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Magasin des Demoiselles 25-8-1853, RP-P-2009-3342
Woman with Birds LACMA M.2005.115.1

Tips

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Biografier

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Memoarer

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Tidningar

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Faktaämnen

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Andra världskriget

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Antiken

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Biografier/enskilda personer

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Bysans

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Hovhistorik

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Häxprocesser och annan rättshistoria

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Korea

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Kvinnohistoria

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Modehistoria

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Norge

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Religion

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Slaveri i Amerika

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  • [237] afroamerikanska slavägare
  • [238], slaveri franska indien
  • [239], färgade slavägare new orleans
  • [240], kvinnl plantageägare
  • [241], kvinnl slavägare
  • [242], [243] afroamerikanska slavägare
  • [244] svarta plantage slavägare

Slaveri i Centralasien

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[248], [249], [250], haremslaveri laveri harem centralasien

Slaveri i Europa

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Slaveri arabvärlden efter Osmanska riket

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  • [252] slaveri saudiarabien

Slaveri i för-osmanska arabvärlden

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  • [265] harem konkubiner
  • [266], [] Port said, Carminati, Lucia. "'She Will Eat Your Shirt': Foreign Migrant Women as Brothel Keepers in Port Said and along the Suez Canal, 1880-1914." Journal of the History of Sexuality, vol. 30, no. 2, May 2021, pp. 161+. Gale Literature Resource Center, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A682924076/LitRC?u=anon~6d8753cc&sid=googleScholar&xid=8aab7763. Accessed 7 Oct. 2023.
  • [267] vit slavhandel
  • [268] Cordoba harem
  • The slave trade of European women to the Middle East and Asia from antiquity to the ninth century. by Kathryn Ann Hain. Department of History The University of Utah. December 2016. Copyright © Kathryn Ann Hain 2016. All Rights Reserved. https://collections.lib.utah.edu/ark:/87278/s6616pp7. s. 256-257, slavhandeln europeiska kvinnor till 900
  • [269], [270], slaveri arabvärlden
  • [271], qyian, harem slaveri
  • [272] harem slaveri; brittisk kamp mot
  • [273] Granada furstinnor
  • [274], [275] saqaliba, haremslaveri
  • [276], harem andalusia
  • [277], [278], [279], [280] slaveri harem

Slaveri i Östasien

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Slaveri i Iran

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  • [283] harem massakern iran 1632

Slaveri Osmanska riket

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  • [284] kvinnliga slavar osmanska riket
  • [285], [286], prostitution i osmanska riket

Slavhandel

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  • [321] arabiska slavhandeln, trans-sahara etc

Sverige

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Teater och annan scenkonst

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Västindien-New Orleans

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  • [334], [335]: menagere/placage
  • [336] Saint Domingue flyktingar till New Orleans

Övrigt

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Uppslagsverk

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Artiklar

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[366] magdans

Harem

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[1]

Även de kungliga hoven i Sydostasien hade harem. Det gällde till exempel Aceh i Iskandar Muda på Sumatra, Mataramsultanatet på Java, Bantensultanatet på Sumatra, Gowasultanatet på Sulawesi, och Brunei. Eunucker och konkubiner var vanliga i Mellanöstern till 1900-talet, där sharialagen åtlyddes. Muhammed själv ägde två konkubiner och sharia rättfärdigade seden med mäns rätt till sexuellt umgänge med frasen "dem din högra hand äger", och barnen blev fria så länge fadern erkände faderskapet, varpå deras mor blev fri vid faderns död. På 1870-talet började konkubiner ifrågasättas i Sydostasien, vilket också var först i den muslimska världen, vilket dock bestreds av Mawlana Sayyid Abul A'la Mawdudi (1903-1979). Sydostasien tillämpade dock inte sharia fullständigt utan tillämpades parallellt med lokal sedvanelag. Eunucker (sida-sida) var inte vanliga i Sydostasien utom i Aceh, som var persiskinfluerat och där Beaulieu uppgav deras antal till cirka 500 1619-22, tills de plötsligt försvann cirka 1700. Forskningen har inte uppmärksammat hareminstitutionen i regionen mycket. Konkubiner kallades gundik, och till skillnad från hur det var i resten av den muslimska världen, var de inte alltid slavar. Att härstamma från en slav uppfattades som en svår skam. I Aceh med dess matrilineära seder hade barnet till en slavkonkubin lägre status i generationer, och konkubiner använde därför både preventivmedel och begick barnamord för att undvika det. Fria konkubiner hölls i Sumatra så sent som på 1890-talet, vilket var ett brott mot sharialagen. På Java fanns seden med fria konkubiner, något som var vanligt hos den javanesiska aristokratin. Bantensultanatet tillämpade sharia mer strikt, och tillät därför enbart slavkonkubiner. Banten hämtade konkubiner från de byar som vägrat konvertera till islam och därför hade förslavats: 'those villages which during the period of Islamisation had refused to embrace the new religion, and had thereupon been declared to be slaves'. Barnen till fria konkubiner hade lägre status än barnen till hustrur, något som bröt mot sharialagen; prins Dipanagara av Yogyakarta förvägrades till exempel rätten till tronen med hänvisning till att hans mor var konkubin, vilket utlöste stora javakriget 1825-1830. Det förekom att muslimska slavkonkubiner såldes till icke-muslimska män, särskilt kineser, vilket också var mot sharia men var vanligt under 1700-talet. I Sulawesi uppges hustrur ha piskat och till och med dödat konkubiner av svartsjuka. Vissa harem uppges ha blivit mycket stora, särskilt Acehs under 1500- och 1600-talet. På Borneo uppges konkubiner på 1840-talet ha kunnat äga sina egna slavar. De lokala härskarna fortsatte ha konkubiner även efter att de blivit vasaller till Nederländerna: i Lampung uppges det ha förekommit ännu under första världskriget.

Icke-muslimska kinesiska flickor (mui tsai eller anak beli), importerades till Aceh så sent som under mellankrigstiden och importerades även vidare därifrån till Arabiska halvön: för att undvika de holländska myndigheterna kallades dessa köpa för adoptioner. Under 1600-talet importerades manliga slavar pepparodlingarna på Sumatra och slavinnor för sexuellt slaveri fram till 1900-talet. i varje fall i Lampung.

I slutet av 1800-talet började malajiska författare kritisera seden med konkubiner och även månggiftet. På 1880-talet förbjöd Sayyid 'Uthman b. 'Abdallah b. 'Aqil b. Yahya (1822-1931), utnämnd till Indonesiens mufti av holländarna, seden att köpa minderåriga kinesiska flickor som konkubiner från slavhandlare i Singapore, att endast muslimska flickor i könsmogen ålder kunde användas som konkubiner och äktenskap med underåriga slavflickor endast var lagliga om de var muslimer och hade sin fars, inte slavhandlarens tillstånd. 1922 frågade en insändare den egyptiska tidningen al-Manar om det var legitimt att köpa flickor från kinesiska familjer till konkubiner och fick ett nekande svar av redaktören Rashid Rida. Exakt när seden med konkubiner upphörde är oklart, men den minskade bland den ledande modernistiska eliten som var påverkad av västerlänningar, som beskrev seden som en av de sedvänjor som bidragit till regionens förfall. Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto (1882-1934), överhuvud för Indonesiens Sarekat Islam under 1910-talet, publicerade flera srtiklar mellan 1921 och 1929 där han fördömde javaneiska adelsmäns sed att kidnappa vackra flickor ur allmänheten och förslava dem som konkubiner. Vid hovet i Aceh användes också så kallade Nias-danspojkar i åldern 8-12, som användes som sexsslavar så sent som på 1870-talet.

Kladd

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(Sigma: 365-369)

Zeme 

(Lith., žemyna) functioned as a primordial goddess and major fertility deity. Her name  means  “earth”,  and  she  is  commonly  referred  to  as  Zemes  māte  (Mother  of  the  Earth). All humans are the children of Earth: in Lithuanian, the word designating men (žmogus) and women (žmona) are derived from the word for Earth. Zemes māte, as she appears in folk tales, has up to a hundred sisters, herself being the eldest of the siblings. Th  e sources may also be interpreted as suggesting that she presents herself in all these shapes, some of which have very special functions, as indicated by their descriptive names: Dārzu māte (Mother of the Garden), Lauku māte (Mother of the Fields), Meža māte (Mother of the Forest). Some descriptive names point to a specifi c plant or animal that is under each mother’s protection: Lazdu māte (Mother of the Hazel), Sēņu māte (Mother of Mushrooms) and Briežu māte (Mother of Deer). Th   e role of each particular mother is expanded: they are transformed from being purely fertility goddesses to protectors 366 in general, as indicated by such names as Pirts māte (Mother of the Sauna) and Uguns māte (Mother of Fire). Morphologically related are the goddesses Kapu māte (Mother of the Grave), Smilšu māte (Mother of Sand) and Veļu māte (Mother of the Dead). In many names the word māte is used to mean not only “mother” but also “goddess”, as in, for example, the names Saules māte and Laimas māte, designating the mother goddess of the sun and the mother goddess of fortune.

Other mother goddesses ruled over the sea (Jūras māte, Mother of the Sea) and air (Vēju māte, Mother of the Winds). Th e latter has its counterpart in the Vedic tradition as Vayu mātā, the spouse of the god of winds (vayu). In Baltic religion, however, these Mother goddesses never seem to have had spouses attributed to them.

Māra 

 is  another  important  mother  goddess,  who  rules  over  life,  death  and  rebirth.  Earth and waters constitute her realm. As Māršava she is the protector of cows, animals that  were  especially  venerated  in  the  Baltic  tradition.  In  the  transmigration  of  souls,  a  topic mentioned in Latvian folk tales, the soul of the deceased mother occasionally takes the form of a cow in order to help her children. Etymologically her name derives from an Indo- European root *- mer- /- mor- .  Th  is root lies at the basis of words such as Sanskrit māra (which can mean both “death” and “love”), English to mar, nightmare, and Russian mor (“plague, death”). In Latvian mirt (“to die”), mērdēt (“to kill”) and murgs (“nightmare”) explain her fi eld of activities. She is generally understood as a black- haired goddess, as opposed to Laima (see below) who is fair- haired. She is the protector of animals and of the kettle. Toads and frogs are her favourites; by embodying the souls of the deceased they are under her special protection. Up to the Second World War, a tradition on the Curonian spit was to make the grave-markers in the graveyard in the form of a toad, even though the population was Lutheran. Th  e grave-markers on female graves were carved from the wood of the linden tree (Tilia cordata) and those for men were made from oak, two trees symbolizing femininity and masculinity in the Baltic tradition. A popular Latvian belief is that one should not hurt a frog or toad, or one’s mother will die soon. Māra herself occasionally takes the shape of a black adder. In order to seek the pro-tection of Māra, one has to sacrifi ce a black kid on the crossroads at midnight between Monday and Tuesday while reciting the appropriate magical formulae. Similar practices are known to have been carried out in relation to other mother deities (Adamovičs 1956: 569; Straubergs 1941: 628–9). In the Russian tradition (Šmits 1930: 168) her counterpart might be Zmeja Marina (“Snake Marina”). Such attempts to connect Māra with Zmeja Marina or with the Virgin Mary have, however, been criticized by earlier and contempo-rary scholars such as Bruņenieks (1938: 24), Karulis (1988: 8) and Kursīte (1996: 311). Th  ough Māra is traditionally not called “Mother”, she is treated as such. Mother  goddesses  acquired  new  roles  in  agrarian  society,  and  there  appeared  such  fi gures as the Mother of Milk, Mother of the Night Watch, Mother of Flax, and so forth. Archaeological excavations have unearthed artifacts from the second millennium bce that indicate a transition to an agrarian mode of subsistence, but do not document religious life from this period.4 For information on these agrarian goddesses, we are once again largely confi ned to analysing the daina and other forms of folklore. Celestial gods Dievs is the central god of Baltic pre- Christian religion. In the Baltic traditions Dievs has anthropomorphic characteristics. Linguists agree that etymologically the Latvian name

Dievs 

(and its counterpart in other Baltic languages: Lithuanian, Dievas; Old Prussian, Deivas)  has  a  common  origin  with  names  of  such  deities  as  the  ancient  Indian  Dyaus  (mentioned, e.g., in Māhabhārata,Book I, ch. 93) and the Greek Zeus, which are in turn derived from the Indo- European root *dyēu-  and its derivatives. Th  e meaning of words derived  from  this  root  is  “the  heavens”.  In  cosmogonic  myths  he  is  the  demiurge,  the  creator  of  the  world  and  of  humans.  In  this  act  of  creation  he  is  assisted  by  his  coun-terpart  Velns,  whose  etymology  is  unclear.  Recent  scholarship  (Toporov  1990:  293–8)  connects this latter fi gure with the cult of ancestors. Ve l i s, plural Ve ļ i, that is, the souls of the deceased who are ruled by the Mother of Veli (Latvian Veļu māte), the ruler of the deceased, the underworld and darkness, are allowed to come into this world in autumn during the Time of Ve l i (Ve ļ u   l a i k s), traditionally from September 29 (St Michael’s day) until  October  23  (Simjūdi)  or  in  some  places  until  November  10  (Saint  Martin’s  day).  During this time, the veli visit their former home and kinsfolk. Th   ey are entitled to a special treat: various kinds of food left   for them on the kitchen table or in the barn. Nowadays this time lasts up to the fi rst Sunday before Advent when the end of Veļu laiks is celebrated by lighting candles in graveyards. Th  e Mother of Ve l i may later have become the Mother of Velns, a character of Latvian folk tales, and veļi recast as velni or “devils”. Jods (“black” in the Livonian language) is another word used for the devil. In Baltic religions the colour associated with Jods/Velns isblack, perhaps a sign of their chthonic origin. Th  e  celestial  deities, by contrast, are fair.In the versions of legends that have reached us, Dievs is represented as mild and caring for his creation, whereas Velns is presented in a rather comic vein. He attempts to spoil Dievs’s creation, and does so either unintentionally (trickster- like, he creates mountains on the earth by spitting mud over the smooth surface of the earth created by Dievs) or intentionally: Dievs created humans with one leg “to walk good ways only” and one arm “to do good things only” but Velns gave them the other leg “to walk bad ways” and the other arm “to do bad things”. Velns originally had kept the sun and moon for himself, but Dievs got hold of them and threw them into the sky: the sun with his right hand and the moon with the left    one.  Th   ere  are  many  diff  erent  versions  of  the  cosmogonic  legends,  many  of  which  have  been recorded at a comparatively late point in time. In many of these legends, Dievs does not remain in his heavenly dwelling, but oft en descends from his celestial abode to live among the people. He can be met on one’s path or knocking on one’s door in the shape of an old man dressed in beggar’s robes testing the virtue and generosity of humans who are aft erwards rewarded or punished accordingly. But his true home is on the top of the mountain of heaven. Haralds Biezais (1975: 323) indicates that Cardinal Valenti in 1604 provided the oldest evidence that the Balts worshipped a god of heaven. Valenti recorded the name of this deity as Tebo Deves, a corrupted form of debess dievs (“sky god”). Th  at  same  year,  the  Jesuit  father  Janis  Stribins,  in  his  discussion  of  ancient  Latvian  religion,  noted that the Balts claimed that they had a sky god: Habemus, inquit, Deum q(ui) habetcuram coeli, “We have, he says, God who rules the sky (or: whose care is the sky)” (Biezais 1975: 323). It is from this celestial yard that Dievs saddles his horses and rides down the mountain  of  heaven  over  the  farmers’  fi  elds  so  that  the  crops  will  thrive.  Dievs  is  thus  closely associated with horses, which may preserve a very ancient Indo- European mythic element.  Horses  were  highly  respected  and  their  meat  was  never  used  for  food  by  the  Baltic peoples.

Another god connected with the cult of horses is Ūsiņš , who happens also to be the god of spring. He is one of the sons of Dievs. His day was celebrated on April 23. Ūsiņš is the one who decorates the world with fresh grass and gives new leaves to trees around that time.In folk songs the role of Dievs as creator is expressed by three verbs: laist (to let some-thing happen), likt (to make something happen) and dot (to give). Man has to accept the moral laws of the universe as set down by Dievs. In such cases Dievs shares the most important junctures in the life of the farmer, even the sacrifi cial feasts by blessing them with beer (Latvian alus), “the drink of gods”.Saule is the personifi cation of the sun. Th is name is also derived from an Indo- European root (*séhul- , and variants). Saule is a female deity, wedded to Mēness (the moon) who happens to be a male god in the Baltic traditions. In fact it has been suggested (Biezais [1972] 1998: 117) that the sun is usually a female deity for people living in the north, where it is mild and nourishing. Saule is also referred to as Saules Māte (“mother sun”). Around 4000 numbered folk songs (Vīķe- Freiberga 1997–2002: III. 7) refer to this clearly feminine fi gure. She appears as a benevolent, generous, richly dressed and playful being. It is she who drives her luminous chariot over the mountain of heaven by day. When night approaches, she lets her horses graze beyond the sea and takes a boat in which she sails off , fl oating in the sea when she rises early the next morning. Saule/the sun is the major point of reference in the spatial bisection of the cosmos along the vertical plane that Vīķe- Freiberga (1997–2002: I. 12, 70–73) suggested was in place between above and below. Th is world, designated in Latvian by pasaule, literally means “the place under the sun”, whereas the otherworld/underworld, designated by Viņasaule/Viņpasaule,would literally mean “that sun” or “the other sun”. Saule also becomes the major point of reference in temporal relations: the limited span of human lives is measured against the eternity of the sun. Saule is both the symbol of eternity and of a human life: humans resemble the rising sun in childhood and the setting sun in old age. Sun becomes the mediator between this life and aft erlife. According to Vīķe- Freiberga (1997–2002: I. 59)

Saule 

(just like the ancient Greek god Hermes) is a psychopomp, a leader of the souls of the dead. Traditionally, burial rituals had to be accomplished before sunset. Th   is is why every day just aft er sunset all work had to be interrupted in honour of the sacred “path of sun”.Sometimes Saule is in confl ict with her husband Mēness who occasionally courts the Morning Star. More serious confl icts arise between Saule and Dievs when the Dieva Dēli, “the sons of Dievs”, attempt to take the rings off   the Saules Meitas, “the daughters of Saule”. Th   e reference here is to an ancient betrothal tradition, during which the girl was abducted. Aft er the wedding, the gods come together in a sauna, where Pirts māte (“Mother of the Sauna”) is the hostess. Th  e sauna had very important functions, as childbirth took place there, and the mother and baby spent the fi rst week in it. To venerate the mother of the sauna,  people  always  brought  a  pail  of  clean  water  and  a  birch  tree  whisk  “so  that  the  mother of the sauna also can bathe”. Th  e sauna is also a favourite place for the gatherings of gods(Biezais [1972] 1998: 324).Th  e most signifi cant element of the cult of Saule is the celebration of the summer sol-stice Līgo/Jāņi. Essentially, this is an extended ritual of fertility. Aft  er the setting of the sun either an open fi re is burnt, or a fi re is lit in a bucket and raised on top of a pole. A feast and dancing around the pole follow, and special songs of praise are sung. Th   e major foods consumed in this feast are cheese and beer. It seems that originally lovemaking had been encouraged at that time, as babies conceived around the summer solstice would be born 369next spring around the end of March, and the most risky time for their survival would be through by autumn. During Līgo women are supposed to wear fl ower crowns indicating that they are “virgins”; the crowns are either preserved until next Līgo and then burnt in a fi re, or lost “while searching for the blossom of fern”, a euphemism for lovemaking. A sexual act performed in a fi  eld was believed to improve the fi  eld’s fertility. By jumping over a dying fi  re at dawn people were supposed to purify themselves and get rid of disease and misfortune. In order to be successful and healthy people were supposed to stay up on this shortest night of the year and meet the rising sun.

