press, which in comparison to national media is more sensitive in the registration of changes, faster in reactions and supporting a permanent discussion on the local issues. A particular attention has been given to
21

To the most active participants of the public discussion on Nowa Huta belong: Stanisaw Juchnowicz (a

member of the Tadeusz Ptaszycki team of the designers of Nowa Huta and professor at the Technical Univeristy Krakw), Maciej Miezian (the director of Nowa Huta Musem), Jan Franczyk (the editor-in-chief of the local weekly Gos Tygodnik Nowohucki), Mieczysaw Gil (one of the leaders of the anticommunist opposition in Nowa Huta), Niward Karsznia (the rector of one of the parishes in Nowa Huta).

the weekly magazine of Nowa Huta: Gos Nowej Huty (name changed in 1991 to Gos Tygodnik Nowohucki), established in 1957.22 All issues between 1988 and 2003 of this magazine have been reviewed, thus allowing to make quantitative comparisons (comp. the diagram attached to this paper). Other sources were the Krakw dailies: Gazeta Krakowska and Dziennik Polski (both existed during the communism) and dailies which were set up after 1989: Czas Krakowski and Gazeta w Krakowie (the Krakow edition of the national daily Gazeta Wyborcza). The local magazines were confronted with other regional, professional magazines, like the Suplement as well as the national daily Rzeczpospolita and some articles of the national weekly magazines Przekrj and Polityka.23

The investigation of the articles published in these magazines between 1989 and today allows delineating five themes the representations deal with: the socialist/ antisocialist city, the religious city, the rural/ urban society, the green city and the conflictual relationship to Krakw. All of them origin in the communist period and are subjected to the complex relationship between the represented and representation as established in that period.

a. The socialist city versus the antisocialist city.

The representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist city remained central for the discussion on the city after 1989. The modalities of this representation are nuanced, revealing different views not only on the city itself, but also on the concept of a socialist city: it is claimed that Nowa Huta was supposed to be a socialist city (but failed)24, actually was such a city25 or even still is a socialist city.26 What is usually meant in the mass media while referring to Nowa Huta as

22

Between 1957 and 1991 the magazine was owned by the steelworks. In 1991 the magazine was privatized and

currently is not subsidized, although the steelworks and the district authorities buy several pages to present their views [information from the interview with the editor-in-chief].
23

The paper is restricted to the investigation of printed mass media and does not deal with the representation of

Nowa Huta in film, most importantly in the filmed chronicles [99.40; comp. 04.02] nor in internet [00.01].
24 25 26

Comp. 89.19; 89.21; 93.06; 99.12; 96.21; 99.23; 00.05. Comp. 96.22; 97.49; 01.03; 03.03. Comp. 96.11; 01.03.

to a socialist city is the fact that the city was built following the decision of the socialist regime; that it was (or still is) the city of workers, who owe the rise of their social status, the sense of community and the experience of their youth to the socialist state27 and thus are often nostalgic towards the past28 and still tend to vote left.29 The city was supposed to be a showcase of communism, where the shops were better supplied and the social infrastructure (particularly in the old districts) was better than in other cities. Another reason for calling Nowa Huta a socialist city is its architecture of socialist realism (sometimes even called socialist architecture [99.27]) which in some articles is said to have an intrinsic connection with the totalitarian system.30 The majority of articles subscribed to what has been called the exterior discourse, present the architecture of the city as a curiosum, outdoor museum, experiment, theme park.31 The term socialist city is also used in explanatory sense to give a shortcut explanation of the crisis of Nowa Huta [96.12]: the ruined ecology as caused by the socialist economy, the social problems and criminality as engendered by the socialist organization of life in the city, the real property conflicts which originated in the expropriations enforced by the socialist state. The multifaceted representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist city is challenged by a very strong and homogenous representation of the city as one of the most important centers of anticommunist opposition in Poland: the city of strikes,

27

The social promotion of the workers in Nowa Huta is one of the few uncontested achievements of the city,

comp. 89.10; 89.21; 97.12; 98.08; 98.18; 99.12; 99.47; 00.10.

Comp. 89.21; 95.35; 97.12; 99.13; 00,02; 00.10; 02.25; 02.31; the nostalgia is of course not directed to the

totalitarian regime, but to the social arrangements and the atmosphere in the city. However, this nostalgia is often denied, comp. 00.2; 01.9; 01.10; 01.11; 01.30.
29

In the elections of 2002 the leftist candidate, Jacek Majchrowski, got a strong support from the inhabitants of

Nowa Huta. Election statistics show, however, that the inhabitants of Nowa Huta rather then left tend to vote extreme: both the far left and the far right political parties have many supporters.
30

Comp. 97.24; 00.17. But the claims about the deterministic influence of the architecture on peoples behavior

and beliefs are also ridiculed, comp. 99.12.

Comp. 96.02; 96.07; 97.06; 98.11; 99.23; 99.31; 00.01; 01.03; 01.08. In fact a theme park called Socland

which simulated the communist reality was temporary opened in Nowa Huta (on simulation in Nowa Huta comp. Stanek:2005). At the same time this peculiarity of the city is seen as a touristic asset [comp. 95.36, Stenning:2001:14].

10

manifestations and riots.32 Thus, the symbol of socialism is often claimed to be transformed into the symbol of anticommunism.33 This representation has a huge credibility, confirmed by numerous published private histories and reports on the events in 1960, the strikes in the 1980-s and the death of a young worker, Bogdan Wosik, killed by secret service agent during riots.

b. The atheistic or a religious city.

The initial masterplan of Nowa Huta was designed without churches: atheism was an important component of the official representation of a socialist city.34 This intention is often stressed in the mass media after 1989; Nowa Huta is called a city without God [01.13] and an atheistic city [04.12] in which the worker was supposed to live without God [91.06].35 These statements are, however, mostly used as rhetorical figures introducing a dramatic contrast between the intentions of the authorities and the reality of Nowa Huta as a religious city. After the political censorship was abolished, the mass media began to explore this theme extensively.36 The anniversaries of the 1960 defense of the cross (1990, 2000) were celebrated in the mass media by a huge number of private stories and historical analyses. At the same time, the interpretation of Nowa Huta as a religious city is in a contradiction to the widespread conviction of the crisis of social and moral values in the city and the huge criminality.37 The image of an religious city is contested
32

Comp. 89.05; 89.07; 89.19; 89.23; 89.25; 89.26; 89.27; 89.29; 89.02; 90.13; 90.20; 90.25; 90.31; 90.35; 90.38;

91.02; 91.05; 91.06; 91.07; 91.14; 91.24; 91.27; 92.38; 92.43; 92.44; 93.06; 93.17; 95.10; 95.11; 95.13; 95.15; 96.22; 96.32; 95.33; 95.34; 95.36; 97.01; 97.05; 97.60; 98.04; 98.05; 99.07; 99.32; 99.59; 00.04; 00.13; 01.41; 02.46; 03.03; 04.12; 04.13;
33 34

Comp. 89.19; 96.12. Not, however, for the inhabitants, who, as Stenning argues, did not see the contradiction between their

religious convictions and the active construction of socialism [Stenning:2000, 105].

Comp. 98.23; 99.07. Comp. 89.19; 90.13; 90.20; 90.31; 90.38; 91.05; 91.06; 91.14; 92.32; 93.06; 93.17; 95.10; 95.11; 95.13; 95.15;

95.33; 95.36; 96.34; 97.01; 97.05; 98.01; 98.04; 99.07; 99.32; 00.04; 00.24; 01.04; 01.13; 01.27; 02.46; 03.3; 04.12; 04.13.
37

Comp. 92.04; 92.21; 92.23; 92.28; 92.29; 92.30; 92.34; 92.37; 92.40; 92.54; 93.16; 93.20; 93.21; 93.34; 93.35;

93.37; 94.12; 94.18; 94.20; 94.27; 94.31; 94.34; 94.40; 94.46; 95.28; 95.32; 95.34; 95.38; 95.40; 95.41; 97.47;

11

even by certain catholic priests, who not only claim that the conviction of a particular religiosity of their parishioners is a myth [00.05], but also return to the representation of Nowa Huta as the atheist city by stressing the disastrous impact of the atheistic, communist ideology on the lives of the inhabitants of Nowa Huta (citing the high quota of marriages between teenagers and the high number of divorces [92.52]).

c. A big village and an industrial city.

The strong, emotional religiosity in Poland is traditionally attributed to the countryside. This is one of the arguments (along with the supposedly tight neighborhood relationships in the city [comp. 96.14]) which support the thesis that Nowa Huta is still a big village [99.7].38 At the same time, the representation of Nowa Huta as an industrial city39 and a city of workers - the losers of the political and economical transition of Poland - is widely used to explain the social problems of the city.

d. The green city and the city of ecological disaster.

When inhabitants of Nowa Huta are asked about the qualities of their city, the most often referred to is the greenery. Nowa Huta is sometimes called the garden city [98.10, 01.8] and the city of parks [03.08].40 At the same time even this feature is not left unchallenged: doubts are raised about the allegedly political or military reasons for the greenery design in Nowa Huta [97.12]. What is more, since the end of the 1990 the greenery has been present in the media as a controversial issue: tightly planted trees shade the flats and their roots ruin the

99.14; 00.17; 00.35; 01.17. It should be noticed, that the police statistics provide evidence which deny the picture of a particularly dangerous place.
38 39 40

Comp. Buczyska:1974; Wereksiej:1976; 92.32; 93.10; 97.12; 99.23; directly contested in: 00.05. Comp. 91.20; 89.21; 92.5; 92.44; 97.40; 01.5. Comp. 89.10; 93.10; 96.13; 95.17; 95.29; 95.35; 99.13; 99.20; 98.22; 99.23; 00.06; 00.15; 02.25; 02.28; 02.34;

03.01; 03.04; 03.05.

12

underground infrastructure; thus some of the inhabitants want to remove the trees, while others defend them.41 On the other hand, the issue of pollution which harmed both the people and the ancient monuments of Krakw was the first which was furiously addressed by the media already in the 1989.42 After the restructurization and modernization of the steelworks, this problem ceased to be so critical,43 but on the local level it is far from being solved.44

e. Krakw and Nowa Huta: antagonism or integration?

The discussion held in the mass media from 1989 to 1991 in which the ecologically motivated demands for the immediate closure of the steelworks crashed with the economical raison dtre of Nowa Huta renewed the old conflict between Nowa Huta and Krakw, perceived in the 1980s as united in an anticommunist alliance. The ecological issues were soon linked to the old controversies concerning the political reasons of the location of Nowa Huta nearby Krakw.45 There is widespread tendency to depict the disastrous effect the expropriations and the foundation of the city had on the rural communities living in the area.46

41 42

Comp. 97.28; 00.19; 01.26. One of the articles describes the relationships between Krakw and Nowa Huta as a crusade [90.04], other

pleas for a reconciliation between Nowa Huta and the city [91.23]; comp. 90.05; 90.15; 90.16; 91.22; 94.37.
43 44

Comp. 97.17; 97.45; 97.53; 98.21; 01.18; 01.32. The ecologically most problematic area was until the end of the 1990-s the green zone around the factory

(which was green only in the sense of being taken over by postindustrial nature - since there is a ban on investments in this area - and not as being ecologically clean); Comp. 89.22; 91.09; 92.10; 92.12; 93.05; 93.14; 93.32; 95.26; 95.42; 96.25; 96.26; 97.04; 97.09; 97.41; 98.03; 98.09; 99.13; 99.52; 01.20; 01.21; 01.24; 02.20; 02.30.
45

One of the articles claims that Krakw was punished because of its anticommunism, traditionalism and

bourgeois character [93.6]; comp.: 89.12; 91.16; 95.01; 96.06; 97.18; 97.60; 99.15; 00.05; 01.25; directly opposed in: 98.05. Since the end of the 1990-s the majority of articles share the opinion that the reasons were both economical and political; comp. 93.30; 98.8; 98.19; 99.44; 02.09; comp. also Salwiski op.cit.
46

Who is going to pay for Nowa Huta? is the title of one of the articles [91.16] focusing on the issue of

compensation for the expropriated land; comp: 89.12; 92.09; 96.06;

13

After 1989, Nowa Huta came to be regarded as deprived of tradition and criminal; one can observe a reversal of past oppositions. Once described as young city granting the second youth to Krakw the city of pensioners [Steinhauf:1970] Nowa Huta was itself named in the 1990s the city of pensioners.47 The local mass media in Nowa Huta accuse the mass media in Krakw of distorting information about the district.48 At the same time the opposition between Nowa Huta and Krakw is strongly contested in the media and the inherent attachment of Nowa Huta to Krakows identity, culture, economy and politics is underscored.49 An important tendency are the publications (formulated in the interior discourse) which underscore the rich pre-socialist history and culture of this area.50 It can be observed, that the previously noticed replacement of the political split in the discourse (official/ subversive) by the spatial one (interior/ exterior) reveals the shift in the importance of themes: if before 1989 the opposition between Krakw and Nowa Huta was seen as an aspect of the opposition between the socialist and antisocialist city, then after the political change the latter was regarded as an aspect of the former.

