Leo von Caprivi

Ending the Reinsurance Treaty

Only a week into office, Caprivi was forced to choose whether to renew the Reinsurance Treaty, a secret alliance Bismarck had made with Russia.^[22] Although he was a military man, war was not a political option for Caprivi and he opposed General Alfred von Waldersee's proposal for Germany to ally with Austria-Hungary and carry out a preventive war against Russia.^[23] Nevertheless, he followed the decision of officials of the Foreign Office around Friedrich von Holstein not to renew the Reinsurance Treaty and focus on a more straightforward alliance with Austria-Hungary.^[24] Unaware of the Foreign Office's determination, Wilhelm II had personally assured Russian Ambassador Count Pavel Andreyevich Shuvalov that the treaty would be renewed. When Caprivi discussed the issue with the Emperor, Wilhelm II yielded to his Chancellor, unwilling to dismiss another chancellor one week after dismissing Bismarck. The treaty was not renewed, and Shuvalov was shocked at the sudden reversal.^[25]

The decision led to the Reinsurance Treaty becoming public knowledge for the first time and prompted sharp criticism from supporters of Bismarck. In the press, Caprivi was subsequently attacked as a dilettante in foreign policy. Several historians have argued that this decision caused the encirclement of Germany which finally led to it fighting on two fronts in the First World War. However, the German relationship with Russia had already deteriorated in the final years of Bismarck's chancellorship, especially as a result of trade disputes regarding Russian agricultural exports. At the same time, strong forces in Russian politics were already pushing for a rapprochement with France in the late 1880s. It is unclear that renewing the Reinsurance Treaty could have overcome these factors. Although the ending of the Reinsurance Treaty was not the beginning of the crisis in German-Russian relations, it did have considerable consequences. In 1893 and 1894, Russia forged the Alliance with France and Germany was thus more closely committed to Austria-Hungary. Thus, the decision contributed to the formation of competing power blocks in Europe.^[26]

In place of the Reinsurance Treaty, Caprivi pursued the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Italy. He then sought to expand this through good relations with Britain.

Colonial policy

Success in Caprivi's pro-British policy was exemplified by the Heligoland–Zanzibar Treaty of July 1890, which had been largely prepared under Bismarck. In this treaty, the British gave Germany the small island of Heligoland in the North Sea and a strip of land named the Caprivi Strip after him, which was added to German South West Africa, thus linking that territory with the Zambezi River. Caprivi's goal in acquiring Heligoland was to secure the German North Sea coast and he hoped that the Caprivi strip would allow Germany to use the Zambezi for trade and communications with eastern Africa (the river proved to be unnavigable).^[27] In return, Germany gave up its protectorate over Wituland and Zanzibar in East Africa. More generally, the treaty was intended as a signal to Britain that Germany did not seek to challenge its status as the dominant colonial power. Caprivi hoped that the treaty would be the beginning of closer relations between the two countries, culminating in an alliance. The British also wanted closer relations, but Caprivi's government failed to make an agreement.^[28] This was partially due to conflicting approaches and interests in the Ottoman Empire.^[29] The treaty also sparked opposition to Caprivi within Germany from colonialist pressure-groups like the Alldeutscher Verband.

In general, Caprivi did not believe that Germany should compete with other powers for overseas colonies but rather should focus on its position within Europe, since he did not think that Germany would be able to defend an extensive colonial empire against the British in the event of a war. As a result, he did not support expansion of the German Colonial Empire.^[30]

Trade policy

Caprivi pursued an aggressive trade policy, saying "either we export goods or we export men." In his view, German Great Power status was not sustainable in the long-term without a powerful industrial sector. He also considered trade policy part of general foreign policy and sought to bind other countries to Germany politically through commercial treaties. A tightly intertwined "economic area of 130 million men" was meant to prevent the outbreak of military conflicts. He obtained commercial treaties with Austria, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, Serbia, Romania, Belgium, and Russia.^[31] These treaties reduced protective agricultural tariffs, which lowered the price of food in Germany. They also assisted the expansion of German trade through exports of industrial products.

In sum, Caprivi's approach marked the end of the protectionist Schutzzollpolitik [de] of the later part of Bismarck's chancellorship, but it was far from being a policy of free trade. Caprivi's policy enjoyed the support of a majority in the Reichstag and Wilhelm II cited his economic policies as grounds for his decision to promote Caprivi to the status of Count.^[32] This general support subsided quickly after Caprivi ended the trade war with Russia in 1894. This not only allowed the export of German industrial products but also a limited increase in agricultural imports to Germany. The damaged relationship with Russia was clearly improved, but internally it brought fierce opposition from agriculturalists.^[33]