Mēness , the moon god, is also among the gods of heaven. Th e Latvian word for “moon”, mēness (and its Baltic cognates Lithuanian, menulis; Old Prussian, menins), derives from the Indo- European root *meh- , meaning “to measure (time)”. Th e measure of time was an apt designation for Mēness, periodically disappearing from the sky and then reappear-ing again. In Latvian dainas, Mēness is the god of war. He is worshipped before battle, and his symbol appears in insignia of war. His cult, like that of the other gods, is not fully described, and in folk songs only sparse evidence of such rituals centred on the fi gure of Mēness remains. Th ere is no proof that off erings were made to him. Th e cult of this god disappeared completely during the period of Christianization.

Th e Latvian Dieva Dēli (“sons of god”) and Saules Meitas 

 (“daughters  of  the  sun”)  are among the most interesting of the Baltic gods of heaven. Biezais (ibid.: 280) suggests that the Vedic Asvins, the Greek Dioskouroi and the Baltic Dieva Dēli are not only typo-logically  parallel  but  are  also  historically  connected  (see  Kristiansen,  this  volume,  Ch.  10). Th  ey  diff er only inasmuch as they developed in diff erent cultural settings. It should, however, be noted that there is no evidence that Dieva Dēli were twins like the Asvins or Dioskouri. Like the Asvins, the Baltic “sons of god” or “sons of heaven”, the Dieva Dēli, are the suitors of the “daughters of the sun”, the Saules Meitas. Just as some functions of Dievs are transferred to his sons, so some functions of Saule are transferred to her daughters. Th  e Vedic Divo Duhita (“daughter of god/heaven”), referring to the Vedic goddess Usas, the goddess of dawn, has her counterpart in Lithuanian, dieva dukryte (“daughter of god”) Aušra, and Greek Eos (ibid.: 283–6).

Pērkons (thunder; Lithuanian Perkūnas, Old Prussian Percunis) is one of the supreme gods of Baltic religion. In the Latvian dainas, the functions of Pērkons and Dievs occasion-ally merge: he is called Pērkona tēvs (“Father/god of thunder”) or Dieviņš (diminutive form of Dievs), a name used in expressions for thunder, for example in “Dieviņš baras” (“the god is scolding”). He is both just and terrible. In the Lithuanian tradition it is he who punishes Mēness, the husband of Saule, for his adultery, by smashing him into pieces. It is he who conquers Ve l n s/Jods. His day is celebrated a week aft er the summer solstice (nowadays Christianized as Saint Peter’s day on 29 June) by lighting bonfi res and drinking up the ale brewed for Midsummer night/Līgo. Pērkons is also called Debesu kalējs (“the heavenly smith”). His major task in this capacity is to make the dowry for Saules meitas and the swords for Dieva dēli to smite evil. His own bride appears in the image of a black crow or a raven. Her task is, whenever needed, to extinguish the charcoal in his workshop. Gods of fate and welfareOne can see that the Baltic gods were an integral part of the agrarian daily life cycle. Th is is especially true of a particular group of gods whose special function was to decide the 370 fate of humans and guarantee their welfare.

Th e most prominent of this group is Laima 

(“fortune, luck”). She occupies a central place among the Baltic gods. Like Dievs, she also occasionally presents herself in the shape of an old beggar woman testing human virtue, and who aft  erwards displays her true splendor and beauty. Her opposite is Lauma (“mis-fortune”, “bad luck”). Toporov (1990: 195) suggests that Lauma might have been the wife of Pērkons. Originally, she seems to have been associated with unexpected and devastating weather conditions like hail and storms, but later this goddess lost her importance and there is little evidence of her left   apart from recent interpretations of laumas as numerous nature spirits who have taken over her name. Kārta is another goddess of fate. Her name is derived from the verb kārt (“to hang”, as of a cradle). If Māra’s most basic function was to determine and fi x the birth of a child, and  Laima’s  function  was  to  decide  the  future  life  of  the  baby,  then  Kārta  blessed  the  child  while  it  was  of  “cradle  age”,  that  is,  a  toddler.  Th   e  third  goddess  of  fate,  Dēkla,  is  most concerned with marriage and the choice of a future spouse. Th  is goddess was more popular in Kurzeme (Kurland) than in other parts of Latvia. Biezais ([1972] 1998: 254–5) has  interpreted  her  as  the  Christian  saint  Th   ecla  transformed  into  the  pagan  goddess  Dēkla.

Jumis 

is a fertility god, and may also be considered as a chthonic deity. Th  e  word  jumisdenotes two ears of grain, two stalks of fl  ax, two apples or the like that have grown together. In this way Jumis implies a double dose of fertility. As the harvest is fi  nished, the fi nal sheaf is completed and designated as Jumis, the god of fertility of the fi eld. Alternatively, the fi  nal sheaf is left   unharvested, and the uncut ears of grain are bound or weighed down by a rock and left   intact in the fi  eld. By doing so, thanks are expressed and the next year’s grain harvest is guaranteed. Jumis was believed to remain in the fi eld and to hibernate below the sod or underneath a rock. Around him an entire ritual has developed. Th  e  abandon-ing of Jumis in the fi eld is accompanied by song and dance, a cultic feast and off erings, which continue inside the house. Th  e  fi nal sheaf may also be brought home. Jumis can be put to rest either in the granary or in the form of a wreath in a central place within the living room. Th  e grain of this wreath is mixed with the grain to be planted in the spring. In order to honour and invite Jumis to their homes farmers used to decorate the tops of the houses with the sign of Jumis

Allmänt

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  • [370] cirkassiska slavhandeln, östeuropa, egyptiska konventionen

Aglabiderna

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Arabemiraten

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1-2 prost, 3, 4, 5, 18, 19, 22, 27, 28, 29, 31

[372] [2]

The British had long been focusing on the Red Sea slave trade and the Indian Ocean slave trade, but in the 1940s there were reports of an internal slave trade in the Arabian Peninsula as well. This consisted of abductions of Free people - both of former slaves as well as of freeborn people. In 1948 the British reported that there was a "considerable traffic" of women and children based on kidnappings by slave traders in the Makran Coast, Batinah or the Trucial Shaykhdoms and trafficked to the Buraimi oasis and from there to Saudi Arabia, where they were sold at the slave market.[3]

The victims of the abductions were both Free and already enslaved people. African, Baluchi, Iranian and Arab people were abducted when they cut wood or went to the well for water by slave traders who stuffed their mouths to prevent them from calling out and took them to the Buraimi Oasis, where captives from the Trucial states and the Batinah Coast joined captives from abroad, assembled by Arab, Baluchi och Iranian slave traders. [4] The Buraimi slave market were attended by Saudi, Iranian, Qatari and Baluchi buyers, with prices from anything between 500 rupees to 3,000 rupees for the most expensive Arab or Persian girls.[5] The Buraimi Shaykhs charged Saudi slave dealers for Rs.20 to Rs.100 for false documents stating that the slaves had been born slaves and not free, which was necessary to import them legally to Saudi Arabia (due to the treaty with the British banning the import of free people as slaves).[6] Slaves were shipped to Saudi Arabia via the Trucial coast to Qatar and by land to Salwa at the Qatari-Saudi border, where the Saudi authorities routinely accepted the slave trader's false documentation that the slaves had been born slaves rather than kidnapped.[7] A British eyewittness, Stobart, reported that he had seen a caravan of 50 slaves leaving Buraimi destined for Saudi Arabia in December 1948, and the British explorer Wilfred Thesiger described how he had wittnessed 43 slaves being driven out of Buraimi "like cattle", and that his Arab companions had told him that with his fair skin he would have been safer if he pretended to be a Baluchi slave trader.[8] In Saudi Arabia slaves could be sold for Rs. 4,000-8,000 at this time period, female slaves being valued as maidservants or concubines 8sex slaves).[9]

After the Buraimi Dispute, documents were found proving the involvement of Saudis in the Buraimi slave trade, and that slaves from Buraimi had been given as presents to Ibn Saud, but the British government did not wish to attract any attention to it for diplomatic reasons toward Saudi.[10] British officials presented these documents to the Anti-Slavery Society and confronted the British government who had denied that the slave traffick to Saudi Arabia continued with evidence of the oposite, which caused Lord Listowel, a member of the Society's Committee, to protest and demand another parliamentary question.[11]

Statement made by Belal bin Khamis aged about 30 years. Recorded on 19th Rabi-al-Thani 1344 (= 6-11-25) at Sharjah I and my mother were inherited by his daughter Muzah. My mother died about 10 years ago and I remained with the said woman. When she wanted to go on pilgrimage she called a priest and asked him to write a manumission certificate for me. He wrote the certificate on which the Qadhi of Debai and other people wrote their evidence.11

Statement made by Khamis bin Johar in Debai aged about 21 years. Recorded on 14th Dhil-Qadeh 1345 (= 6th June 1925) My mother Maryam, daughter of Mubarak, was purchased by my master Said bin Hazim resident in Debai from some Sudanese. My master had sexual intercourse with my mother and when it was found that she was pregnant he married her to his negro, namely my father Johar. My mother gave birth to me in Said’s house and when I was 12 years old Said bin Hazim freed me with my mother for the sake of God.1

Statement made by Almas of Suwahil, aged 38. Recorded at Sharjah on 27th Shaban 1343 (= 23-3-25) When I was 8 years old a man of Suwahil kidnapped me and sold me to a man of Khazrah of Batinah named Said. I remained with him for 3 years then he sold me to a man of Umm-ul-Qaiwain named Matful. The man engaged me in diving and after some years my master Matful died and I was transferred to his son Khalifah. Two years after the death of his father Khalifah invited a party of men of Umm-ul-Qaiwain, and asked them to give evidence to the fact that he has manumitted me for the sake of God and no one should molest me. Khalifah died and after his death his brother claimed to Hamad bin Ibrahim, Chief of Umm-ul-Qaiwain that I was his slave. The Sheikh directed us to the Sharia for a decision. My manumission was proved in Sharia Court and Sheikh Hamad heard the witnesses himself and signed the decision of the Sharia Court. Now my master’s brother is always threatening to re-enslave me. I am taking refuge with the High British Government and beg them to be kind enough to favour me with a Government Manumission Certificate so that I may be safe from threats and molestation

Statement made by Ismail bin Mubarak, aged about 22 years. Recorded at Sharjah on the 12th October 1939 My mother Tuffaha was originally from Suwahil (South East Africa) and was bought by Fatimah bint Sharif of Ras al Khaima. Fatimah got my mother married and I was born. She then manumitted my mother who remained in her service as a free women and not a slave. When Fatimah died my mother started serving Ali al Sharif, brother of Fatimah. I was brought up in Ali’s house and when my age was 15 he started sending me diving with different people. He took my earnings. Three months ago when I was at the diving bank Ali al Sharif died. On return my mother informed me of Ali’s death and also told me that Ayshah, sister of Ali, intends to sell me and my mother on the ground that we were slaves of her brother. As my mother had no manumission certificates from Fatimah I ran away from Ras al Khaima to Sharjah in order to take refuge at the Government House and beg to be released from slavery.14


Statement of Othman bin Jarka, aged about 25 years, born in Addis Ababa, Abyssinia, Sharjah, 26th July 1938 I was born at Addis Ababa in Abyssinia. I am about 25 years old. When I was about 12 years old I was kidnapped /…/ and brought from Addis Ababa to a place called Taqri in Aden. After four days I was taken in a boat to Midi where we arrived after about seven days. After my arrival at Midi, the man who kidnapped me from my country sold me to another man of Midi named Aman. /.../ I remained in his service for about a month and after that my master Aman sold me to Ibrahim. /.../ Ibrahim brought me from Midi on camel to Hasa. The journey took nearly 20 days. At Hasa I remained in the house of Ibrahim seven days and after that he sent me with certain cameleers whose names I do not know to Qatar. In about five days we reached Qatar from Hasa. When I arrived at Qatar, the cameleers sold me to Hamad bin Muhammad of Liwah. My master Hamid took me from Qatar to Liwah. I served him four years and then my master took me to Abu Dhabi and mortgaged me to a woman of that place named Maryam bint Muhammad. I remained in her service for about three years. As my master was unable to redeem me from the woman Maryam bint Muhammad, the latter sent me from Abu Dhabi to Dubai with a Bedouin named Sa’id bin Sikan who sold me to Khamis bin Rashid of Dubai. I served my master for about four years during which period he used to send me for diving. This year I fell sick after summer Quffal but for the last two days he has been pressing me to go diving. I therefore ran away


Statement of slave Faraj bin Muhammad aged about 25 years, recorded at the Political Agency, Bahrain on the 12th of July 1933 I was born in Zabid (Yemen). My parents were free people. I left Zabid for Hodeidah searching for work. One day, while I was walking outside Hodeidah, a band of Yemeni robbers kidnapped me and took me to Midi on Yemen coast. At Midi, they sold me to one Muhammad bin Ali Al Aqsam of Abu Arish. I remained with him for one month. Later on he sold me at Sabia to one Abdul Aziz bin Duhaim of Shaqra in Nejd, who took me with him to Mecca. I remained with him for about four months. He then sold me to one Muhammad Ali Al Qarrah who at once sold me to my present master Muhammad bin Nasir Al Khalifah who took me to Ain Dar within Hasa Territory. I used to go diving and earn for my master. He took all my earnings and did not give me anything. He was not giving me even sufficient food and clothing

Statement of slave Abdullah bin Hasan, aged about 30 years, recorded in the Political Agency, Bahrain, 30th May 1936 I was born in a village named Nasbah in Hejaz. My father was a slave but my mother was a free woman. When I was about 15 years old, I was taken to Mecca together with a number of others and recruited in the army which the Sherif mobilised against Ibn Saud during the Turubah fighting. We marched towards Turubah but we were defeated. Consequently I was captured by the Akhwan, taken to Riyadh and handed over to King Ibn Sa’ud. I was immediately sold to one Abdullah bin Aifan, a Nejdi of Shaqrah who brought me to Hasa and then to Damman and sold to Rashid bin Sa’id Dosiri. I have since been in the service of my master. I used to go diving and earn for him.43 People in the Yemen were also enslaved as a consequence of the wars. Statement of slave Marzooq bin Hassan aged about 27 years, by appearance he looks to be an Arab, Bahrain, 22nd October 1927 I was born at Sabiya near Yeman. When I was six years old I was caught by the Bedouins and brought to a pace known as Hay and sold me to Irabhim Sam. He sold me to Yahaya bin Maqbool for 500 dollars. Five years later he resold me to Sayed Ali bin Idris, an Egyptian resident of Jaizan for 650 dollars. Two years ago Imam Yahaya raided this place and my master ran away leaving me alone in the house. I was made a prisoner of Imam Yahaya’s men and was taken to different place for sale. I was sold at Bisha to Abdulla bin Mamar for 400 dollars, six months later he resold me to Reyad and he gave me to Ibn Saud who handed me over to Abdul Aziz Qassab. He sent me to his brother Abdulla Qassebi at Jubail, who sold me to nakhuda Rashid bin Ali of Jubail. He arranged for my marriage and gave me one abba as dowry and engaged me as a diver for this year. I ran from him at Moharraq owing to his gross ill-treatment.44

Jerzy Zdanowski: Speaking With Their Own Voices: The Stories of Slaves in the Persian Gulf


[373] [374] Zdanowski, J. (2014). Speaking with Their Own Voices: The Stories of Slaves in the Persian Gulf in the 20th Century. Storbritannien: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Före TSC

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Indien:

Afrika: (gjort, men kanske i slavery in africa)



In 1874, the British declared all children born to slaves in the Gold Coast Protectorate after 1 January 1875 were born free, thereby introducing a gradual abolition of slavery in line with their policy in India.[12] The British followed up these reforms by banning debt bondage and enslavement by pawning.[13] However, the British did not enforce these laws, since the indigenous economy was dependent on slave labor and there were little oportunity for vage labor for former slaves; consequently, most slaves were never made aware of the anti-slavery laws, and slave owning and open slave dealing was tolerated until the British officials finally started to enforce the laws in 1911.[14] In 1902 it was made illegal to "compel or attempt the compel the services" or another person, but slavery was not explicitly abolished due to British fear that an abolition would cause "internal disorganization"; chattel slavery was formally banned in 1908, but the British authorities did not enforce the law until the 1920s.[15] When the Kingdom of Asante was conquered by the British in 1896, the British assured the chiefs that they would be allowed to keep their slaves; Asante became a colony in 1901 and in 1902 it was made illegal to "compel or attempt the compel the services" or another person, but slavery was not explicitly abolished due to British fear that an abolition would cause "internal disorganization"; chattel slavery was formally banned in 1908, but the British authorities did not enforce the law until the 1920s.[16]



In the early 20th-century, the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria had one of the biggest slave populations in the world, one to two and a half million slaves, a flourishing slave trade supplied by slave raids and thousands of slaves given as tributes to the Sultan of Sokoto and his emirs.[17] The British high commissioner Lugard abolished the legal status of slavery without compensation and officially declared all children born to slaves after 31 March 1901 as born free; however the slaves were given no assistance and cases of fugitive slaves were often handed over to indigenous Islamic sharia courts, which often restured them back to their Muslim owners.[18] By the 1920s big slave trade caravans had been eradicated by the colonial officials, but small scale slave trading was difficult to fully abolish. One example was the trade in Adamawa girls, who were bought by merchants and kept for a year in Cameroon learning Hausa until they could be smuggled in to Nigeria to be sold in Kano for concubinage or domestic service.[19]




France abolished slavery in all French land including their colonies in 1848, but this law only applied to French citizens in territories officially under French law, which ment that indigenous subjects which lacked French citizenship were not obliged to obey.[20] In French West Africa in 1903-1905, the French authorities started to enforce anti-slavery laws against indigenous slave owners in territories under French control due to pressure from French abolitionists: the laws against slave trade were enforced, and fugitive slaves were not returned to their owners.[21] In French Equatorial Africa, the French authorities acted against the slave trade of the Sultan of Dar Kuti in 1908 and took action against his slave raids in 1911, declaring the slaves in his area free.[22] I Mauretania and the other French territories of the Sahara, the French colonial authorities did not enforce their anti-slavery laws but tolerated the indigenous slave trade until the end of French colonial rule.[23]



Portugal banned slavery in their colonies in 1854 gradually, by declaring all excisting slaves as free after a transition period of twenty years, and by 1878, all the slaves had transitioned to become free libertos; however, the vagrancy laws made the former slaves in danger of being forced by the government to work for private contractors until this was prohibited in 1910.[24]

In 1893, the Italian colonial authorities in Somalia did not recognize the legal status of slavery and slaves were thus legally free to leave their owners, but the Italians often returned fugitive slaves to their owners if the owners belonged to clans friendly to the Italians; in 1903-1904, after pressure from humanitarians, the Italians banned the slave trade and declared that all slaves born after 1890 were legally free.[25] When the Italian government took over the administration of Somalia in 1906, they did free slaves in urban territories via compensation, but did not act to free slaves in the interior of the countryand in fact tried to stop the wave of fugitives who left their owners as news of the Italian emancipation reach the rural interior since it was a cause of unrest, but numerous slaves did leave their enslavers in the inland and in any cases settled in their own villages of former slaves and client cultivators of land under clans.[26]

In the Belgian Free State, the Belgians freed thousands of men, women and children slaves from Swaihili Arab slave owners and slave traders in Eastern Congo in 1886-1892, enlisted them in the militia Force Publique or where given as prisoners to allied local chiefs, who in turn gave them as laborers for the Belgian conscript workers; when Belgian Congo was established, chattel slavery was legally abolished in 1910, but prisoners were nevertheless conscripted as force laborers for both public and private work projects.[27]



In German Tanganyika slavery was gradually phased out. New enslavement and commercial slave trade was banned in 1901, but private slave sales were permitted and thousands of slaves, mostly women, were sold in 1911-1914; all slaves born after 1905 were born free; slaves who had been subjected to abuse were freed; slaves were permitted to ransom and buy their freedom, and thousand of slaves bought their freedom or left their enslavers when the Germans did not act to prevent them.[28] In 1914 the Germans contemplated to ban slavery but did not since they did not consider it financially possible to compensate their owners. [29]

In German Cameroon the slave trade were banned in 1902 and all slaves born after 1902 declared born free; however the slave trade supplied by slave raids in Northern German Cameroon were in practice tolerated the entire German colonial period.[30] By the 1920s big slave trade caravans had been eradicated by the colonial officials, but small scale slave trading was difficult to fully abolish. One example was the trade in Adamawa girls, who were bought by merchants and kept for a year in Cameroon learning Hausa until they could be smuggled in to Nigeria to be sold in Kano for concubinage or domestic service.[31]



After 1867, the British campaign against the Indian Ocean slave trade was undermined by Omani slave dhows using French colors trafficking slaves to Arabia and the Persian Gulf from East Africa as far South as Mozambique, which the French tolerated until 1905, when the Hague International Tribunal mandated France to curtail French flags to Omani dhows; nevertheless, small scale smuggling of slaves from East Africa to Arabia continued until the 1960s.[32]



Mellanöstern:

TSC

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CES

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ACE

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Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery (ACE)

Ad hoc

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The Anti-Slavery International reported that the President of Cameroon allowed the lamidoes of Ngaoundere keep hundreds of slaves and harems with slaves, which was officially denied with claims that the slaves were wives by tribal custom.[33]

Abbasid

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Umayyad

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female slaves orient, male slaves väst, 22, [34]

ms harem 23, rihana 27, juwayriyya, safiyya, malika al-laythiyya, 27, 28, mariya 29, [35]

Romarriket

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romarriket: pga manumission of låg reproduct, ej reproduce itself, behövs ny import, kina: handynastin, under 5 procent, statliga slavar, 28, [36] Romarriket: åren ca 200-500: 300,000-4 per annum, alla borrders, nordöst, ännu ej relig, tållfångatagna av barbarer sålda, 29, slavmarknader överallt, 7-8 procent urban pop, 1100-1348; most latin europe slaveless society, venetian black sea borderland, venetian slaves between blak sea ports, konstant och islamic ports -1453, 35, [37]

Al-Andalus

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Al-Andalus:

campaigns of al-Mansur 980s-1002 produced such a glut of christian slave women in cordoba att prices collapsed, and the number of men decididng to take a free muslim wife, as opposed to a slave concubine, slumped dramatically. the beatiful daught of a christ notable was said to have fetched only twnty dinars", "when barcelona was sacked in 985 some 700,000 women and children were taken into captivity; at samzora (981) the figure given is 40,000 women, at pamlona (999) 18,000", 172, [38] frankerna slavhandel till araber; enskilda adelsmän under saxiska krigen karl store, men de flesta tagna till frankrike estates med fru-barn, 27 prag, protes kristna-muslimer, men hedn endast en gång council meaux-pairs 845-46 urged kings ensure pagan slaves transit not sold to muslimis loose chance salvation, slavar transit till venedig och sedan andalus, franker indirekt profit, 28 räder mot nordsp främst före prag, växte 800t 34 [39]

Prag

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700-800 vikingar sålde slavar irland till muslim spain, [40]

engelsmän slavar till frankish dealers, [41]

Saqaliba

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saqaliba-artikeln: lägg till slave market-förhåll i abbasid och al-andalus!

