Chicano Movement

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[[Datei:

Cesar Chavez und Demonstranten.

Das Chicano Movement (auch: movimiento carpoforiano, Chicano Civil Rights Movement, El Movimiento) der 1960er war eine Bürgerrechtsbewegung, die sich an das Mexican American Civil Rights Movement der 1960er anschloss mit dem Ziel, Mexican Americans in ihren Rechten und ihrem Selbstbewußtsein zu stärken.

Ursprünge

Die Bewegung war Ausdruck einer vielfältigen Mischung von Konflikten um die Wiedererlangung von Bodenrechten, Rechte für Landarbeiter, verbesserte Bildung, Stimmrecht und weitere Bürgerrechte, und darüber hinaus war sie Ausdruck eines entstehenden Geschichtsbewußtseins. Im Bezug auf die sozialen Ziele bekämpfte das Chicano Movement vor allem negative Stereotypen gegenüber Hispanics und Latinos beziehungsweise Mexikanern in den Massenmedien und dem kollektiven Bewußtsein der Amerikaner.


Die Bezeichnung Chicano wurde ursprünglich abwertend gebraucht für Söhne und Töchter von Mexikanischen Wanderarbeitern. Teilweise wurde das Wort auch „Xicano“ geschrieben. Die neue Generation von Mexican Americans wurde von Menschen auf beiden Seiten der Grenze abgelehnt, weil sie in der Wahrnehmung weder Amerikaner, noch Mexikaner waren. In den 1960ern erlangte die Bezeichnung Chicano Anerkennung als Ausdruck der Selbstbestimmung und des ethnischen Stolzes.

Das Chicano Movement ging auch Diskriminierung in öffentlichen und privaten Institutionen an. Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts bildeten Mexican Americans Organisationen zum Selbstschutz vor Diskriminierungen. Eine dieser Organisationen, die League of United Latin American Citizens, etstand 1929 und ist bie heute aktiv.[1]

Das Chicano Movement had been fermenting since the end of the U.S.–Mexican War in 1848, when the current U.S–Mexican border took form. Since that time, many Chicanos and Chicanas have campaigned against discrimination, racism and exploitation. The Chicano Movement that culminated in the early 1970s took inspiration from heroes and heroines from their indigenous, Mexican and American past.

The movement gained momentum after World War II when groups such as the American G.I. Forum (AGIF), which was formed by returning Mexican American veterans, joined in the efforts by other civil rights organizations.[2] The AGIF first received national exposure when it took on the cause of Felix Longoria, a Mexican American serviceman who was denied a funeral service in his hometown of Three Rivers, Texas after being killed during WWII.[3] After the Longoria incident, the AGIF quickly expanded throughout Texas and by the 1950s, chapters were founded across the U.S.[4]

Mexican American civil rights activists also achieved several major legal victories including the 1947 Mendez v. Westminster Supreme Court ruling which declared that segregating children of "Mexican and Latin descent" was unconstitutional and the 1954 Hernandez v. Texas ruling which declared that Mexican Americans and other historically-subordinated groups in the United States were entitled to equal protection under the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.[5][6]

There were several leaders throughout the Chicano Movement. In New Mexico there was Reies López Tijerina who worked on the land grant movement. He fought to regain control of what he considered ancestral lands. He became involved in civil rights causes within six years and also became a cosponsor of the Poor People's March on Washington in 1967. In Texas, war veteran Dr. Hector P. Garcia founded the American GI Forum and was later appointed to the United States Commission on Civil Rights. In Denver, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzáles helped define the meaning of being a Chicano through his poem Yo Soy Joaquin (I am Joaquin)[1]. In California, César Chávez and the farm workers turned to the struggle of urban youth, and created political awareness and participated in La Raza Unida Party.

The most prominent civil rights organization in the Mexican-American community is the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF), founded in 1968.[7] Although modeled after the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, MALDEF has also taken on many of the functions of other organizations, including political advocacy and training of local leaders.

