History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 18

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XVIII.

AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

1811-1812.

Government of Spain — The Córtes and National Sovereignty — Character of the Members — The Diputacion Americana and its Policy — Its Demands and Character of Concessions — Deputy Perez from Puebla — Deputy Cisneros Asks for Mexican Autonomy and Eventual Independence — Arizpe — Mier — Forced Loan — Representation of the Consulado of Mexico — British Offers of Mediation — National Constitution as Adopted — Its Publication in Mexico — The Press — Election of Ayuntamientos — Animosity of the Natives toward the Spaniards — Constitution Practically Suspended.

The Spanish córtes, all Spanish America being represented therein, were installed as a single chamber at the island of Leon, in southern Spain, on the 24th of September, 1810. One hundred and two deputies were present. Of their number, nineteen were chosen by natives residing in Cádiz as representatives of such provinces as were then under control of the French troops, and which for that reason could not freely hold elections, and twenty-nine were elected by natives of America and the Philippine Islands then dwelling in the same province. These forty-eight representatives sat in the chamber for the time being as substitutes, or suplentes as they were called, until regularly chosen deputies from their respective provinces could appear. Those called to represent New Spain were Andrés Sabariego, lawyer; Francisco Fernandez Munilla, a retired captain; José María Couto, parish priest from Puebla; José Maria Gutierrez de Teran, a retired officer of the royal garde-du-corps; Máximo Maldonando and Salvador de San Martin, prebendaries of Guadalajara; and Octaviano Obregon, an oidor of Mexico.^[1] In due time proprietary representatives from New Spain and other Spanish American and Asiatic provinces also presented themselves. All the members had to take an oath to support the catholic religion, to the exclusion of all other creeds; to maintain the integrity of the Spanish nation; to preserve all her dominions for Fernando VII., then a prisoner of Napoleon in France; and to observe the laws of Spain; reserving the right to modify or alter them when deemed conducive to the national welfare. Some days later the five regents of the kingdom resigned, and three were appointed in their stead by the córtes, namely, General Blake, and two naval officers, Císcar and Agar; the last named, being a native of Venezuela, had been specially selected that he might represent America in the regency.

The grave question of freedom of the press was soon on the tapis, giving rise to heated debate, and to the organization of parties which kept up constant warfare during the term. In favor of reform, and of a change in the principles of government hitherto accepted in Spain, were the young deputies, several professors, and all the priests supposed to be partisans of Jansenism. They constituted the liberal party. The others looked unfavorably on innovation, and urged the slow adoption of such measures only as necessity demanded. For a time the conservatives had no particular appellation, but at last the epithet of servil was applied to them.^[2] The deputies of the ultramarine colonies generally united on all issues affecting America, and were called "la diputacion americana." They formed a party by themselves, usually leaning toward the liberal side, and thus giving the liberal party a large majority. They kept up the same organization in successive córtes, taking but little interest in matters not American; but they courted European influence for obvious reasons.

The córtes having at their first sitting declared themselves sovereign, the American deputies moved that the act should be transmitted to the colonies, accompanied with certain decrees conducive to a termination of the differences that had broken out between the creoles and Spaniards. The chamber acquiesced, and appointed a committee of Americans to frame such resolutions as they might deem proper. Whereupon the committee demanded, in general terms, first, that the American provinces should have, to place them on an equal footing with those of Spain, the number of deputies allowed under the rule established on the 1st of January for elections in Spain; and second, a discontinuance of all persecutions and measures issued and based on the ground that the disturbances in the ultramarine provinces had sprung from a desire for separation from the mother country, including the recall of all commissions for the subjugation of Americans; and finally, that all American deputies chosen pursuant to the system prescribed for the córtes by the regency, should be admitted upon their arrival and presentation of their credentials.

The magnitude of the American demands certainly called for a more mature study than those deputies would naturally give time for. The chamber ordered, however, that the decree already passed should be published without delay and circulated throughout the ultramarine provinces. The other interesting points were left for future consideration; and mean time, by an act of the 15th of October, 1810, passed in secret session, it was confirmed and sanctioned that the ultramarine dominions were beyond all doubt the equals in rights with the Spanish provinces in Europe;^[3] the córtes assuming the duty of providing whatever might conduce to the welfare of the people dwelling beyond the seas, and of establishing the number and form of national representation in both hemispheres. A general and full amnesty was also decreed for all political offences, on condition of the sovereign authority established in Spain being unconditionally recognized.^[4]

The American deputies then laid before the chamber on the 16th of December, 1810, eleven propositions embodying the sum total of American grievances. They were sincere in their efforts to do away with all causes of future differences; but it is very evident that they little understood the spirit of the revolution then agitating the Spanish colonies. The propositions embraced the following points: 1. equality of representation, in proportion to population, with Spain; 2. agriculture, manufactures, and mechanical trades to be free from restriction; 3. freedom to export and import produce and merchandise, in national or foreign bottoms, all ports in America to be therefore opened to trade; 4. free trade between America and the Asiatic possessions; 5. all privileges restricting such freedom to be at once abolished; 6. the suppression of government monopolies, compensating the royal treasury for the consequent loss of revenue by a special duty on each article so freed; 7. the working of quicksilver mines to be free; 8. Americans, whether white men or Indians, and the descendants of either class, to have the same political rights as European Spaniards, particularly the right to be appointed to offices of honor or emolument at the royal court or in any part of the monarchy; 9. one half at least of the public offices in each kingdom or possession to be filled by natives of that kingdom; 10. a ‘junta consultiva de propuestas,' or nominating board, to be constituted, charged with the duty of carrying out the preceding clause;^[5] 11. and finally, the restoration of the Jesuits, as necessary for the spread of knowledge and for the progress of the missions.

The proprietary deputies for Puebla and Tlascala, doctors Antonio Joaquin Perez and José Miguel Guride y Alcocer, arrived and took their seats about the time the propositions were up for discussion; and on the 31st of December they signified their assent thereto, asking that they should be acted upon without delay, in view of the disturbed condition of all the American possessions. The chamber accordingly, though not without considerable opposition, decreed to devote two days in each week, namely, Wednesdays and Fridays, to the subject.^[6] But the 4th of January, 1811, on motion of Perez, the American deputies were asked by the córtes to issue an address to their constituents to stir up sentiments in favor of the mother country, that they might aid her as much as possible with money to carry on the struggle against France. Perez was warmly commended for his patriotism. The European deputies, not to be outdone in generosity, acceded to a proposition of the Peruvian deputy, Dionisio Inca Yumpangui,^[7] that the laws of the Indies enacted by the catholic kings for the protection and advancement of the Indians should be made practical. It was ordered that this act of the córtes should be read on three consecutive days in the parish church of each town in America and the Spanish Asiatic possessions.