Ibn Fadlan: 5000 slaves caravan Khorezm-Bulgar liknande antal för slavar i khazar-khorezm, 100 dirham per slav; 100,000 slaves 800-900s estimated, [42]

  • [378] The Archaeology of Slavery in Early Medieval Northern Europe: The Invisible Commodity. (2021). Schweiz: Springer International Publishing.


cirka 900 geographer rustah: "The Rus raid the Saqaliba, sailing in their ships until they come upon them, take them captive, and sell them in Khazaria and in Bulgar", famous description Abbasid diplomat Iban fadlan Bulgar 922, saqaliba slave girls for silver dirham till muslim merchant from Khorezm; och slavar mot furs av flow dirham in rus-balt-swed culimate 860s, cut of samarra anarchy (främst hovslavar), från 900 samanid dirham, 163 [43]

Slavar med termen saqaliba nämnst frekvent i islamiska texter mellan 800-talet och 1000-talet, och tiotusentals arabiska dirhams i Skandinavien och det slaviska Europa härstammar från denna slavhandel. Saqaliba var populära som vakter, eunucker, konkubiner och byråkrater vid de umayyadiska, abbasidiska och fatimidiska kalifer, emirer och guvernörer. Saqaliba användes främst för palatstjänst, men texter tyder på att de förekom i privata hushåll, och att de var vanliga i 800-talets Basra. två huvudsakliga saqaliba-slavleder: Prag-andalus mot okända varor, möjl textilier, och bulgar-khorezm-samanid mot silver dirham; prag; handelblomstring ca 900-1000 parallell med centralisering av cordoba kalifat, berönde av sabaliba-soldater, och förföll efter kollaps av centralpower i andalus 1031, sänkte efterfrågan och avslutade handeln; saqaliba främst palats-slavar,

slavhandeln irak-centralasien-europa: conservative estimate puts their number at 400,000, which is no doubt but a small fraction of the total inflow, The geographical distribution of dirham hoards, in connection with archaeological traces of depopulation, points to the stretch of Slavic lands from the Elbe to the Russian rivers as the place of origin of the Saqaliba sold to the Islamic world. Footnote 9 Their chronology, in contrast, allows us to reconstruct the fluctuations of the trade, which can be summarized in two phases: in the 9th century dirhams flowed northwards from Iraq via Khazaria, whereas after the year 900 the main trade route shifted eastwards, to Samanid central Asia and the market of Bulgar. political upheaval in Samarra and Baghdad as one of the reasons for the cessation of the flow of Abbasid dirhams northwards and the concomitant disruption of the slave trade in the late 860s.

The 10th-century phase is more ambiguous: it is difficult to reconcile the abundance of Samanid coinage in northern European hoards with the absolute silence on the Saqaliba in textual sources produced in Central Asia. Numerous sources show, for instance, that the guard of the amirs was constituted of Turkic, not Saqaliba, mamluks. The reason why Saqaliba slaves found themselves below the radar of courtly literature is suggested by the account of Ibn Fadlan. He identifies private merchants from Khorezm as the main agents of trade with Bulgar, a view shared by Arab geographers who depict Khorezm as an entrepôt for wares imported from afar, such as slaves and furs.Footnote 10 The Saqaliba, then, were probably distributed through capillary trade networks largely invisible in the sources. A rare contemporary glimpse of their workings, related to the 10th-century slave trade even if not specifically to the Saqaliba, is offered by the Pandnamah of Sebüktegin, the founder of the Ghaznavid dynasty. In this purportedly autobiographical account, Sebüktegin tells the story of his kidnapping by a rival Turkish clan and subsequent sale to a merchant from Chach, who provided for his military training and eventually sold him to the Samanid generalissimo Alptigin, himself a former slave.Footnote 11 We can surmise that many slaves were similarly distributed to the households of court officials and urban elites. But although privately run, the Khorezmian slave trade still relied on the state in one crucial regard: the supply of silver, the commodity most demanded by the Scandinavians. When the quality of Samanid dirhams declined in the 950s, possibly as a result of the dwindling supply of silver, the trade system quickly collapsed.

Frontier trade and warfare all along the borders of the Islamic world appear to have been sufficient to satisfy the urban demand for domestic and sexual slaves. The diversity of these slaves’ geographical origins is illustrated by the mid-11th-century guidebook to purchasing slaves composed by Ibn Butlan, which listed more than twenty places of origin. With the exception of Zanj and Saqaliba supplied by long-distance trade systems, almost all of the slaves had been situated within or just outside the borders of the Islamic world.Footnote 14 they became exotic luxury slaves in the palaces of Baghdad and perhaps in the urban households of Central Asia, mamluk soldiers in the Muslim West, and eunuchs everywhere. But Islamic sources took no note of the cessation of their importation around the year 1000: the Islamic world seamlessly turned to other sources of slaves or learned to live with a smaller number of them.

[44]

  • [379] Jankowiak M. What Does the Slave Trade in the Saqaliba Tell Us about Early Islamic Slavery? International Journal of Middle East Studies. 2017;49(1):169-172. doi:10.1017/S0020743816001240


“The Rus (…) raid the Saqaliba, sailing in their ships until they come upon them, takethem captive and sell them in Khazaria and in Bulgar. They have no cultivated fields andthey live by pillaging the land of the Saqaliba. (…) They have no dwellings, villages or cultivated fields. They earn their living by trading in sable, grey squirrel and other furs. They sell them for silver coins which they set in belts and wear round their waists. (…) They treat their slaves well and dress them suitably, because for them they are an article of trade.” 4 The mention of Khazaria and of Bulgar confirms the picture emerging from the study of the imitations,namely that exchanges were concentrated in a small number of marketplaces. From Bulgar, we havethe famous eye-witness account of Ibn Fadlan, who visited it in 922, and who emphasizes the centralimportance of the slave trade: “I saw the Rus, who had come for trade and camped by the river Itil. (…) Round their necks, [their women] wear torques of gold and silver, for every man, as soon as heaccumulates 10,000 dirhams, has a torque made for his wife. When he has 20,000, hehas two torques made [and so on] . (…) With them, there are beautiful slave girls, for sale to the merchants. Each of the men has sex with his slave, while his companions look on. (…) As soon as their boats a rrive at this port, each of them disembarks (…) and prostrates himself before a great idol, saying to it: ‘Oh my lord, I have come from a far country and I have with me such and such a number of young slave girls, and such andsuch a number of sable skins (…). I would like you to do the favour of sending me a merchant who has large quantities of dinars and dirhams and who will buy everything that I want and not argue with me over my price’ . Ibn Fadlan’s insistence on slave girls is perhaps more than voyeurism. It probably tells us somethingabout the nature of the demand for Slavic slaves in the Islamic world. In accordance with the then prevailing views on the merits of 5individual races, they were thought to be suitable for specific types of service. Thus, in Iraq Saqalibaare unattested as slave soldiers or administrators, unlike the Turks, or even as agricultural or miningworkforce similar to the Zanj slaves. They are, however, amply attested in the urban literature of thebourgeoning cities of Iraq as domestic servants, concubines and eunuchs. To give an example, theworks of al-Jahiz, a prolific writer from Basra who died in 868/9, are full of allusions to the Saqaliba. In his Book of Animals he describes, for instance, how to improve a Slavic slave:

“If there are two Slavic brothers from the same mother and father , even if one of them isthe twin brother of the other, when one of them is castrated, he becomes a better servantand smarter in all kinds of activity and manual work. He will be more skilled in them andmore fitting for them. You will also find him more intelligent in conversation – these are allhis qualities. His brother will remain in his innate ignorance, natural stupidity and Slavicsimple-mindedness; he will also be unable to understand foreign languages. His hand willbe clumsy and he will not become skilful, because his intellect will not be trained. He will not be able to express himself freely and eloquently, nor to pronounce clearly. (…) The first result of the castration of a Saqlabi is the purification of his intelligence, sharpening of his acumen, strengthening of his nature and stimulation of his mind." It would seem that trade in the Slavic slaves consisted mainly of high-value individuals, such as eunuchs and youngwomen. This peculiar profile of the slaves imported from the Slavic lands may explain the apparent profitability of this very long-distance trade We find a hint in the description of al-Andalus by yet another geographer, Ibn Hawqal, who travelledextensively between 943 and 973 and visited both Spain and Central Asia: “One of the famous items of their merchandise is handsome slave-girls and slave-boyscaptured in the land of the Franks and in Galicia, as well as Saqaliba eunuchs. All theSaqaliba eunuchs on the surface of the earth are imported from al-Andalus, because theyare castrated near that country, and this is done by Jewish merchants. (...) The country[of the Saqaliba] is long and wide. (…) The sea-arm stretching from the ocean towardsthe country of Gog and Magog traverses their country (...) cutting it into two halves. Thushalf of their country, along its whole length, is raided by the Khurasanis who takeprisoners from it, while its northern half is raided by the Andalusians. (…) In these areas,many captives can still be obtained.

Thus two distinct systems of trade in the Slavic slaves were in operation in the 10th-century, one runby the Rus and other Scandinavians, and marked by hoards of dirhams; the other dirhamless, centredon Prague and supplied by the Czech dukes (Fig. 4). Even if other slave markets operated in the 9th and 10 th-centuries – for instance, Constantinople, apparently supplied at least partly by the Magyars

[45]

Indien

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[46]


By and large, the enslavement of Hindus and their exportation to Central Asia continued unhindered throughout the Mughal period. Although the Mughal emperor Akbar (r. 1556?1605) attempted to prohibit the practice of enslaving conquered Hindus, his efforts were only temporarily successful.43 According to one early seventeenth-century account, 'Abd Allah Khan Firuz Jang, an Uzbek noble at the Mughal court during the 1620s and 1630s, was appointed to the position of governor of the regions of Kalpi and Kher and, in the process of subjugating the local rebels, "beheaded the leaders and enslaved their women, daughters and children, who were more than 2 lacks [200,000] in number".44 Whether agriculturalists or pastoralists, following their enslavement many of these individuals were sent in large numbers to markets beyond India's northwest frontier, far from their family support systems. Recognizing that the figures presented in the chronicles and other accounts are likely to be exaggerated, it still seems reasonable to accept the estimation that, over the years, Mughal military expansion in India accounts for the enslavement and exportation of hundreds of thousands of individuals. This included not only those men who militarily resisted the Mughal armies, but also vast numbers of women and children. The slave population was significantly augmented by the considerable number of children who were sold into slavery by financially destitute parents, a factor that increased dramatically in times of famine or other economic hardship.45 As noted above, mediatory traders, such as the Ghakkars, purchased many of the conquered and destitute and marched them to India's northwest frontier to be exchanged for Central Asian horses. While a detailed study of slavery in early modern Central Asia has yet to be written, a survey of available sources reveals the presence of significant numbers of Indian slaves in the region. For example, the Uzbek ruler Kuchkunchi Khan (an uncle of Shibani Khan and ruler of Samarqand from 1510-30) is reported to have used ninety-five Indian slaves for the construction of irrigation canals in the vicinity of the Central Asian city of Turkestan.46 According to Muhammad Talib, author of the Matlah al-tdlibin, the late sixteenth-century Juybari Sheikh Khwaja Sa'id, son and successor of the great Sheikh Khwaja Islam (c. 1492?1563), had in his possession "1000 slaves of Indian, Qalmaq, and Russian origin" many of whom tended his fields and animal herds, while others were engaged in construction and in household services.47 In 1558, the Englishman Anthony Jenkinson visited Central Asia where he noted the vitality of the Bukharan slave market and observed that Indian and Iranian merchants who visited Bukhara commonly dealt in slaves.48 Unfortunately, there is no means by which to determine precisely how abundant Indian slaves were in early modern Central Asia. It is, however, possible to establish a rough estimate of the proportion of slaves of Indian origin in relation to those of other regions, at least in terms of the slave population of late sixteenth-century Samarqand. A survey of seventy-seven letters regarding the manumission or sale of slaves in the Majmu'a-i-wathcPiq reveals that slaves of Indian origin (hindi al-asl) accounted for over 58 per cent of those whose region of origin is mentioned.49 It must be emphasized that the Majmuca-i-watha*iq provides a relatively small, restricted sample. It would be irresponsible to suggest that, based on the information elicited from this source, 58 per cent of the population of slaves in all of Central Asia was of Indian origin. However, the predominance of Indian slaves in the early modern markets of Central Asia is further supported by information found in the Khutiit-i

Unfortunately Talib does not mention the proportions of each. Although Indian slaves are not mentioned specifically, it is reasonable to assume that they were part of the contingency of roughly 3,000 slaves used by Yalangtosh Bey, the vazir of the Ashtarkhanid ruler 'Abd al-'Aziz Khan (r. 1645-80), to construct the Sherdar and Tillakari madrasas in Samarqand.

According to Morgan and Coote, editors of Jenkinson's account, the Bukharan slave market was the largest in the region. Ibid., I, p. 89, note 2. 49 See Majmuta-i-watha>iq, fols 3a~5ob. Of the seventy-seven slaves referred to in these entries, which date from 1588-92, twenty-nine are identified as being "born of the house" (khanahzad) with no information given as to their ethnic identity. Twenty-eight of the remaining slaves are identified as being "of Indian origin" (hindi al-asl); fifteen as being "of Afghan origin" (dfghani al-asl); four as being "of Russian origin" (rusi al-asl); and one as being "of Badakhshani origin" (badakhshi al-asl). Hindus Beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade 285

mamhura bemahr-i qadat-i Bukhara, a smaller collection of judicial documents from early eighteenth-century Bukhara that includes several letters of manumission.50 Again, over half of these letters refer to slaves "of Indian origin".51 It is revealing that, even in the model of a legal letter of manumission written by the chief qadi for his assistant to follow, the example used is of a slave "of Indian origin".52 The Central Asian slave trade continued at an active level throughout the eighteenth century, although during this period there were considerably fewer Indian slaves exported to Central Asian markets. Rather, from the beginning of the eighteenth century, the slave markets of Bukhara and Khiva appear to have been increasingly stocked with Iranians. Thus, whereas John Mouraview, an Armenian merchant from Derbend, observed in 1813 that Khiva was home to some 30,000 Iranian slaves and 3,000 Russian slaves, his account does not mention any Indian slaves.53 In 1821, Baron Meyendorff visited Bukhara and estimated that there were in excess of 25,000 - and perhaps as many as 40,000 - Iranian slaves in that city.54 Despite the prohibition of the slave trade according to the Russo Khivan treaty of 1873, a Russian report from the mid-1870s estimates that there were still approximately 10,000 Iranian slaves in Khiva at that time.55 The Central Asian slave trade remained active up to Russia's nineteenth-century expansion into the region. According to the Russian academician A. A. Semenov, when Russia annexed the Samarqand vilayat in 1868, there were still some 10,000 slaves in just that district.56 The reliability of this rather high figure is supported by the account of an Indian merchant who, in the early 1860s, reported to British authorities that at that time the Bukharan Amirate was home to 100,000 slaves, 20,000 of whom lived in the city of Bukhara.57 In the 1880s, the British Lt Col C. E. Stewart similarly reported that, although the slave population in Central Asia had significantly diminished, prior to the Russian prohibition of the slave trade, the total number of slaves in the combined Khivan, Bukharan and Turkman territories was in excess of 100,000.58


57 Sir Robert Montgomery, comp., Report on the Trade and Resources of the Countries on the North-Western Boundary of British India (Lahore, 1862), appendix XXII, pp. clix-clxxvi. The institution of slavery continued beyond its formal abolition according to the 1868 treaty between Russia and the Bukhara. The practice of slavery diminished, however, as slaves were no longer used for agricultural labour. Ivanov, Khoziaistvo dzhuibarskikh sheikhov, p. 83. 58 Lt. Col. C. E. Stewart, 'The Country of the Tekke Turkomans and the Tejend and Murghab Rivers', in Cumming, ed., The Country of the Turkoman, p. 156. According to this account, the Russians are said to have released 40,000 slaves from Khiva alone, but Iranian slaves were still being held in Bukhara. Another source relates that the Russian treaty with the Khivans dictated that "Khiva was supposed to repatriate some 20,000 male slaves to Persia." Mary Holdsworth, Turkestan in the Nineteenth Century: A Brief History of the Khanates of Bukhara, Kokand and Khiva (Oxford, 1959), pp. 24-25. 286 Scott C. Levi