Some women who worked for the Chicano movement felt that members were being too concerned with social issues that affected the Chicano community, instead of addressing problems that affected Chicana women specifically. This led Chicana women to form the Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional. In 1975, it became involved in the case Madrigal v. Quilligan, obtaining a moratorium on the compulsory sterilization of women and adoption of bilingual consent forms. These steps were necessary because many Hispanic women who did not understand English well were being sterilized in the United States at the time, without proper consent.[8][9]

With the widespread immigration marches which flourished throughout the U.S. in the Spring of 2006, the Chicano Movement has continued to expand in its focus and the number of people who are actively involved within the Mexican American community. As of the 21st Century, a major focus of the Chicano Movement has been to increase the (intelligent) representation of Chicanos in mainstream American media and entertainment.There are also many community education projects to educate Latinos about their voice and power like South Texas Voter Registration Project. SVREP's mission is to empower Latinos and other minorities by increasing their participation in the American democratic process. Members of the beginning of the Chicano movement like Faustino Erebia Jr., still speak about their trials and the changes they have seen over the years.[10][11]


Geographie

Besonders ausgeprägt war das Chicano Movement vor allem in bestimmten Städten: Albuquerque, Chicago, Corpus Christi, Dallas, Delano, Denver, El Paso, Fresno, Houston, Las Vegas, Los Angeles, Oakland, Phoenix, San Antonio, San Diego, San Jose, Santa Barbara, San Francisco, Sacramento.

Scholars have paid some attention to the geography of the movement, and situate the Southwest as the epicenter of the struggle. However, in examing the struggle's activism, maps allow us to see that activity was not spread evenly through the region and that certain organizations and types of activism were limited to particular geographies.[12] For instance, in southern Texas where Mexican Americans comprised a significant portion of the population and had a history of electoral participation, the Raza Unida Party started in 1970 by Jose Angel Gutierrez hoped to win elections and mobilize the voting power of Chicanos. RUP thus became the focus of considerable Chicano activism in Texas in the early 1970s.

The movement in California took a different shape, less concerned about elections. Chicanos in Los Angeles formed alliances with other oppressed people who identified with the Third World Left and were committed to toppling U.S. imperialism and fighting racism. The Brown Berets, with links to the Black Panther Party, was one manifestation of the multiracial context in Los Angeles. The Chicano Moratorium antiwar protests of 1970 and 1971 also reflected the vibrant collaboration between African Americans, Japanese Americans, American Indians, and white antiwar activists that had developed in Southern California.

Chicano student activism also followed particular geographies. MEChA established in Santa Barbara, California in 1969, united many university and college Mexican American groups under one umbrella organization. MEChA became a multi-state organization, but an examination of the year-by-year expansion shows a continued concentration in California. Our maps and charts demonstrate that as the organization added dozens then hundreds of chapters, the vast majority were in California, which should lead scholars to ask what conditions made the state unique, and to wonder why Chicano students in other states were less interested in organizing MEChA chapters.

Politischer Aktivismus

Datei:Mural Chicano Movement.jpg
Casa Aztlán. A mural in Pilsen, Chicago for the Chicano Movement

1949 und 1950, the American G.I. Forum initiated local "pay your poll tax" drives to register Mexican American voters. Although they were unable to repeal the poll tax, their efforts did bring in new Hispanic voters who would begin to elect Latino representatives to the Texas House of Representatives and to Congress during the late 1950s and early 1960s.[13]

In California, a similar phenomenon took place. When World War II veteran Edward R. Roybal ran for a seat on the Los Angeles City Council, community activists established the Community Service Organization (CSO). The CSO was effective in registering 15,000 new voters in Latino neighborhoods. With this newfound support, Roybal was able to win the 1949 election race against the incumbent councilman and become the first Mexican American since 1886 to win a seat on the Los Angeles City Council.[14]

The Mexican American Political Association (MAPA), founded in Fresno, California came into being in 1959 and drew up a plan for direct electoral politics. MAPA soon became the primary political voice for the Mexican-American community of California.[15]