The above analysis reveals Nowa Huta to be a contested city. What is most characteristic for the described representations is a lack of consensus concerning the city. Almost all of the representations are confronted with opposite ones51 and there is no unifying narrative, which would link several representations to a relatively
47

Comp. 89.21; 91.31; 91.1; 92.35; 94.30; 95.43; 96.11; 99.6; 02.22; 02.40; the transition from a young to an

old city was also noticed in the press, comp. 02.40.

Comp. 92.26; 92.33; 92.48; 92.49; 97.33; 97.53; 98.20; 98.21; 99.10; 99.12. Symptomatic is here, for example, the action Aleja Nadziei [Alley of Hope] (2004) when the annual

Festival of Krakw was inaugurated for the first time in Nowa Huta [comp. 04.05, 04.08]. Another important decision was to relocate ania (an influential cultural centre) to Nowa Huta (2004).
50

Comp. 96.33; 97.2; 98.5; 89.01; 90.33; 90.37; 92.56; 93.5; 93.22; 94.14; 94.23; 94.41; 95.25; 96.1; 96.4;

97.15; 97.16; 97.18; 97.49; 97.54; 00.32; 02.3; 02.4; 02.24; 02.26; 03.6; 96.18; 97.23; 00.8; 00.11; 00.23; 01.7. In the years 1998, 1999 and 2000 the weekly Gos published a series of articles on the Cistercian monastery in the village Mogia (currently in Nowa Huta) erected in the 13th century.
51

It is clear, however, that some of the representations are more controversial (the socialist city versus an

antisocialist city, hostility or integration to Krakw) then others (the ecological situation in the city improved significantly after 1989 and most people agree that the greenery is an asset of the city).

14

consistent whole. The opposed narratives mobilized by both the interior and exterior discourses are referring to a sufficient number of arguments, data, experiences and emotions.52 Since the Marxist dialectics and other metanarratives [comp. Lyotard:1984] were abandoned as argumentative methods, and the persistence of most oppositions preclude the application of the scheme of a temporal transition,53 the narratives have substantial difficulties in dealing with the contradictions introduced by representations of Nowa Huta. This is why a popular way of addressing these contradictions is to call them paradoxes and thus to accept rhetorically the impasse; Nowa Huta becomes the town of paradoxes [89.19; 99.40, Stenning:2001,10], evoking contradictory feelings [99.15] and contradictory opinions even of professionals (architects) [02.42]. As the town of paradoxes, Nowa Huta is something uncanny: an aporia, a curiosum, a failed experiment.54

Thus, the way Nowa Huta is represented in the media seems to contribute substantially to the above mentioned crisis, noticed by sociologist as a striking difference between the official statistics and the consciousness of the inhabitants.55 Not only the content of the representations is at stake here, but also their structural
52

The emotions, which were attributed to the foundation myth, and which seemed to the external observer

completely emptied by the official propaganda, reappeared in the mass media as valuable parts of private stories.
53

This scheme can be applied to ecological theme; to apply it to political and religious representations [comp.

96.22] is, however, much more difficult. Stenning [2001:10,1] writes on various identities of Nowa Huta that: there is no clear temporality to these identities.
54

When the expression city of paradoxes is typed into Google, it returns ca. 250 links to web pages on cities,

including Vienna, Washington and Mumbai. The success of this shortcut expression clearly indicates how closely is the contemporary theorizing of urban problematic connected to the contemporary philosophical project of deconstruction of traditional (logical and dialectical) ways of dealing with contradictions. For a critical discussion on the relationship between the urban problematic and the postmodern discourse, comp. Boyer:1996 (particularly the end of chapter I); for a discussion on the artistic ways of dealing with contradictions in Nowa Huta comp. Stanek, Winskowski:2005.
55

A psychological study of the impact of the mass media on the consciousness of the audience would explode

this paper. One should notice, however, that contemporary researchers agree, that mass media have an crucial influence on changing or consolidating of not only patterns of behavior of the audience, but also of the criteria of judgment on reality, conceptual systems and discourses which influence the experience of reality [GobanKlas:1999, 247]. In case of Nowa Huta this thesis is confirmed by the similarity of the above presented list of mass media representations of Nowa Huta to the mental images of the city, as examined by means of the interviews with the inhabitants [comp. Gut:1993].

15

features, like the untransferability to further generations of inhabitants of the crucial narratives, including the story called previously the foundation myth and the stories based on political oppositions. The foundation myth being personal, emotional and generational cannot be shared by the younger inhabitants (who often express envy of such a collective experience); also the political oppositions (mainly that between communism and anticommunism) have little identity-building value for the young generation.56 A second reason may be found in the very role attributed to representations of Nowa Huta, presented above as the complex relationship between the presence and the project, the myth and the essence, the symbol and the symbolized. These relationships have persisted in representations of the city, but their meaning in the new political, social, economical and cultural context has radically changed. To see Nowa Huta as a project under construction leaves the rather uncanny feeling of a city whose future is an abandoned project.57 To consider Nowa Huta as a having an essence which should be scientifically revealed posits the city as a cognitive problem rather than an environment for everyday life.58 To see the city as a symbol suggests that the life of the people is also a representation: living in a metaphor threatens to transform life itself into a metaphor of something external to it.59

Theorizing the city with Lefebvres concepts demands a wide examination of the impact of these representations on practices of production of space. Thus, where most of the papers on representations of cities end, I would like to investigate the instrumental roles the mass media representations of Nowa Huta play in practices of production of space of this city.

56 57

Comp. Stenning:2003b for a study of changes of identity of Nowa Hutas inhabitants. The author of 99.23 claims that Nowa Huta is nervously waiting for somebody to say: the experiment is over,

thank you for your help.

Nowa Huta is often claimed in the mass media to be a city particularly suitable for scientific research [03.03];

the theme of being observed and interviewed constantly returns in the statements of the inhabitants [95.43; 96.13; 00.10].
59

That is why the inhabitants militantly protest against every attempt to transform the city or part of it into a

themed socialist city [96.02; 96.07; 97.06; 98.11; 99.13; 00.02]; such ideas have been announced by historians, politicians as well as by tourist and advertising companies. The inhabitants refuse to be treated like a monkey in the zoo [00.2; comp. 02.02, Stanek:2005].

16

3. The instrumentalization of representations of Nowa Huta by practices of production of space.

The investigation on Nowa Hutas recent history reveals a variety of roles played by the mass media representations of this city in the practices of production of space. These representations are instrumental in the decision-making processes which lead to physical transformation of space (the political representations were referred to as to arguments in the discussion on municipal credit guatantees for the steelworks60 and on the investments in the districts61). The mass media representations of Nowa Huta were applied to other practices of representing space: they were reservoirs of new street names62 and shaped the way architectural and urbanistic themes in Nowa Huta were set.63 They constitute an important part of the architectural context and thus influence the way spaces are used.64 An investigation dealing with all these issues separately would explode this paper. Instead, I would like to focus on the role the representations of space play in the perceived, conceived and lived aspects of
60

The opponents to such help argued, that Nowa Huta was founded as hostile to Krakw being a revenge of

Stalin [93.30, 99.57] and that its interests are profoundly divergent to these of Krakw [comp. in particular the official Statement of the Council of the 7th District in Krakw from 13.08.1993 in: 93.44]. This proved to be a successful argument: the first decision on the financial guarantees for the steelwork was negative [91.22; 91.30]. The leaders of the community of Nowa Huta opposed this representation with the image of an anticommunist city which resisted the communist indoctrination [92.43, comp. 92.44, 92.48]. For an analysis of the ways of dealing with representations in the postcommunist politics, comp. Staniszkis:2001.
61 62

Comp. 99.1, 99.58, 91.8; 92.31, 99.55; 00.18. The old names referring to communist heroes, institutions and events were exchanged by names connected to

the anticommunist history, or to these parts of Polish history which were banned during the communist regime [comp. 90.34; 90.36; 94.45; 04.21; comp. also Stenning 2000, 107nn]. Another source of names was the presocialist history of this area [comp. 89.01; 90.45, 90.46, 90.49, 97.39].
63

The representation of Nowa Huta as a city which expressed the socialist ideology [Kozowski:2002, 23] was

fundamental for the 2002 Krakw IX International Biennale of Architecture, held under the slogan: Less Ideology - More Geometry. The introductory text claimed that: the city was built as the entity uniting ideology and geometry. The ideology has passed away whereas the geometry has not been completed [Ibid:5]. These claims established the conceptual framework for the majority of the designs submitted to the competition.
64

The representations of space clearly constituted an important part of the architectural context both for public

buildings (first at all the churches, like the Arka Pana The Ark of the Lord) and residential complexes (like the postmodern residential complex Na Skarpie which was claimed by the designer to be a protest against the architecture of socialist realism [94.10]).

17

one iconic site in Nowa Huta. This site a broadening in the Aleja R (or Alley of Roses) where before 1989 the Lenin monument was standing is clearly a representational space in Lefebvres sense and his concept of representational spaces will be very useful for the analysis.

In The Production of Space, Lefebvre provides the following description of representational spaces: Representational spaces: space as directly lived through its associated images and symbols, and hence the space of inhabitants and users, but also of some artists, [] writers and philosophers, who describe and aspire to do no more than describe. [ps:39; pe:49].65 In the analysis of the site in Alley of Roses two issues will be of particular importance: Lefebvre writes, that representations of space coexist, concord or interfere with representational spaces [ps:41]. The examination of the chosen site in Alley of Roses will aim at finding out more about this relationship. It will be argued, that the representational spaces, about which Lefebvre writes that they are lived through [] images and symbols are also lived through representations of space.66 Lefebvre describes representational spaces as spaces of inhabitants and users; by putting these words in quotation marks, Lefebvre demonstrates his distance to the functionalist discourse and in particular to the functionalist concept of use. The examination of the site in Nowa Huta will reveal the shortcomings of this concept which can be overcome by Lefebvreian concept of

65

The French original avoids the controversial description of representational spaces as lived directly yet

though something else (i.e. in a mediated way): Les espaces de reprsentation, cest--dire lespace vcu travers les images et symboles qui laccompagnent []" [pe:49].
66

One should be careful in distinguishing symbols and images from representations in Lefebvres writings.

Lefebvre introduces two main meanings of the concept of "representation": a wide and a narrow one. The latter (according to which representations are conventional, institutionalized conceptualization) is particularly distinguished from symbols [kda 3:120nn], which are connected to nature and human rudimental needs thus not being neither arbitrary nor conventional. On the other hand, Lefebvres most impressive analyses of representational spaces (the analyses of housing [ps:232nn], leisure spaces [ps:309nn] and monuments [ps:220nn]) deal precisely with the issue of influence of representations of space on representational spaces. These analyses show, that representations of space may simulate symbols; the issue of nature is here of particular importance.

18

use. An important feature of this alternative concept is that it allows registering the impact of representations of space on the use of urban spaces.

The site I would like to focus on is left without an official name, but it is currently called colloquially the square after Lenin. It is a broadening in the Alley of Roses: a pathway which connects the Plac Centralny (Central Square) with the Plac Ratuszowy (City Hall Square).

It is important to notice, that this site was not designed as an urban square and according to typological criteria it is not a square. The buildings surrounding the site are exclusively blocks of flats; the only entrances accessible from the site lead to the staircases of the blocks of flats. Following the original masterplan, in front of them a rose garden was created. A photograph published in the year 1959 [Ptaszycki:1959] shows the newly realized design. The arrangement is symmetrical with the main axis of the ensemble, but the leading of paths and the placement of seats stresses the direction perpendicular to the axis. These transversal paths aimed at the entrances to the houses making the rose garden easily accessible by the inhabitants. Thus, the rose garden was designed to be a calm spot between two official spaces: the Central Square (foreseen as closed by an unrealized theatre) and, on the other side, the City Hall Square (designed as closed by the either unbuilt city hall).

Since the authorities missed a symbolic place suitable for political celebrations in the city, in the year 1973 the site was redecorated and the monument of Lenin has been built on the axis of the whole ensemble.67 The roses were removed and the whole square covered with stone plates. The pace of the site changed radically: the slow pace of the rose garden was replaced by the supervised emptiness (a police box was built nearby) interrupted by official mass manifestations and by violent anticommunist riots. By removing the transversal paths and placing the monument on the axis, the site was given a clearly axial direction. Since the theatre and the city hall were unbuilt, this site was the only place in the centre of the city which was finished and urbanistically defined.