Muzaffar Alam has attributed the decline in the exportation of Indian slaves in the eighteenth century to both economic and social factors, specifying that, as India produced more textiles for export, it was no longer necessary for Indian merchants to trade slaves for Central Asian horses.59 Alam's assertion about the magnitude of Indian textile production and its demand in Central Asian markets is well founded. This does not, however, fully explain the unwillingness, or inability, of merchants to continue exporting large numbers of Indian slaves to Central Asia, presuming the availability of an adequate supply at an agreeable price. With this in mind, it seems reasonable to suggest that the supply of Indian slaves dwindled as the Mughal Empire decentralized and its military expansion came to an end. This was compounded by the general exclusion of slaves from the tax-revenue systems of the successor states and the growing commercial and cultural separation of India and its neighbours to the north and west under the British Raj. The combination of these factors resulted in a general decline in the exportation of Indians to the Central Asian slave markets. This left Central Asian slave traders litde recourse but to look elsewhere for a viable source to satisfy the market's substantial demand. It was for this reason that, from the beginning of the eighteenth century, the infamous Turkman slave-raiders looked to the numerous comparatively close, and poorly defended, Iranian cities and villages bordering their territory for their unfortunate merchandise. That is not to say that slavery in the subcontinent ended. Despite the best efforts of the slave-holding elite to conceal the continuation of the institution from the historical record, slavery was practiced throughout colonial India in various manifestations.60 Furthermore, the movement of Indians and Afghans to the Bukharan slave markets did not come to a complete halt. Smaller numbers of Indian slaves continued to be sold in the markets of Bukhara well into the nineteenth century. Turgun Faiziev has uncovered several nine teenth-century records documenting the presence in Bukhara of slaves of Indian origin, some identified as "Hindu" and others as "Chitrari" (i.e. from Chitral, a region deep in the Karakoram mountains of far northwestern India, modern Pakistan, bordering Afghan Badakhshan).61 Writing in the early nineteenth century, 'Abd al-Karim Bukhari also mentioned that Balkh and Bukhara regularly sent weaponry and clothing to Badakhshan in exchange for "black-faced slaves" who, Bukhari reported, came from Chitral and were not Muslims.62 In the early nineteenth century, Josiah Harlan observed that frequent slave raids into Chitral were organized by Murad Beg, the Afghan ruler of Kunduz and a "great wholesale dealer in this unholy merchandise". According to Harlan's account, the Central Asian slave trade "opens an insatiable outlet for the disposal of Muraad's insubordinate subjects, thousands of whom, with the useful and inoffensive Hazarrahs and the natives of Chitraul, are sold into distant and irredeemable bondage"!63 The profit to be made in the

Harlan further noted that Chitrali women were in particular demand as they were considered, by nature of their physical features, to be even more beautiful than the famed Circassian women. Meyendorff also records the presence of Chitrali slaves in early eighteenth-century Bukhara. Meyendorff, Puteshestvie, p. 145. Mohan Lai likewise came across a thirteen-year-old Chitrali slave girl in Qarshi who, reportedly, was "carried off by the ruler of the country, who reduced her to slavery". Mohan Lai, Travels in the Hindus Beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade 287 slave markets of Bukhara at this time was so great that Murad Beg reportedly required his subjects to pay their taxes in slaves, a demand which exacerbated wars, feuds and slave raiding. The many thousands of Indian slaves sold in the markets of early modern Central Asia affected that society in many ways. Their contribution to Central Asian civilization cannot be measured solely in terms of their commercial value, which must have been immense, or even their role as skilled craftsmen, architectural engineers, and labourers on the plantation-style estates of Central Asia's great dynastic families.64 One must also consider the impact these individuals had as they eventually earned, purchased, or were otherwise granted their freedom and became part of the ethnic landscape of Central Asia. In his description of early nineteenth-century Bukhara, Alexander Burnes repeated the popular tradition that "three fourths of the people of Bokhara are of slave extraction", implying that, although most people were not themselves slaves, they were likely to have had antecedents who were.65 Burnes attributes this to the great number of Iranian slaves brought to Bukhara and the limited numbers of whom ever returned to Iran. It can safely be assumed that the same could be said of Indian slaves in earlier centuries. Although the life of a slave was probably often a difficult one, slaves in Central Asia were regularly manumitted for any of a number of reasons. Sources such as the Majmuca-i watha'iq and the Khutut-i mamhura demonstrate that it was common for slave owners to stipulate in legal contracts that their slaves would be set free after a certain number of years of indentured servitude, or to include a clause in their wills granting freedom to those slaves who outlive their masters.66 Perhaps most frequently, slaves were manumitted after they reached a certain age, usually around fifty. The language of these documents suggests that the slaves were emancipated as a religiously meritorious act. However, it is perhaps not unreasonable to suggest that, as the expense of clothing and feeding slaves began to outweigh the work they could do, less altruistic motives contributed to such manumissions. Finally, it should be noted that, although most manumitted slaves lived out their days in poverty, slaves could, and some did, purchase their freedom, own property, and even become prosperous citizens of their new homeland.67 It is an underlying thesis here that the escalation of the slave trade during the era of Muslim dominance in South Asia should be understood in the context of the general intensification of Indo-Central Asian trade in this period. The history of slavery in India

Panjab, Afghanistan, Turkistan, to Balkh, Bokhara and Herat . . . , 1846, reprint (Patiala, 1971), p. 123. See also Ibid., p. 342. For more on the role of Kunduz in the exportation of Indian and Afghan slaves to markets in Central Asia in this period, see also Alexander Gardner, Memoirs of Alexander Gardner, edited by Major Hugh Pearce, reprint (Patiala, 1970), pp. 103-104. 64 According to one early nineteenth-century visitor to Bukhara, "the majority of the slaves here, that is, many many thousands, are Persians . . . The labour of agriculture, in Bucharia, is performed exclusively by Persian slaves". See Jakovlev's account in Russian Missions into the Interior of Asia (London, 1823), p. 39. 65 Alexander Burnes, Travels into Bukhara, 3 vols (London, 1834), I, p. 276. 66 See, for example, Sa'id Ali, Khu(ut-i mamhura, fols i82a-i83b, where it is recorded that a female Indian slave and a slave of unknown origin are to be freed upon the death of their masters and another slave is to be freed after a specified period of time. Another entry records the directive of an individual regarding his Indian slave which stipulates that, "if, after three years, he does everything I say, he will be free". In this historical context, the institution of the indentured servitude appears to have been an answer to those slaves who willingly converted to Islam and therefore required a different legal status.

long predates even the early Ghaznavid invasions. However, in the centuries that followed, first-hand accounts report of tens - even hundreds - of thousands of slaves owned by the Turko-Afghan rulers of the north India. While many of these individuals were enslaved as a result of the expansionist efforts of the Delhi Sultans and Mughal emperors, others were forced into slavery to satisfy the tax demands of the state treasury. Still others were motivated to sell their children, or themselves, in an effort to avoid starvation during times of famine or other economic hardship. The majority of these slaves lived out their lives in South Asia. However, their comparative affordability and availability in large numbers made them an attractive commodity for the international markets of the time. While some Indian slaves in Central Asia are likely to have worked as domestic labourers, those who were skilled engineers were put to work building early modern Central Asia's grand imperial architecture. Still more could be found working in such labour-intensive jobs as manufacturing bricks and textiles, building and maintaining roads, digging irrigation canals, and tending to the crops and herds on the plantation-style farms of Central Asia's great dynastic families. The comparatively advanced nature of Indian craft production most certainly added significantly to the demand for Indian slaves in foreign markets. The presence, perhaps even dominance, of Hindus in the Central Asian slave markets continued up to the early eighteenth-century decentralization of the Mughal Empire. Although subsequent years did not witness an abrupt end to slavery in India, or even to the forcible relocation of some Indians to Central Asia, the enslavement of large numbers of conquered peoples did come to an end. Furthermore, slaves do not appear to have been included in the tax revenue system of the successor states, or under the British Raj. This resulted in a dramatic decrease in the supply of Indian slaves and their movement to Central Asian markets, which forced the Central Asian slave traders to turn their attention to the conveniently located, and poorly defended Iranians for a viable supply of this commodity. This discussion has employed a rather broad historical approach in an effort to illustrate a number of larger issues related to the role of Indians in the Central Asian slave trade. Still, many of the questions addressed here would benefit from further investigation, and even more remain unanswered. For example, no attempt has yet been made to estimate the magnitude of Central Asia's pre-colonial slave population; virtually nothing is known of the movement of foreign slaves from Central Asia to other, distant markets; and beyond our limited sample from late sixteenth-century Samarqand, little has been made known regarding the ethnic proportions of Central Asia's slave population. These are only a few of the many questions yet to be addressed reg

Slavhandeln på svarta havet

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"slav" common middle ages sold to crimea, slut efter 900 konverterade, khazar 500-800t, khaz anv svarta havet merchant-traders in svarta havet; medelh:[47]

De första uppgifterna om finnar som offer för slavhandeln kom från vikingarna på 1100-talet. [50] Krigsherrarna i Novgorods stora rike anföll Finland ungefär en gång per decennium åren 1300–1500. [51] Slavar tillfångatogs oftast från södra Finland och ryska Karelen, men det är känt att slavsökande resor sträckte sig ända till Lappland och Österbotten. Enligt aktuell information transporterades finländska slavar längs handelsvägar mestadels till Novgorod och Kazan vid Volga , där de såldes vidare. [50] På medeltiden var det brukligt att släktingar köpte sina rånade släktingar fri. Om de inte kunde, togs slaven för att säljas någon annanstans. [51] De unga männen tvingades till tvångsarbete . [50]

Det var i huvudsak bara barnen som hamnade längre. [50] Eftersom finnar var hedningar kunde de säljas till både islamiska och kristna länder [51] , eftersom muslimer inte kunde förslava andra muslimer och kristna inte kunde förslava andra kristna. Hedningar, å andra sidan, levde i de norra avlägsna områdena under medeltiden. [52] Ibland kunde du rädda dig själv från slaveri genom att konvertera till kristendomen. [51] De kända slavhandelskedjorna sträckte sig från Finland till Tjetjenien . Det ryska och centralasiatiska slavhandelsnätverket sträckte sig dock så långt som till Goa och Maldiverna . Särskilt eftertraktade var blonda, blåögda små flickor och pojkar. På grund av sin speciella färg hamnade flera hundra barn som "lyxslavar" i Medelhavet, Centralasien eller mellanösterns stormakter. [50]

I Persien och Centralasien var medeltida samhällen baserade på klaner . De styrande ville undvika att deras administration var beroende av de lokala invånarna, så de skaffade slavar från slavmarknaden för att tjäna som tjänstemän och militära ledare. I Persien var även den militära eliten slavar under medeltiden. Om finska pojkar har hamnat i Persien har de varit dyra och troligen fått en utbildning och hamnat i bra positioner. Flickorna skulle å andra sidan ha hamnat i harem som sultanfruar . Det har dock inte hittats några bevarade uppgifter om öden eller destinationer för enskilda personer som förslavats i Finland. [50]

Slavhandeln var ekonomiskt lönsam, eftersom priset på en slav ökade flera tusen gånger under vägen. Enligt ett dokument kunde en blond finsk flicka från Karelen köpas för fem altyn , en gammal rysk valuta, och hon kunde säljas på slavmarknaden för 200 rubel, motsvarande 6 666 altyn. [51]

På 1560-talet tillfångatog tatarerna flera hundra finnar. [50]

50 Jukka Korpela [48] [48]

51 [49] [49]

Svarta havet var en av de främsta källorna för mamluker (slavsoldater) till Mellanöstern.[50]

Zanzibar

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1848 förbjöds slaveriet på franska Réunion. Franska agenter från Réunion köpte dock fortfarande slavar från portugiserna i Mocambique och araberna på Swaihilikusten, Kilwa och Zanzibar, ofta via Komorerna.[51] För att undvika British Anti-Slavery Patrol kallades slavarna dock nu istället för engages istället för slavar, en form av kontraktsarbetssystem som gällde 1848-1864.[52]

35 900t zanj + india till gulf, 36 sultan Imam Saif b. Sultan (1692-1711) 1700 slavar, 2250 årligen 1700-1815, 37 1775 fransk slavh morice södra slavhandeln till fra ö med 2 resor 1625 slav, 38 sultan Seyyid 1828 order certain proportion clove, urbefolkn shirazi muslimer därför ej förslav, därfö slav, orkan 1872, flytt pemba, 39 britt förhindra slavh söderut gnm moresby 1822, och norr gnm hammerton treaty 1845, 60.000-100.000 slavar 1872, endast 11837 frigavs 97-07, 47 procent män 53 kvinn(zanz), 40 captured slave dhows: 30 procent barn, 45 kategori: plantageslavar (shamba), domestic, suria (konk), hantv, kulier (wachukuzi), daily laborers (vibarua),

[381] Sheriff, A., Teelock, V., Wahab, S. O., Peerthum, S. (2016). Transition from slavery in Zanzibar and Mauritius: a comparative history. Senegal: Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa.

till engelska

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Anna Särström Helene Ugland-Andersson

Hilma Hofstedt (1882–1937), was a Swedish politician (Swedish Social Democratic Party). She belonged to the pioneers of the labour movement, the Social Democratic movement, as well as the women's rights movement in Sweden.

She was 

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  21. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 38-39
  22. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 38-39
  23. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 38-39
  24. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 38-39
  25. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 39-40
  26. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 40
  27. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 40
  28. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 40
  29. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 40
  30. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 41
  31. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 25
  32. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 25
  33. ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. USA: AltaMira Press. p. 362
  34. ^ Manning, P. (1990). Slavery and African life: occidental, oriental, and African slave trades. Storbritannien: Cambridge University Press. s.
  35. ^ El-Azhari, T. (2019). Queens, Eunuchs and Concubines in Islamic History, 661-1257. Tyskland: Edinburgh University Press.
  36. ^ Manning, P. (1990). Slavery and African life: occidental, oriental, and African slave trades. Storbritannien: Cambridge University Press. s.
  37. ^ The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2, AD 500-AD 1420. (2021). Storbritannien: Cambridge University Press. s.
  38. ^ Heng, G. (2018). The Invention of Race in the European Middle Ages. Indien: Cambridge University Press. s.
  39. ^ Rio, A. (2017). Slavery After Rome, 500-1100. Storbritannien: OUP Oxford. s.
  40. ^ Phillips, W. D. (1985). Slavery from Roman Times to the Early Transatlantic Trade. Storbritannien: Manchester University Press. p63
  41. ^ Phillips, W. D. (1985). Slavery from Roman Times to the Early Transatlantic Trade. Storbritannien: Manchester University Press. p63
  42. ^ The Archaeology of Slavery in Early Medieval Northern Europe: The Invisible Commodity. (2021). Schweiz: Springer International Publishing. p. 166
  43. ^ The Archaeology of Slavery in Early Medieval Northern Europe: The Invisible Commodity. (2021). Schweiz: Springer International Publishing. p.
  44. ^ Jankowiak M. What Does the Slave Trade in the Saqaliba Tell Us about Early Islamic Slavery? International Journal of Middle East Studies. 2017;49(1):169-172. doi:10.1017/S0020743816001240
  45. ^ [2] Jankowiak, Marek, Dirhams for Slaves: Investigating the Slavic Slave Trade in the Tenth Century. Oxford University, 2012, https://www.academia.edu/1764468/Dirhams_for_slaves_Investigating_the_Slavic_slave_trade_in_the_tenth_century
  46. ^ Levi, Scott C. “Hindus beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 12, no. 3, 2002, pp. 277–88. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25188289. Accessed 15 Apr. 2024.
  47. ^ World History Encyclopedia [21 volumes]: [21 volumes] Alfred J. Andrea Ph.D. p.
  48. ^ [a b] Mall:Verkkoviite
  49. ^ [a b] Mall:Verkkoviite
  50. ^ [3], Barker, H. (2019). That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500. USA: University of Pennsylvania Press, Incorporated.
  51. ^ Asian and African Systems of Slavery. (1980). Storbritannien: University of California Press.
  52. ^ Asian and African Systems of Slavery. (1980). Storbritannien: University of California Press. 
Further reading ==

Mall:Expand Swedish

Alma Norsell (1870–1948), was a Swedish politician (Swedish Social Democratic Party). She belonged to the pioneers of the labour movement, the Social Democratic movement, as well as the women's rights movement in Sweden.

She was chair of the Sömmerskornas fackförening (Seamstress Union) in 1892–1897, treasurer of Kvinnliga herrskrädderiarbetareföreningen (Female Taylor Union) in 1897–1903, and board member of the Women's Trade Union in 1902–1903. She was the

Hon var även ledamot av Kommittén för den kvinnliga agitationen 1901–1902, ordförande i Borås socialdemokratiska kvinnoklubb 1904–1906, i Arvikaklubben 1908, i Karlstad-klubben 1909, i Värmlands socialdemokratiska kvinnodistrikt 1915–1921 och 1922–1935 och ledamot av stadsfullmäktige i Karlstad 1919–1920. 

References ==



Further reading ==

Mall:Expand Swedish

Slavhandel barbareskpirater
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Barbary slave trade

Slavkällor=== Barbareskpiraterna utförde både räder mot båtar på havet, och strandräder längs kusterna. Dessa ägde rum främst i Medelhavet respektive Atlanten, respektive mot mot södra Europa i medelhavsområdet och längs Västeuropas kuster, från Spanien så långt norrut som på Island. Det var under den nymoderna tiden en av de två största källorna till vita slavar i Mellanöstern: den andra var slavhandeln på Svarta havet i östra Europa.

Brittiska öarna====

Jakob I sände en ambassad till Alger för att förhandla 1620-1621, som dock inte lyckades.[1]

[2]

[3]

Sydvästra England utsattes för upprepade anfall 1625-1626.[4]

Under 1620-40-talet härjade ofta Cornwall, Devon och södra Irland av pirater, som ofta gjorde strandräder efter att ha överfallit skepp. Kvinnor var prioriterade som fångar.[5] Sommaren 1625 överfölls båtar i Bristol Channel, som följdes av strandhugg i Mount's Bay, varifrån omkring sextio män, kvinnor och barn bortfördes.[6]

1645 förde pirater bort 200 män, kvinnor och barn nära Fowey i Cornwall som slavar till Nordafrika; [7] det exakta antalet uppges ha varit 240, varav en del även "gentlewomen", det vill säga kvinnor ur godsägarklassen.[8]

Räden mot Baltimore var en slavräd utförd av osmanska barbareskpirater från Alger i Osmanska Nordafrika mot kustbyn Baltimore i West Cork på Irland 20 juni 1631.[9] [10] Det var den största attacken av detta slag på Irland. Anfallet tillhör de mer välkända av de slavräder som företogs av barbareskpiraterna mot Europas kuster efter 1400-talets slut och fram till 1800-talets början. Några år efter Baltimore 1631 anfölls även närliggande Dungarvon, varifrån omkring femtio personer bortfördes.[11]

England sände ofta agenter för att friköpa engelska slavar. I december 1640 hade situationen blivit så svår att en statlig kommitté, Committee for Algiers, upprättades för att köpa tillbaka engelska medborgare från slaveri i Algeriet, som då beräknades vara mellan 3,000 och 5,000 bara i Alger.[12] 1643 hade så många engelska slavar förts till Alger att den engelska regeringen kallade till nationell insamling genom landets kyrkor för att köpa tillbaka dem; att köpa tillbaka kvinnliga slavar var extremt mycket dyrare än manliga.[13]

Danmark====

Danskt territorium utsattes för kusträder på Färöarna.

1607 utsattes både Island och Färöarna för landräder av piraterna som bortförde människor i slaveri. [14] Piraträden på Suðuroy 1629 var en räd som företogs av barbareskpirater mot Suðuroy på Färöarna sommaren 1629. Den resulterade i att sex personer av befolkningen dödades av piraterna och att över trettio personer togs som slavar. Händelsen var den största piraträden av barbareskpirater på Färöarna och gjorde att kungen fattade beslut om bygganden av en fästning på ön, som därefter gav den större skydd.

Danska skepp utsattes för överfall av barbarekspiraterna.

[382]

Frankrike====

[15]

Franska skepp och kuster utsattes även de för räder. På 1500-talet slöt dock Frankrike och Osmanska riket en allians, som skyddade Frankrike i större mån än andra länder. I praktiken försvagades dock det skydd Frankrike hade genom sin allians, eftersom Osmanska riket hade allt svagare kontroll över sina västra provinser i Nordafrika.

På 1550-talet härjades Provence och Languedoc av slavräder, vilket ledde till klagomål från Frankrike till sultanen.[16] 1620 gjordes en räd mot en by utanför Calais i Nordfrankrike.[17]

I egenskap av Osmanska rikets allierade hade Frankrike fördelen att kunna klaga hos sultanen, då dessa räder egentligen var illegala även i osmanska ögon på grund av den fransk-osmanska alliansen.[18]

I egenskap av katolskt land åtnjöt landet tjänsten av de katolska religiösa ordnar som regelbundet köpte tillbaka en del av de medborgare som tagits som slavar.