The discussion of the American propositions was begun on the 9th. It soon became evident that the European deputies had little knowledge of America beyond matters relating to her discovery and conquest. Even the suplentes representing America, though able men enough, knew little in regard to administration, manners and customs of the inhabitants, advance in agriculture, arts, sciences, letters, etc. Vicente Morales Duarez, from Peru, was indeed the only one who had made a study of the authors treating of American affairs. There were present, then, only the two recently arrived representatives, Perez and Guride, competent to enlighten the house. A few days later came another who took an active part, Mariano de Mendiola, deputy for Querétaro.^[8] The second, seventh, and eighth propositions were passed without discussion. The first, after a warm debate, was rejected.^[9] Negroes and mulattoes had not been embraced in the proposition, because a law of October 15, 1810, had excluded them. Equality of representation for future córtes was all that the Americans succeeded in obtaining for the present. The difficulty encountered by them was the inexpediency of granting equal political rights to the Indian population. Perez was accused of having urged the European deputies to stand firm for the denial.^[10] Evaristo Perez de Castro, a European deputy, then moved that the Americans should have the right of a representation exactly equal to that of Spain, and that the forthcoming constitution should establish the mode of representation; but elections should be held in America in the same manner as in Spain for the córtes then sitting, namely, one deputy for every 50,000 inhabitants. The American deputies supported the motion, and discussion followed. There was some excitement, and harsh words were used on both sides, the European deputies speaking of the inaptitude of the Indians, and of the ingratitude of the Spanish Americans in not being satisfied with the liberal concessions hitherto made by the córtes. The question was finally voted upon on the 7th of February; and as Perez de Castro had divided his motion into two parts, the first was approved and the second rejected.^[11] The European deputies, to show their friendly feeling toward their American colleagues, as well as their appreciation of Perez' efforts on behalf of the mother country, had on the 24th of January chosen him president of the chamber, he being the first American that had been so honored. He was also placed on the committee to frame the constitution. The Americans, however, with or with out just grounds, began to suspect that Perez, who was a canon of Puebla, was working for a bishop's mitre.^[12] The third, fourth, and fifth propositions, all of which concerned trade, gave rise to warm debates. They contained demands of a very alarming nature at that period. Their further consideration was put off till such time as the córtes could obtain the opinion of several corporations in New Spain.^[13] The resolution of the sixth proposition, calling for the abolition of estancos, was also postponed; the only important one being that of tobacco. The ninth and tenth were reserved for action after the constitution should have been enacted. The eleventh, calling for the reëstablishment of the Jesuits, was rejected almost unanimously. A different result could hardly have been expected from a chamber constituted as that was. Indeed, a number of the American deputies had objected to the proposition, and had affixed their names to it only in deference to its author, Deputy Duarez; and one actually refused to sign it.

About the time this discussion terminated, there arrived at Cádiz on a British line-of-battle ship a number of deputies regularly elected in New Spain. They were mostly ecclesiastics, canons of divers cathedrals, the deputy from Vera Cruz being one exception; and their credentials being approved, on the 27th of February they took their seats. A few days after, the venerable Doctor José Beye de Cisneros, one of the representatives for Mexico recently come,^[14] presented a memorandum on the origin of the insurrection in New Spain, attributing the movement to the great love of the people for Spain, and their fear of being turned over to France.^[15] Cisneros wanted the provinces of America to have a certain autonomy, and proposed measures toward this end, namely, the creation of a provincial legislature, and a supreme legislature in each dominion, the latter to represent the government of Spain,^[16] and the eventual declaration of the independence of Spanish America—that is to say, in the event of Spain becoming subjugated. The ultramarine committee approved the plan; but it lay on the table eight months or more, the European deputies opposing its reading on the gronnd that it was revolutionary.^[17]

Next it was resolved to extend to America a forced loan decreed in Spain on the silver plate of the churches and private persons, excepting only that in the churches of Indians, that of the church of Guadalupe, and that of the parish churches.^[18] This decree was never published in New Spain, but the viceroy did seize the plate of private persons, as I stated, but as his own measure, and with a promise of reimbursement. No silver plate was taken from the churches. Other minor measures affecting America followed, most of which I allude to indirectly elsewhere. Other deputies arrived from time to time, and so the number of American members was completed. Among the suplentes of New Spain the most remarkable was José María Gutierrez de Teran, not only by reason of his eloquence, but also for his sterling character and energetic speech. But among American representatives, many of whom were an honor to their country, there was one particularly bright man, the deputy from the 'provincias internas de oriente' Doctor Miguel Ramos Arizpe, parish priest of the villa of Borbon in the colony of Nuevo Sántander, now state of Tamaulipas. He was a native of Coahuila, and began his professional studies in the seminary of Monterey, finishing in Guadalajara. He was full of spirit, fond of talking, and one would never suspect, either from his manner or dress, that he was a priest. He thought his countrymen too patient and gentle, and he would often say, "I am not a Mexican; I am a Comanche;" and he came to be known in the córtes by that name. Alaman assures us there were some marks of the Comanche in his face; a mixture of candor and malice, of energy and suspiciousness. His nose was small, round, and flat, hardly affording prominence enough to hold his spectacles, which, when not concealing a pair of small flashing eyes, were suspended on his heavy black eyebrows. His round face became exceedingly animated when his mind was occupied with public or social affairs. His small, thick, muscular form went well with the face; when he spoke his movements were those of an athlete rather than of an orator. Careless of dress, prodigal in his habits, generous with his friends, relentless as an enemy, knowing little of European politics, but understanding well men and human nature, speaking seldom in public, but carrying his measures by skill and cunning, he was far in advance of the average American representative in Europe. And Arizpe was not only the most prominent American deputy in Spain, but in later times, in republican Mexico he became one of her most distinguished statesmen.