Opponents were angry at the downplaying of German agriculture in favor of urban workers. Led by East Elbian Junkers, a coalition emerged that included peasant farmers, artisans, and conservative intellectuals hostile to the emerging industrial society. They demanded the Kaiser remove Caprivi.^[34][35] The Agrarian League was launched in 1893 to protest the reduction in tariffs against imported grains. The league was organized nationally like a political party, with local chapters, centralized discipline, and a clear-cut platform. It fought against free trade, industrialization, and liberalism. Its most hated enemy was socialism, which it blamed on Jewish financial capitalism. The League helped establish grassroots anti-Semitism of the sort that flourished into the 1930s.^[36]

Policy of compromise

Caprivi saw the state as a monarchical-social authority, based on Christian traditions. He sought to include all political parties through a balance of opposing domestic viewpoints.^[37] This was welcomed in the Reichstag and in public discourse. Caprivi saw himself as a kind of mediator between the crown and the Reichstag. However, he could not rely on the support of a strong party in the Reichstag and had to cobble together regularly shifting majorities. Nonetheless, the policy of compromise (Politik des Ausgleichs) initially had a real chance of success.

He attempted not only to win the support of civic liberals and conservative forces, but also to forge a working arrangement with representatives of the Poles and the recently annexed Province of Hanover in the Reichstag. The abolition of the Welfenfonds [de] decreased tension with the German-Hanoverian Party. Caprivi believed that the support of the Poles would be required in the event of a war with Russia and - more immediately - he needed the votes of their representatives in the Reichstag. He made concessions on the question of Polish language use in schools, eased work of Polish cooperative banks, and permitted a Polish archbishop for Poznań and Gniezno. However, the policy did not survive Caprivi's resignation and had no enduring consequences.^[38][39]

More consequential were his overtures to the Centre Party and the Social Democrats. By reimbursing the Catholic Church for state money that had been frozen during the Kulturkampf, Caprivi sought to win over the Catholic camp represented by the Centre Party. He conciliated the SDB by abandoning any attempt to renew the Anti-Socialist Laws and announcing reforms to the Prussian three-class franchise. However, this policy had clear limits: the executive, police, and judiciary continued to oppose the social democrats even without a special law.^[40][41] The attempt to modify the Prussian three-class franchise was rebuffed by the traditional elites, who forced the resignation of the interior minister Ernst Ludwig Herrfurth [de] and his replacement with the conservative Botho zu Eulenburg.^[42]

Social policy and tax reform

The social question meant that a progressive social policy was a central aspect of the reforms. Initially, these reforms were fully supported by Wilhelm II, in line with his idea of a "social empire." Caprivi attempted to use socio-political measures to neutralise the "revolutionary threat" supposedly posed by social democracy. In addition to the initial express support of Wilhelm II, the reforms were especially pushed by the Prussian minister of trade, Hans Hermann von Berlepsch [de]. The employment of children under the age of 13, who had not yet completed their compulsory schooling, in factories was forbidden and 13- to 18-year-olds restricted to a maximum 10-hour day. In 1891 Sunday working was forbidden and a guaranteed minimum wage introduced, and working hours for women were reduced to a maximum of 11.^[43] In addition, labour regulations were passed and industrial tribunals were established in 1890 to arbitrate in industrial disputes. Caprivi explicitly invited social-democratic representatives of trade unions to sit on these tribunals. An amendment of the Prussian mining law was proposed and support was offered for workers' housing. However, this policy had already come to a standstill in the later part of Caprivi's chancellorship.

The "Miquelsche tax reform", named for Johannes von Miquel, introduced a progressive income tax for the first time, which was supported by lower-income earners and also benefited landowners. In connection with the tax reform, new rural district regulations were passed, which extended suffrage to 200,000 people who had hitherto been excluded from political participation. The conservatives successfully watered down the reform so that only a minority of manors were affected.^[42]

Right-wing opposition

An important role in the development of right-wing opposition was played by Otto von Bismarck, who took advantage of positive statements about Caprivi from his "support parties", in order to publicly campaign against the "leftist policy" of his successor. Bismarck's position was strengthened by Caprivi's clumsiness, when he blocked a planned meeting between Bismarck and Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria-Hungary. Bismarck had been unpopular at the end of his chancellorship, but he now improved his reputation and became a centre of a right-wing opposition movement.^[44]

After the conclusion of the Zanzibar treaty with Britain, supporters of colonialism attacked Caprivi for selling off German interests. Even Bismarck, whose attitudes towards overseas expansion were lukewarm, participated in the attacks, with sharp criticism.^[45] An important opponent of the restrained colonial policy was the Alldeutscher Verband, a popular right-wing organisation. Meanwhile, Caprivi's trade policy led to strong opposition among conservative landowners. There were massive protests, in which large landowners were notable participants.