Island====

1607 utsattes både Island och Färöarna för landräder av piraterna som bortförde människor i slaveri. [19]

Turkräden på Island 1627 var en serie sjörövarräder och bortföranden av slavar. De utfördes av osmanska barbareskpirater från nordvästra Afrika och utspelade sig utanför Grindavík, Västmannaöarna och Hemön mellan 20 juni och 19 juli 1627.[20]

[21]

Italien====

En av de mest kända räderna mot Italien ägde rum mot Fondi 1534. År 1534 attackerades Fondi av en flotta av korsarer under Barbarossa. Han hade fått i uppdrag av storvisir Pargalı İbrahim Pascha att ta Giulia Gonzaga som slav och placera henne i det kejserliga osmanska haremet som Süleyman I:s slavkonkubin för att ersätta den inflytelserika Roxelana. Det har också spekulerats om att Barbarossa fick hjälp av hennes döde makes familj, som ville återfå den egendom hon hade fått efter maken som änka. Kidnappningsförsöket misslyckades och Giulia Gonzaga lyckades fly med en enda vaktsoldat klädd i bara nattlinnet. Som hämnd för hennes flykt massakrerade Barbarossa befolkningen i Fondi och Sperlonga innan hans flotta tvingades ge sig av efter ett ha slagits tillbaka vid Itri. [22]

En stor räd härjade Kalabrien i Syditalien 1638.[23]

Härjningarna i Spanien och Italien skadade befolkningen och i förlängningen ekonomin i Medelhavsområdet.[24]

[25]

Malta====

Malta var utsatt för kusträder från barbareskpiraterna. [26]

1551 tillfångatogs hela befolkningen på ön Gozo, som sålde dem som slavar i Libyen. [27]

Barbareskpiraterna deltog även i belägringen av Malta 1565.[28]

Nederländerna==== Inga strandräder gjordes mot Nederländernas kuster, men nederländska skepp drabbades av överfall på haven. Nederländska agenter köpte regelbundet en del av de nederländska medborgare som tagits som slavar; priset på nederländska slavar beskrivs som högre än de flestas.[29]

[30]

[31]

Portugal====

Portugal var liksom Spanien utsatt för barbareskpiraterna både på land och hav.[32]

I egenskap av katolskt land åtnjöt landet tjänsten av de katolska religiösa ordnar som regelbundet köpte tillbaka en del av de medborgare som tagits som slavar.

[33]

[34]

[35]

Spanien====

Spanien var svårt utsatt för strandräder från 1500-talets början. Värsta var förhållandet under 1600-talet, då stora kuststräckor lämnades helt obebodda på grund av de ständiga attackerna.

Pirater från Marocko och Alger frekventerade främst Spanien och Europas västkust, medan piraterna från Tunis rörde sig kring Italien och Grekland.[36]

Piraterna förde bort befolkningen från hela byar längs Spaniens medelhavskust. 1637 bortfördes 315 kvinnor och barn från staden Calpe, ustbyar avfolkades så kronan tvingades höja skatten på fisk, kött, boskap och siden för att konstruera kustbefästningar, och 1667 hade så många baskiska sjömän förslavats att de baskiska provinserna inte längre kunde fullfölja sin kvot på sjömän till den kungliga flottan. [37]

En stor räd härjade Kalabrien i Syditalien 1638.[38]

Härjningarna i Spanien och Italien skadade befolkningen och i förlängningen ekonomin i Medelhavsområdet.[39]

I egenskap av katolskt land åtnjöt landet tjänsten av de katolska religiösa ordnar som regelbundet köpte tillbaka en del av de medborgare som tagits som slavar.

[40]

Sverige==== Även svenskar föll offer för Barbareskkustens slavhandel. Inga kusträder förekom mot Sverige, men däremot överfölls svenska skepp på Medelhavet.

1662 mottog Sveriges rikskansler Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie ett brev med begäran om hjälp från hundratalet svenskar som då var slavar i Alger i Nordafrika.[41]

Totalt tros cirka 1 000 svenskar mellan åren 1500 och 1800, oftast sjömän, ha tagits och sålts som slavar av muslimska slavjägare som utgick från barbareskkusten.[42] Ett exempel är Marcus Berg, som levde som slav där under 1700-talet och senare utgav en skildring av sina erfarenheter.

Sverige köpte regelbundet tillbaka medborgare som tagits som slavar.

[383]

1662 mottog Sveriges rikskansler Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie ett brev med begäran om hjälp från hundratalet svenskar som då var slavar i Alger i Nordafrika.[43] Svenska sjömän som tagit som slavar i Alger vädjade till svenska kronan om hjälp att bli frigivna både 1662 och 1664, något som tycks ha varit den kanske första gången det hänt svenska skepp och därför gjorde kronan medvetna om problemet.[44]

I juni 1687 mottog befolkningen på Radöy utanför Bergen varningen att algeriska piratskepp ha nått Nordsjön, skepp som påstods ha en svensk renegat ombord, vilket ledde till att besättningen på flera skepp i Drammen och andra skepp ankrade i södra Norge/sörlandskusten flydde, och att det holländska skeppet Den Haarlemer Kirk drev iland på Sörlandskusten efter ett överfall, en händelse som gav upphov till visor. [45]

Skepp som överfölls av korsarer på Medelhavet övergav ofta skeppet för att undvika att tas som slavar. Ett exempel var det svenska skeppet Grothe Christopher, som överfölls av korsarer från Alger 18 maj 1699; hela besättningen flydde då, även om kaptenen Anders Vittusson dödades.[46]

Det svenska fartyget L'Aventure överfölls av korsarer från Salé utanför Gibraltar 1758, varpå skepparen Isak Wallstedt och hans besättning mördades i ett blodbad, som bevittnades av ett engelskt skepp efteråt.[47]

1673 utfärdades ett Kungligt plakat som förordade konvojer för alla svenska fartyg i Medelhavet för att undvika de "Turckiske Corsarernes anfall", och enligt en kunggörelse 1759 förordades att alla svenska skepp som skulle segla vid Spanien, Portugal och Medelhavet skulle färdas i konvoj från Marstrand.[48]

Johan Gabriel Sparfwenfeldt besökte Alger och Tunis 1691 och mötte då många svenska slavar som vädjade till honom om hjälp att kunna återvända "till sina hem, till sina barn, föräldrar och hemtrakter".[49] Sparfwenfeldt räknade upp en lista på 23 svenska slavar: av dessa var elva från saltskeppet Delphin som hade överfallits 20 oktober 1688, och många andra från holländska skepp. Samtliga var sjömän, varav en del ägdes av privatpersoner och andra var galärslavar; de flesta hade varit slavar i cirka fem år, men en, Svarte Didrik från Stockholm, i tjugo.[50]

Personer som tillfångatagits fördes av kaparen inför dejen: de som kunde bedömas vara från en nation som slutits ett fredsfördrag med Alger kunde "reclameras af nationens Consul" i Alger och friköpas, och alla nyanlända fångar kontrollerades därför av de utländska konsulerna stationerade av Alger, medan resten av dem var fria att säljas på marknaden.[51]

De fångar som hade särskilda kunskaper, så som hantverkare, såldes på marknaden till privatpersoner, medan de okvalificerade blev statliga slavar som fick leva i de stora fängelserna kända som bagno och sysselsattes med statliga kroppsarbeten; dessa sades leva under sämst förhållanden.[52] Fångar med särskilda talanger som såldes till privatpersoner ansågs behandlas bättre än de statliga slavarna, men i gengäld begärdes högre pris för deras lösgivande, och fångar försökte därför ofta dölja eventuella talanger för att kunna friköpas för längre pris. [53]

Maria Olssdotter ansökan kollekt kungen via landshövdingen Gävle make Erik Persson Ångerman 23 alger 29 maj 1726 wibus från Stockholm matros 10 maj 1725 "sitia uti et swårt slafweri" Petter Wallberg [54]

kungens slavar "intet komma fri för penningar", fängelset statliga slavar, tavernor 65 friköpta enbart två procent 1580-1680, sedan vanl [55] 

70- 20 november gardie rikskansler 1662, åtta persner,

[56]

70 - karl vi pingst 1680 10 personer, 15 brev 1662-1733 [57]


USA==== Inga strandräder utfördes i USA, men barbereskpirater överföll amerikanska skepp på både Medelhavet och i Atlanten och sålde dess besättningar som slavar. Detta utlöste så småningom Barbareskkrigen 1801-1815.

[58]

[59]

[60]

Reglementerad prostitution
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Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts (1869), Svenska Federationen (1878),[61] Foreningen imod Lovbeskyttelse for Usædelighed (1879),[62] Finska Federationen (1880)[63] and Liga Portuguesa Abolicionista (1926)[64]

Nordic sexual morality debate

[384]

Månglare
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enda källan tänkeböckerna för Sthlm, arboga, kalmar, och jönköping. pigor, prostituerade, bastuhustru, dokväverska, barnmorska, syltkona, tvätterska, bagerska, skråänkor driva mäns rörelser olika många år efter maken utifrån skråbestämmelser. barnmorska, kopperska, baderska, klok gumma med magistratens sanktion, murs,äcka, taktäckersa. Ingen stor reform förrän 1846, när hantverksyrkena fri för kvinnor. De flesta arbetande kvinnor var pigor, barnflickor eller andra typer av tjänare, och de flesta pigor var ogifta, gifta kvinnor hjälphustru, tvätterska, amma etc. sjuksköterska/sjukhuspiga, barnmorska (enda yrket med nästan ett skrå och lärling), guvernant, bruksmäcka, tegelbärare, bruksmadam, roddarmadam, framställning av hantverk i mindre skala så som att tappa ljus, chocklad, slipat glas, sirap etc. krogar= "arbetande klasserna", 700, från 1813 400, mat och inhemska destillerade drycker, får drivas av kvinna (dvs kvinna som inte ärvt det av make) traktörsnäring = "den bättre allmänheten" 50, mat, vin, dricka, brännvin, dukade bord i snygga rum, spiskvarter=50, mat åt "den bättre allmänheten", sällan spriträtt, får drivas av kvinna, källare/vinkällare=vin utländska drycker ingen mat. krogar-spiskvarter 1800-1850 alla kvinnor pga 1747 bestämmelse helst för änkor7hustrur: gifta kvinnor med oförmögna män, vana, behovsgrundande, kvinnlig personal skönkjungfrur-krogpigor ingen kontant lön därför rykte om prostit, månglare: 1749 företräde kramhandel för gifta kvinnor med arbetsoförmögna män, , 1778 företräde skappare-sjömänsfruar. 1749 - kvinnor företräde nipperhandel dvs garn, strumpor, band, fransar, snörliv, mössor, svensktillverkade varor. 1774 tobakshandeln företräde skadade soldater och kvinnor, tillstånd bilda societet och bodbetjäning av kvinnor och gossar. klädmäkleri: begagnade kläder, möbler, nya skor. Gemensamt var att kvinnor var verksamma i yrken som inte tillhörde ett skrå, inte krävde formell lärlingstid, och/eller som myndigheterna gav tillstånd för utifrån försörjningsbehov; försörjningskravet innebar samtidigt att de sällan fick ha personer anställda som lärlingar eller anställda för att förhindra att rörlesen utvidgades större än vad som behövdes för att försörja sig på, eller blev ett hot mot männen i skråna. Kvinnor hamnade ofta i konflikt med skråna, där lokala myndigheter vanligen stödde skråna medan kommerskollegium stödde kvinnor med utgångspunkt från deras försörjningsbehov och vanligen i slutändan gav kvinnor tillstånd om de hade behov av försörjning.


[65] Johanna Lovisa Skyllberg (1794-efter 1847) fläskkorv och medvurst 19-, slaktarhustrun, eget hus, roddarhustrun Brita Catharina Thelin (1786-1832), hus, Inga Johanna Chievitz (1773-efter 1839) bakelser 17-35, 20-24, Maria Charlotta Gredig Ingerman (d. 1881), fläskkorv och fläsk, vaktmästarhustru, 30-74, hus, fem pigor, Carolina Engblom (1815-1882), 43-58, kryddhandlaränka, två bodar från 47, Brita Maria Lindberg 1785-1840, livgardeskorpralshustrun, övergiven, 21-25, danviken 25-36, Maria Brita Åkerström Thulander 1795-1861, sjötullvaktmästarhustru, hus, 19-30, slutade pga rikedom Maria Trostadius 1769-1858, fänrikshustrun, 12-, korv, fläsk, fyra pigor, 2044 rdr banco, hus, Johanna Charlotta Riddarhjerta Dahlström 1777-1840, livdrabant-löjtnanthustru, separerad, 32-40, smörbakelser, dotter sömmerskan Augusta övertog rörelsen Friherrinnan Ulrika Amalia Dahlberg Duwall 1808-1899, maken konkurs, smörbakelser 43,

Sophia Lovisa Gumelius Hellberg 1761-1842, löjtnanthustru, pehr hellberg, korvmång 12-42, två pigor, dotter Christina Sophia Hellberg 1785-1826, löjtnanthustru, bernhard otto starck, adel, korvmång 12-26, samarbet med mor och syster, två pigor, korvtillverkning 10, en dräng sex pigor, dotter Hedvig Maria Hellberg 1788-1874, carl magnus starck svåger, sju styvbarn, sju barn, hus 1000 rdr banco efter make, arv 3000 kr, korvmång 12-58, samarbet med mor och syster, två pigor,

1932-1973

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Nadir erased any symbols of progress identified with Amanullah, forexample, by renaming the Amaniya School as Estiqlal, Independence, andthe Amani School as Nijat, Salvation. He reopened one of the schools forgirls, Esmat, and converted it to a nursing school. To placate clerics andconservatives within and outside the state apparatus Nadir justified theopening of this school on the grounds that its function was primarily totrain female nurses and midwives. Later Nadir also established a thirty-bed women’s sanatorium and laid the foundation for a medical school inKabul. In the final years of his rule, 1931–1933, girls were allowed to at-tend schools separate from men. There were 5,941 male and female stu-dents in high schools and other institutions of higher education

Politics and participation in public affairs were considered the exclu-sive domain of men in rural areas. Tribal chiefs and landowners are localarbiters and always act as spokespersons of their respective village andcommunity. Although there are a few influential women in some familieswho play an important role in providing guidance and counseling to menconcerning social issues related to the community, they did not partici-pate directly in politics or act as spokespersons of their communities. Itwas rare to see a woman occupy the position of Arbab, arbiter, in ruralareas, but a few cases have been documented. For instance, Agha Nargwas a prominent woman in the village of Tagaw Barg in Panjaw, Bamiyan,in the 1950s and 1960s. She was chosen for the position of Arbab by thecommunity to succeed her father, Mohammad Baig. Agha Narg receivedelementary education at home and served the people of Nargis, Gargar,and Tagaw Barg. She was considered a dedicated and passionate womanand people always sought her advice and judgment over that of govern-ment officials. She died at the age of sixty in the late 1960s.62

Another prominent woman in the public service in the late 1970s wasKhadija, daughter of Murad Ali Karbalaye. She was chosen Arbab of theAnda and Shatu villages in Bamiyan province. Although her father hadtwo sons, neither of them was a suitable candidate for the position. Peoplerespectfully addressed her by the title Arbab Khadija. During cold win-ters, when people had to cross the Shatu pass on their way to anothervillage or back home, they could always stay over at Khadija’s house; shelooked after them and provided them with food. She traveled long dis-tances even into the interior of the province, for meetings with local gov-ernment officials to settle community-related issues. It was generallyagreed that she was best suited to serve as the local arbiter and spokes-person to the government, and she would be responsible for alldecisionmaking with regard to village matters.63 Her reputation as a suc-cessful community leader drew the envy of men of similar stature.

Kabul University and one female judge in the High Central Court of Ap-peals in Kabul. Several other women received appointments to lowerstatutory tribunals and a number of other women served as defense at-torneys in Kabul.64 In the 1970s women also were employed in law en-forcement agencies. Jamila Naim was among the first group of graduatesof the Police Academy in 1970 who served as anti-smuggling squad of-ficers, and others were commissioned at various departments.

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Daoud, who earlier supported the unveiling of women in 1953–1963,did not vigorously pursue measures to eliminate gender inequality dur-ing his rule in 1973–1978. Daoud declared that soon he would promul-gate a new constitution, but did not do so until a year after he formed anew political party, Hizb-e-Enqilab-e-Milli, the National Revolution Party,in 1975. He appointed a committee of forty-one persons including twowomen, Alia Hafeez and Fatima Kayfi, to draft a new constitution.14 Theconstitution contained 136 articles. Article 20 declared Afghanistan a re-public and Article 23 recognized Persian and Pushtu as two official lan-guages from among other languages. The constitution also declaredequality of men and women before law. According to Article 27, “all thepeople of Afghanistan, both women and men, without discrimination andprivilege, have equal rights and obligations before the law.” Article 29stated that “every Afghan who attains the age of eighteen has the rightto vote in accordance with the provision of the law.”15The constitution restricted political activities to just one party, Hizb-e-Enqilab-e-Milli, and recognized the institution of Milli Jirgah, the NationalAssembly (formerly known as Loya Jirgah) as the only body with theauthority to amend the constitution and elect or accept the resignation ofthe head of the state or remove him from his office if he was found guiltyof wrongdoing. Article 76 stated that the Milli Jirgah, with a two-thirdsmajority vote of its members, would elect the president to a six-year termafter his nomination by the political party. Daoud designed the system insuch a manner that by manipulating the Milli Jirgah, he could easily re-elect himself for additional terms.During the Milli Jirgah elections, conducted under the watchful eyesof the state, 219 desirable representatives were elected, including fourwomen: Kubra Noorzai, director of the Women’s Institute from KabulCity; Aziza Amani, principal of a high school from Qunduz; Najiba Siir,principal of Mahasty High School from Khulm, Samangan; and Najiba,principal of the Malika-e-Jalali High School from Herat. Another eightwomen were appointed by Daoud: Humaira Hamidi, Khalida Ghaus,Khadija, Zainab Amin, Mahbooba, Aziza Ehsan Omar, Suraya Khadim,and Zakia.16 All these women were college graduates under thirty-fiveyears of age. In February 1977 the Milli Jirgah was convened in Kabul, 98Repression, Resistance, and Women in Afghanistandebated the constitution, and eventually approved it and elected Daoudpresident of the country.Daoud had no women in his cabinet but his administration involved anumber of women in junior-level positions within the state apparatus,which included fifty-four women in the Presidential Secretariat, ninety-one in the Office of the Minister of the State, and three at the Ministry ofForeign Affairs.17 Daoud’s social development programs for women in-cluded the introduction of a civil code in 1977 that contained severalarticles concerning relations between men and women. The civil code de-fined a minimum marriage age (sixteen for females and eighteen formales), allowed men and women to freely choose their marriage partners,permitted a couple to marry despite family opposition, and set rules fordivorce. Although the law gave the exclusive right of divorce to men,women were allowed to submit an application for divorce under certainconditions, for instance if the husband had or should contract an incur-able illness or if he refused or was unable to support his wife financially.In addition, if he was imprisoned for a long period of time, she could filefor divorce anytime after the first five years.18 Furthermore, Article 183of the civil code permitted a wife to demand a divorce whether or not shecould prove the existence of prejudice or harm if arbitration failed to bringa reasonable compromise between her and her husband. Similarly, Article88 of the civil code required a wife to stipulate in writing, when register-ing for marriage, her right to divorce if her husband married a secondwife. According to Article 89, a wife was also permitted to file a divorceapplication if her husband had hidden from her a marriage to anotherwoman.19The law also stipulated rules concerning child custody. After divorcea mother could get custody of a boy up to age seven and a girl up to agenine. The period could be extended for another two years provided thatthe court deemed it necessary for the child’s best interests. If a motherremarried or was found to have behaved in an improper manner she wasbarred from seeking child custody. Although legally a woman could re-quest a divorce, in practice it was still very difficult for her to do so be-cause a woman was entirely dependent on a man in terms of economicsupport; there were not many opportunities for a woman to obtain em-ployment and support herself, and a divorce was considered a socialstigma and a dishonor to families. For this reason many women refusedto seek a divorce even if their husbands abused them or married secondwives.To improve women’s status, Daoud instructed the Ministry of Educa-tion to provide educational programs for women. Kumita-e-Ensijam-e-Zanan, the Women’s Coordinating Committee, was established to promotethe cause of women and encourage their participation in public affairs.The committee sponsored a series of educational programs via Radio Afghanistan, which included programs on family affairs, short dramas,discussions of family issues, and the like. The government-owned mediapublished feature articles and progress reports about women’s activitiesand their role in socioeconomic development projects. During the annualcelebration of Mother’s Day on June 14, 1977, Daoud initiated a programto honor the most outstanding women, those who were widowed or aban-doned and who without education or outside support managed to rearand educate several sons and daughters.20Daoud’s policies of promoting freedom for women also included es-tablishing a family court in Kabul. Soraya Parwiz, who graduated fromthe Faculty of Law, Kabul University, in 1967, was appointed head of thiscourt to resolve family-related issues. Similar courts were established inseveral other provinces such as Herat, Qandahar, and Qunduz. The statealso recruited a limited number of women into the police and armedforces. There were seven women in junior positions at the Ministry of Defense and eight women at the Ministry of the Interior. In 1978 the gov-ernment also introduced legislation designed to provide family healthplans aimed at helping the mother and child. This legislation granted ahusband a tax exemption for a wife, for each of his first five children, andfor his unemployed parents.Daoud, however, was preoccupied with consolidating his rule. The lib-erals had expected that Daoud would encourage increased participationof women in the state apparatus. They were disappointed when Daoudneither appointed a woman to his cabinet nor promoted women to keyadministrative positions. Although members of the WDOA and a num-ber of the liberals criticized the leadership for not advancing the cause ofwomen, they did not take any practical action to make their voice heardamong women. Members and supporters of Jamiat-e-Enqilabi-e-Zanan-e-Afghanistan, the Revolutionary Association of Women of Afghanistan(RAWA), which was founded and headed by Meena in 1977, advocatedand supported the cause of women’s equality. However, they and otherrevolutionary women were not so concerned with the degree of women’sparticipation in the state apparatus as they were with a revolutionarytransformation of the system. Daoud was overthrown in a coup stagedby members of the PDPA army officers on April 27, 1978, and Afghanistanwas declared a “democratic” republic.KHALQ AND PARCHAM RHETORIC OF WOMEN’SLIBERATIONLeaders of the PDPA who were arrested earlier by Daoud were releasedfrom jail. Noor Mohammad Taraki, head of the Khalq faction of the PDPA,became president, prime minister, and chairman of the Revolutionary