The American deputies made quite free use of the press for the support of their principles. Cisneros, Iturrigaray's lawyer, replied over the signature of Don Facundo Lizarza, to the pamphlet of Juan Lopez Cancelada,^[19] former editor of the Gazeta de Mexico, entitled Verdad sabida y buena Fé guardada, giving a narrative of Iturrigaray's arrest, together with the causes that led to it. Cancelada was at the same time publishing a newspaper called El Telegrafo Americano, which though issued in Cádiz was supported by Spaniards residing in Mexico, and had been established for the express purpose of upholding the views and interests of the 'partido español.' In opposition to that journal, the deputy from Tlascala, Doctor Guride y Alcocer, established another, under the name of El Censor, which was a Spanish American organ, and had a number of prominent Americans residing in Cádiz among its contributors. Two of the ablest were Pablo de La Llave, and Doctor Servando Teresa de Mier y Guerra. The first named was a clergyman, and a native of Córdoba, in the province of Vera Cruz; a man of solid instruction, who in Madrid devoted himself to botany. He figured later as a minister of state in Mexico. We shall meet Doctor Mier again in Mexico, both before and after her final separation from Spain.^[20] The Spanish American residents in Cádiz were not content with discussions in the córtes and polemics in the press, and at times resorted to more direct hostilities. With the increase of their number, the aid of the press, particularly of El Español, and the progress made by the revolution in nearly all Spanish America, the deputies assumed a more decided tone in the chamber. On the 1st of August they presented an address, reiterating the demand contained in the eleven propositions, and insisting upon their adoption. They also added another demand, providing for the establishment of provincial juntas similar to those in Spain, to hold the government of their respective districts, and thus restrain the despotism of the rulers.^[21] The signers of this address asked the córtes to rise su perior to prejudice, and treat the matter with fairness and liberality. The address was read in secret session, and caused much discussion, but no action was taken beyond referring it to a committee. All the points embraced in it were afterward considered as settled by clauses in the constitution when adopted.

The committee on the constitution^[22] laid before the chamber on the 18th the chief part of its labors, namely, the organization of the legislative and executive powers, and the 24th was fixed for further deliberations. There were other measures before the congress more closely connected with this history. One was a petition from the consulado of Mexico respecting the representation which America should have, according to the state of civilization of the several classes constituting her population.^[23] The consulado complained that the elections of deputies had not been according to law, being carried by ayuntamientos at capitals composed mostly of creoles; so that the deputies chosen were exclusively of that class. The consequence was, that Spaniards in New Spain, a wealthy and influential class, were left unrepresented. It therefore petitioned that the consulados of Mexico, Vera Cruz, and Guadalajara, representing the merchants of each district, and embracing almost all the Spaniards in the country, should each be represented in the córtes by two deputies, and all further discussion on American affairs should be suspended till those six representatives had been admitted to their seats. In the mean time, the consulado asked that the deputies Evaristo Perez de Castro, Manuel García Herreros, and Agustin Argüelles should be recognized as provisional defenders of the European Spaniards residing in New Spain.

Another representation, of May 27th, took up the history of America from its first settlement, assuring the córtes that the accounts given by the conquerors were grossly exaggerated. After praising the institutions, the wisdom of the government, and Spanish good sense, and representing the castes in the country in the darkest colors, the consulado explained how the desire for independence was awakened, accusing the Spanish junta central of having greatly promoted it by its proclamation. All the political errors, which according to the consulado's opinion the junta committed in the system adopted toward America, proceeded from the example set by the constitution formed by the junta de notables called by Napoleon at Bayonne. The consulado believed it a 'solemne disparate' that Spain and the Indies should be governed by the same code of civil, criminal, mercantile, and fiscal laws. The petition concluded by asking that the representation from New Spain should not exceed twenty-one deputies, namely, one from each province, and the six chosen by the three consulados.^[24] This brought on much irritation. The American deputies deemed themselves and their countries grossly insulted.^[25] Morales Duarez then offered a resolution that the paper should be denounced by the córtes and burned by the common executioner. He further proposed that the port of Cádiz be closed, so that no vessel could carry away information that such a measure was before the córtes without its being accompanied by its denouncement. Further than this, the Spaniards of Mexico kept sending letters to the government and private persons which were printed in the Spanish journals, and translations of them inserted in foreign papers. A prominent London journal was subsidized by them. Such letters were filled with abuse against the natives of America.^[26]

The representation of the consulado was referred to a committee of three Americans and two Spaniards. The majority reported pretty much the form of decree that was proposed by Morales Duarez; but one of the Spaniards, Gutierrez de la Huerta, dissented. The subject gave rise to violent words, which coming to nothing, it was formally buried. In Mexico they had but a confused idea of the consulado's representation by an extract from it that was circulated in November, which gave rise to an edict published on the 11th by the viceroy, prohibiting certain seditious papers that were in circulation on rivalries between European and American Spaniards, and even forbidding conversations on these matters. A mail ship that left Cádiz the 2d of October brought advices toward the end of December of the occurrences in the córtes, which added to former anger, and sent many into the ranks of the revolutionists. Indignation was still further aroused when by royal order the consulado was thanked for its representation, its zeal and patriotism being praised, and fault found only with a few of its expressions.^[27] Among the several incidents that the discussion on the constitution gave rise to, one of the most important was brought about by deputies opposed to liberal ideas, who advocated placing the regency of the Spanish dominions in the hands of the princess Carlota Joaquina, Fernando's sister, who with her husband, the prince of Brazil, was at Rio Janeiro, whence she had addressed letters to the córtes and authorities demanding that her son, the prince Don Pedro, should be recognized as regent. The córtes refused the demand, and the affair ended in the appointment of a new regency, with five members, in place of three.^[28] Another important matter was an offer made by the British government to mediate between Spain and her American possessions, which was declined through fear that England would get them all.^[29] It finally became the practice to choose the president of the chamber from the American deputies every other month.^[30] And they well deserved it, no less by reason of their talents and learning, than for their honesty and patriotism. The great reputation and influence that several of them enjoyed in their respective countries after their independence were first won by them in the córtes at Cádiz. At last, on the 18th of March, 1812, after months of labor, the córtes gave to the Spanish monarchy the much desired constitution. It was divided into ten titles, which I epitomize in a note.^[31] It was liberal enough in its provisions. To the monarch was not given undue authority. The provinces were guaranteed in the córtes equality of representation with Spain. Negroes and their intermixtures were excluded from citizenship, which in Mexico was deemed a political mistake, giving rise to much discussion.^[32] Eighteen deputies from New Spain and the provincias internas signed the constitution. Had all this come in time, and in the right way, her colonies might have been saved to Spain. But it was too late. Justice and humiliation were now not enough; she must pay the penalty of her past iniquities. The cost of such an immense representation, and the transportation of the deputies from 2,000 to 6,000 leagues every two years, were points not without consideration.^[33]