Student walkouts

main article|Chicano Blowouts After World War II, Chicanos began to assert their own views of their own history and status as Mexican Americans in the US and they began to critically analyze what they were being taught in public schools.[16]

In the late 1960s, when the student movement was active around the globe, the Chicano Movement inspired its own organized protests like the mass walkouts of high school students and the Chicano Moratorium in Los Angeles in 1970.[17] The student walkouts occurred in Denver and East LA of 1968. There were also many incidents of walkouts outside of the city of Los Angeles. In the LA County high schools of El Monte, Alhambra, and Covina (particularly Northview) the students marched to fight for their rights. Similar walkouts took place in 1978 of Houston high schools to protest the discrepant academic quality for Latino students. There were also several student sit-ins as objection to the decreasing funding of Chicano courses.

The blowouts of the 1960s can be compared to the 2006 walkouts, which were done as opposition to the Illegal Immigration Control bill.

Studenten- und Jugendorganisationen

Chicano student groups such as United Mexican American Students (UMAS), Mexican American Youth Association (MAYA) in California, and the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) in Texas, developed in universities and colleges in the mid-1960s. South Texas had a local chapter of MAYO that also made significant changes to the racial tension in this area at the time. Members included Faustino Erebia Jr, local politician and activist, who has been a keynote speaker at Texas A&M University at the annual Cesar Chavez walk.[18][19] At the historic meeting at the University of California, Santa Barbara in April 1969, the diverse student organizations came together under the new name Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MECHA). Between 1969 and 1971, MECHA grew rapidly in California with major centers of activism on campuses in southern California, and few chapters were created along the East coast at Ivy LeagueSchools.[20] And by 2012, MECHA had more than 500 chapters throughout the U.S. Student groups such as these were initially concerned with education issues, but their activities evolved to participation in political campaigns and to various forms of protest against broader issues such as police brutality and the U.S. war in Southeast Asia.[19] The Brown Berets, a youth group which began in California, took on a more militant and nationalistic ideology.[21]

Friedens-Aktivismus

The Chicano Moratorium was a movement by Chicano activists that organized anti-Vietnam War demonstrations and activities throughout the Southwest and other Mexican American communities from November 1969 through August 1971. The movement focused on the disproportionately high death rate of Mexican American soldiers in Vietnam as well as discrimination faced at home.[22] After months of demonstrations and conferences, it was decided to hold a National Chicano Moratorium against the war on August 29, 1970. The march began at Belvedere Park in LA and headed towards Laguna Park (since renamed Ruben F. Salazar Park) alongside 20,000 to 30,000 people. The Committee members included Rosalio Munoz and Corky Gonzales and only lasted one more year but the political momentum generated by the Moratorium led many of its activists to continue their activism in other groups.[23]

Chicano-Kunst

main article|Chicano literature|Chicano#Music|Teatro Campesino|Mexican murals

Art of the Movement was the burgeoning of Chicano art fueled by heightened political activism and energized cultural pride. Chicano visual art, music, literature, dance, theater and other forms of expression have flourished. During the 20th century, an emergence of Chicano expression developed into a full-scale Chicano Art Movement. Chicanos developed a wealth of cultural expression through such media as painting, drawing, sculpture and printmaking. Similarly, novels, poetry, short stories, essays and plays have flowed from the pens of contemporary Chicano writers. Chicano, Mexican-American, and Hispanic cultural centers, theaters, film festivals, museums, galleries and numerous other arts and cultural organizations have also grown in number and impact since this time.

Chicano Art developed around the 1960s.[24] In its beginning stages, Chicano art was distinguished by the expression through public art forms. Chicano artists created a bi-cultural style that included US and Mexican influences. The Mexican style can be found by their use of bright colors and expressionism. The art has a very powerful regionalist factor that influences its work. Examples of Chicano muralism can be found in California at the historic Estrada Courts Housing Projects in Boyle Heights.[25] Another example is La Marcha Por La Humanidad, which is housed at the University of Houston.