67

A design chosen was by a competition, won by Marian Konieczny [comp. Miezian:2004, 85nn].

19

The monument was attacked several times and once even with a bomb which knocked off one foot of the leader of the October revolution. Shortly after the first non-communist government was formed (1989), the monument was assaulted with paint by mostly young people, who demanded its removal. Under this pressure, the municipal authorities reluctantly68 decided to remove the monument and sell it to the highest bidder (it was sold to a theme park in Sweden). The Lenin monument, however, dominated the popular imagination about Nowa Huta; a poet and musician Marcin wicicki wrote in 1997: when I think about Nowa Huta I see the monument of Lenin, although it is no longer there [97.12]. With the removal of the monument, the site was deprived of an element which branded it; thus for the first time it needed a name and was called colloquially the square after Lenin, or the emptiness after Lenin. This name not only shows the branding power of the monument, but also, what is more interesting, the fact that the site was accepted as a square in spite of the lack of commercial, cultural or administrative functions which could generate urban activity.69 The inhabitants and the local press called for a redecoration of this site [96.13]. The discussion was clearly influenced by the representations of space, mainly those of antagonism between Krakw and Nowa Huta, which were used as arguments.70 Following the claims, a new design was provided and realized in the year 2001.71 The inner part of the square was sunk for three steps. The immersion was flanked by two rows of stone socles. Inside the immersion, in the place where the Lenin monument was standing, an elevated flower-bed for roses was built, continuing to preserve this geometrically privileged spot as inaccessible for people. Opposite to the
68

It is a historical irony that the former leaders of the anticommunist opposition defended the Lenin monument,

trying to avoid one more irritation of the Russian authorities whose troops were still deployed in Poland [89.05].
69 70

For a period of time at least one of the staircases in the adjacent blocks of flats was used as a temporary shop. The context of this demand was a broader discussion in the late 1990s in Nowa Huta. The local press

registered the rapid degradation of the district [comp. 97.50; 99.56; 99.58; 01.38; 02.6; 02.23; 02.33; 02.34; 03.3; 03.16; 03.17; 04.12] to which contributed the policy of uneven investments in the city (according to an article from 1999 [99.1] the district provides 35% of the municipal income while the city invests only 10% of the available money in the district). Thus, the feeling of being discriminated is widely present in the local press [comp. 95.13; 97.46; 99.14; 99.57; 00.35] and the discussion was dominated by the old antagonism between Nowa Huta and Krakw [comp. 99.1, 99.58, 91.8; 92.31, 99.55; 00.18].
71

The designers was a Krakw-based office Aarcada.

20

flower-bed, a podium for artistic performances (as the designers put it [comp. 00.30, 00.37]) was erected. Thus, the look of the spectators was redirected: they were supposed to look into the opposite direction to that the participants of official ceremonies held in front of the Lenin monument were looking. This was the only potentially critical intervention in the design, which in a clear prefiguration of the IX Biennale slogan Less Ideology, More Geometry72 - closely followed the geometry set by the 1950-s design. The designers called this place a forum and have seen it as an attractor for the whole district [00.30]. They seem to have taken for granted what was suggested by the nickname of the site: that it is a square, a place where people gathered. What was, however, omitted was the fact, that during communism the people gathered on this site because of administrative restraints or because of their will to protests against these restraints; this was not longer the case after 1989.

The new design did not prove to be successful. Besides the members of the district council [01.39] the inhabitants of Nowa Huta were very critical.73 Most of the people claimed that more greenery (and in particular more roses) were necessary.74 Some state, that the best solution would be a return to the square as it had been before the erection of the Lenin monument [01.37].

The particularly strong and unanimous wish for greenery cannot be explained by a burning lack of the greenery felt by the inhabitants living nearby. On the contrary, the blocks of flats flanking the square have generous park-like courtyards. What is more, in their immediate neighborhood, on the other side of the Przyjani (or Friendship) street, there are two parks, and the Centralny Square faces the Vistula meadow with a unique and legally protected ecosystem. Thus, the longing for greenery in the only potentially urban place in the whole city and the disagreement with the design cannot be explained by a functionalist model of use, according to which use is a saturation of an isolated need which stems from a (mainly physiological) lack. It is clear that in order to grasp this demand of greenery, an alternative concept of use is necessary. Lefebvres writings on representational
72 73

In fact the leader of the designers team joined the program board of the IX Biennale. Comp. 01.37; 02.16; 02.25; 02.28; 02.34; 02.36. The opinions were confirmed in the authors interview with

Jan Franczyk.
74

Comp. 01.37; 02.25; 02.28.

21

spaces suggest such an alternative concept, which was formulated explicitly in opposition to the functionalist one.

Use, according to Lefebvre, is a practice of appropriation of space in which the bodily experience goes hand by hand with its interpretation. This concept of interpreting bodily experiences is clearly inspired by a statement of Nietzsche, quoted in German by Lefebvre at the end of the 6th chapter of The Production of Space: Eure eignen Sinne sollt ihr zu Ende denken (You should think your senses to the end) [ps:399, comp. Nietzsche:1972, 618]. Lefebvres understanding of use and its ties to the concept of representational spaces are revealed in his description of a prominent example of representational space: the space of a cathedral. Lefebvre writes about the medieval visitor to the cathedral: The use of the cathedrals monumental space necessarily entails its supplying answers to all the questions that assail anyone who crosses the threshold. For visitors are bound to become aware of their own footsteps, and listen to the noises, the singing; they must breathe the incense-laden air, and plunge into a particular world, that of sin and redemption; they will partake of an ideology; they will contemplate and decipher the symbols around them; and they will thus, on the basis of their own bodies, experience a total being in space [ps:220,1; pe:254]. In this description, the use of cathedrals space is seen as necessarily involving its meaning (i.e. answers to questions which assail every visitor). It is through the awareness of the bodily experiences (of breathing and walking) and their interpretation that the visitor plunges into the world of Christian beliefs (about sin and redemption). In this experience both symbols (contemplated and deciphered) and ideology (of which the visitor partakes75) are involved.76 Since Lefebvre constantly stresses in The Production of Space that representations combine

75 76

[...] celui qui franchit le seuil [] reoit une idologie [pe:254]. Being highly critical to the concept of ideology as developed in the orthodox Marxism, in The Production of

Space Lefebvre adds to the classical Marx concept of ideology (as false consciousness and as a set of false or improperly applied justifications of a certain practice) the Althusserian understanding of ideology as permeating the everyday life. A prominent example for Lefebvre is the Catholic Church which managed to dominate the everyday life by imposing on people certain ways of speaking permeated with religious meaning [kda1:227].

22

ideology and knowledge,77 it can be concluded, that both symbols (as stated in the quoted definition [comp. pe:39]) and representations of space play a crucial role in this experience: not only through symbols, but also through representations space is lived.78

The claim that the visitors to the cathedral are experiencing a total being in space can be explained by Lefebvres other statement about monumental spaces: for millennia, monumentality took in all the aspects of spatiality that we have identified above: the perceived, the conceived, and the lived; representations of space and representational spaces; [] [ps:220]. In the use of the cathedrals space all three aspects of space come together; this representational space is experienced (or lived) through its perceived form and its conceived meaning. Lefebvre constantly stresses that none of the three components involved in the experience of space has any ultimate dominance over others; all three combine a relative dependence with a relative autonomy.

For the analysis of the site in Alley of Roses, one more aspect of Lefebvres description of the cathedrals visitor is relevant. Lefebvre claims to describe the situation of anyone who crosses the threshold [of the cathedral] [ps:221; my emphasis]. This is, however, a description of a historical situation: Lefebvre adds, that such a universality is possible under the conditions of a generally accepted Power and a generally accepted Wisdom [ps:220] which means in the case of the cathedral: the political and cultural domination of the Catholic Church during the Middle Ages. The fact that a particular experience of a representational space was shared by everybody (or, more specifically, that this space was lived through a particular set of symbols and representations of space) is called by Lefebvre a practical and concrete consensus [ps:220]. Similarly, any visitor of the Alley of Roses during the political and cultural dominance of the communist regime was
77

The area where ideology and knowledge are barely distinguishable is subsumed under the broader notion of

representation, which thus supplants the concept of ideology and becomes a serviceable (operational) tool for analysis of spaces [ps:45].
78

Lefebvres concept, according to which the visitor of a cathedral is not a distanced reader of coded messages

contrasts with the positions on architectural semantics widespread (under the influence of linguistics) in the architectural theory in the 1970-s and 1980-s.

23

forced to obey an analogous consensus. Regardless of his beliefs, the visitor entering this place confronted his being in this space with the ruling representation of Nowa Huta that of a socialist city. This conceived representation (repeated again and again in the official mass media) and the perceived empty space in front of the monument (offering a location for mass demonstrations of support for this representation) were necessarily involved into the experience of this space; through them the site was lived. The only choice a visitor to the square had, was to contest (by taking part in riots) or to support the ruling representation (by participating in mass demonstrations or by restraining from the protest). Neutrality was impossible, since the mere presence of the visitor on the square contributed to an image of a lively socialist city; this is why, perhaps, the emptiness showed by the photographs of the square from the 1980-s should be interpreted as subversive. Like Lefebvres visitor to the cathedral, who could yield to the representation or commit a blasphemy, for the user of the square it was impossible either to ignore the ruling interpretation, or to be neutral. Thus, the practical and concrete consensus was not so much focused on a particular way of use of the site, but rather on a particular representation which was a necessary context for any way of use.

Besides the removal of the statue from the pedestal, the site was not subjected immediately to major changes following the political transition of 1989. A radical change, however, was the end of a domination of one representation of space and the unleashing of a competition between various mass media representations of Nowa Huta. Thus, the practical and concrete consensus was superceded by a pluralism of representations. This is a rather usual situation for representational spaces which, as described by Lefebvre, have not a signified but a horizon of meaning: a specific or indefinite multiplicity of meanings, a shifting hierarchy in which now one, now another meaning comes momentarily to the fore, by means of and for the sake of a particular action [ps:222]. This action might be understood not only in situationist sense, but also as a role of an architectural design. It is the architectural design which negotiates between various competing representations of space. And such an understanding of an architectural design is surprisingly, but clearly, present in the statements of the inhabitants about the site (both before the new design was presented, and afterwards, as a critique of the realized project). Their protest against the design should be understood as a demand for an evasion of 24

a particular representation of Nowa Huta (that of city caught in the opposition between communism and anticommunism) by means of putting to the fore another influential representation, that of a green city. The latter is able to replace the former since it is both widespread and seen as the least politicized of any representations of Nowa Huta.79 It is the political neutrality which is so desperately desired by the inhabitants (who wished to avoid any monument [96.13] and criticized the design as a parade square [02.25]).80 There is no doubt about the fact, that the demands for greenery should be understood as a wish for a particular configuration of the perceived, conceived and lived aspects of space: this was not only a demand for a particular function of the site or its particular physical form, but also a support for one of the competing representations and an opposition to others. How crucial for the formulation of these demands the mass media representations of Nowa Huta were can be exemplary shown by the fact, that one of the articles which criticized the new design, was illustrated by a reproduction of a picture of the rose garden, taken in the 1960-s, i.e. before the erection of the monument [02.33].81 It would be a mistake to regard the choice for a particular representation as a rhetorical strategy applied in order to introduce a desired use; the opposite is rather the case: a particular use is chosen in order to support a desired representation and introduce it into the everyday life.82

79

A historical investigation on the concept of a green city would, however, reveal a considerable partiality for

this concept by the Nazi and Stalinist regimes; the reasons were both military and ideological [comp. Reinborn:1996,157].
80

This sensitivity was revealed during a happening organized by a commercial radio station in Krakw. During

the happening a foam 1:1 copy of the monument was placed in its old location; the copy was soon overthrown by angry passers-by and the organizers were sued by one member of the district council for propagation of totalitarism [comp. 01.09, 01.10, 01.11, 01.30].
81

This photography reveals that the square itself is subjected to a distinct set of representations which are,

however, closely tied to other representations of Nowa Huta.

It should be stressed, that this argument does not justify a claim for a greater participation of users in the

design process; in fact this argument is indifferent towards the participation debate. In this specific case, it is questionable whether the replacement of the representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist city by a putatively neutral representation of a green city could be a successful solution; instead of forgetting by repressing bad memories, another concept of forgetting should be aimed at by architectural interventions, perhaps inspired by the Nietzschean concept of active forgetting.

