(HET 227) Level-Ordering

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Level-ordering in

Lexical Development
Ashley Chen Kai Yun
Nurhazimah binti Mahmod
Ooi Hui Joy
Pohgawathi Davina a/p Deven
Level-ordering and its basic notion associated with
lexicon
• Level-ordering is suggested to be an innate structural property of the lexicon.
• Level-ordering constrains the child’s word-formation rules, independent of the
input received.

• An experiment is conducted with 33 children, results showed that:


(1) Children almost never produced regular plurals inside compounds
(e.g. rats-eater)
(2) As soon as children used irregular plurals, they used them inside compounds (e.g. mice-
eater)
(3) Pluralia tantum nouns were also used inside compounds (e.g. clothes-eater)
Introduction to levels

I • Primary affixes (Class I)


Level 1 N • Irregular inflection
C
L • Secondary affixes (Class II)
Level 2
U • Compounding
D
Level 3 E • Regular inflection e.g. eye → eyes
Introduction to levels

Nationalism
Nation : Stem
-al : Class I affix
-ism : Class II affix

*Class I affixes are always placed closer to the stem, followed by Class II. Hence, nationalism is a
word, nationismal is not.
Why teethmarks is acceptable but not
clawsmarks?

Why generate irregular plurals within


compounds instead of regular ones?

*Based on Victoria A. Murphy’s article in 2000


Plurals inside compounds

Teethmarks Clawsmarks
Tooth undergoes Level 1 Irregular Claw does not undergo Level 1 as it has
Inflection and becomes teeth regular plural form

Teeth undergoes Level 2 Compounding Claw jumps to Level 3 Regular Inflection


and becomes teethmarks and becomes claws

Claws goes back to Level 2 and becomes


clawsmarks, which is an unacceptable plural
Tooth proceeds to next level “smoothly”. form within compound

Claw does not proceed to next level


“smoothly”.
Plurals inside compounds (Gordon’s test)

Mice-eater Rat-eater
Mouse undergoes Level 1 Irregular Rat has regular plural form, so it remains as
Inflection and becomes mice rat in Level 1

Mice undergoes Level 2 Compounding and Rat undergoes Level 2 Compounding and
becomes mice-eater becomes rat-eater

Rat does not need to undergo Level 3


Regular Inflection
If the noun is irregular, the inflection form
should be included. If the noun is regular, the inflection form
should not be included.
Plurals inside compounds (Continued)

Clawsmarks is an unacceptable form. Based on Gordon’s test, claw


is a regular noun, hence it should remain as “claw” and move on to
next level.

Teethmarks Clawmarks
Tooth undergoes Level 1 Irregular Claw has regular plural form, so it remains
Inflection and becomes teeth as claw in Level 1

Teeth undergoes Level 2 Compounding Claw undergoes Level 2 Compounding and


and becomes teethmarks becomes clawmarks

Claw does not need to undergo Level 3


Regular Inflection
Tooth proceeds to next level “smoothly”.
Claw proceeds to next level “smoothly”.
Irregular plurals may appear inside compounds
 a. teeth marks
 b. mice eater

Regular plurals may not appear inside compounds


 a. claws marks
 b. rats eater
Problems for level-ordering
• As Kiparsky (1982) and subsequent researchers (Selkirk 1982;
Gordon 1985; AG 1996; Senghas, et al., ms) have noted, the
restriction on regular plural non-heads predicted by the level-
ordering hypothesis is not absolute.
• Regular plurals do in fact appear as non-heads of compound.
• The existence of regular plural compounds would thus seem to
present a counter-argument to the level-ordering hypothesis.
• However, proponents of level-ordering have an explanation:
recursivity.
Problems for level-ordering (cont’d)
• The rules of level ordering indicate that the pluralized noun cannot go
backward to Level 2 for compounding, but there is an alternative
explanation called recursivity.
• Recursivity is the pluralization of the internal noun happens as one
would expect it to based on level-ordering: it is subjected to regular
inflection at Level 3 (represented by the double arrows in Table 3, below)

Examples
Level 1 Mice, basket, clothes,
mouse, rat
Level 2 compounding
Level 3 -s
OUTPUT
• Even if we could limit which constituents were allowed to return to the
mechanism, how would we limit what processes happen to them on their
second pass through?
• If, as the claim goes, the pluralized constituent is truly returned to the top
of the mechanism then it should be subject to processes at all levels of
the mechanism – not just to compounding alone.
• In particular, it should be subject to affixation at levels one and two but
this does not appear to be the case. Consider the example of the
derivation of productiveness:

a) próduct +ive productive #ness productiveness


• The suffix -ive, which changes certain nouns to adjectives, has been
affixed noun product, yielding productive at Level 1.
• Then, at Level 2, the suffix -ness, which changes adjectives to nouns has
been affixed to productive yielding productiveness.
• Let’s imagine that things proceeded a little differently and that product
passed through the mechanism, not undergoing any affixation until it was
pluralized at Level 3.
• If this pluralized constituent, now products, could return to the top of the
level-ordering mechanism, it should then be subject to derivational
morphology at Levels 1 and 2.

b) próducts +ive *prodúctsive


• We saw before that a Level 1 suffix like -ive is affixed to a word at Level
1, however, example b) above reveals that a pluralized constituent is no
longer available to such affixation.
(Cont’d)
• We might assume that, since compounding occurs at Level 2, that Level 2
affixation can apply to pluralized constituents, but this does not seem to be
the case.
• Note the following example where a Level 2 suffix is affixed to a pluralized
constituent. Though, the fact that at least one Level 2 process can apply to
regular plurals after they have passed through the mechanism, any
affixation is intolerable.

c) sister #hood sisterhood


d) sisters #hood *sistershood
N-N compounds
This difference in acceptability of irregular and regular plural
nouns in the nonhead position of noun but this restriction is not
absolute.
Some regular plurals, both semantic and morphological, are
licensed as non-heads in N-N compounds.
 parks commissioner
 assists king
 admissions department
Support for level ordering
A good deal of support is given to the level-ordering argument
by the results of Gordon (1985), which showed that despite very
little evidence that irregular plurals are possible in compounds.
But there are also evidences and examples showing they are
not. The following are a list of irregular nouns which children’s
might be familiar with.
 toothbrush
 toothpaste
 mousetrap
 man-eater
• As soon as children are able to correctly use the irregular plural
form of a noun they prefer it as the internal noun of compounds
with irregular nouns.
• They do not, however, allow regular nouns to appear in their
plural form within compounds.
• Gordon’s research results seem to indicate that children are
organizing language based on certain structural constraints,
such as the morphological differences between regular and
irregular plurals.
• Gordon’s results are also in line with the general intuitions of
most adults that mice eater is better than rats eater.
Lexicalised Plural Compound
Level-ordering
• Gordon suggests that the constraint on morphological
processing is innate implies that language learners do not have
to rely solely on the input to be able to develop the appropriate
grammatical system

• Humans are preprogrammed to analyze the linguistic context in


a particular way
• There should be no necessary synchrony between the
appearance of irregular plurals in the child’s lexicon and their
allowability inside compounds.

• The force of the present data suggests that the young child’s
lexicon is richly structured in terms of the way in which rules are
applied.

• The apparent lack of appropriate input to the child, and failure to


find evidence of learning taking place, suggests that such
structuring might be an innate property of the lexicon.

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