About 20 years later, Chicano artists were affected by political priorities and societal values. They were also becoming more accepted by society. They were becoming more interested making pieces for the museums and such, which brought about new forms of artwork, like easel paintings. By the late 1970s, women became very prominent in the artistic world. An increase in individualism was more apparent as Chicano artists entered the art business market.

Chicano-Presse

The Chicano press was an important component of the Chicano Movement to disseminate Chicano history, literature, and current news.[26] The press created a link between the core and the periphery to create a national Chicano identity and community. The Chicano Press Association (CPA) created in 1969 was significant to the development of this national ethos. The CPA argued that an active press was foundational to the liberation of Chicano people, and represented about twenty newspapers, mostly in California but also throughout the Southwest.

Chicanos at many colleges campuses also created their own student newspapers but many ceased publication within a year or two, or merged with other larger publications. Organizations such as the Brown Berets and MECHA also established their own independent newspapers. And Chicano communities published newspapers like El Grito del Norte from Denver and Caracol from San Antonio.

Over 300 newspapers and periodicals in both large and small communities have been linked the Movement.[27]

Aztlán

(Taken from the Chicano Activism section of the main article Aztlán) The concept of Aztlán as the place of origin of the pre-Columbian Mexican civilization has become a symbol for various Mexican nationalist and indigenous movements.

The name Aztlán was first taken up by a group of Chicano independence activists led by Oscar Zeta Acosta during the Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s. They used the name "Aztlán" to refer to the lands of Northern Mexico that were annexed by the United States as a result of the Mexican-American War. Combined with the claim of some historical linguists and anthropologists that the original homeland of the Aztecan peoples was located in the southwestern United States even though these lands were historically the homeland of many American Indian tribes (e.g. Navajo, Hopi, Apache, Comanche, Shoshone, Mojave, Zuni and many others). Aztlán in this sense became a "symbol" for mestizo activists who believed they have a legal and primordial right to the land, although this is disputed by many of the American Indian tribes currently living on the lands they claim as their historical homeland. Some scholars argue that Aztlan was located within Mexico proper. Groups who have used the name "Aztlán" in this manner include Plan Espiritual de Aztlán, MEChA (Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán, "Chicano Student Movement of Aztlán").

Many in the Chicano Movement attribute poet Alurista for popularizing the term Aztlán in a poem presented during the Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in Denver, Colorado, March 1969.[28]