25

In his analysis of urban space, Lefebvre claims that the most general feature of space83 is centrality, which means the possibility of gathering everything in, or around, one point [ps:331]. The discussed site in Alley of Roses is such a central space, which, throughout its history, gathered people, objects, ways of use, interpretations, emotions and memories. The site was worked on: it was physically transformed, represented and used, thus gathering practices of production of space and their products. The above analysis allows a precise understanding of centrality not as an ontological category (like the category of extension in the Cartesian concept of space) but as a practical and historical category. Centralities are produced by gathering objects, representations and practices: the centrality of Alley of Roses was potentially present in the initial design, but it has been actually produced by the placement of the Lenin monument, by continuous organization of political ceremonies and by forcing the inhabitants to attend them. But the producer of centrality never controls the product fully: the Alley of Roses with its centrality produced by the communist regime, gathered subversive representations and practices along with the official ones.

Thus, centrality necessarily involves unity and contradiction between the objects gathered as well as collaboration and competition between the practices of production of space. The above analysis suggested that the means of this collaboration or competition between the practices are their products, instrumentally used by other practices.84 Every single practice is dependent on other practices, since it necessarily needs to instrumentalize their products. But instrumentalization subjugates the tools to aims which are other then these of their producers (an obvious example might be the application of historical representations of Nowa Huta to political aims); at the same time the tools utilized always influence the aim they are applied for (only few projects submitted to the 2002 Biennale were able to break free out of the representations of Nowa Huta introduced by the program of the competition [comp. IX MBA]). This necessity of collaboration, conflict and mutual influence
83

Lefebvre calls this feature the form of space and investigates it in analogy to Marx analysis of the form of

commodity (the possibility of exchange) in Kapital [comp. ps:101].

David Harvey [1990] was among the first who recognized the fact that the three aspects of space in Lefebvres

theory can be related only in social practice. For the discussion and critique of Harveys reading of Lefebvre comp. Schmid:2003 and Stanek:2004.

26

between various practices of production of space was studied on one empirical example in this paper. This analysis should be seen in a broader context, as supporting, interpreting and developing Lefebvres conviction on the dialectical relationship (simultaneous unity and contradiction [ps:392]) between the practices of production of space and between space as conceived, perceived and lived. Lefebvre always underscored this conviction, without, however, providing its definite theoretical elaboration and thus opening it to subsequent investigation.

27

1. Abbreviations used in the bibliography:

L W

ycie Literackie ycie Warszawy

1.1 Mass media:

CK DL DP DP[KK] DS EK EK[CCP]

Czas Krakowski Dziennik Ludowy Dziennik Polski Kronika Krakowska/ Dziennik Polski Dookoa wiata Echo Krakowa Czas Przeszy Przyszy/ Echo Krakowa

1.2 The writings of Henri Lefebvre:

kda1(2,3)

Kritik des Alltagslebens Bd. I, (II,III), Mnchen, 1977;

pe

La production de lespace [1986], Paris, 1986;

ps

The Production of Space" [1991]; Oxford, [etc], 1991;

GK GK[EK] GK[GN]

Gazeta Krakowska Echo Krakowa/ Gazeta Krakowska Gazeta Nowohucka/ Gazeta Krakowska IX MBA [2002] (IX International Biennale of Architecture), Krakw; 2. Books and articles referred to:

GM GN GNH GW GwK K L NCK O P PK PT R[PM] R R[M] S TD TM TP TS WD Z

Magazyn Gazety Wyborczej Go Niedzielny Gos Nowej Huty Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta w Krakowie/Gazeta Wyborcza Kultura Literatura Nowy Czas Krakowski Odrodzenie Polityka Przekrj Przegld Tygodniowy Plus Minus/in: Rzeczpospolita Rzeczpospolita Magazyn/ Rzeczpospolita Suplement Tygodnik Demokratyczny Tygodnik Maopolska Tygodnik Powszechny Tygodnik Solidarno W Drodze Zwierciado

Andrusz, Gregory; Harloe, Michael; Szelenyi, Ivan [Eds], [1996], Cities after socialism : urban and regional change and conflict in post-socialist societies , Oxford [etc.];

Buczyska, Halszka, [1974], Czy Nowa Huta da si lubi?, W (83), p.5,6;

Bujak, J., Zambrzycka Steczkowska, A., Godula, R., [Eds.]. [1993], Krakw przestrzenie kulturowe, Krakw;

Bukowski, Andrzej [2003], "The Diagnosis of Social Situation in Nowa Huta in the context of socio-therapy centers establishing" a paper presented at the "5th transnational Meeting; Demos improving local democracy" (Krakw, 1517.05.2003);

28

Boyer, M. Christine [1996], CyberCities. Visual Perception in the Age of Electronic Communication, New York;

Gut, Dorota, [1993], Nowa Huta w wiadomoci jej mieszkacw, in: Bujak [etc] [1993];

Harvey, David, [1990]; The Condition of Christian, Maria, [1999], Pocztki Nowej Huty w prasie i w sprawozdaniach Referatu Ochrony Wojewdzkiego Urzdu Bezpieczestwa Publicznego w Krakowie, in: Narodziny Nowej Huty []; Irion, Ilse; Sieverts, Thomas, [1991], "Neue Stdte. Experimentierfelder der Moderne", Stuttgart; Postmodernity"; Oxford [etc.];

Ciepy, Stefan, [1984], Pokolenie na miedzy, L (no 25), p.4;

Juchnowicz, Stanisaw, Nowa Huta, a Relict of the Past or a Chance for Cracow, in: IX MBA [2002], pp. 26-39;

Czarski, Andrzej, [1975], Mity i rzeczywisto, DL (25.09); Karnasiewicz, Jerzy, [2003], Nowa Huta: Okruchy ycia i Meandry Historii, Krakw; Dimendberg, Edward [1998]; Henri Lefebvre on Abstract Space"; in: Light, Smith [1998]; Karsznia, Nirward [1997], ycie rodzinne w Nowej Hucie. Obserwacje i rozwizania, Krakw; Elden, Stuart [2004]; Understanding Henri Lefebvre. Theory and the Possible; London; Kozowski, Dariusz [2002], Less Ideology More Geometry, in: IX MBA [2002], pp. 14-23; Forowicz, Jan, [1983], Potrzebny dzielnicy, potrzebny ludziom, R (27.07); Light, Andrew; Smith, Jonathan [Eds.], [1998], "The production of public space; Lanham [etc.]; French, R; Hamilton, F; [1979], Is There a Socialist City?, in: The Socialist City. Spatial Structure and Urban Policy, Chichester [etc.]; Lyotard, Jean-Franois, [1984], "The postmodern condition: a report on knowledge; Minneapolis;

Garliski, Bohdan, [1953] "Architektura polska 1950-1951", Warszawa;

Miezian, Maciej, [2004], Nowa Huta. Socjalistyczna w formie, fascynujca w treci, Krakw;

Goban-Klas, Tomasz, [1999], Media i komunikowanie masowe. Teorie i analizy prasy, radia, telewizji i Internetu, Warszawa [etc.]; "Narodziny Nowej Huty: materiay sesji naukowej odbytej 25 kwietnia 1998 roku / Towarzystwo Mionikw Historii i Zabytkw Krakowa", [1999], Gorczyski, Julian, [1977], Utopia miejska czy rzeczywisto?, L (26), p.7; Nietzsche, Friedrich, [1972], Also sprach Zaratustra, in: Werke (II), Frankfurt/Main [etc.]; Krakw;

29

Pieczonkowa, R., [1970], Przeskok z czarnych i biaych izb do nowohuckich mieszka zmieni tradycje i przyzwyczajenia, EK (no. 187), p.3;

Stanek, ukasz, [2004], The theory of production of space by Henri Lefebvre paper worked out at the Department Architecture Theory ETH Zurich; [manuscript];

Przekrj [1984], (2015), O Nowej to Hucie, p.5; Stanek, ukasz [2005], Symulacja w Nowej Ptaszycki, Tadeusz and the "Miastoprojekt Krakw" Team [Eds.], [1959], "Nowa Huta", Krakw; Stanek, ukasz; Winskowski, Piotr, [2005], Reinborn, Dietmar [1996], Stdtebau im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart; Ponowoczesne strategie w poprzemysowym miecie, in the publication after the conference "Krakw i Norymberga w kulturze europejskiej", Roszko, Janusz, [1976], Prawda i legenda o Nowej Hucie, K (30), p.9; Midzynarodowe Centrum Kultury, December 2004; Hucie: drogi wyjcia z kryzysu reprezentacji pewnego miasta; in: Obieg; [forthcoming];

Salwiski, Jacek, [1999], Decyzja o lokalizacji Nowej Huty pod Krakowem. Stan wiedzy, in: Narodziny Nowej Huty [];

Staniszkis, Jadwiga, [2001], "Postkomunizm. Prba opisu", Gdask;

Steinhauf, Jerzy, [1969], Nie znamy Nowej Schmid, Christian [2003], Stadt, Raum und Gesellschaft. Henri Lefebvre und die Theorie der Produktion des Raumes" (manuscript); Steinhauf, Jerzy, [1970], Druga modo Krakowa, Dziennik Polski 1970 (no. 15), p.4; Shields, Rob [1999], "Lefebvre, Love and Struggle"; London, New York; Stenning, Alison, [2000], Placing (post)socialism: the making and remaking of Nowa Huta, Poland, Siemieska, Renata, [1969], Nowe ycie w nowym miecie, Warszawa; Stenning, Alison, [2001], Representing Skarbowski, Jan [Ed.] [1971], "Nowa Huta pierwsze socjalistyczne miasto w Polsce", Krakw; Transformations/ Transforming Representations: Remaking Life and Work in Nowa Huta, Poland, paper presented to WES 2001: Winning and Soja, Edward [1989], Postmodern Geographies", London; Losing in the New Economy, University of Nottingham (11-13.09.2001); http://www.nowahuta.info/papers/wes2001.shtml Soja, Edward, [1996], Thirdspace. Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined Places", Oxford [etc]; Stenning, Alison, [2003a], Shaping the economic landscapes of post-socialism? Labour, workplace European Urban and Regional Studies, 7/2, 99-118. Huty, Dziennik Polski (no. 10), p.5,7;

30

and community in Nowa Huta, Poland, Antipode, 35/4, 761-780.

88.05 88.06

Nowa Huta i co dalej?, O (21), p.7; Sandor Petfi of Nowa Huta song, DP (290), p.1,2;

Stenning, Alison, [2003b], ycie w przestrzeniach (post)socjalizmu: przypadek Nowej Huty, in: Karnasiewicz [2003], pp. 66-75;

88.07 88.08

Niewdziczne miasto, P (333), p.7; Zbrodnia w Kocieliskach, GNH (63), p.6;

88.09 lusarski, Witold, [1984], Dwikowe lustro symbolu, Gazeta Krakowska (no. 84), p.3; 88.10

Ocali czy zburzy dom Manowardw?, GK (20), p.6; Dlaczego pod Krakowem?, GNH (18/1618), p.3;

Wa yk, Adam, [1956], Poemat dla dorosych i inne wiersze, Warszawa;

88.11

Gdy wszyscy maj gos, GNH (18/1619), p.1,6,7;

88.12 Wereksiej, F.Z., [1976], Jubileuszowe obrachunki, WTK Tygodnik Katolicki (no. 35), p.1,8; 88.14 Wojtya, Karol (pope John Paul II) [1979], sermon in Nowa Huta, 09.06.1976, in: Karnasiewicz [2003]. 1989 3. Interviews: 89.01 88.13

Osta si jeno mit, GNH (18/1618), p.3; Felek trzymaj cian, GNH (1630,1), p.21-9; 40 lat temu, GNH (1630,1), p.10;

Interview with Jan Franczyk the editor-in-chief of the local weekly Gos Tygodnik Nowohucki and with Stanisaw Juchnowicz, a member of the Tadeusz Ptaszycki team of the designers of Nowa Huta and professor at the TU Krakw.