To further expand its social base of support among the female popula-tion, the regime launched a campaign against illiteracy and opened nightschools. The literacy classes were intended as a means to promote political 102Repression, Resistance, and Women in Afghanistanindoctrination. Although basic textbooks were used in the classes, teachersin charge of these classes emphasized political rhetoric in their instruc-tion. These literacy centers thus became political centers. Members of theKOAW were sent to villages to conduct literacy courses. The governmentforced men to send their wives and daughters to the literacy centers. Whenconservatives opposed sending their women to these centers, young partymembers ordered accompanying guards to forcibly bring them. Someparty members also abused their power and sexually molested theirfemale students. Taraki did not hold members of his own ruling party re-sponsible but instead attributed the crimes to hooligans, bandits, andthieves. He said that “there has occurred only one event after the revolu-tion in which a few thieves broke into a house and molested the family.So far we have not reached any agreement on what kind of severe pun-ishment should be meted out to those thieves.”26In 1979 the Kabul regime declared that since its seizure of power morethan 18,000 women had received a basic education.

social and political reforms intended to boost social developments failedbecause the method that the regime used to implement them was repres-sive and autocratic. This resulted in generating public disenchantment andsubsequently provoked bitter opposition against the regime, with peopledeclaring its policies regarding women’s education as having a negativeinfluence upon their wives’ morals and perceptions.One of the regime’s policies of promoting the cause of women’s libera-tion involved the appointment of women to high government positions.Prominent women holding key positions in the state apparatus in 1978–1979 included Sultana Umayd, director of the Kabul Girls School; RuhafzaKamyar, principal of the Vocational High School; and Firoza, director ofthe Red Crescent Society. The government also supported female singerswho could sing songs composed by the regime. Many veteran female sing-ers of Radio Afghanistan, like Qamar Gul and Gulshan, and new singerslike Parisa Mursal and Setara, known as the Girl of Herat, were called towork for the new regime. The state rehabilitated these stage performersand called them “revolutionary” women of Afghanistan.28In addition to the campaign against illiteracy and support of women’sliberation, the state forced government employees to participate in variousdevelopment projects on weekends and holidays. Those who did not par-ticipate or who disagreed with government policies were called “counter-revolutionaries” and subsequently were imprisoned, tortured, and evenexecuted. The state’s repressive strategies of development and the system-atic torture and execution of innocent civilians were intended to build asociety in which there was no opposition, and all were members of theKhalq. Sayed Abdullah, the notorious commander of the Pol-e-CharkhiPrison, stated that “a million Afghans are all that should remain alive—amillion communists. The rest, we don’t need. We’ll get rid of all of them.”29Many prisoners were murdered and thrown into a common graveyard.Although men were the main victims of repression, the mothers, wives,sisters, daughters, and grandmothers of prisoners were also victimized.They were the first to mobilize against the regime. Their political invis-ibility and marginality in public activities provided them an opportunityto become major players during the Khalq’s rule, whose terror tacticsmade it extremely

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THE SOVIET INVASION AND OCCUPATIONOnce in power, Karmal released political prisoners, declared generalamnesty, and embarked upon new policies aimed at expanding the party’sbase of support. To attract women’s support, Karmal appointed Ratibzadas a member of both the so-called Revolutionary Council and the PDPA’sCentral Committee. He also appointed two more women to the Revolu-tionary Council, Karmal’s cousin, Soraya, president of the WDOA, andJamila Palwashah. The government condemned Amin for torturing andexecuting innocent men and women. In an editorial, the state’s officialnewspaper, Haqiqat-e-Enqilab-e-Saur, Truth of the Saur [April] Revolution,compared Amin to Hitler and Mussolini. A section of the editorial wastranslated into English and published in the state’s English daily, the KabulNew Times:A version of Hitlerites, Mussolinis, and Ganghis Khans. . . . More murderous andcruel than all the hangmen and murderers of history. His reign of terror will formthe most bloody pages in our history. . . . He was not a cultured man. He repeat-edly insulted and humiliated women who sought their husbands from him.33On March 8, 1980, the regime celebrated the anniversary of Women’sDay at the Gymnasium of Polytechnic Institute in Kabul. A great numberof women, both party members and loyalists, gathered and spoke on therole of women in society and passed a resolution condemning externalinterference in Afghanistan’s internal affairs and expressed their readinessto defend the country and the gains of the “revolution.”34 The government-controlled press and media presented special programs and articles on thesubject of women and their role in the country’s development. In ordernot to antagonize public opinion, the Kabul New Times praised Islam forgranting women the right to education:One important criterion of a progressive regime is the efforts it makes to ensureequality between male and females. . . . It was not religion that stood againstwomen’s progress. . . . For Islam made learning incumbent upon both men andwomen . . . but men used women as second-rate citizens and did not allow themto acquire knowledge and therefore women are not aware of their rights.35To expand the party’s base of support among women, Karmal ap-pointed a number of women to key government offices and to positionsin the army and the police department. The KOAW, renamed as theWomen’s Democratic Organization of Afghanistan (WDOA), was the onlywomen’s organization that supported the Soviet invasion and worked torally women in support of the Kabul regime. In 1984 the WDOA main-tained that the organization had succeeded in uniting approximately30,000 women in 669 primary organizations throughout the country and Political Mobilization107had “mobilized more than 80,000 countrywomen in social production ofwhom 17,000 were trade union members.”36 The Kabul regime sufferedenormous casualties in the battle with the Islamic parties supported byPakistan, the United States, and other conservative Middle Eastern coun-tries. To win support of families whose sons had died in the war, the Kabulregime established the Association of Mothers and Wives of Martyrs ofRevolution (AMWMR) in April 1986 and appointed Bibi Marjan as itspresident.37 The state also changed the name of the WDOA to the All Af-ghanistan Women’s Council (AAWC), and Shafiqa Razmenda was ap-pointed vice president of the organization. In June 1987 the AAWC wasrenamed the Afghanistan Women Council (AWC), and Masuma Esmatibecame its chair. Article 1 of the AWC charter stated the organization’sgoals as follows:[It] is a mass social organization, which unites, in its ranks, on a voluntary basis,the women of different classes and strata of the society, all nationalities, tribes andethnic groups residing in the country for realizing the requirements of the socio-economic development of women. The [AWC] shall carry its activities under theleadership of the PDPA and under the National Front of the DRA [DemocraticRepublic of Afghanistan]. It is the active executor of the policy of the revolution-ary state in solving the problems of women, and functions in all-embracing man-ner, for attracting the women to the process of work and the new life.38The AWC stated that it had 94,816 members, 1,490 workers, 3,334 peas-ants, 1,087 artisans, 22,306 intellectuals, 2,476 students, 20,539 teachers and20,445 housewives.39 Other women in key government positions includedSoraya, director of the Women’s Club in Kabul (fourteen such clubs ex-isted in Kabul and thirty in other provinces); and Sohaila Siddique, chiefsurgeon of the 400-bed Military Hospital in Kabul. Sohaila was born in1938, studied medicine in Moscow in 1967–1976, and was promoted to therank of major-general in December 1986.40 Karmal also founded a centercalled Parwarishga-e-Watan, the National Nursery, to provide for theneeds of children born out of wedlock or those abandoned by their par-ents and to indoctrinate them with the ideology of the ruling party. Thestate also established new cultural centers and used them as vehicles forpolitical indoctrination. Youths were encouraged to participate in culturalactivities and other programs organized by these centers. Young male andfemale party members often socialized in such centers, but the public re-viled these institutions as enterprises that promoted cultural degeneracy,as described by one critic:Moral corruption and degradation was at its height after the so called Saur Revo-lution. An important meeting place of the young Parchamis–boys and girls–wasthe outhouses of the Bagh-e-Bala, Kabul. The Parchamis used to take pride in suchcorrupt practices and boasted to be belonging to an advanced society.41 108Repression, Resistance, and Women in AfghanistanAlthough the Soviet occupation and the continuation of armed strugglefor national liberation resulted in the shutdown of most educational cen-ters in the countryside, in 1984 the state claimed that it had made greatprogress in combating illiteracy. It stated that an estimated 1,048,000 per-sons learned to read and write since April 1978. The state also claimed thatit had established 2,300 reading and writing classes within the armedforces and 1,131 similar literacy centers in the police forces, and had pro-vided special radio-television programs for literacy classes.42Continued Soviet involvement in Afghanistan’s politics further erodedKarmal’s already tarnished image as a puppet ruler. Karmal was replacedas general secretary of the party on May 4, 1986, relieved of his remain-ing posts in November 1986, and sent into exile in the USSR in May 1987.The Soviets most favored man, Najibullah, was elected general secretaryof the party on May 4, 1986, and president of Afghanistan in September1987. To project a different image of the party, Najibullah initiated somecosmetic reforms in the political arena allowing formation of civic andpolitical parties that remained supportive of the regime. He appointed twowomen to cabinet posts in May 1990. Masuma Esmati became ministerof education and training and Saleha Farooq Etemadi became minister ofsocial security. Najibullah’s policies of involving women in top govern-ment posts did not prove effective to garner women’s support becausethese women were not elected representatives and a vast majority ofwomen in both rural and urban areas could not relate to well-known fe-male party members, personally or socially. They also despised someyoung female party members for immorality and socialization with men.THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENTWomen of other political and ideological orientations (nationalists,Islamists, and revolutionaries) opposed the Soviet occupation, and activeparticipation of women in the resistance movement began a few monthsafter the Soviet invasion as schools entered winter recess. The women’smovement was limited to Kabul and other big cities because the over-whelming majority of intelligentsia, students, and blue-collar womenlived in these cities. Jamiat-e-Enqilabi-e-Zanan-e-Afghanistan, the Revo-lutionary Association of Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) is one of therevolutionary groups that opposed the Soviet invasion. RAWA’s prime ob-jective was to mobilize and organize women and girls in support of thewar of national liberation. Members of the association began their politicalwork among high school students and factory workers at industrial plants.Although several revolutionary organizations such as Akhgar, Sazman-e-Watanparastan-e-Waqiei, the Organization of True Patriots (SAWO),Sazman-e-Azadi Bakhsh-e-Mardum-e-Afghanistan, the Organization for Political Mobilization109Liberation of People of Afghanistan (SAMA), and others disagree withRAWA on issues related to the strategy of transformation in Afghanistan’spolitics, RAWA is the only active organization that continues to fight forwomen’s rights and equality. RAWA regards the politics of the Islamicparties as reactionary, and supported the establishment of an Islamic re-public in the post-Soviet era. RAWA articulated its political strategy ofdevelopment in Afghanistan in these words:It is our mission, men and women, to unite and fight for the independence of ourbeloved country, to establish an Islamic republic, and to build a society in whichoppression, torture, execution and injustices must be replaced by democracy andsocial justice. We will not be able to achieve these objectives until people and allpolitical forces unite and form a united national front. . . . RAWA, which is com-prised of progressive women, fights for women’s equality, and maintains that theliberation of the oppressed women is inseparable from the liberation of our op-pressed nation. . . . RAWA will continue its principled struggle for women’s rightsand liberation after the restoration of the country’s independence and freedomfrom the superpowers and other imperialist powers.43To achieve its objectives, RAWA defined the responsibilities of its rankand file. Some of the most important points of RAWA’s political platformincluded the organization and mobilization of women for a continuousfight for national liberation, and opposition to reactionary trends regard-ing women’s roles in society. Another aim was to expose the Kabulregime’s hollow rhetoric and its oppression of women. RAWA also had agoal to support the people’s armed struggle for liberation. RAWA ex-pressed solidarity with the strikes of shopkeepers, students, teachers,workers, and government employees. It supported the fight against im-perialist culture, particularly that supported by the Kabul regime, andjoined in the struggle to revive Afghanistan’s national and cultural heri-tage.44A major anti-Soviet protest took place on April 21, 1980, when the Kabulregime held an official ceremony for replacing the red flag of the Khalqera with a new one having traditional black, red, and green colors. Dur-ing this protest demonstration students shouted slogans such as “LongLive Liberty” and “Soviets Leave Afghanistan.” Student rallies continuedfor several days, and during a rally on April 25 armed party members firedon the crowds, claiming the lives of four students of Omar Shahid HighSchool and one of Habibiya High School. Another anti-Soviet protest dem-onstration in Kabul occurred on the second anniversary of the regime’sseizure of power on April 27, 1980, when girls of Soriya High Schoolmarched on Kabul University. They were joined by hundreds of studentsfrom other schools in the neighboring areas. Security forces were calledin to disperse the crowd and to bring the situation under control. Party 110Repression, Resistance, and Women in Afghanistanmembers within the security forces tried to persuade the students to re-turn to their classes. Students were shouting slogans like “Liberty orDeath,”“Russians Leave Afghanistan,” and “Death to Babrak Karmal.”Students were planning to leave the university campus and march to-ward downtown Kabul. The security forces tried to prevent further esca-lation of this student protest by not allowing the protesters to leave theuniversity compound. A party member with a loudspeaker warned stu-dents to disperse, telling them, “You are being manipulated by the en-emies of the revolution. They are the ones who have misled you.” Thedemonstrators continued to shout, “Liberty or Death.” During this expres-sion of anti-Sovietism, Nahid, a junior of Rabia-e-Balkhi High School,stepped forward and shouted, “You are the ones who have been manipu-lated by the Russians.” She then shouted, “Liberty or Death.” The securityforces tried to arrest her and other key leaders of the protest demonstra-tion. Clashes broke out. Soviet helicopters hovering overhead began firingon the crowd and killed scores of students.45Among the dead were twoyoung activists, Nahid and Wajhia. Although both girls were not mem-bers of any political or religious organization, nationalists, liberals, con-servatives, and revolutionaries alike praised them for giving their livesto the cause of freedom.On the same day female students elsewhere in Kabul also marched onthe streets in defiance of the Soviet occupation of the country. When theypassed local soldiers, they threw their headscarves at army officers, tell-ing them, “These scarves are for you. You are not men. With your machineguns you oppose your sisters armed only with books.” They scolded armyofficers, telling them to stay home and let them fight for the liberation ofthe country. To disperse the crowd, party members of the army orderedsoldiers to fire on the demonstrators. As a result, three girls were killedand many others wounded.46This incident provoked a huge anti-Soviet demonstration in Kabul thenext day. Students again marched several miles through the streets ofKabul chanting anti-Soviet slogans. Although government security forcesaccompanied the demonstrators, this time they did not intervene. Studentstold the soldiers that they were all one people and had one common en-emy, the Russians, and that they should be like brothers and sisters fight-ing for national independence. When the security forces refused to openfire on the students, armed party members were called in to disperse thedemonstrators. As soon as they arrived they began firing on the crowds,and several students were killed and many others injured. Hundreds morewere arrested and taken to police stations, army posts, and Pol-e-CharkhiPrison.47 After a few days the government released most of the studentsand claimed that it had been deceived by the “counter-revolutionaries”and declared its readiness to work for the cause of the “revolution.” Thestudents were not in a position to immediately dispute these claims out Political Mobilization111of fear for their safety. Student protests continued and on May 22–23, 1980,the regime suppressed a student protest at Kabul University. One of thesurprising incidents that unfolded in Kabul during the second week ofJune 1980 was the poisoning of female students of Soriya High School anda number of other schools in Kabul, as well as of a number of employeesof the government printing press. An estimated 500 students were hospi-talized but no fatalities were reported and the government denounced theIslamic groups for this act.In order to maintain stability, the Kabul regime imposed a curfew fromlate in the evening to early dawn and prohibited social gatherings andmeetings of any kind. This situation posed problems for the oppositionparties that were trying to organize and mobilize people for the war ofnational liberation. The opposition parties distributed shabnamas, under-ground letters, to carry their message to the people. In November 1980RAWA distributed a shabnama denouncing the kidnapping of two schoolgirls by Soviet soldiers. RAWA publicized this incident to mobilize thepublic in support of the war of national liberation. The shabnama appealedto the religious beliefs, national pride, and honor of a wide spectrum ofthe populace. A portion of the shabnama read as follows:RAWA informs our noble sisters and patriotic brothers that the time of impar-tiality, neutrality, and of seeking the trivialities of life have passed. It is a timein which our honor, pride and country are at stake. If you do not do anythingyou will drown in the river of blood created by the deaths of your compatriotsand those who are still fighting and dying in the resistance fronts in towns andvillages. RAWA asks all Mujahidin, resistance fighters in cities, and sisters andbrothers in exile to transform every place they live into a fighting front. . . . Twopaths exist today—that of submission to the Soviets and that of becoming theirgravediggers. The nation has chosen the second path. . . . Let us unite. Let ourhands become familiar with the trigger of machine guns. The enemy must envi-sion the Malay’s spirit in each of us.48In September 1981 schoolgirls in Kabul organized a massive protestdemonstration to denounce the Soviet occupation and the government’spolicy of enlisting youth in the army. In downtown Kabul the governmentand Soviet forces confronted the demonstrators and ordered them to dis-perse. Students did not obey the order issued by the Soviet troops. Ac-cording to an eyewitness report, a voice coming from inside a tank wasamplified through loudspeakers, announcing, “Stop the demonstration,don’t go ahead, go back to your classes, otherwise you will be shot.” Thegirls continued to protest and to shout anti-Russian epithets. In order todisperse the crowd, the Soviet troops fired on them, killing six girls.49During the same day Khedamat-e-Itilaat-e-Dawlat, the State InformationServices (KHAD) conducted house-to-house searches for suspectedindividuals and anti-government activists. KHAD often arrested family 112Repression, Resistance, and Women in Afghanistanmembers for the purpose of obtaining information about another mem-ber of the family. For example, in June 1983 Shahnaz, Natila, and elevenmembers of their family were taken to the KHAD interrogation center inthe Sadarat, the former official residence of the prime minister, in Kabul.They were questioned about the activities and whereabouts of a familymember, Khozhman Ulumi, because he was reputed to be a leader ofSazman-e-Rahaye, a revolutionary group active in the resistance to thegovernment of Karmal.50As the struggle against the Soviet occupation of the country continued,many more men and women were arrested, interrogated, and tortured invarious detention centers in Kabul. Most arrests were made at night, withthe security forces surrounding the houses of those suspected to be anti-government. Students suspected of being members of underground po-litical parties and of distributing shabnamas were among those arrested.Anti-Soviet protest demonstrations continued, and in mid-January 1983an estimated 400 women congregated at the Mourning Hall of the Shahr-e-Naw Pavilion, in Kabul, and demanded the return of dead bodies oftheir sons and husbands lost in the war and the release of their impris-oned loved ones. Security forces fired tear gas into the crowds to dispersethem.51Women members of underground political parties usually participatedin distributing anti-government shabnamas. Although these women did notapprove of the tradition of wearing veils in public, they wore them to hidetheir identities and also to be able to safely carry a considerable quantityof shabnamas under their veils. During the first week of November 1984the security agents arrested approximately fifteen female students ofKabul University for carrying and distributing shabnamas.52 The KHADagency directed its efforts mainly toward eliminating members of theurban-based guerrilla movement who belonged to a variety of revolution-ary political organizations, such as Akhgar, Rahaye, SAWO, SAMA, andRAWA. Farida Ahmadi, one of RAWA’s leading supporters, was arrestedfor distributing anti-Soviet tracts and subjected to several months of in-terrogation and torture. She stated that six female party members, allroughly her own age, had carried out most of the interrogation. Her ex-periences included beatings, electric shocks, being forced to stand for twoweeks without moving, and being forced to watch other victims as theywere tortured. She said that other inmates sometimes had their fingers,hands, and arms crudely amputated. When the women members of theruling party could not make her confess, male torturers, including a Rus-sian, were brought in. One of them, in order to frighten her, made herwatch him gouge out the eyes of another victim.53There was a separate prison block for women in Kabul’s main prison,Pol-e-Charkhi. Conditions varied from one block to another. Tobah Hamid,a former inmate, described the women’s section of Pol-e-Charkhi. Cells Political Mobilization113were empty save for a single constantly burning light bulb. Some of themore fortunate inmates had blankets brought by family members, whowere only rarely permitted visits to the prison. Washing was not allowed,and almost all the women suffered from lice and body sores. Most of themwere sick, and all had been tortured with varying degrees of severity. Theywere not allowed to talk to each other, nor were they let out of their cellsexcept twice daily to visit the toilet facilities.54The torture of women inmates in Kabul’s central prison was graphi-cally depicted by Fahima Nassery, a school teacher who was arrestedtwice, in 1981 and 1984. She was beaten, and her hair was pulled out dur-ing her interrogation. She was then taken to a room with other women;all were told to sleep on the floor. After three nights they came for Nasseryagain. They continued to ask questions about her activities and her asso-ciates, but this time the interrogation was accompanied by repeated elec-tric shocks from an instrument with a number of wires attached to an ironcollar around her neck. After four nights of this treatment, she was takento another room, where she was slapped and beaten and her hair waspulled for hours at a time for another thirteen nights. She was also forcedto view a bloodied room containing a corpse and a number of severedlimbs and fingers scattered around. After four months of interrogation shewas sentenced to one year of imprisonment and a half year of parole.55Women’s role in the national liberation struggle was not restricted torallies, protest demonstrations, noncooperation, and the like. Women par-ticipated in organized struggles, such as the abduction and assassinationof supporters of the government and the Soviets. A large number of thedisappearances and assassinations of Soviet soldiers and personnel of thegovernment in Kabul have been attributed to women’s works and initia-tives. Tajwar Kakar, also known as Tajwar Sultan, was a leading womanfighter who actively participated in the struggle and organized otherwomen in the resistance. Kakar was a schoolteacher in Qunduz provinceand was transferred to a school in Kabul. On December 28, 1982, Kakarwas arrested on charges of anti-state political agitation and activities. Inprison she experienced all kinds of beatings and torture. She was givenrepeated electric shocks during the interrogation. She was accused of com-mitting a variety of crimes, and when she denied the charges her tortur-ers brought in people she knew to “confirm” that she was guilty. A Sovietofficial also took part in the interrogation. Kakar said that the Soviet offi-cials did not have any right to question a citizen of Afghanistan in his orher home country. This outburst further angered her tormentors, and theytied her hands, burned her lips with cigarettes, and gave her electricshocks until she fell unconscious. She was also bound and forced to standburied up to her neck in snow for several hours. The interrogation andtorture continued, with needles and electric shocks. After finally beingforced to sign a written confession, Kakar was released.56 She fled to 114Repression, Resistance, and Women in AfghanistanPeshawar, Pakistan, hoping that she would be able to work with refugees.The authorities in charge of refugee affairs did not allow her to engage inpolitics and continuously threatened her with death if she did not stay athome.Another woman fighter, Nadia, lured the enemy into a