Siehe auch

Einzelnachweise

  1. ↑ LULAC: LULAC History - All for One and One for All. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  2. ↑ 毎月の返済が遅れるなどを - お金を借りる即日cash｜ブラックでもお金借りたい方必見. Archiviert vom Original am 6. Juli 2015; abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  3. ↑ Rudi Williams: Congress Lauds American G.I. Forum Founder Garcia. U.S. Department of Defense, archiviert vom Original am 14. April 2012;.
  4. ↑ American GI Forum Map. In: Mapping American Social Movements. Abgerufen am 27. Januar 2017.
  5. ↑ LatinoLA - Hollywood :: Mendez v. Westminster. In: LatinoLA. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  6. ↑ HERNANDEZ v. TEXAS. The Oyez Project at IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. http://www.oyez.org/cases/1950-1959/1953/1953_406/
  7. ↑ MALDEF - About Us web.archive.org Fehler bei Vorlage * Parametername unbekannt (Vorlage:Webarchiv): "date"Vorlage:Webarchiv/Wartung/Parameter Fehler bei Vorlage:Webarchiv: Genau einer der Parameter 'wayback', 'webciteID', 'archive-today', 'archive-is' oder 'archiv-url' muss angegeben werden.Vorlage:Webarchiv/Wartung/Linktext_fehltVorlage:Webarchiv/Wartung/URL Fehler bei Vorlage:Webarchiv: enWP-Wert im Parameter 'url'.
  8. ↑ STERILIZED in the Name of Public Health. In: PubMed Central (PMC). Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  9. ↑ Untitled Document. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  10. ↑ Archived copy. Archiviert vom Original am 6. März 2012; abgerufen am 1. Februar 2013.
  11. ↑ "Chicano Power in the U.S.A." - Xcano Media, Los Angeles
  12. ↑ Chicano/Latino Movements History and Geography. In: Mapping American Social Movements Through the 20th Century.
  13. ↑ "Our First Poll Tax Drive": The American G.I. Forum Fights Disenfranchisement of Mexican Americans in Texas. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  14. ↑ Election of Roybal, democracy at work : extension of remarks of Hon. Chet Holifield of California in the House of Representatives. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  15. ↑ Untitled Document. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  16. ↑ Archived copy. Archiviert vom Original am 27. Juni 2009; abgerufen am 27. Juni 2009.
  17. ↑ Our PLACE Called Home - The Chicano Student Walkout web.archive.org Fehler bei Vorlage * Parametername unbekannt (Vorlage:Webarchiv): "date"Vorlage:Webarchiv/Wartung/Parameter Fehler bei Vorlage:Webarchiv: Genau einer der Parameter 'wayback', 'webciteID', 'archive-today', 'archive-is' oder 'archiv-url' muss angegeben werden.Vorlage:Webarchiv/Wartung/Linktext_fehltVorlage:Webarchiv/Wartung/URL Fehler bei Vorlage:Webarchiv: enWP-Wert im Parameter 'url'.
  18. ↑ http://www.tamuk.edu/southtexan/PDF_Archives/032310.pdf
  19. ↑ a b Moore, J. W., & Cuéllar, A. B. (1970). Mexican Americans. Ethnic groups in American life series. Englewood, Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. p. 150. ISBN 0-13-579490-0
  20. ↑ MEChA chapters map. In: Mapping American Social Movements. Abgerufen am 27. Januar 2017.
  21. ↑ Moore, J. W., & Cuéllar, A. B. (1970). Mexican Americans. Ethnic groups in American life series. Englewood, Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. p. 151. ISBN 0-13-579490-0
  22. ↑ 30 Years After the Chicano Moratorium. In: Frontlines of Revolutionary Struggle. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.
  23. ↑ http://chicanomoratorium.org/html/history_timeline.html
  24. ↑ Shifra M. Goldman: Latin American artists of the USA. Oxford Art Online, abgerufen am 20. April 2012.
  25. ↑ Estrada Courts.
  26. ↑ Chicano/Latino Movements History and Geography. In: Mapping American Social Movements.
  27. ↑ Chicano Newspapers and Periodicals, 1966-1979. In: Mapping American Social Movements.
  28. ↑ Alurista Essay - Critical Essays. In: eNotes. Abgerufen am 23. September 2015.

Literatur

  • Juan Gómez-Quiñones, Irene Vásquez: Making Aztlán: Ideology and Culture of the Chicana and Chicano Movement, 1966-1977 (2014)
  • Matt S. Meier, Margo Gutiérrez: Encyclopedia of the Mexican American civil rights movement (Greenwood 2000) online
  • Cynthia E. Orozco: No Mexicans, women, or dogs allowed: The rise of the Mexican American civil rights movement (University of Texas Press, 2010) online
  • F. Arturo. Rosales: Chicano! The history of the Mexican American civil rights movement (Arte Público Press, 1997); online
  • George I. Sánchez: "Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930–1960" Journal of Southern History (2006) 72#3 pp. 569–604 in JSTOR

[[Category:Chicano]] [[Category:Chicano nationalism]] [[Category:History of civil rights in the United States]] [[Category:Mexican-American culture]] [[Category:Mexican-American history]] [[Category:Nonviolent resistance movements]] [[Category:Defunct American political movements]] [[Category:Latin American culture]] [[Category:Hispanic and Latino American]] [[Category:Hispanic and Latino-American history]] [[Category:History of Latino civil rights]]

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