Byy tu podkrakowskie pola, CCP (158), p.3;

89.02 89.03 89.04

Zapalny Lenin, TS (28/65), p.16; Nim postaa Nowa Huta, CCP (122), p.2; Nowa Huta bez pomnika Lenina, DP (288), p.1;

4. Investigated mass media articles after 1988:

89.05 89.06

Zamachy na Lenina, P (50), p.7; Wystpienie posa Edwarda Nowaka", GK (287), p.2;

1988 89.07 88.01 Czemu Huta powstaa pod Krakom; EK[CCP] (84), p.2; 88.02 88.03 Nowohuckie drogi, GNH (15), p.8,9; Szkol, publikuj, reklamuj kombinat, GNH (15), p.8,9; 88.04 Wadcy Celtw mieszkali w Nowej Hucie?, GK (63), p.6; 89.10 89.09 89.08

Alternatywa w plecaku, P (51/403), p.8,9; 40 lat Nowej Huty w fotografii, GNH (23), s.3; Miaa by trzy razy mniejsza i bez samochodw, DP (78), 04, p.5; Zawsze pozostanie symbolem, GNH (17,18), p.8,9;

31

89.11 89.12 89.13 89.14

Strajk w szkole, TD (6), p.5; Ostatni sotys Mogiy, CPP (161); Desperacki krok, GNH (1657), p.1,6,7; Remontowa hut czy zomowa?, GNH (1659), p.1,6,7;

90.04 90.05

wita wojna, GNH (1706), p.1,3 Finansowy poker z ekologicznymi kartami, GNH (1707);

90.06

Prawda o Nowej Hucie, GNH (1707), p.6;

89.15 89.16 89.17 89.18

Niech si mury pn do gry, PT (5), p.7; Hotelowa ballada, GNH (1681), p.7; Sceny z ycia osiedla, GNH (1686), p.7; Wybudowali miasto, GNH (1692), p. 6,7;

90.07

Czynszowo-kredytowy szok, GNH (1706), p.3;

90.08 90.09

Organizujemy si, GNH (1707); Spdzielcy nie bd bezbronni, GNH (1708), p.1,3;

89.19

Symbol, sukces, pora ka?, GNH (1693), p.6,7,8;

90.10 90.11 90.12

Pierwsze koty za poty, GNH (1708); Polska to nie draka, GNH (1709); Gos w niebezpieczestwie, GNH (1710);

89.20

Hotelowa ballada emeryta, GNH (1693+);

89.21 89.22

Osta si czowiek, GNH (1693+); Czekaj a wymrzemy, GNH (1698), p.1,4.

90.13

Pojednanie i zadyma, GNH (1712), p.1,6,7;

90.14 90.15

Nowohuckie Miss-ki, GNH (1712), p.5; Huta na stole operacyjnym, GNH (1708), p.1;

89.23 89.24

Bj o pomnik, GNH (1699); p.1,3; Czy Czowiek z marmuru bdzie wydarzeniem sezonu?, GNH (1699); p.6;

90.16

Czy Krakw ma co z kombinatu?, GNH (1714), p.1,6;

89.25

Kamienie nie mog by argumentem, GNH (1699+); 90.17

Wyszynk pod kombinatem, GNH (1715), p.1,4;

89.26

Handzlik na dy urze, GNH (1701); p.1,6,7; 90.18

O rycerzu spod Cecory i mogilskim krzy u, GNH (1717/8), p.8,9;

89.27

Oni bali si bardziej ni my, GNH (1701); p.7; 90.19 90.20

Nowa tandeta, GNH (1717/8), p.12; Mia by koci, pozosta krzy , GNH (1720), p.6;

89.28

Zakady metalurgiczne Nowa Huta?, GNH (1702/3); p.1,2;

89.29

Historia umie si posugiwa ironi, GNH (1702/3); p.5;

90.21

Dzisiaj 4 maja 1990 r. uroczyste nadanie Hucie imienia Tadeusza Sendzimira, GNH (1721), p.1;

89.30

yciem niesyta, GNH (1703+); 90.22

Stanisaw Handzlik redaktorem naczelnym Gosu, GNH (1721), p.1;

1990 90.23 90.01 Nie dotrzymane obietnice, CCP (216), p.1; 90.02 Co dalej ze skansenem?, GNH (1708), p.6; 90.03 Czyja to ziemia?, EK (56), p.3; 90.26 90.24 90.25

Mieszka adniej i taniej, GNH (1722), p.8; Nowy Gos Nowej Huty, GNH (1725); Zabjca by tylko wiadkiem, GNH (1726), p.6; Niechciane gara e, GNH (1727), p.7;

32

90.27

40 lat Gosu Nowej Huty, GNH (1728), p.1,6,7; 90.50

(12.01), p.4; HIL ograniczy emisj pyw i gazw, GK (20, 1.01), p.1,2;

90.28

Wdopj/ Nowohucki trjkt bermudzki, GNH (1729), p.1,8;

90.29

Sen o wielkiej forsie, GNH (1732), p.1,6,7;

1991

90.30

Zamiast Nowej Huty pi dzielnic, GNH (1735), p.5;

91.01 91.02

Korozja ludzi z elaza, CK (117), p.6; Nowohucka jesie 82. Walki uliczne w PRL, DP (212), p.4;

90.31 90.32 90.33 90.34

Krzy karoseryjnej, GNH (1735), p.8; Znw o Wdopoju, GNH (1736), p.5; Powiew Europy, GNH (1741), p.1,8; Uliczna lekcja historii, GNH (1743), p.6,7; 91.04 91.03

Szkoa na trzy zmiany i ycie na deptaku, EK (60), p.5; Nowa Huta to ju zabytek, CK (278), p.5;

90.35

Pamitamy o tej tragedii, GNH (1745), p.1,4;

91.05 91.06

O krzy i o wszystko, TM (18), p.10; Robotnik mia y bez Boga, CK (97), s.4;

90.36

Nowohuckie objawienie w. Franciszka, GNH (1747), p.6,7; 91.07

Zbrodniczy wybuch w Nowej Hucie. Po dwunastu latach, CK (104), p.6;

90.37 90.38 90.39

Powrc ziemianie?, GNH (1749), p.1,4; Mie swj koci, TP (17), p.5; Zastrzelony 13 padziernika, GK (29.03), p.4; 91.08 91.09 91.10 91.11

Problem Pana Boga?, GK (15.11), p.10; Obrona stref, DP (224), p.5; ciekami gasi si koks, CK (267), p.6; O Nowej Hucie nowa piosenka, TS (20), p.12,3;

90.40

Zastrzelony 13 padziernika, GK (2.04), p.7;

90.41 90.42 90.43 90.44

Zastrzelony 13 padziernika, GK (3.04); Zastrzelony 13 padziernika, GK (4.04); Zastrzelony 13 padziernika, GK (5.04); Kilka uwag o propozycjach rzecznika regionu krakowskiego Polskiej Partii Zielonych w sprawie Kombinatu metalurgicznego w Nowej Hucie GK (9.01), p.3;

91.12

Twarde ldowanie na osiedlu Dywizjony 303, EK (60), p.5;

91.13

Czy yny powrt do korzeni, CK (95), p.4;

91.14

31 rocznica wydarze w Nowej Hucie, CK (83), p.6;

91.15 91.16

Spychani na margines, GW (81); Kto zapaci za Now Hut?, CK (238), p.5;

90.45 90.46 90.47

Huta to te Krakw, GK (9.01), p.2; Owiadczenie, GK (6,7.01), p.2; Huta musi by modernizowana i musi ograniczy produkcj GK (10.01), p.1,4; 91.17 91.18

Pami o kach, GwK (157), p.I; Arkadia to ju historia, GNH (1760), p.4;

90.48

Minister Kamieski wyjania swoje stanowisko w sprawie HIL, GK (11.01), p.1,4;

91.19

Bezdomni z Hutniczego, GNH (1761), p.6,7;

91.20

Nowa Huta dzielnic dla bogaczy?, GNH (1761), p.8;

90.49

Huta Krakw czy Huta Mogia?, GK

33

91.21

Kiedy Radio Nowa Huta?, GNH (1762), p.4;

92.04

Druga zmiana w Starej Hucie. Okiem dzielnicowego, CK (168), p.6;

91.22

Racjonalizm czy brak wyobrani, GNH (1766), p.6,7;

92.05

Miasto stali i wdki. Nowa Huta na amach Gosu Nowej Huty, CK (12), p.3;

91.23

Pogodzi Hut z miastem, GNH (1769), p.1,2;

92.06 92.07 92.08

Morze wok Arki, CK (48), p.7; Baniowe plany, GK (2), p.2; Ostatnie bloki Nowej Huty, EK (17), p.3;

91.24

Obrazki ze stanu wojennego, GNH (1771);

91.25 91.26

Ju nie tylko Huta winna, GNH (1772); Przywizuj si do ludzi, nie do miejsc, GNH (1773);

92.09

Poszkodowani przez Now Hut, CK (24), p.7;

92.10

Strefa ochronna do poprawy, CK (25), p.8;

91.27 91.28

Obrazy z pamici, GNH (1774), p.1,6; Pierwszy przetarg na lokale w Nowej Hucie, GNH (1777); 92.11 92.12 92.13

Doki pod demokracj, GK (217), p.5; W cieniu kominw, DP (217), p.5; Trzeba t bied jako pcha, DP (278), p.12;

91.29

Odczarowywanie placu po Leninie, GNH (1777);

91.30 91.31

Huta co dalej?, GNH (1768), p.3; Klienci baru sonecznego, GNH (1756), p.6;

92.14

Walcz o wasn kuchni i azienk, GK (259), p.3;

92.15 92.16

Zapaci za Now Hut, CK (68), p.13; Brak oczyszczalni ciekw wstrzymuje nadbudowy, EK (209), p.3;

91.32 91.33

W kolejce po zasiek, GNH (1756), p.7; Czy Krakw zatruwa Hut im. T.Sendzimira?, GNH (1757), p.1,4;

92.17

Radio spdzielcze w Nowej Hucie?, DP (61), p.17;

91.34

Czy oziscy wykupi pl. Centralny?, GNH (1757), p.1; 92.18 92.19 92.20

Bitwa o szczcie, DP (228), p.3; Czyja Huta?, GTN (60), p.4; Czy yny wie przeszoci, GTN (62), p.10;

91.35

Nowa Huta bez sklepw?, GNH (1758), p.1,4;

91.36

Std nie ma gdzie ucieka, GNH (1759), p.6,7; 92.21 92.22

Modociane sadystki, GTN (63), p.1,8,9; Nigdy nie wolno si zaamywa, GTN (64);

91.37

[addvertisement] W Nowej Hucie czytaj nas wszyscy, GNH (1760), p.2;

91.38

Prywatyzacja w oczach hutnikw, GNH (1756), p.1,4;

92.23

Sasza straszy bagnetem, GTN (65), p.1,8,9;

92.24 1992 92.25 Ktnia Pod Kasztanami. W Nowej Hucie, CK (231); 92.02 92.03 Bitwa o szczcie, DP (228), p.3; Huta by night, CK (14), p.12; 92.28

24 godziny w Grosiku, , GTN (65); Strychy na mieszkania, GTN (67), p.1,8,9;

92.01

92.26 92.27

Dumpingowa awantura, GTN (67), p.4; Tomex pomostem Wschd-Zachd, GTN (68); Melina pod ABC, GTN (69), p.2;

34

92.29 92.30 92.31

Prawo do twarzy, GTN (70), p.1,8,9; Chata za piwo, GTN (72), p.1,8,9; Zakaz inwestycji w Nowej Hucie? , GTN (73), p.1,2; 92.51 92.52

GTN (51), p.1,6,7; Jak i kto?, GTN (54); Co pita para to maolaty, GTN (56), p.1,2; 92.53 92.54 Bywalcy mietnikw, GTN (57), p.2; Kim by powiartowany czowiek?, GTN (58), p.1; 92.55 92.56 92.57 Julia razy dwa, GTN (69), p.1,8; Kopiec lutrw, GTN (60), p.1,8,9; Wikszo Krakowian przyjanie patrzy na hut, GTN (42);

92.32

Fatima w Nowej Hucie, GTN (74), p.1,8,9;

92.33 92.34

Gra o HTS?, GTN (74), p.1,4; Kupi bro i wystrzelam policjantw, GTN (75), p.1,8,9;

92.35 92.36

Oblicze staroci, GTN (75), p.1,8,9; Czy powstanie nowohucka riwiera?, GTN (79), p.8;

92.37

Ten cios by miertelny, GTN (80), p.1,8,9;

1993

92.38

Oddali ycie by ty mg y godnie, GTN (80), p.3;

93.01

Centralny mietnik Krakwa i okolic, EK (126), p.2;

92.39 92.40

Schodzenie na dziady, GTN (80+); Bromy si przed agresj, GTN (82), p.8,9;

93.02

Dzikie dziaki do likwidacji, GK (68), p.10;

93.03 93.04 93.05

Strach na mieci, CK (94), p.9; 30 osb na 1 firm, CK (94), p.13; W cieniu hutniczego molocha, EK (126), p.3;

92.41

Kuroniwka po nowohucku, GTN (85), p.2;

92.42

Huta im. Sendzimira i co dalej. Bez zudze, GK (26.08), p.3; 93.06

Moloch. Krakw zosta ukarany. Za referendum, za tradycj, za mieszczasko, DP (288), s.10;

92.43

Czy zd ymy uratowa Now Hut?, GTN (45), p.3;

92.44

Czy zd ymy uratowa Now Hut?, GTN (46), p.3;