The Kabul regime began a series of attempts to consolidate its powerbase after Soviet troops left the country. One of its major initiatives in-cluded active encouragement of the formation of civic and political groupssupportive of the Kabul government, albeit only to simulate their com-plete independence. Several political parties, such as Sazman-e-Azadi-Bakhshi Zahmatkashan-e-Afghanistan, the Revolutionary Organization ofToilers of Afghanistan (SAZA), Sazman-e-Pishahangi Zahmatkashan-e-Afghanistan, the Organization of Avant-Garde Toilers of Afghanistan(SPAZA), and several others were formed. The regime also revoked someof the state’s earlier reforms and amended land reform bills so that feu-dal landowners cooperating with the state could keep their land as anincentive to support the regime. It also declared that it was ready to sharepower with opposition groups. The ruling party changed its name to Hizb-e-Watan, Party of the Homeland, during a meeting on June 27–28, 1990.In so doing it sought to win the support of nationalists and progressiveforces.To win women’s support the Kabul regime initiated new legislation thatsupported women’s rights to employment. Article 10 of the 1987 labor lawstipulated equal pay for equal work and other articles entitled pregnantwomen to ninety days leave with all rights and privileges and the possi-bility of additional fifteen days of extension in case of health complica-tions. Article 146 prohibited agencies from rejecting women’s right to workon the basis of gender, and from reducing their pay because of pregnancyor childbirth.1 The Kabul regime also involved women in the party, thegovernment, and the army and used them also to enlist the support ofother women for the regime. Some female members of the PDPA had alsoparticipated in a few combat operations. Najiba Arash, a Pushtun woman,was appointed as alternate member and secretary of the PDPA from theeleventh precinct, Kabul, and representative to Parliament. Senzila Anaof Khost in Paktiya province became a member of Sazman-e-Demokratik-e-Zanan-e-Afghanistan, the Women’s Democratic Organization of Af-ghanistan (WDOA), a member of the Loya Jirgah in April 1985, a memberof the High Jirgah of Frontier Tribes in September 1985, and commanderof the Women’s Defense Groups in the Khost army division. RuhafzaKargar, who had completed only the seventh grade at the literacy center,was appointed a member of the Self-Defense Group Complex, a membe

of the commission to draft a new constitution in February 1986, and analternate member of the PDPA’s Central Committee in 1986.2 Similarly,Nazar Khal, daughter of Jora from Jawzjan, was appointed commanderof the Revolutionary Defense Group in Misar Abad area and became amember of the state’s Revolutionary Council in 1986.3From Chak-e-Wardak, Feroza Fedaie became a member of the Women’sDefense Group in Kabul in 1981, a member of the National FatherlandFront in 1982, a member of the Loya Jirgah in 1985, and president of theAll Afghanistan Women’s Council (AAWC ) on August 6, 1986.4 A widowwho lost one of her six sons during Taraki-Amin’s rule claimed to haveparticipated in combat battles in 1980 and 1981. While she was display-ing the folding commando-style AK-47s and Soviet Papasha machineguns, she stated that “we are breaking traditions just by having thesewomen’s defense groups; we must move slowly.”5 Another woman whoparticipated in the battle in defense of the regime was Bibi Marjan of ChilDukhtaran village of Char Asyab district, Kabul. She became a memberof the WDOA in 1982, commander of the Women Defenders of Revolu-tion Group (WDRG) in 1983 (ten members), and commander of the WDRGin Char Asyab in 1984 (fifty-two members). She also became president ofthe Association of Wives and Mothers of Martyrs of Revolution in 1986and chair of the AAWC’s Central Committee in 1990. It is reported thatshe participated in 150 battles against the Islamic parties.6In the post-Soviet era the Kabul regime tried to secure its position. Forthis reason it withdrew some of its military units from peripheral areasand concentrated them in major cities. The Kabul regime also called uponopposition leaders to participate in the national reconciliation governmentand declared its readiness to permit opposition forces to administer thedaily affairs of regions that it occupied during the war or those that thegovernment forces abandoned for political and strategic reasons. In re-gions where Islamic groups had established their rules, they dismantledthe state’s socioeconomic reforms and imposed strict Sharia rules andregulations. They opened some local schools to teach the Quran and re-stored feudal relations of production. A report on the Taliqan district statedthat peasants again labored as sharecroppers for landlords on the plotsthey once briefly owned. Women were again told to stay in the home, andit was a common sight in the city to have a car equipped with loudspeak-ers patrolling the neighborhood, blaring the teachings of the local mullahand calling upon people to abstain from playing music.7 The Kabulregime’s policies of reconciliation failed to broaden its power base and theIslamic parties continued their struggle to topple the Kabul governmentand establish an Islamic regime in its place. Although a small number ofrefugees returned home, the overwhelming majority remained in refugeecamps in Pakistan and Iran.

[66]


Allmänt

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Till svwp

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I Frankrike förekom häxprocesser tidigare än i de flesta andra länder: redan på 1300-talet inkluderades häxeri i anklagelserna under processen mot tempelriddarna, och de följdes på 1400-talet av häxprocessen i Valais och häxprocessen i Arras. I Frankrike hanterades häxprocesser av de olika lokala parlamenten, som hade olika inställning till om de ville godkänna eller avvisa de lokala domstolarnas domar i häxerimål. Parisparlamentet ogillade i allmänhet häxmål därför att de utgjorde ett vanligt exempel på fall där lokala domstolar bröt mot rättsliga regler. I Frankrike förekom häxmål främst på landsbygden, hanterade av lokala domstolar eller kyrkan. Parisparlamentet ingrep och stoppade en svår häxjakt i Champagne 1587-88. Parisparlamentet godkände normalt enbart dödsdomar grundade på bekännelser utan tortyr eller på materiella bevis så som satanskontrakt, vilket innebar att de vanligen underkände de dödsdomar som lokala domstolar fattat. År 1601 dömde Parisparlamentet den ökända häxjägaren och Rocroi-bödeln Jean Minard till galärerna sedan han uppgett att han var ansvarig för avrättningen av 274 personer för trolldom i norra Frankrike. 1625 blev Catherine Bouillons dödsdom för häxeri den sista som godkändes av Parisparlamentet på flera decennier. De flesta häxprocesser i Frankrike ägde rum utanför Parisparlamentets jurisdiktion, särskilt i Normandies, Toulouse, Burgund och Champagne under inflytande av professionella häxjägare, och processerna ökade under trettioåriga kriget, som indirekt påverkade Frankrike samtidigt som dåligt väder rådde. Rouen-Parlamentet i Normandie och Bordeaux-Parlamentet drev motsatt policy än Paris och godkände de flesta av de lokala domstolarnas dödsdomar. Den sista häxhysterin i Frankrike utspelade sig 1670, då en hysteri rådde i södra Frankrike i Guyenne, samtidigt som en svår häxjakt företogs av professionella häxjägare med stöd av Rouen-Parlamentet i Paris mot i huvudsak manliga häxor, något som ledde till en intervention av kungen, som skärpte beviskraven och stoppade processerna. De franska häxprocesserna handlade ofta om ett fall av besatthet, och det sista fallet var det mot Catherine Cadiere år 1731, som stoppades av Parlamentet i Aix. Formellt rådde dödsstraff mot häxeri i Frankrike till 1791, då det avskaffades under franska revolutionen tillsammans med dödsstraffet mot kätteri. Flera stora häxprocesser i Frankrike ägde rum i delar av det nuvarande Frankrike som då låg utanför Frankrike, främst i Lorraine och Franche-Comte, där svåra förföljelser ägde rum särskilt under 1620-talet, och i Avignon, där en berömd process mot 18 kvinnor fördes av inkvisitorn Sebastian Michaelis 1582.[68] [68]


The Duchy of Lorraine, French-speaking but part of the Holy Roman Empire rather than the Kingdom of France, was an area of severe witch-hunting in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Evidence is incomplete, but Robin Briggs, the foremost scholar of Lorraine witch-hunting, estimates approximately three thousand dead in the period 1580-1630, although there are records of trials going back to the 1450s. The severity of Lorraine witchhunting is explained by its unusual judicial structure, where local courts operated with essentially no supervision. Lorraine witch-hunting was entirely carried out by secular courts, and Catholic priests seem rarely to have been involved in the cases, even as witnesses. Local secular courts, sometimes run by illiterate judges, were free to try and execute witches without oversight by a parlement, as was the case in France or Franche-Comte. In 1569, the duke required the local courts to submit their handling of serious cases to the central tribunal in Nancy for approval, but if the local courts disregarded the advice of the Nancy tribunal, which at that time was usually in the direction of greater leniency, nothing was done. The conviction rate in local courts was high, around 90 percent. Torture was commonly used, mostly thumbscrews and racks, with the tornille, the twisting of ropes around the upper arms, and the strappado, suspension by the arms, used more rarely. The local nature of the judicial system also meant that Lorraine witch-hunting never developed into massive witch panics, because this would have required some central authority to coordinate it. Witch-hunting in Lorraine was endemic rather than epidemic. It almost completely ceased after 1632, when the area became a battleground in the Thirty Years' War, and the population of the duchy as a whole diminished by more than half. Lorraine witches were mostly women—those for about three-quarters of whom records survive—and overwhelmingly poor. Most had built up a reputation for witchcraft before being accused or were members of families with bad reputations. Local feuding often continued for years before resulting in witch accusations. Lorraine people's ideas about witchcraft incorporated maleficia, the satanic pact and the sabbat, which was frequently described in confessions obtained without the use of torture. Given that the officials to whom they were confessing were often more closely allied with popular demonology than with learned ideas, Lorraine's version of the sabbat lacks many of the developed features of the sabbat more generally. Sexual orgies were rare, and dancing much more common. Cannibalism and infanticide were also rarely mentioned. The sabbat was often described as rather tedious, and some Lorraine witches claimed that they paid the devil a chicken every year to be released from the obligation to attend. Approximately one-quarter of Lorraine witch accusations began with a witch claiming to have seen another person at the sabbat, but sabbats did not lead to massive witch-hunts. Lorraine did produce one significant witch-hunter and demonologist, Nicholas Remy, a ducal official from 1575, appointed as duumvir of the Nancy tribunal in 1576 (leading to the Nancy tribunal taking a harder line against witches) and eventually elevated to the rank of procurer-general in 1591. His Demonolatry (1595) draws heavily on his experiences as a Lorraine witch-hunter, but his claim of having burned nine hundred witches is probably exaggerated.


of Chicago Press, 1999. FRANCHE-COMTE, WITCH-HUNTING IN Franche-Comte, now part of eastern France on the Swiss border, was part of the Holy Roman Empire until France annexed it in 1674- Its immediate sovereign before the French conquest was the king of Spain, as duke of Burgundy, although sometimes it was governed from Brussels in the Spanish Netherlands by the king's representatives. Culturally, however, it was always French, and the supreme court of appeal for the province was a French-style parlement, seated in Dole. Witchcraft in Franche-Comte, like that of France, was strongly 104 Franciscan Order connected to demonic possession, particularly because the territory possessed the relics of the famous wonderworker Saint Claude, who specialized in curing cases of possession and attracted many possessed people from Savoy and elsewhere. Franche-Comte did not produce the dramatic political possession cases centered in convents that France did. Another common type of witch activity in Franche-Comte was lycanthropy. In 1573, the Parlement of Dole gave permission for villagers to carry weapons when hunting a werewolf, and the execution the following year of the werewolf Gilles Gamier, who confessed to having killed and eaten children, attracted a great deal of attention. FrancheComte witchcraft remained mostly a phenomenon of the rural poor. There were few witch executions in Franche-Comte until the late sixteenth century. Several developments contributed to an increase at this time. Secular justice took over from the Inquisition in 1599, and the famous witch-hunting magistrate and demonologist Henri Boguet was appointed chief judge of the lands of the Abbey of Saint Claude in 1596. The key factor in the spread of witch-hunting was a 1604 decree from Brussels giving seignorial courts, those maintained by feudal lords, the power to execute for witchcraft. Severe witchhunting continued until 1611-1612, when the Parlement began to ease. Boguet had three convictions overruled by the Parlement in 1612.. The next witch-hunt in Franche-Comte occurred from 1628-1629, after a series of poor harvests in the northern half of the district. The ravages of the Thirty Years' War, which raged in Franche-Comte from 1635 to 1644, reduced witch-hunting in the area to practically nothing. The greatest witch-hunt in the history of the province occurred, from 1657 to 1659, only after it had largely recovered from the ravages of the war. The moving force was a zealous inquisitor, Father Symard, who centralized the witch-hunting effort with a call in every parish for information from those who thought themselves bewitched or knew of witches. A local chronicler claimed that in the first year of the witch-hunt, more than one hundred witches had been arrested, although of course not all of these were convicted. About 22 were executed. The witchhunt provoked a response from Francois Bouvot, a physician in Besancon, a Free Imperial city in Franche-Comte. Bouvot published a French translation of Friedrich von Spee's classic indictment of witch-hunting, Warning to Prosecutors, in 1660, with much additional material reflecting local conditions. Likely more effective in ending the witch-hunt was the appeal of a conviction to Rome. When the Roman Inquisition, famously cautious in witch cases, heard of Symard's methods, they had him removed from the Franche-Comte Inquisition, bringing about the end of witch-hunting in that province.








flaminica (prästinna)/ sacerdos (prästinna): olika versioner av samma ord; magistra (kultmagister), ministra (kultminister) aedituae

sacerdos Veneris (Venusprästinna), sacerdos Isidis, 

Källor


Teatersällskap, Sverige

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Före 1850
1850-1900

Flickskolor i Danmark

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Fram till 1824 fanns flickskolor enbart i Köpenhamn.

  1. 1777: Madame le Grands Institut i Köpenhamn
  2. 1782: Henrietta Erichsens institut, Köpenhamn [72]
  3. 1787-1845: Madam Lindes Institut, Köpenhamn
  4. 1787-1791: J. Cl. Todes Døtreskole, Köpenhamn
  5. 1791-1950: Det Søsterlige Velgørenheds Selskabs Skole, Köpenhamn (välgörenhetsskola bildad av Det Sösterlige Velgörenheds Selskab (SVS))[73][74]
  6. 1791-1899: Døtreskolen af 1791, Köpenhamn
  7. 1794-1870: Maren Söemods skola, Köpenhamn[75]
  8. 179?: Døtreskolen til Frederik V I.s Minde, Köpenhamn
  9. 1799-nutid: Døtreskolen paa Kristianshavn, Köpenhamn
  10. 1799-1828: Madam Thonboes Institut, Köpenhamn
  11. 1814: Det Wærnske Institut, Köpenhamn
  12. 1815: A.K Bärens Institut, Köpenhamn
  13. 1823-1852: Frk Foersoms institut, Köpenhamn
  14. 1824-1936 : Elise Smiths Skole, Århus (första utanför Köpenhamn)
  15. 1830: Ottilia Jespersens Pigeskole, Helsingör (andra utanför Köpenhamn)
  16. 1851/52: N. Zahles Skole, Köpenhamn

Flickskolor i Sverige

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Skolorna räknas upp i kronologisk ordning. Före 1850-talet var de flesta skolor för flickor flickpensioner, franskpensioner och mamsellskolor: dessa kallas ofta inte för flickskolor eftersom de inte bedrev någon strukturerad undervisning i akademiska ämnen, men här har alla utbildningsintitutioner för flickor tagits med. Årtalen i sektionen 1632-1799 står för de år de har blivit omnämnda, eftersom det inte är känt exakt när de var verksamma.