The córtes proceeded at once to carry out the constitutional clause that created a council of state, making the appointments of councillors, however, only one half the number. Among the American appointees were José Maríano de Almansa, of Vera Cruz, and Melchor de Foncerrada, of Mexico. The constitution, with the order to proclaim and carry it into effect, reached Viceroy Venegas on the 6th of September in the correspondence brought by Llano's expedition from Vera Cruz. After the subject had been duly considered by the viceroy, council, and several corporations called upon for their advice, it was on the 28th published by royal edict with the usual solemnity. On the 30th the viceroy, audiencia, and other authorities residing at the capital, assembled in the reception-hall of the palace; the constitution was read by one of the king's secretaries, and all officials present made oath to keep it. Then followed salvoes of artillery and ringing of bells, while a concourse of people filled the plaza. Religious ceremonies in the cathedral and other official acts followed, including that of reading the new fundamental code aloud to the people, among whom it produced a deep impression. The occasion was duly celebrated with commemorative medals, public amusements, illuminations, and largess to the lower classes. The oath of recognition of and allegiance to the new regime was administered, on the 4th and following days of October, to the people at large, the lower courts and officials, the religious orders of both sexes, and the troops, all manifesting a lively pleasure with the establishment of a system that was to do away with the old despotism; and indeed, hopes were awakened that the troubles of the country would be thereby terminated. Never had allegiance been sworn to the kings with so much solemnity or zeal. The army was not behind others in its manifestations of joy. The batallon primero Americano threw the gibbet to the ground; but the most surprising spectacle of all was that of the battalions, mostly made up of the very mulattoes that the constitution deprived of citizenship, taking the oath with as much joy and gratitude as the rest.^[34] Orders were issued to adapt everything to the forms and language of the new system. Thus the 'plaza mayor' had its name changed to 'plaza de la constitucion,' and a commemorative stone was placed therein. The custom-house, mint, revenue, etc., had the adjective 'nacional' attached to them in lieu of 'real,' as had been formerly the practice.

The amnesty decrees of the córtes were published, and the viceroy with the audiencia visited the prisons to release all persons therein detained that were entitled to the boon; but none held for insurrection were liberated. The constitution called for many changes in the administration of justice and revenue as well as of government. The civil and military authorities were not to be vested in the same person; the audiencia was reduced to nothing more than a superior court, and ceased to be the viceroy's council; all privileged courts must go out of existence; the special administrations of certain branches, such as drainage of the valley, were to be given in charge of the 'diputacion provincial.' Not the least important of these changes was that which placed the administration of justice exclusively in the ordinary courts, thus doing away with the junta de seguridad which had had exclusive jurisdiction in proceedings for treason. All these novelties would be fraught with serious consequences even in times of peace; it may well be imagined what the effect was with revolution raging throughout the land.

The most important innovations were yet to be put in practice, namely, freedom of the press, and election of the popular ayuntamientos to supersede the perpetual ones hitherto existing. Liberty of the press had been proclaimed, and a regulation decreed therefor by the córtes as early as the 10th of November, 1810, but the measure had not been carried into effect in Mexico. The regulation provided the appointment of a board in each province composed of five members, two of whom were to be ecclesiastics. From that board an appeal was allowed to a supreme board residing near the supreme government and composed of nine members. This supreme board had the power to nominate the members of the respect ive provincial boards, and its decisions were final.^[35] It may easily be conceived how inconvenient this arrangement was of one single board for all Mexico, and how tardy must be the recourse to the supreme board in Spain. The revolution having broken out in Mexico when the law was issued, the viceroy, fearing that freedom of the press would be a powerful agent to spread the insurrection, availed himself of a petty circumstance, the death of one of the members appointed to form the board, to postpone its installation till there was a full board. No appointment was made to fill the vacancy in seven or eight months. Meantime all the authorities in Mexico, civil, military, and ecclesiastic, were consulted, and with the exception of one bishop, expatiated on the dangers of having a free press under the existing circumstances. However, Arizpe pressing the subject and the córtes acceding to his demands, the fiscales of the audiencia in Mexico reported that the publication of the law could no longer be delayed. It was accordingly made public on the 5th of October, 1812, and the board, or 'junta de censura,' was formally constituted and qualified, with Archdeacon Beristain for its president, and José M. Fagoaga vice-president. It is not necessary to recapitulate here the restrictions and formalities that the printing and publishing of books and periodicals had been subjected to. Of the almost unlimited freedom now granted, writers scarcely knew how to make avail, it was all so new and strange.^[36] After all, it was but a fleeting blessing, as we shall see.

The reader doubtless remembers what has been said in an earlier volume of this work on the jealous care the government took under the old legislation of the Indies,^[37] to prevent all popular assemblages, unless they were approved of by the superior representative of the king's authority, and presided over by an official of his appointment. The constitution purposed to do away with this system with the inauguration of popular elections, which offered as great a contrast as between a free and a restricted press. According to the census, the capital was entitled to twentyfive electors, assigning two to the most populous parishes, and four to that of the Sagrario, dividing the latter into four sections, with an electoral table at each, but without fixing the respective num ber of voters. The result was that the triumph of the American element was complete; not a single European was chosen as an elector. In fact, the electoral law was violated in the most barefaced manner. The American ticket contained the names of those known for their revolutionary proclivities; and the Spanish had those of the most noted Spaniards, and of a few creoles partial to them. No effort was made to qualify the voters, and thus were polled many illegal votes. In some parishes more votes were cast than there were vecinos. The count of the votes being concluded at 8:30 p. m., and the triumph of the creole party established beyond a doubt, the victors gave themselves up to rejoicing. The people rushed to the cathedral towers and rang the bells during a great part of the night, and ceased only when the viceroy's secretary came out and stopped it. Some asked to have the artillery fired, but the viceroy refused. On the following day there were still more marked manifestations.^[38] The viceroy fearing a riot kept the troops in their barracks, and caused the corregidor to issue orders for the people to retire to their homes, or the patrols would use force. The populace obeyed, and by night quiet had been fully restored. In Toluca, Puebla, and other places, the result of the elections was the same. Animosity toward the European Spaniards was manifest everywhere. The principles of the insurrection predominated. This popular movement was not certainly a concerted revolutionary plan; but there can be no doubt that it was prompted by some persons for ulterior purposes.^[39]