93.07 93.08 93.09 93.10 93.11 93.12

Okupuj wic mieszkam, GK (52), p.10; Okupuj wic mieszkam, GK (98), p.10; Zalew w Nowej Hucie, EK (148), s.4; Gos Nowej Huty, CK (78), p.5; Pyta paczu, DP (19), p.3; Wielka draka w XVI dzielnicy, DP (138), p.8;

92.45

Przypalany no em nie wzywa pomocy, GTN (48), p.6,7;

92.46

Park przemysowy w Nowej Hucie, GTN (48), p.4;

92.47

Gdy nie bdzie innego wyjcia, sami zadecydujemy o przyszoci Nowej Huty, GTN (48), p.1,11; 93.13 93.14 93.15 93.16 93.17

Buduj mimo wszystko, EK (26), p.3; Ziemia stracona, DP (51), p.3; Jest nas 210 tysicy, GTN (96); Dla szpanu, GTN (96), p.1; Po Arce stany nastpne, GTN (99), p.10,1;

92.48

Czy uratujemy Now Hut?, GTN (50), p.3;

92.49

Kolejna afera wok Huty, GTN (50), p.5;

92.50

Dzi prawdziwych Cyganw ju nie ma,

93.18

Mieszkacy kontra stacja benzynowa,

35

GTN (99), p.1,10,1; 93.19 Obok slabinga kolonia przemysowa?, GTN (100), p.5; 93.20 93.21 93.22 93.23 Anioki, GTN (101), p.1,10,1; Policjantw te atakuj, GTN (107), p.1; Twierdza Nowa Huta, GTN (107), p.11; Nowy ad mieszkaniowy, GTN (109), p.12,3; 93.24 Ostateczna decyzja w sprawie kioskw w os. Uroczym, GTN (111), p.2; 93.25 93.26 Placowa wojna, GTN (114), p.1,11; Afera wok Grosika, GTN (115), p.1,10,1; 93.27 Przeciw samowoli zarzdu SM Hutnik, GTN (116), p.1,3; 93.28 93.29 93.30 93.31 93.32 Tomex bezpieczny?, GTN (120), p.10; Osiedle cudw, GTN (121), p.1,10,1; Zemsta Stalina, GTN (124), p.1,4; Nowa Stylowa, GTN (126), p.14; Historia ludzkiej krzywdy, GTN (127), p.8; 93.33 93.34 Attyki do likwidacji?, GTN (128), p.1,2; Tam gdzie miaa tryska fontanna, GTN (129), p.1,10,1; 93.35 93.36 93.37 93.38 Ptla, GTN (129), p.1,10,1; Tygiel kapitalizmu, GTN (131), p.1,5; Szachici, GTN (131), p.1,2; Wszystko o telewizji kablowej, GTN (131), p.1,10,1; 93.39 Troch wsi, troch miasta, GTN (134), p.1,10,1; 93.40 93.41 Kandydat na Mistera, GTN (134); Mieszkaniowa d ungla, GTN (136), p.1,10,1; 93.42 93.43 93.44 Dziwne osiedle, GTN (141), p.1,10,1; Wanda i amazonki, GTN (142), p.24; Stanowisko Rady Dzielnicy VII, GTN (123), p.3; 93.45 Uchwaa dzielnicy Bieczyce, GTN 94.21 94.22 94.20 94.18 94.19 94.16 94.17 94.14 94.15 94.13 94.11 94.12 94.10 94.09 94.08 94.07 94.04 94.05 94.06 94.02 94.03 94.01 Gdzie si bawi w co si bawi, EK (167), p.1,6; Kolorowy pas startowy, CK (64), p.1,2; Nowa Huta miasto renesansowe?, DP (161), p.18; 19 lat bez chodnika, GwK (10), p.3; Jodeka albo tramwaj, GwK (120), p.1; Ka dy ma swj przystanek, GwK (52), p.2; Zakusy na park Ratuszowy, GwK (128), p.1; Nowa Huta taczy w Kocmyrzowie, GK (100), p.XIII; Mieszkanie inne ni zwykle, GwK (254), p.7; Nowa Huta, Azory, Berlin; GM (292), p.16,7,8; Nikt nas nie sucha, CK (238), p.7; Morderstwo przed Cafe Capri, GTN (145), p.1,2; Tramwajem do Nowej Huty, GwK (39), p.3; Kontrowersyjny fort, DP (84), p.6; Nie ma chtnych na Fam, EK (94), p.5; Nowy czas Nowej Huty, R (169), p.3; Mo e to nie jest idealne miejsce ale da si y, P (33), p.12,3; Glanem w twarz, GTN (153), p.1,2; Gorzkie ale do Prezydenta, GTN (153), p.1,8; Grasuj kolekcjonerzy plecakw? , GTN (155), p.3; Nowohucka TV Dami, GTN (157), p.2; Malowania pasa startowego, GTN (158), 1994

36

p.2; 94.23 94.24 94.25 94.26 Pera czy mietnik?, GTN (161), p.1,9; Sprzedani?, GTN (162), p.1,8,9; Europa w Nowej Hucie, GTN (165); Nowa Huta czysta i bezpieczna, GTN (166), p.7; 94.27 94.28 Mrowisko, GTN (166), p.1,8; Wolne lokale przy Placu Centralnym, GTN (170), p.8; 94.29 Setna rocznica urodzin Tadeusza Sendzimira, GTN (171), p.5; 94.30 94.31 94.32 Wczasy w miecie, GTN (173), p.9; Pozory spokoju, GTN (174), p.10; (Nie)rocznicowa rozmowa, GTN (177), p.9; 94.33 Pizza Hut i KFC w Nowej Hucie, GTN (180), p.1; 94.34 94.35 94.36 Zabia m a, GTN (180), p.2; MAX i OBI zapraszaj, GTN (180), p.9; O bezpieczestwie w Mistrzejowicach, GTN (181), p.9; 94.37 Problemy mamy wsplne, GTN (182), p.4; 94.38 94.39 94.40 94.41 Hotelowe dylematy, GTN (183), p.5; Gdzie s te latarnie?, GTN (185), p.8; Brat zabi brata, GTN (186), p.1; Znalezisko archeologiczne w Nowej Hucie, GTN (187), p.1; 94.42 94.43 Bezpieczna spalarnia?, GTN (190), p.1,2; Bd mistrzejowickie plany?, GTN (191), p.8; 94.44 Huta im. T.Sendzimira zagro enie czy szansa?, GTN (193), p.4; 94.45 Plac Centralny placem Dmowskiego?, GTN (144), p.2; 94.46 Cmentarne hieny, GTN (145), p.1,8,12;

95.01

O Nowej to Hucie piosenka, CK (54), p.9;

95.02 95.03 95.04

Park obuzw, CK (237), p.5; I sala bdzie, i ogrdek, CK (242), p.5; Kto uratuje paac w Kocieliskach?, EK (135), p.3;

95.05 95.06 95.07 95.08

Parafia za ksidzem, GwK (33), p.3; Siarczany w nadmiarze, GwK (69), p.5; Nowa Nowa Huta, CK (147), p.5; Nad dachami Nowej Huty, GTN (200), p.1,9;

95.09

Z biegiem brudnej Subni, GTN (201), p.1,2;

95.10 95.11

Z krzy em w tle, GTN (201); W obronie krzy a. Nowa Huta 1960, R[PM] (54), p.16;

95.12

Nowa szkoa w Nowej Hucie, CK (251), p.5;

95.13

Dyskryminacja Nowej Huty, CK (255), p.5;

95.14 95.15 95.16 95.17

Strzay pod krzy em, CK (98), p.10; Obrona krzy a, DP (98), p.15; Socrealizm pod ochron, DP )73), p.18; Trzeci jako pierwszy: park oficjalny i nieoficjalny, DP (231), p.16;

95.18

Huta starsza od Krakwa?, GK (179), p.20;

95.19

Teatr Ludowy czterdzieci lat mino, EK (237), p.6;

95.20

Dzieci w szkole mdlej z godu, EK (179), p.1,2;

95.21 95.22 95.23

Nowohucka telewizja, GTN (203), p.9; Romska solidarno, GTN (204), p.1,9; "Agonia nowohuckiej mleczarni, GTN (205), p.1,8;

95.24 95.25

Pod barem Meksyk, GTN (207); Fort Grbaw, GTN (209), p.10; To te Krakw, GTN (210), p.3; Dzikie wysypisko, GTN (212), p.1,2;

1995

95.26 95.27

37

95.28 95.29

Koneserzy, GTN (212), p.1,10; Krakw miastem-ogrodem, GTN (212), p.13; 96.07 96.08 96.09 96.10 96.11 96.12

p.3; Po co takie muzeum?, EK (242), p.5; Walka o dziaki, DP (14), p.10; Zasada domina, GwK (104), p.3; Centrum z zegarem, GK (74), p.23; Emeryt w cieniu huty, GK (207), p.10,1; Urodzaj na psychicznych, GK (277), p.13; 96.13 O Nowej to Hucie s sowa: historia z perspektywy Stylowej, P (18), p.30,1; 96.14 96.15 Stara Nowa Huta, GK (289), p.12,3; Kiedy o yje Centrum E?, GTN (257), p.1,14; 96.16 96.17 Balkony w kwiatach, GTN (258), p.7; Bezwzgldny rzdca Pleszowa, GTN (260), p.12; 96.18 96.19 96.20 96.21 96.22 96.23 96.24 Fort dla modzie y, GTN (264), p.13; Ogrd biodynamiczny, GTN (265); Huta atutem Krakowa, GTN (268), p.5; Egoizmy, GTN (273), p.1,9; Bdzie muzeum, GTN (275), p.7; Gospodarzem by, GTN (278), p.9; Moja przygoda z Now Hut, GTN (284), p.1,8,9; 96.25 Zanikajca strefa ochronna, GTN (284), p.1,4; 96.26 Miasto patrzy na stref, GTN (286), p.5; Parking na wag mandatu, GTN (288), p.1,12;

95.30

Porzdkowanie zaszoci, GTN (213), p.1,8;

95.31 95.32 95.33

40 lat Zgniatacza, GTN (213), p.1,8; Dzielnicowe gangi, GTN (216), p.9; Cysterski koci w rodku miasta, GTN (216);

95.34

Modociani rozbjnicy, GTN (220), p.1,3;

95.35 95.36

Nad zalewem nowohuckim, GTN (222); Wycieczka do Nowej Huty, GTN (224), p.7;

95.37 95.38 95.39 95.40 95.41 95.42 95.43 95.44

Eldorado w Nowej Hucie, GTN (225); Znowu gwat, GTN (231), p.1; Sprztanie wiata, GTN (232), p.2; Siedlisko za, GTN (234), p.1,2; Znieczulica, GTN (236), p.1,3; Strefa, GTN (243), p.5; Dom numer jeden, GTN (246), p.1,10; W Nowej Hucie lubimy biblioteki, EK (158), p.7;

95.45 95.46

Teatr w Nowej Hucie, EK (183), p.5; Tu pracowao cae miasto: koniec epoki wielkiej Huty, EK (183), p.6;

1996

96.27

96.01

Niespodzianki Nowej Huty, EK (234), p.3;

96.28

Bieg memorialny im. Bohdana Wosika, GTN (288), p.3;

96.02 96.03

Nowa Huta w muzeum, GK (283), p.22; Wsplny jzyk wadz dzielnicy i ogniska; EK (123), p.12;

96.29 96.30

W gocinie u Matejki, GTN (292), p.5; Nowe kocioy w Nowej Hucie, GTN (295), p.1,3;

96.04

Tomex tam bije serce dzielnicy; EK (209), p.4;

96.31 96.32 96.33 96.34 96.35

Nowa Huta a Florencja, EK (235), p.4; Po pitnastu latach, EK (245), p.13; Najpierw by ow, EK (222), p.4; Bunt pod krzy em; GwK (292), p.5; Bunt na rogu Marksa i Majakowskiego,

96.05

Niech bdzie muzeum: 50 lecie huty: prezent dla dzielnicy, GwK (172), p.3;

96.06

Czekanie na sprawiedliwo, GK (50),

38

DP (293), p.2; 96.36 Za Krzy mog zawsze siedzie, GwK (292), p.5; 96.37 96.38 Poletko pana prezesa, GK (282), p.12 Przemoc od kuchni, CK (9), p.8;

97.21 97.22

Zabytek bez patyny, GTN (316), p.1,9; Budkowanie Nowej Huty, GTN (316), p.2;

97.23 97.24 97.25

MDK jednak w forcie, GTN (318), p.2; Dwa dni z dziejw PRL, GTN (322); Na skraju miasta, GTN (322), p.1,10; Romowie wpisani w Now Hut, GTN (322), p.13;