We must scream until it is heard at the steps of the throne!... I suggest nothing more or less than that we join with the social democrats and earnestly form a front against the government, show it that we are not minded to allow ourselves to be so badly treated, as we have been up till now, and make our strength known to them.

This proclamation in 1893 led to the establishment of the German Agrarian League.^[46]

On 20 December 1893, the conservative Kreuzzeitung spoke of an "unbridgeable chasm between the chancellor and the conservatives."^[47] In the German Conservative Party, criticism focussed especially on the rural district reforms, the commercial treaty with Austria in 1891, and the failure of a school reform based on religious confession. Hitherto, the party had been friendly to government, but it now become an oppositional force. At the Tivoliparteitag of 1892 it declared its support for Adolf Stoecker and his anti-semitic position.^[48]

Education bill and resignation in Prussia

Caprivi was also attacked by the National Liberals, Progressives, Free-minded liberals, and Free Conservatives whom he had tried to bring into his tent. The reason for this was an educational bill providing denominational board schools, a failed attempt to re-integrate the Catholic Centre Party into the conservative establishment after the Kulturkampf. Caprivi, although himself a Protestant, needed the 100 votes of the Catholic Centre Party but that alarmed the Protestant politicians.^[49] The publication of the draft law prompted an unexpectedly strong storm of indignation from civic liberals and moderate conservatives. Wilhelm II withdrew his support from the law. After the culture minister, Robert von Zedlitz-Trützschler [de] resigned in 1892, Caprivi offered his own resignation as well. As a result, Caprivi lost his position as Prussian Minister President and was replaced by Count Botho zu Eulenburg, leading to an untenable division of powers between the Chancellor and the Prussian premier. Caprivi had lost the Emperor's trust, even as the conflict between Caprivi and Eulenburg increased the Emperor's ability to exercise personal authority.^[50]

Clash over the Military bill

Simultaneously, a conflict arose over a new military bill. This consisted of an increase in the strength of the Imperial German Army and a decrease in military service from three years to two. The shortening of military service provoked considerable criticism from traditional military men in the Emperor's circle. Wilhelm himself harshly criticised the reduction of military service, since his grandfather Wilhelm I had instituted the three-year military service through considerable personal effort with the support of Bismarck in the 1860s.^[51] Some modernisers welcomed the measures, because they raised the number of reservists, but overall Caprivi lost support in military circles. Wilhelm II initially opposed the bill, but eventually allowed himself to be persuaded by the chancellor. Caprivi was unable to get the bill through the Reichstag, so he had it dissolved and called an early election in 1893. The newly elected Reichstag approved a plan which accorded with Caprivi's intentions.^[52] The left-liberals splintered on the military question. Eugen Richter and his Free-minded People's Party rejected the plan completely, but the Free-minded Union sought a compromise with Caprivi.^[53] The Centre Party was initially prepared to support Caprivi, but withdrew from him after the failure of the school reforms and as the criticism of the military plan increased.^[54]

Fall

By 1893, Caprivi's position had been weakened by several factors. Caprivi clashed with Wilhelm increasingly during his term as Chancellor, offering his resignation nearly a dozen times in four years. The Kaiser privately called him "a sensitive old fathead".^[55] In the Reichstag, there was no stable majority. Prussia had become an independent centre of power. The anger of the Conservatives intensified, accompanied by constant public attacks by retired Bismarck.

The actual end of Caprivi's chancellorship was triggered by his approach to the social democrats. The emperor had moved away from his initial social policy, under the influence of Carl Ferdinand von Stumm-Halberg, and now supported a law against the "revolutionary parties." Accordingly, Eulenburg announced an Imperial law against "revolutionary tendencies." It was clear that the Reichstag would not agree to this law, so he proposed that the Reichstag be dissolved and new elections held. Since a new Reichstag was also likely to reject the law against "revolutionary tendencies," he also proposed to enact a new electoral law which would insure the desired majority. In addition, Eulenburg's plan was also intended to get rid of Caprivi, who would not support a law akin to the Anti-Socialist laws that he himself had abolished. Wilhelm II made his own support for a battle against the "parties of revolution" clear. Caprivi remained opposed and offered his resignation. At first Wilhelm attempted to prevent this and turned against Eulenberg. But Eulenburg managed to persuade Wilhelm II that Caprivi was responsible for the publication of important private conversations between the emperor and the chancellor. Thus, on 26 October 1894, Wilhelm II required both Caprivi and Eulenburg to resign. They were succeeded by Prince Chlodwig von Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst.^[56][57]

Caprivi destroyed his papers on the evening of his resignation and departed for Montreux the next day. He made no public appearances for months and, throughout his retirement, he refused to speak or write publicly about his experiences as Chancellor or share his opinions on current events.^[58] He lived with his nephew at Skyren (today known as Skórzyn, Poland) and died there in 1899.^[56][59]