The elements placed by the new constitution in the hands of the revolutionists rendered it almost impossible to expect a favorable result of the war for the royalist cause. Till lately the rebels had been able to use the press in a very limited degree only, but now the constitution placed every printing-press in the country at their disposal. Seditious writings were, it is true, subject to the action of the junta de censura, but this was after they had been circulated and had their effect. The public peace in the capital and other large cities had been preserved by great vigilance on the part of the royal authorities. It had been much imperilled during the recent municipal elections; but the greatest danger was not over. The election of deputies to the ordinary córtes in Spain was soon to take place, and the government reasonably feared that its enemies would profit by the late experience.^[40] The city of Mexico heretofore had been divided into a number of districts and subdistricts. The former were in charge of the alcaldes de corte, corregidor, and alcaldes ordinarios, under whose supervision were the officials placed over the subdistricts, all of whom the government could have reliance on. But under the constitution the system was reversed; it behooved the ayuntamiento to aid the alcalde in protecting life and property and preserving public order. The difficulty now was this: how could the preservation of order be left to the very persons most interested in disturbing it? This state of suspense lasted till the 3d of December, the viceroy's saint's day, San Francisco Javier, when the recently chosen electors, taking to themselves un due importance, called on him to present their con gratulations, and he received them with marks of displeasure. The Pensador Mexicano, of which mention was made before, had been declaiming in several numbers against the government. It had extensively expatiated on the complaints of the Americans, demanding an armistice, in order to let those who had taken up arms be heard, and then wait for the decision of the national córtes. In the number of December 3d, while pretending to felicitate the viceroy, it was insulting;^[41] and speaking of the edict of June 25th, justly called the sanguinary edict, it ended by asking in the name of the clergy and their flock that it be revoked. The viceroy hesitated no longer. He summoned the justices, fiscales, and alcaldes del crímen^[42] to a consultation, which lasted several hours, and was advised by twelve of the thirteen functionaries that he should suspend the freedom of the press.^[43] In the edict published on the 5th of December were given the grounds for the suspension, and the old laws and regulations were restored, the junta de censura being charged with the duty of examining every writing intended to be printed, and the viceroy reserving to himself the right of restoration of the liberty of the press when the present extraordinary circumstances should have ceased.^[44] Another edict of the same date prohibited, under the penalty of ten years in the chain-gang, the ringing of bells without an order of the government, and the forming of groups, which the armed force was enjoined to disperse.^[45]

The government had now a knowledge of the persons that might be included in the dangerous class and persecuted. Without observing any formalities, the junta de seguridad, which still exercised power, though the press had clamored for its suppression, arrested Fernandez Lizardi of the Pensador Mexicano. He was, however, soon after released, and continued the publication of his paper till he had completed the number subscribed for, but in quite a different tone.^[46]

Venegas said nothing at this time about the elections to be made for deputies to the córtes, and for those to constitute the diputacion provincial;^[47] but when asked about the matter, toward the end of December, by the outgoing ayuntamiento of Mexico, and by some of the electors, he declared them suspended, directing the old ayuntamiento to continue acting as theretofore till further orders. In fact, everything prescribed in the constitution to be done was left unexecuted. Thus was that instrument in a little more than two months from its most solemn promulgation suspended by an act of executive volition; and yet they continued administering the oath to obey it to all authorities and corporations that had not been sworn.^[48]

The constitution, both by its promulgation and subsequent suspension, gave a great impulse to the revolution in affording legal pretexts for its support. At first the insurgent sheets said that the only bonds existing between the American and Spanish people lay in the sovereignty recognized in the kings. But as the constitution had now changed the foundations of Spanish society, placing the possessions of Spanish America on an equal footing with the mother country, the former had acquired rights that demanded respect, and if they were violated, they had a right to dissolve the connection. At the suspension of the constitution it was claimed that the people of Mexico should resort to arms, because the laws on which depended the pacification of the country had been wantonly set aside by the government; they alleged that those laws, if they did not end the revolution everywhere, could certainly have brought calm and peace to the greater portion of the country. Such were the remarks of the Correo del Sur, nos 20 and 31. Morelos wrote Rayon on the 15th of January, 1813, that they now had the evidence of Spanish rascality. The Spanish authorities had called for elections to lay a heavy hand afterward on the electors; they had granted liberty of the press to imprison the writers.^[49] The córtes had really armed the revolutionists with a double-edged sword. The whole matter went before the supreme government in Spain, and was taken into consideration by the regency and council of state, by order of the córtes at the instigation of the American deputies, with Arizpe at their head, who wanted to see Venegas and the audiencia impeached for their suspension of the constitution; but nothing came of it. As it was a measure intended to subjugate the rebels of America, it was deemed just, and its author was not punished, but on the contrary, commended. The opinion finally given by the council of state was that in Mexico nothing but a military regime should rule until the revolution was quelled. Both the córtes and regency arrived at the conclusion that further concessions would be out of place, and the rebellion must be quelled by force of arms with the utmost energy, to which end the government would detach as many troops as possible from the army in Spain.

 

 