1997

97.26

97.01

Zbrodniarze nie bd spa spokojnie, DP (108);

97.27 97.28

Zielone bogactwo, GTN (324), p.1,10; Drzewa umieraj stojc, GTN (325), p.1,15;

97.02

Europejskie konsorcjum z XV wieku, GK (2) p.IV; 97.29

Prometeusz na konwentorach, GTN (326);

97.03 97.04 97.05 97.06 97.07

Zielony Jar z konkursu, DP (289), p.18; Przywracana miastu, DP (186), p.18; Przypadek Ridana, NCK (19), p.9; Odkurzania Lenina, DP (124), p.45; Wskrzeszenie nowohuckiej biblioteki, GK (58), p.5; 97.32 97.30 97.31

Nie boj si zmian, GTN (327), p.5; Hutnicy ratowali Krakw, GTN (328), p.1,5; Nowa Huta zmienia oblicze, GTN (331), p.1,2;

97.08

Midzy wiatrem a cieniem, DP (108), p.2;

97.33

Sterroryzowano p dzielnicy?, GTN (332), p.2;

97.09 97.10

Woda, DP (148), p.49; Mionicy Huty stowarzyszeni, EK (44), p.7;

97.34 97.35

Lubi Now Hut, GTN (333), p.7; Przemiany na Tomexie, GTN (335), p.9;

97.11 97.12

Nowohucianie, EK (41), p.6; Pocaunek tysica dygnitarzy, GW (307), p.20,1;

97.36 97.37

Dlaczego?, GTN (339), p.1,9; Jan Anioa pierwszy dyrektor Huty, GTN (341), p.5;

97.13

Nowa Huta bli ej Krakowa, EK (41), p.7;

97.38 97.39

Plaga, GTN (342), p.2; Nowe ulice w Grbaowie, GTN (343), p.3;

97.14

Upade mieszkania upadej stoczni, GK (80), p.IV; 97.40 97.41 97.42 97.43 97.44 97.45 97.46

Strefa w Czy ynach, GTN (344), p.1,3; Strefa dla wybranych, GTN (345), p.5; Nowohuckie grafitti, GTN (345), p.7; Ogrdek przed blokiem GTN (345); Zaradna wsplnota, GTN (346), p.1,8; Czyciej nad hut, GTN (347), p.5; Co prezydent proponuje mieszkacom Nowej Huty, GTN (348), p.9;

97.15

Lokalny patriotyzm Grbaowa, GK (207), p.III;

97.16 97.17 97.18

Jubileuszowy rok, GTN (300), p.1,3; Coraz czyciej nad hut, GTN (305), p.4; O Nowej to Hucie piosenka, GTN (311), p.1,8;

97.19

Jak budowaem Now Hut, GTN (311), p.5; 97.47 97.48

Nieloty, GTN (349), p.1,10; Wielka sportowa pasja, GTN (349), p.5;

97.20

Rogata dusza, GTN (314), p.8,9;

39

97.49

Historia i wspczesno, GTN (350), p.4;

98.11 98.12

Leniny zginy, DP (50), p.29, 31; Manifestacja wiatopogldowa, DP (29), p.43;

97.50 97.51

Problem z fontann, GTN (350), p.8; Pomagamy przez cay rok, GTN (351), p.5; 98.13

miae plany przeobra enia Nowej Huty, DP (235), p.42;

97.52

Nadzieje profesora Juchnowicza, EK (10), p.4;

98.14 98.15 98.16

Wczoraj i dzi Nowej Huty, GTN (353); Szare na zielonym, GTN (353), p.9; Nowe centrum Nowej Huty, GTN (354), p.1,9;

97.53 97.54 97.55

Ekologiczny moloch, EK (23), p.4; Nowohuckie forty, EK (23), p.4; Krakw powinien zrozumie swoj najwiksz dzielnic, EK (28), p.4;

98.17 98.18

W opinii hutnikw, GTN (359); Po co zachodowi historia Nowej Huty, GTN (373), p.1,10;

97.56

May przewodniczek po starej Nowej Hucie, EK (45), p.7; 98.19

Wok narodzin Nowej Huty, GTN (374), p.17;

97.57 97.58

Bdzie bestseller, EK (47), p.6; Jak budowaem Now Hut, GTN (313), p.5; 98.20

Mielimy ci arwki i buldo er, GTN (374), p.17;

97.59 97.60 97.61 97.62

Najstarszy przedszkolak, DP (27), p.17; Kolebka z profilu, DP (68), p.45; Czarna legenda pokutuje, DP (62), p.19; Rozwd z Solidarnoci 80, DP (112), p.3;

98.21

Jak si yje w Nowej Hucie?, GTN (375), p.1,11;

98.22

Mimo wszystko przyroda, GTN (373), p.1,9;

98.23

Ojciec Nirward o rodzinie, GTN (376), p.7;

1998

98.24

Kujawy szans dla Krakowa, GTN (374);

98.01 98.02 98.03 98.04 98.05

Obrocy kombatantami, GwK (79), p.2; Krzywda w spadku, DP (43), p.17; Ekspresowa rura, DP (296), p.15; W obronie krzy a, TP (45), p.5; Nowa Huta miejsce godne upamitnienia, GwK (68), p.4;

98.25

Nie ma ratusza w Nowej Hucie, GTN (388), p.15;

98.26

Nie ma ratusza w Nowej Hucie, GTN (389), p.11;

98.27

Lenin nie wrci w Alej R , GTN (392), p.12;

98.06

Pancerna pi proletariatu, GW [Co jest grane - Krakw] (201[35]), p.14;

98.28

Moje pierwsze budowy w Nowej Hucie, GTN (392+), p.12;

98.07 98.08

Uratowa pas startowy, DP (212), p.19; O Nowej to Hucie s sowa, PK (41), p.46,7;

98.29

Moje pierwsze budowy w Nowej Hucie, GTN (392+), p.15;

98.30

Posterunek przy Hill Street, GK (220), p.10;

98.09

Biaa plama na mapie miasta, DP (83), p.41; 98.31 98.32 98.33

Panna na wydaniu, GK (41), p.5; Arka i inne nawy, GK (67), p.3; Polsko, obud si, Polsko, nie bj si,

98.10

Nowa Huta miasto ogrdw, DP (57), p.18;

40

GwK (104), p.5; 98.34 98.35 Iskra z Huty Lenina, GwK (104), p.6,7; Wyrwa kosmiczn spiral, GwK (184), p.4;

99.26 99.27 99.28 99.29

Stara Nowa Huta, GK[EK] (125), p.1; Kielnie w do, GK (133), p.9; Stracone pokolenie, GK[EK] (262), p.IV; Miasto zmienia skr, GK[EK] (235), p.9;

1999

99.30 99.31

Lenin z Alei R , DP (125), p.12; Muzeum p. ustroju socjalistycznego, DP (260), p.13;

99.01 99.02

1/3 miasta, GwK (13), p.2; Korzystny klimat dla Nowej Huty, DP (145), p.17; 99.32 99.33

W cieniu krzy a; GwK (30), p.4; Pose Bielan w sprawie Placu Centralnego, GTN (452), p.3;

99.03 99.04 99.05

Klejnot 6-latki, GwK (106), p.4; Chopska krzywda, GwK (48), p.4; Romantyzm wielkiej budowy, R (287), p.8; 99.34 99.35

Huta, S [62], p.3; ycie kulturalne Nowej Huty w latach 1949-80, S [62], p.4-8;

99.06 99.07 99.08

Bli ej inauguracji, GK[EK] (250), p.1; Kocioy Nowej Huty, TP (4). p.8,9; Problem dla caego miasta; GK[EK] (235), p.III;

99.36 99.37

Nowohucki klub literacki, S [62], p.16,7; Nowohucka wiosna muzyczna, S [62], p.42,3;

99.38

49 lat nowohuckiej lokalnej gazety, S [62], p.50,1;

99.09 99.10 99.11 99.12 99.13 99.14

50 lat mino, GwK (38), p.4; Po tamtej stronie, GK (265); Huta da si lubi, GTN (436), p.4; Wspomnienia w sepii, GwK (131), p.6,7; Bya Mogia, R[M] (23), p.10-5; Krakowska sypialnia, GK[EK] (261), p.IV; 99.41 99.42 99.40 99.39

Jak to byo w Nowej Hucie (1), GTN (404); Rg Marksa i Obrocw Krzy a, GTN (452), p.1,9; Plany Tomexu, GTN (405), p.1,9; Jak to byo w Nowej Hucie (2), GTN (405), p.15;

99.15 99.16 99.17

Miasto z charakterem; GK (59), p.2,3; List do redakcji, GTN (453); Cho najdalsze, to najpikniejsze, GK[EK] (193), p.5; 99.44 99.43

Nowe Kocioy w Nowej Hucie, GTN (407), p.3; Ojcowie zbudowali synowie zburzyli, GTN (414), p.11;

99.18

Czy zostanie spalony?, GK[EK] (206), p.1; 99.45 99.46 99.47 99.48

50 lat Nowej Huty, GTN (417), p.22; 50 lat Nowej Huty, GTN (420), p.1,8; Wielkie przemiany, GTN (425), p.17; Dzi i jutro Nowej Huty, GTN (429), p.1,3;

99.19 99.20 99.21

Puca Nowej Huty, GK[EK] (187), p.3; Instytucja parku, GK[EK] (267), p.III; Blokowisko ttnice yciem, GK[EK] (158), p.3;

99.22 99.23 99.24 99.25

Na klasztornej, DP (260), p.31; Pastwu ju dzikujemy, P (30), p.92-7; Krakw da si lubi!, GK (12), p.14; Muzeum rozproszone, GTN (453);

99.49

Krakw w Nowej Hucie, GTN (429), p.3;

99.50 99.51

Pomys na Now Hut, GTN (430); 50 lat Nowej Huty w moich

41

wspomnieniach, GTN (432), p.13; 99.52 99.53 Pitno strefy, GTN (434), p.5; O Nowej to Hucie piosenka, GTN (437), p.13; 99.54 Hala martenowska salonem wystawienniczym, GTN (437); 99.55 99.56 Huta nie zginie, GTN (442); Szczur z ogryzkiem w zbach, GTN (447); 99.57 99.58 99.59 Niechciana Nowa Huta, GTN (448); Zapomniane obietnice, GTN (449); Pomnik pamici, GTN (450), p.5;

00.17 00.18

Ze geny, DP (11), p.37; Nowa Huta w bud ecie Krakowa, GTN (457), p.1,9;

00.19 00.20 00.21 00.22

Zim o ziele, GTN (458), p.1,10; Portret zbiorowy, GTN (459), p.5; Seria Nowa Huta p wieku, GTN (460), p.13;

00.23 00.24

Pera nie mietnik, GTN (464), p.1,11; Dokument w sprawie, GTN (473), p.1,8,9;

00.25 00.26

Problemy zwalnianych Jubileusze organizacji Dziakowicze Przybyli z gr, GTN (484), p.9; Forum dla Nowej Huty, GTN (488), p.1,13;

2000

00.27 00.28

00.01 00.02 00.03

www.nh.pl, GwK (256), p.1; Sprzeda socrealizm, GwK (211), p.1; Egzotyczna podr po Nowej Hucie, GwK (222), p.VII;

00.29

00.30 00.31

Forum w Alei R , GTN (491), p.1,9; Nowa Huta na nowo odkrywana, GTN (494), p.1,12;

00.04

Obrocy nowohuckiego krzy a, R (99), p.6; 00.32 00.33 00.34

Lotnicze ulice, GTN (496), p.9; Huta a rodowisko [seria] hutnicy wobec redukcji zatrudnienia, GTN (504), p.5;

00.05 00.06 00.07

1/3 Krakowa, DP (11), p.37; Kraina jezior, GwK (247), p.1; W cieniu kominw elektrowni, GK[EK] (25), p.IV;

00.35 00.36 00.37

Mieszkacy si boj, GTN (505), p.1,9; Zalew od nowa, GTN (508), p.9; Forum po Leninie, GTN (462), p.1,2;

00.08

Wiejski kociek w granicach miasta EK (149), p.8;

00.09 00.10

Ruch ponad drogami, DP (261), s.41; Stalowe nam zardzewiao, GK (77), p.12;

00.11

Jak dworek zosta przedszkolem, GK [191];

2001

00.12

Szczliwy koniec z o.o., GK[EK] (191), p.VI;

01.01 01.02 01.03 01.04 01.05 01.06

Historyczne tablice, DP[KK] (14), p.V; Myle trzeba od doy, GwK (9), p.2; Smutek Birkuta, PK (38), p.30,1; Homo Hutens, PK (17), p.39-43; Sygnay ostrzegawcze, GK (298), p.20; Marzenia czy rzeczywisto?, GK [EK] (5);