1. Most of the representatives of the provinces in Spain, both proprietary and substitutes, were professors, lawyers, or ecclesiastics among these last, a number were said to be jansenists —public officials, and some young men who had read the French philosophers of the previous century, and were therefore imbued with the ideas and principles of the French revolution. The American suplentes were mostly lawyers, and priests who had gone to Spain after preferment from the royal court, with a sprinkling of military men who had served in America but had been long established in Spain, and a few employés of the government.
2. Servile; or worse still, as one of the opponents treated them by detaching the syllables, thus, ser vil, to be vile, or a vile being.
3. 'El inconcuso concepto de que los dominios españoles de ámbos hemisferios son iguales.' Córtes Diario, i. 7, 10, 12, 24-6, 46.
4. Decree no. 5 of the extraordinary córtes, i. 10. Of this ample amnesty so earnestly called for by the diputacion americana, and from which so many beneficial effects were expected, several persons took advantage, among them the ex-viceroy Iturrigaray, and the lawyer Juan Francisco Azcárate, who had been under arrest since September 1808, though allowed the privilege of his own dwelling for a prison. Others returned to their country to be drawn into the vortex of revolution, and to lose their lives on the scaffold—instance Acuña and Alconedo. Hidalgo and Allende disdainfully refused to accept the tender made them by Cruz at Saltillo, as we have seen. Lesser chiefs accepted the pardon when the law was published by the viceroy. The results of the measure were unimportant, however, as most of the insurgents looked upon it with indifference. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 10-12.
5. Such board to be composed of the senior oidor, the rector of the univer sity, the dean of the college of lawyers, the highest military officer, and the highest treasury official. It was to sit at the capital of the vice-royalty or captain-generalcy, for filling each respective office within its district, ‘al turno Americano,' or when the American term comes, 'á cuya terna deberán ceñirse precisamente las autoridades á quienes incumba la provision.' Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 647-54; Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 246-7; Córtes Diario, ii. 316-26, 346-51.
6. Córtes Diario, ii. 233-4.
7. A lineal descendant of the royal family of that country, who when a child had been brought to Spain in the reign of Cárlos III.
8. The oath of office was administered to him Jan. 15, 1811. Córtes Diario, ii. 401.
9. By 64 nays to 56 yeas. Id., 1811, iii. 31.
10. 'Respondiendo él con su cabeza que México no lo llevaria á mal.' Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 648; Alaman, iii. 105.
11. The approval of the first was by 123 ayes against 4 nays; the rejection of the second by 69 nays to 61 ayes. The latter had for its object that the equality should have effect in the then sitting córtes. Córtes Diario, 1811, iii. 290; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 17-24.
12. The córtes had transferred themselves on the 24th of Feb. to Cádiz.
13. In a chapter on the commerce of Mexico, I give the final results.
14. He had an allowance of $12,000 a year from the ayuntamiento of Mexico, and being frank, hospitable, and generous, his house was at all times open to his colleagues. Whenever the American deputies were offended by some occurrence in the córtes, he would say, 'Esto, amigos, no tiene mas que un remedio, que es el P. Hidalgo,' alluding to the revolution begun in Mexico, which he strongly approved of. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 61.
15. Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 655. The diarios de córtes make no mention of this document; possibly it was considered in secret session. I have already, in connection with Cos' plan de paz y guerra, and with Rayon's letter to Morelos, given the real reason of the revolutionists' use of the name of Fernando.
16. To which he said, 'estuviesen sujetos los vireyes y togados despóticos.’ Guerra, Hist, Revol. N. Esp., ii. 665; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 52-3.
17. 'A revolutionary plan!' cried Cisneros, 'they are a pack of fools who will drive America to independence.' Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 650.
18. On the motion, in the order given, of Perez, Guride, and Gordoa, deputies respectively from Puebla, Tlascala, and Zacatecas.
    hist. mex., vol. iv. 29
19. One of Iturrigaray's bitterest enemies; he was sent away to Spain 'bajo partida de registro,' by Viceroy Archbishop Lizana.
20. Mier was a man of remarkable ability. His birthplace was Monterey, in Nuevo Leon, having descended from one of the families that settled there in 1599. His father had been governor and captain-general of Nuevo Leon. After completing his studies he professed as a Dominican friar in Mexico, and afterward was made a doctor of theology. In a short time he became noted for his eloquence and sound reasoning in the pulpit, and particularly on his preaching the sermon on the 8th of Nov. 1794, at the solemn obsequies of Hernan Cortés, which were attended by the viceroy, the courts, prelates, and the élite of Mexican society. Another great discourse that he delivered in the colegiata of Guadalupe on the 13th of Dec. of the same year was the beginning of the series of misfortunes which he experienced during his life. In that discourse he denied that there had been an actual apparition to the Indian Juan Diego, as had been reported and was believed by so many, of the so-called virgen de Guadalupe. Gomez, Diario, 422. The effect of the sermon was at first a great triumph for the orator, and for a few days he enjoyed the praises of his friends; but in the mean time the ecclesiastical censorship took the matter into consideration by order of Archbishop Haro, and the end of it was that Mier was arrested, and sentenced to be confined ten years in one of the most austere convents of his order in Spain. His sufferings were such, even before sentence, that nature gave away, and he offered to retract his statements, and even to prepare and publish a discourse against that sermon, but nothing availed him. Some days later was published 'Inter missarum solemnia,' an abusive edict that may justly be called a defamation of character. He was allowed no defence, no appeal, none of the tutelary forms of justice. The sermon originating this infamous treatment was in 1799 referred by the council of the Indies to the Academia de la Historia, when it was decided, in Feb. 1800, that the author had not actually denied the apparition of Guadalupe; and that his sermon contained nothing in any manner worthy of theological censure or note. It was added that the archbishop had exceeded his authority, and all that had been done in Mexico, as well as the sentence, was illegal and unjust. 'Un hombre de honradez y de mérito cayó maniatado en mano de sus verdugos.' Payno, Escritos Dr Mier, 5-7. This is a work containing the memoranda incomplete of Dr Mier's adventures from the time of his arrest in Mexico, and in Europe, and particularly of his sufferings in Spain.

    Mier travelled in Europe; and in Rome, to escape the persecutions of his order, had himself secularized. At the breaking-out of the insurrection against the French he became the chaplain of a Spanish regiment and served some time till he was taken prisoner, but escaped when being carried to France. On his return to Cádiz he was promised a prebend. Meantime he wrote vehement letters on American affairs to El Español, published in London. Whether it was from fear of persecution, as he alleged, or that Iturrigaray allowed him a stipend to write in his defence in that city, he went there and published, under the name of Doctor Guerra, his second surname, his Historia de la Revolucion de Nueva España, anttguamente Anáhuac. Lon don, 1813, 2 vol. 8vo, i., liii. and 364 pp. 81.; ii. 305-778 pp., and app. of pp. i.-xlvi. This work, of which mention has already been made, treats of the events in the years 1808-13; the first volume covering the period from July 15, 1803, to January 17, 1811, and giving a synopsis of the origin of the insurrection, as also a full account of Hidalgo's revolution, campaign, etc. The second volume contains political events from Jan. 1811 to March 9, 1813, principally Morelos' campaigns; it also furnishes lengthy debates in the Spanish córtes, with comments thereon. The author tries to appear impartial, but at times allows himself to be carried away by passion in speaking of the Spanish oppressive colonial system, and of the events connected with the French invasion of Spain. His bitterness reaches the highest point at the mention of certain names that are supremely hateful to him. Hidalgo is his hero, and other revolutionary leaders receive their meed of praise. His historical and statistical illustrations, as well as his comments on affairs in general, prove a cultivated mind, and evince great study; and those on European policy in particular show his familiarity with it. The style is elegant and full of spirit, abounding in opportune witticisms, which reveal the author's clear mind, erudition, and sound judgment. Mier continued writing till Iturrigaray noticed that the work was becoming an apology for Mexican independence, which did not enter into the ex-viceroy's views, and the allowance to meet expenses was stopped. The author still continued writing, but when his means gave out and he could not pay the printer, the latter attached the copies on hand, and caused Mier to be put in the debtors' prison, where he might have remained but for the arrival of the first envoys from Buenos Aires, who paid the printer and took the books, all of which they sent to their own country; but the vessel on which they were shipped was wrecked and the books lost. Only a few copies that were distributed during its publication exist.

21. The paper was drawn up by Doctor Guride, deputy for Tlascala, and signed by 33 deputies; the signature of Manian, deputy for Vera Cruz, does not appear on it. El Español published it March 1812, iv., no. 24, 370. Alaman, Hist. Méx., iii., app. no. 2, 5.
22. Composed of the most prominent members of the córtes, several of whom were Americans. Among them were Antonio Joaquin Perez and Mariano Mendiola. The chamber was at the time presided over by Juan José Guereña, canon of Puebla and deputy from Durango.
23. Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii., 336-77, gives the document, which bears date April 17, 1811, and another on the same subject dated May 27th. They had the signatures of Diego de Agreda, conde de casa de Agreda, prior, Francisco Chavarri and Lorenzo Noriega, consuls; and were drawn up by Francisco Arámbarri, a Basque from Guipúzcoa, who had lived many years in South America. Basilio de Arrillaga was the secretary of the consulado, but being a native of America, he was kept in ignorance of the contents. Alaman, Hist. Méx., iii. 76-7, v. app. 100. The electoral law of Aug. 20, 1810, published in Mexico Dec. 19th, said that it embraced all Spaniards, whether born in America or Asia or elsewhere, that were domiciled in these countries, the Indians, and also the sons of Spaniards and Indians.
24. The second petition was sent to a merchant who was a relative of the deputy García Herreros, secretary of the córtes, to whom he delivered it. The latter kept it in his possession, as the American deputies suspected, till the 10th of September, on which day, the congress being engaged in the discussion of the article in the constitution excluding from representation the negroes born in Africa, he laid it before the president, who reported it to the house, and the latter, believing it would throw light on the point under discussion, ordered it read in public session. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 76-7.
25. The discussions may be found in Córtes Diario, viii. 338 et seq.; and in Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., i. 285-7; ii. 674-5.
26. The insurgents were represented as bandits and assassins; and the Spaniards as so many saints, who only took life in retaliation to check the hordes of malefactors. Guerra, Revol. N. Esp., i. p xi.; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 78.
27. 'Una reprehension que fué un elogio.' The Spaniards carried their point. Guerra, Hist,. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 674-5. The ill feeling grew worse when the people saw Chávarri, one of the signers of the offensive paper, appointed to succeed the conde de Casa de Agreda, whose term had expired. Arechederreta's manuscript gives all the facts, and a quartette that circulated at that time as follows:

    Francisco, Lorenzo y Diego
    Sin salir del consulado
    Hicieron mas insurgentes
    Que Allende y el cura Hidalgo.

    
    Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 84.