00.13 00.14 00.15 00.16

Turystyczny spust, GwK (177), p.3; Od Lenina do Lenina, GwK (211), p.6,7; Hektary atrakcji, GwK (287), p.1; Ocali od zapomnienia, GwK (209), p.VII;

42

01.07

Czekanie na inwestora, GK [EK] (277), p.VIII;

01.33 01.34

W sali junakw, GTN (546), p.5; Zwyky dzie z ycia PRL-u, GTN (546), p.9;

01.08 01.09

Stara Nowa Huta, GK (29), p.13; Powrci bez zezwolenia, DP[KK] (170), p.I; 01.35

Rowerem po Nowej Hucie, GTN (548), p.5;

01.10 01.11 01.12 01.13 01.14 01.15 01.16

Lenin w prokuraturze, DP (171), p.II; Zakazane arty, DP (172), p.III; Socjalizm dla wszystkich, DP (156), p.1; W cieniu krzy a, DP (144), p.25; SocLand w Nowej Hucie, R (159), s.A9; Dzie w peerelu, GwK (156), p.7; ona mwia, e to jaja, GwK (217), p.7;

01.36 01.37

Promocja Nowej Huty, DP (287), p.IV; Krajobraz po remoncie Alei R , GTN (550), p.12;

01.38 01.39 01.40 01.41

Szpetnie i nachalnie, GTN (551); Nowa Aleja R , GTN (550), p.12; Miasto-Ogrd [akcje]; Nowa Huta miasto symboliczne, GTN (553);

01.17 01.18 01.19 01.20 01.21 01.22

Bezpieczny Krakw, GTN (509), p.1,8; Huta po lifting, GTN (510), p.1,5; Ludzie pwiecza [seria]; Strefa wykorzystana, GTN (513), p.1,4; W strefie zapomnienia, GTN (514), p.3; Brakuje krla i wyobrani, GTN (513), p.1,4;

01.42

Komary na Placu Centralnym, GTN (556), p.1,8;

01.43

Od krga do szmacianki, GTN (560), p.11;

2002

01.23 01.24

Forum dla Nowej Huty, GTN (517), p.8; HTS mniejsza o poow, GTN (519), p.5;

02.01

Znale sposb na Now Hut, GW (70), p.5;

02.02

Niesamowicie egzotyczne, GW (166), p.5;

01.25

Palec Jzefa S. wskaza lokalizacj Nowej Huty, GTN (519), p.14; 02.03 02.04

Zabytek i udrka, GW (223), p.VII; Historyczne kapliczki, GK[EK] (192), p.VIII;

01.26

Dlaczego wycinaj drzewa?, GTN (532), p.3;

01.27

Nowy Koci w Nowej Hucie, GTN (533), p.11;

02.05 02.06

Ogrek i rewolucja, GK[EK], p.V; Nadal nie potrafimy chroni, GW (174), p.6;

01.28

Hutnik antropologicznie mierzalny, GTN (536), p.12; 02.07

Mo na krytykowa ideologi, GwK (174), p.6;

01.29

Zaproszenie do SocLandu, GTN (537), p.5; 02.08

Nowe spojrzenie na Now Hut, GW (175), p.6;

01.30 01.31

Lenin (na chwil) wrci, GTN (538); [Sonda socjologiczny dotyczcy pracownikw HTS], GTN (541) p.5; [Sonda socjologiczny dotyczcy pracownikw HTS], GTN (542) p.5; 02.11 02.09 02.10

Zemsta Stalina?, GTN (612), p.13; Trzeba rozwija, nie niszczc, GwK (175), p.6; ycie budowniczych Nowej Huty, GTN (561), p.5;

01.32

Ju nie nowohucki smog, GTN (545);

43

02.12

Panteon dyrektorw Huty, GTN (564), p.5;

02.35

Gincy (?) zabytek socrealizmu, GTN (596), p.8;

02.13

Krakw chce wspiera hut, GTN (565), p.5;

02.36 02.37

Komisja specjalna, GTN (596), p.9; Czego nie wiecie o Nowej Hucie, GTN (598), p.1,16;

02.14 02.15

Nowohucianin roku, GTN (567); Miss Nowej Huty wybrana, GTN (568), p.1,10; 02.38

Nowa Huta miasto walki i pracy, GTN (599);

02.16

Wok Placu Centralnego, GTN (570), p.3;

02.39 02.40

Co dalej Nowa Huto?, GTN (600), p.1,8; Nowa Huta dzielnica Modych Ludzi, GTN (600), p.12;

02.17

Proboszcz z Nowej Huty, GTN (573), p.11; 02.41

Pytania i odpowiedzi o przyszo Nowej Huty, GTN (601), p.3;

02.18 02.19 02.20

Huta i okolice, GTN (574), p.4; Zagro enia i szanse, GTN (575), p.4; Mniejsza strefa ochronna, GTN (577), p.1,4; 02.43 02.42

Ptaszynki by si cieszy, GTN (602), p.1,3; Architekci o Nowej Hucie i w Hucie, GTN (602), p.5;

02.21 02.22 02.23

Bezpaska Aleja R , GTN (579), p.3; Staro, GTN (580), p.8; Odchodzi wit, nadciga zachd, GTN (581), p.16; 02.44 02.45 02.46

Po co biennale?, GTN (602); Lubi Now Hut, GTN (602), p.11; Koci w godzinach prby, GTN (610), p.1,9;

02.24

Pery in ynierii wojskowej, GTN (583), p.1,10; 02.47

Centralny i luminowany, GTN (612);

02.25

Plac zabaw czy defilad, GTN (584), p.16; 2003

02.26

O Wandzie ktrej nie chcia konserwator zabytkw, GTN (586), p.14; 03.01 03.02 Jest szansa, GK[GN] (268), p.III; Dzielnica precedensowa, GwK (300), p.5; 03.03 Nowa Huta za zakrcie, GN (8.06), p.21; 03.04 Widok na jezioro zieleni, DP (4.05), p.1,6; 03.05 Jest pierwszy park, GK[EK] (139), p.VIII; 03.06 03.07 Czowiek std, GK[EK] (296), p.32,3; Z dusz czy bez duszy?, GTN (614), p.1,13; 03.08 Nowa Huta miasto parkw, GTN (618), p.1,8; 03.09 Nowa Huta miasto wielkich

02.27

Huta na trasie turystycznej, GTN (587), p.5;

02.28

Czego chc mieszkacy Nowej Huty, GTN (587);

02.29

cie k turystyczn po Nowej Hucie, GTN (588), p.1,9;

02.30 02.31

Gieda samochodowa, GTN (589), p.9; O Nowej to Hucie piosenka, GTN (583), p.1,10;

02.32

Nowy Duch dla Nowej Huty, GTN (593), p.1,8;

02.33 02.34

Plac czy klepisko?, GTN (594), p.1,9; Gincy (?) zabytek socrealizmu, GTN (595), p.1,9;

44

mo liwoci, GTN (622), p.1,10; 03.10 Ogrd bez gospodarza?, GTN (629), p.1,8; 03.11 Ukryte pikno Mistrzejowic, GTN (632), p.1,8; 03.12 ki nowohuckie uratowane, GTN (632), p.2; 03.13 Starzeje si Nowa Huta, GTN (650), p.1,15; 03.14 Kantata w Walcowni, GTN (651), p.1,4,5; 03.15 03.16 Szansa Nowej Huty, GTN (651+); Szary patos pod rk z tandet?, GTN (6), p.1,8; 03.17 Co si stao z Now Hut?, GTN (659), p.1,14; 03.18 Nowa Huta to Krakw, GTN (661), p.1,9;

04.13

Nowa Huta w UNESCO na powa nie, GwK (19), p.8;

04.14 04.15 04.16 04.17

Fundacje pana Stolnika, DP (113), p.9; Daremny trud, GwK (19), p.8; Portal codziennoci, GwK (103), p.5; Bez parkingw i chodznikw, DP (151) [W.Krzesawickie];

04.18

Parki i hipermarkety, DP (146), [Czy yny];

04.19

Z lotniskiem i ciepowni, DP (146), [Czy yny];

04.20

Abecado nowohuckie, DP[KK] (81), p.7;

04.21

Stare nazwy w Nowej Hucie, DP (80), p.6;

04.22

Wok zielonej budki, DP (150), [Mistrzejowice];

04.23

Koncepcja zespou parkowego , DP (150), [Mistrzejowice];

2004

04.24

O yje paac na os. Willowym, DP[KK], p.IV;

04.01

Zielone tablice na zielony szlak, DP[KK] 2004 (270), p. II;

04.02

Przynie film, zobaczysz go w kinie, GwK (21.09), p.4;

04.03

U Branickich i Lubomirskich, DP [Nowa Huta], (151), p. 2;

04.04

Nie tylko szkolni przestpcy, DP [Nowa Huta], (151), p. 2;

04.05 04.06 04.07 04.08 04.09 04.10 04.11

Domy zaczn taczy, GwK (125), p.4; Centrum pod kontrol, DP[KK], p.I; Znikajca gra, GwK (237), p.11; Urodzaj na teatry, GW (241), p.14; Rekreacja powrci, GwK (214), p.4; To idzie modo, GwK (172), p. 10; Rolls-royce, awangarda i tsknoty, GwK (106), p.12;

04.12

O Nowej to Hucie piosenka, DP (25), p. 36;

45

Project of Nowa Huta, 1949-1959 [Ptaszycki:1959]

Plac Centralny (beginning of the 1950s) and a block of flats (1958) [Ptaszycki:1959].

The mud of Nowa Huta [DS 1974(24.07), GK 1984(no.84)]

The socialist city of workers [Z 1974(no.30)]

The city of riots [P 1982(no.3)].

The defense of the cross (1960), picture taken by a secrete police agent [R 2000(no.99)].

Nowa Huta as a city of peasants [GK 1996 (28.02)]

Nowa Huta as an area of ecological disaster [GK 1996(28.02)] and as the green city [Karnasiewicz:2003]

Nowa Huta as a threat - a picture from one of the Krakows local newspapers [GK 2004(no.127)]

The following diagram shows the number of articles in the local weekly magazine of Nowa Huta Gos Nowej Huty/ Gos Tygodnik Nowohucki which support the representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist or antisocialist city. The diagram bases on the investigation of all issues of this magazine from 1988 to 2002. Symbols used in the diagram: S A the collection of articles which support the representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist city; the collection of articles which support the representation of Nowa Huta as a antisocialist city; [if one article provides arguments for both of these representations, it is included to both of these collections] X + the number of items in the collection X; algebraic sum; algebraic subtraction; logical mulitiplication (common part);

11

10

09

Upper curve: S + A Lower curve: [S + A] - [SA] The distance between the lower and the upper curve shows the number of articles which provide arguments for both oppository positions.

08

S : the number of articles supporting the representation of Nowa Huta as a socialist city.

07

06

05

04

S - A : the idealized curve shows the difference between the articles supporting the oppository positions.

03

02

1989

1990

1991

1992

1996

1997

1993

1994

1995

1998

1999

2000

2001

00

01

02

1988

03

04

05

06

2002
A : the number of articles supporting the representation of Nowa Huta an antisocialist city.

01

os f G s] eo ng e issu ch a 991 lete tory e1 [ th comp aniza g is in to or due

ure ect chit f Ar a R e o r Alej nal ien gn fo IX B desi Ne w on i biti exh ND C LA a. SO H ut wa f No yo sar ver nni ha 50t T K P nce gn pai fere KW SE n cam Con nce ctio ish fere l ele ab l est . Connicipa s to um Mu ide use dec a m city a Hut nt. The me es N ow onu om the bec ted m a. c uta Hut a H prote Now gally o wa of N a le

nd. ola in P uta. H n i sm mu Nowa f om of c ary o end vers The h anni 40t

ha 45 t

y sar ver nn i

The plan of the centre of Nowa Huta and the section in the axis [Garlinski:1953]

The only partially realized design of the centre of Nowa Huta [Garlinski:1953]

Aleja R at the beginning of the 1950s [Garlinski:1953]

Political ceremony in front of the Lenin monument [DP 1996(no.124)]

The supervised emptiness in Aleja R [GwK 1998(no.68)]

The new design for Aleja R [renderings from the web page of the designers]

The council of the district proudly presents the realized design [GTN 2001(no.43)]

The critique of the realized design [GTN 2002(no.243)]

Nowa Huta as a green city [GwK 1997(3.07)]

The picture of Aleja R from the 1960-s as a critique of the realized design [GTN 2002(no.35)]

Aleja R revisited in 2002 [DP(no.171)]