28. Duque del Infantado, a councillor of state and native of Carácas; Viceadmiral Juan María Villavicencio; Ignacio Rodriguez de Rivas, of the council of Castile; and Lieut-gen. O'Donnell, conde del Abisbal.
29. The offer was at last accepted, but accompanied with impracticable conditions. In 1812 England repeated the offer, with suggestions to serve as a base for negotiations, namely, 1. cessation of hostility by land or sea; 2. general amnesty; 3. confirmation of rights and American representation in the córtes; 4. free trade, with certain advantages given to Spaniards; 5. offices of viceroy, governors, etc., in America to be given without distinction to Americans and Europeans; 6. the internal government of America and the administration of all its branches to be in charge of the ayuntamientos conjointly with the chief of the province. European Spaniards to be equally eligible. America to recognize Fernando as her sovereign, and give him money. Correio Braziliense, no. li.; El Español, Sept. 1812; Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 703-4. Offer of mediation rejected by 101 to 46. According to El Español, the mediation was not refused as regarded Carácas, Santa Fé, and Quito; but there being no revolutionary government in Mexico, it was deemed improper to treat with rioters.
30. The first American president was Canon Antonio Joaquin Perez; others followed, and Morales Duarez having died suddenly on the 2d of April, 1812, whilst holding that office, the córtes paid his remains most distinguished honors. The deputy from Zacatecas, Gordoa, was the last president of the extraordinary córtes. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 102.
31. Title I. declared that the sovereignty was in the nation, and told what constituted a Spaniard. Title II. defined the Spanish dominions, including therein all American and Asiatic possessions; established the catholic religion to the exclusion of all others; form of government limited hereditary monarchy, with powers divided into legislative, executive, and judicial; and told what constituted a citizen. To descendants of negroes, born in wedlock of parents who were born free, and married to free-born women residing in the Spanish dominions and exercising some profession, trade, or useful industry with sufficient capital of their own, was left open the door of virtue and merit to become citizens. It was enjoined on the córtes to grant letters of citizenship to men or women of color who rendered good services to the country, or distinguished themselves by their talents, industry, and good behavior. Title III. constituted the córtes in one chamber formed of the deputies from the Spanish dominions in Europe, America, and Asia, the basis of representation being the same everywhere, namely, one deputy for every 70,000 inhabitants, and another for an excess of 35,000; every province was to have at least one deputy. The election of deputies was to be made by three successive orders of voting. To have a vote it was necessary only to be a domiciled citizen within the parish, and after 1830 the voter must be able to read and write. Titles IV. and V. treated respectively of the king's powers, and of the organization, etc., of courts. Title VI. suppressed the ayuntamientos, to be superseded by others popularly chosen, which were to have charge of the local police of their towns, of the municipal revenue, public instruction, benevolent establishments. The new ayuntamientos were to be under the supervision of other corporations of higher rank, called diputaciones provinciales, one of which was to exist in each province, and be presided over by the superior chief appointed by the crown, and composed of the intendente and seven members, chosen by the same electors who were to choose the deputies to the córtes. The next three titles referred to civil, fiscal, and military administration, including freedom of the press already established by a law; and the tenth to the observance of the constitution. Esp. y Constituc. Polít., Cádiz, 1812, 8vo, 11. 52 pp. 41.; Id., Cádiz, 1812, 16mo, 1-134; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 10412; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., viii. 550-4; Córtes, Colec. Dec.,ii. 158-64; Arrangoiz, Méj., i. app. 100; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 232-3.
32. The exclusion was represented to the crown as an injustice, in a paper signed by Bishop Friar Antonio de San Miguel of Michoacan, but drawn up by Abad y Queipo, his successor. The ayuntamiento of Guadalajara, though composed of European Spaniards, had instructed the deputy Uría to speak in favor of the African race. The córtes failed to see that the negroes and mulattoes, deprived by the constitution of the rights of citizenship, not only formed the 'batallones de pardos y morenos,' organized for the defence of the burning region of the sea-coast, but had actually rendered most valuable service to the royalist cause, fighting with remarkable zeal against the insurgents. Moreover, a number of descendants from negroes had been ordained as priests; there were others filling honorable positions, and the majority of them were useful men tilling the soil and working the mines.
33. The consulado of Mexico said that the 'desamparo de las casas, la molestia y peligros de largas navegaciones,' would keep in constant distress a number of the best families. It also refers to the enormous expense that the transportation and support of the deputies must entail. Mier, whose computation was rather low than exaggerated, sets down the deputies from the ultramarine provinces at 143, besides one third that number of suplentes; the consulado, including the castas, gave 250 deputies and eighty suplentes, costing yearly $1,300,000, besides the expense of transportation.
34. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 279-81; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 374; Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1029, 1038-42, 1054-1246, passim; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 34-91
35. To constitute the board in Mexico, the following persons were appointed: Archdeacon Beristain; José M. Fagoaga, a native of Spain, but in favor of Mexican independence; Pedro Fonte, who later became archbishop of Mexico; Guillermo Aguirre, regente of the audiencia; and Fernandez de San Salvador, some of whose writings about the revolution had been energetic, and others low and scurrilous. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 281-5; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iv. 899-901; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 374-5.
36. Cárlos M. Bustamante, one of the earliest to enter the field, begins the first number of his journal El Juguetillo, asking 'Conque podemos hablar?' He was followed by El Pensador Mejicano, by Joaquin Fernandez Lizardi, till then an obscure, unknown man, but who was afterward given for a surname the title of his publication. The editor of the Diario now ventured to freely express his thoughts. Several loose papers were circulated on the ecclesiastical fuero; there were very few evidences, if any, of a disregard for the decencies of society. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 286-7.
37. Recop. de lnd., i., iv., 25.
38. There were masses of thanksgiving at the several parish churches, which were attended by the electors chosen. From the carriage of one of them, Jacobo de Villaurrutia, the people unharnessed the mules and pulled him to his house amid much applause. The same was done with a canon and two ecclesiastics. With a man of the rabble as their leader, the crowd seized a carriage and conveyed in it to the parish church of San Miguel Cárlos M. Bustamante and Doctor Sartorio, electors chosen for that district.
39. Francisco Galicia wrote President Rayon a narrative of the occurrences, saying that the people had given proof of their enthusiasm, uttering vivas to America, the supreme junta, and each one of its members, and crying, 'Mueran los gachupines,' not completing the work for the want of arms. He asked Rayon to approach the city with his forces, in which event he (Galicia) with his people would ask the viceroy for arms to defend the place; if given they would be used to aid Rayon, and if refused he would endeavor to take them forcibly, and then sally out to join Rayon, as he had 14,000 or more Indians in the capital that would follow him. Rayon was so much pleased that he suggested to Verdusco the expediency of fitting out a force to take advantage of so good an opportunity. Rayon's letter to Verdusco, from Tlalpujahua, Dec. 9, 1812, captured by the royalists with Verdusco's baggage in the attack of Puruándiro, of which an account will be given.
40. An attempt was made to nullify the last elections, and to make an investigation into the popular disturbances; but the fiscales of the audiencia advised that no further steps should be taken in the matter, in order to avert all occasion for more popular meetings.
41. 'Es un miserable mortal, un hombre como todos, y un átomo despreciable á la faz del Todopoderoso; las suele torcer la malicia, la ignorancia, ó la lisonja.' Id., 294.
42. According to his own words, 'resolví celebrar Acuerdo pleno de señores ministros de esta Real Audiencia con mi asistencia.' Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1292-3. This of itself was unconstitutional, for after the constitution was put into effect the audiencia was no longer an acuerdo, having been limited to judicial functions.
43. Villaurrutia, who had been appointed oidor of the audiencia of Seville, was not present. The fiscal Osés dissented; he recommended the creation of a supreme junta de censura in Mexico.
44. Bustamante, Notic. Biog., 12, 13, speaks of the revolutionary spirit of the press. Torrente, Revol. Hisp. Am., i. 341; Bárcena, Manif., 13.
45. The decree about ringing of bells is qualified with the words 'á vuelta de esquilas.' Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1293-4.
46. Cárlos M. Bustamante, editor of El Juguetillo, fearing arrest absconded, and finally joined the insurrectionary chief Osorno at Zacatlan. Another elector named Martinez was imprisoned on the charge or suspicion of carrying on correspondence with the insurgents. Several others were persecuted later. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 296; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 186-90; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 234.
47. In the new territorial division for the intendencias, there was one province formed with those of Mexico, Puebla, Oajaca, Vera Cruz, Michoacan, and others, all of which were to be under one diputacion provincial residing in Mexico. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 364.
    hist. mex., vol. iv. 30
48. Venegas continued exercising more powers than he had before the publication of the fundamental law. Notwithstanding the marked infringement of it, he still published the decree of the córtes, to the effect that 'infracciones de la constitucion se vieran de preferencia por los tribunals correspondientes.' Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 409.
49. He ended in his usual way with a Latin quotation, 'quid adhue desiderare possumus.' Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 297-8.