1632-1799
  1. 1632: Rudbeckii flickskola
  2. 1695: Anna maria Eberhard, Stockholm: egentligen ingen riktig skola, men Eberhard fick hålla en liten sy- och katekesskola för flickor i ett rum i stadshuset för sin försörjnings skull, och andra sådana små "skolor" förekom sedan åtminstone 1679.[76]
  3. 1732: Pension for Hög-Förnäromt, Ädelt och Hederligt Ungdoms Fruntimmer, Marguerite de la Caze/Gaze, Sthlm [390] [391]
  4. 1732: Änkefru Adlerstolpes internat i Stockholm [392]
  5. 1739: Madame Coffeys internat [393]
  6. 1746-1753: Suzanne Martinot och Catherine-Charlotte Berauds pension, Sthlm [394]
  7. 1763-1765: Jeanne Perrette Le Chevaliers franskpension
  8. 1756: Märta Elisabeth Hallblads pension
  9. 1756: Mme Lang, Sthlm [395]
  10. 1761: Mme Moulin, Sthlm [396]
  11. 1770-1773: Madame de Chatillons pension i Stockholm[77]
  12. 1774: Löjtnant von Brakels frus franskpension i Göteborg: [397]
  13. 177?: Maria Höckert Hindströms pension i Stockholm[78]
  14. 1778: Flickpension enligt annons, till namnet okänd kvinna, Jönköping.[79]
  15. 1782: Fru Suthoffs pension [398]
  16. 1786: Brödraförsamlingens flickskola i Göteborg
  17. 1786: Gustava Hindström Köllners pension i Växjö [80][81] [399] [400] [82]
  18. 1788-1790: Christopher Knöppels franskpension, Sthlm [401]
  19. 1788: Minette Jacobs pension, Sthlm, [402]
  20. 1794-1801: Louis Joseph och Maria Antonia d'Aries skola, Sthlm [403], [404]
  21. 179?: Lohm'ska pensionen
  22. ca 1794: Catharina Elisabeth Wennerstjernas flickpension i Karlstad [405][406]
1800-1849
  1. 1805-1818: Lovisa Maria Hjelms skola, Karlskrona
  2. 1806: Louis Pabans skola. Sthlm, [407]
  3. 1807: Brandtiska flickskolan
  4. 1808: Mobergska barnhusets flickskola [83]
  5. 1812: Grevesmühlska skolan ‎
  6. 1812: Askersunds flickskola
  7. 1815: Marianne Ehrenströms flickskola
  8. 1815-1842: Garneijiska Pensionen i Kristinehamn [408]
  9. 1815-1845: M:lle Vretlinds mamsellskola, Falun
  10. 1817: Fruntimmersföreningens flickskola
  11. 1819-1885: Eggerska skolan, Norrköping [84]
  12. Före 1820: Fru Berglinds mamsellskola, Falun
  13. Före 1820: Fru Normans flickpension, Falun
  14. 1828: Landbergska Pensionen
  15. 183?-184?: Frigellska skolan i Stockholm, mamsell Frigell (troligen grundad av frun till regementspastorn Edgren). [409]
  16. "Flera år före 1831" - efter 1838: Anette P. Malms pension på Norrlandsgatan 38 i Stockholm.
  17. Före 1836: Mamsell Bjurströms skola i Stockholm [410]
  18. 183?-185?: Fröknarna Molanders privatskola (mamsellskola), Visby
  19. 183?: Fru Bachers flickpension, Visby
  20. 1830: Ulrika Widströms flickpension
  21. 1831: Wallinska skolan
  22. 1831: Kjellbergska flickskolan
  23. 1834-183?: Charlotte Mackleans flickpension, Jönköping.[85]
  24. 1835: Fru Kjellstedts skola, Falun
  25. 1838-1845: Gustafva Röhls skola i Falun
  26. 184?: doktor J. Fabricius skola i Göteborg
  27. 184?: Charlotte Verdieus skola, Falun
  28. 184?-1852: Mamsell Lindahls skola, Uddevalla
  29. 184?: Mamsell Reuters skola, Uddevalla
  30. 184?: Fru Anderssons flickskola, 1853 Eggertska flickskolan Carolina Eggert
  31. 184?-187?: Weinbergska pensionen, änkefru Weinberg, tyska skolan, Karlstad
  32. 1842: Madame Clarisse Jenny Morsings Uppfostringsanstalt för unga flickor, Regeringsgatan 42, Stockholm, flickpension
  33. 1842: Emilie Risbergs flickskola i Mariestad
  34. 1844-19??: Mahnska skolan, Helsingborg, fröken Mahn och frk Schiödte, Carin Westerberg 1880, 1901 Ebba Lundbergs högre läroverk för flickor i Helsingborg
  35. 1845: Brita Sofia Hesselius' skola i Karlstad
  36. 1847: Åhlinska skolan
  37. 1847-1891: Storckenfeldtska skolan
  38. 1847: Rundstedtska skolan, Louise och Hanna Rundstedts skola (småskola från 1876)[86]
  39. 1848: Cecilia Fryxells flickpension i Helsingborg
  40. 1849: Nisbethska skolan (Uppsala) [411] Uppsalas äldsta flickskola
1850-1869
  1. 185?-1875: Fröken Rosenbergs flickpension (senare Josefina Forsells och Jenny Leopold Engelkes), Söderhamn
  2. 185?-186?: Meissners pension, Mariestad
  3. 185?-187?: Hulda Agardhs skola eller franska skolan i biskopshuset i Karlstad
  4. 185?-1871: Hildur Kullbergs pension, Mariestad
  5. 185?: Louise Forsells skola, Alingsås
  6. 185?-186?: Fröken Rouget de S:t Hermines och hennes syster fru Lidbäcks pension, Drottninggatan, Vallingatan, Smålandsgatan, Stockholm
  7. 185?: Mamsell Hesselius skola, Stockholm
  8. 185?: Mamsell Björns skola, Stockholm
  9. 185?: Häggladska småbarnsskolan/Bildningsanstalten för små barn
  10. 1850: Caroline Kléens skola i Malmö [412]
  11. 1852: Uppfostringsanstalt i Stockholm för döttrar ur aktningsvärda familjer, fokus på gymnastik
  12. 1852: Cecilia Fryxells flickpension på Carlslund
  13. 1852-1862: Prostinnan Anderssons skola, Uddevalla
  14. 1852-1889: Lindforska skolan, Maria Lindfors
  15. 1855: Zanderska flickpensionen
  16. 1855: Klosterskolan (Uppsala)
  17. 1855: Praktiska flickskolan, Stockholm, P.A. Siljeström, hushållskola
  18. 1857-1909: Bergklintska skolan/Boysenska skolan
  19. 1857: Lychouska skolan
  20. 1857: Elise Maijrs skola i Malmö [413]
  21. 1857: Mathilda Halls skola
  22. 1858: Natalia Anderssons högre skola för Qvinlig ungdom
  23. 1859: Cecilia Fryxells flickskola på Rostad
  24. 1859: Högre flickskolan i Gefle
  25. 1859-19??: Hudiksvalls Elementarskola för flickor, Jaquette Jägerström, Hulda Ljungren 69, Adele Sandahl 89, Ebba Sundholm 93
  26. 1859: Anna och Karin Malms Högre Flickskola (Malmska Skolan) [87]
  27. 1859: Clara Strömbergs skola [414]
  28. 1859: Hildegard Malms flickskola (1896 Anna och Karin Malms Högre flickskola)
  29. 1861: Nisbethska elementarläroverket för flickor
  30. -1861: Jungfru Saras småbarnsskola
  31. -1861: Carolina Almqvists skola
  32. 1861-1876: Mamsell Fröbergs skola, Västervik
  33. 1861-1876: Mamsell Malmströms skola, Västervik
  34. 1862-1881: Eva Rodhes skola, Uddevalla
  35. 1862: Franska skolan för flickor i Stockholm (mlle Modelon-1870, mlle Gallioz-96, Jenny Müller 1896)
  36. 1863: Risbergska skolan
  37. 1863-1885: Mamsellerna Johanssons skola, Jönköping.[88]
  38. 1863-1865: Cecilie Malméns skola, Uppsala
  39. 1863-1889: Krookska pensionen i Uppsala (Zelma Krooks och Maria Uppströms högre läroanstalt för flickor) [415]
  40. 1864: Statens normalskola för flickor
  41. 1864-1881: Charlotte Lundbergs skola, Uddevalla
  42. 1864-1876: Fröknarna Gardells skola, Visby
  43. 1864-1878: Schückska skolan (Nya Elementarskolan för flickor), Stockholm
  44. 1865: Henschenska flickskolan[89] "Magdeburg" (1870 Uppsala högre elementarläroverk för flickor)
  45. 1865-1879: Clara Linds skola, Gävle, [416]
  46. 1865-1883: Hilda Widells skola, Stockholm
  47. 1865: Nyköpings Elementarskola för flickor
  48. 1865-1879: Jenny Rossanders Lärokurs för fruntimmer
  49. 1866: Majornas elementarläroverk för flickor, Göteborg
  50. 1866: Hvasserska skolan
  51. 1866: Andersinska skolan, Gunilda Wigerts flickskola i Göteborg från 1893
  52. 1866-1903: Norrköpings Nya Elem. för F./N:s Högre Skola för Kv. Ungdom, Augusta Norén (d. 1873) (Löfholmska skln)[90]
  53. 1866: Göteborgs Lyceum för flickor [91]
  54. 1867: Nya elementarläroverket för flickor i Göteborg
  55. 1867-19??: Linköpings Elementärläroverk för flickor
  56. 1867-efter 1875: Ladugårdslands privata elementarskola för flickor, Josefine Lindeblad
  57. 1867-1935: Jönköpings Elementarskola för flickor, "Östra flickskolan"[92]
  58. 1868-19??: Elemantarläroverket Valhalla flickskola i Falun[93], Hilda Stradell
  59. 1869: Sigrid Rudebecks elementarskola för flickor, Göteborg
  60. 1869-1877: Sandströmska skolan, Karlshamn, Margareta och Vilhelmina Sandström
1870-1899
  1. 1870-1875: Maria Norells flickskola, Söderhamn
  2. 1870-1881: Paulinska flickskolan (Högre Elementärläroverket för flickor på Söder), Stockholm
  3. 1871-1885: Stuartska skolan i Arvika, Sophia Stuart
  4. 1871-19??: Landskronas Elementarläroverk för flickor, Josefina Ahnfelt
  5. 1871: Ida Schugges skola; 1881 Umeå elementarläroverk för flickor
  6. 1872: Jenny Lidmans flickpension i Södertälje [417]
  7. 1872-1892: Virginska skolan (Kristianstads elementarläroverk för flickor), Emilie Virgin
  8. 1872-1908: Elementarläroverket för flickor i Trelleborg, Charlotte Jönsson
  9. 1872-1876: Fredrika Kihlboms skola, Lidköping (Lidköpings elementarlärovrk för flickor)
  10. 1873: Karlstads högre läroverk för flickor
  11. -1873: Augusta Meurlings skola, Karlstad
  12. -1873: Julia Malmstedts skola, Karlstad
  13. 1873-1908: Elementarskolan för flickor i Filipstad
  14. 1873-19??: Högre Elementarskolan för flickor i Helsingborg[94], Gustava Host, Sophie Witt
  15. 1873-1883: Lina Husbergs skola
  16. 1874: Maria Stenkulas skola
  17. 1875: Luleå Elmentarläroverk för flickor, Ester Lönnegren och Elina Benckert
  18. 1875: Clara Regnells skola i Malmö [418]
  19. 1875 -19??: Halmstads Högre Elementarskola för kvinnlig ungdom, Elise von Hårleman
  20. 1875-1877: Anna Zepelins skola, Karlshamn
  21. 1876: Augusta Noréns skola i Norrköping
  22. 1876-19??: Härnösands Elementarskola för flickor, Hedda Vising
  23. 1876-1888: Betty Wendts skola, Karlstad
  24. 1876-1903: Adelaide Sturcks skola, Kalmar
  25. 1876-1893: Bratténska skolan, Hanna Brattén, Arvika
  26. 1877-1883: Sollefteå privata flickskola
  27. 1877-19??: Karlshamns läroverk för flickor, Thea Hökerberg
  28. Före 1877-1905: Piteå flickskola, systrarna Kraeft
  29. 1878: Vasa högre flickskola
  30. 1878: Ateneum för flickor
  31. 1878: Whitlockska samskolan
  32. 1878-19??: Elementarskola för flickor i Borås
  33. 1878 -19??: Eskilstuna Elementarskola för flickor
  34. 1878-19??: Skara högre flickskola, Clara Wallmark
  35. 1879: Faxeskolan
  36. 1879-1891: Emilia Anderssons privatskola, Karlstad
  37. 1879-1907: Elementarläroverket för flickor i Köping
  38. Före 1879-19??: Elementarskolan för flickor i Karlskrona, Mathilda Eckerberg
  39. 1880-1908: Åmåls Elementarskola för flickor, Carl Gillgren g, f Amy Segerstedt, f Louise Heurlin.
  40. 188?: Fischerströmska skolan, Karlskrona
  41. 188?: Agnes Ernheims flickskola i Helsingborg
  42. 188?-190?: Sally Löfstedts skola, Örnsköldsvik
  43. 1880-1903: Pihlska skolan/Norrköpings nya läroverk för f, Aurore Pihl (1903 Norrköpings norra läroverk för flickor)[95]
  44. 1880: Ebba Lundbergs högre läroverk för flickor [96]
  45. 1881-1887: Läroverk för kvinnlig ungdom över konfirmationsåldern, Ingeborg Tauström, Stockholm
  46. 1881-1887: Småskoleseminarierektorn Oscar Liljbäcks flickskola, Haparanda
  47. 1881-1912: Elementarskolan för flickor i Arboga, Carolina Falk
  48. 1881-1909: Elementarläroverket för flickor i Skellefteå, Ida Schugge
  49. 1882-1907: Elementarskolan för flickor i Alingsås
  50. 1882-1906: Vadstena läroverk för flickor, Maria Mobaecker
  51. 1882: Varbergs flickskola [97]
  52. 1882-19??: Brummerska skolan i Stockholm, Eugenie Brummer (gift Steinmetz)
  53. 1882-1897: Lärokurs för flickor, Fredda Hammars skola, Stockholm
  54. 1882-1910: Östermalms högre läroanstalt för flickor (Schwartzska skolan
  55. 1883: Anna Sandströms skola
  56. 1883-19??: Kungsholmens Elementarskola för flickor, Hanna Blomqvist
  57. 1883-19??: Eksjö läroverk för flickor, Aurore Sahlin, Martina von Heidenman
  58. 1883-1890: Läroverket Idun, Stockholm
  59. 1883: Fröken Maria Stenkulas högre elementarskola för flickor
  60. 1884: Masthuggets elementarläroverk för flickor, Göteborg
  61. 1884-1900: Emilie Löfgrens skola, Kalmar
  62. 1884: Malmö högre läroverk för flickor
  63. 1885-19??: Enköpings Elementarskola för flickor
  64. 1884: Masthuggets elementarskola för flickor, Vasa flickskola i Göteborg, Privata elementarläroverket för flickor, Hilda Bergs skola
  65. 1885-1893: Lindesbergs elementarskola för flickor
  66. 1885-1908: Augusta Hammarbergs flickskola
  67. 1885-19??: Jönköpings Västra Elementarskola för flickor, Jönköpings Västra Elementarläroverk för flickor, "Santessonska skolan", Anna och Janna Santesson [98]
  68. 1885-1906: Elementarskolan för flickor i Nora
  69. 1886-1906: Norrtälje flickskola, Julia Andersson, stängd när statssamskolan grundades 1906
  70. 1886-1902: Cecilia Milows helpension i Skövde
  71. Före 1886-1895: Carolina Peterssons privatskola, Karlshamn
  72. ?-1887: Michanecks flickskola, Halmstad
  73. 1887: Anna och Eva Bundts skola för flickor i Malmö [419]
  74. 1888-1906: Olivia Svenssons flickskola, Haparanda
  75. 1888-1905: Anna Wijkanders skola för flickor
  76. 1888: Tekla Åbergs högre läroverk för flickor i Malmö [420]
  77. 1888-1905: Fru Mosczinskys skola, Falköping
  78. 1889: Kungsholms elementarläroverk för flickor i Stockholm
  79. 1889-1893: Berta Lundbergs och Tora Bratts skola i Falkenberg
  80. 1889-19??: Nya Elementarskolan för flickor i Helsingborg, Olga Appelgren, Lotten Schram
  81. 1891-19??: Djursholms samskola
  82. 1892-19??: Elementärläroverk för flickor
  83. 1893-19??: Arvika Elementarskola för flickor
  84. -1891: Magnhild Anderssons privatskola, Skövde
  85. ?-1894: Aurore Kjellmans skola, Hedemora
  86. ?-1894: Anna Ringströms skola, Hedemora
  87. ?-1894: Rosa Leksells skola, Hedemora
  88. ?-1896: Boysenska skolan, Ängelholm
  89. 1896: Detthovska skolan i Stockholm
  90. 1896-19??: Margaretaskolan i Stockholm, Anna Ekelund, Sigrid Åkermark
  91. 1899-1906: Sigrid Hjelms skola, Örnsköldsvik
  1. Karlskrona högre läroverk för flickor
  2. Karlstad: Nya elementarskolan för flickor
  3. Karlstads elementarläroverk för flickor
  4. Kristinehamns elementarläroverk för flickor
  5. Norrköping: Anna och Karin Malms högre flickskola
  6. Oskarshamns elementarläroverk för flickor
  7. Piteå enskilda flickskola
  8. Sala: Elementarläroverk för flickor
  9. Sköfde elementarläroverk för flickor
  10. Stockholm: Södermalms högre läroanstalt för flickor
  11. Stockholm: Östermalms högre läroanstalt för flickor
  12. Strengnäs elementläroverk för flickor
  13. Sundsvall: elementarskolan för flickor
  14. Söderhamns elementarläroverk för flickor
  15. Södertälje: elementarskolan för flickor
  16. Varbergs elementarläroverk för flickor
  17. Vänersborgs elementarskola för flickor
  18. Västerås högre elementarläroverk för flickor
  19. Ystads elementarskola för flickor
  20. Örebro elementarskola för flickor
  21. Örebro: Nya elementarskolan. Läroverk för flickor
  22. Östersunds elementarläroverk för flickor
Efter 1900
  1. 1902: Ahlströmska skolan
  2. 1902-1906: Stockholms elementarläroverk för flickor
  3. 1905: Maltetorps helpension för flickor, Ottonie Norström
  4. Före 1906: Sölvesborgs flickskola
  5. 1908: Fryxellska skolan
  6. 1909-1936: Tyringe helpension
  7. 1911: Kungsholmens enskilda läroverk
  8. 1924: Annaskolan
  9. 1933: Annaskolan-Detthowska skolan
  10. 1933: Bromma kommunala flickskola
  11. 1939: Norrmalms kommunala flickskola
  12. 1939: Statens normalskola
  13. 1939: Vasastadens kommunala flickskola

Sverige: "Första kvinnan inom..." - pionjärer

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Första kvinnan i kommun/stadsfullmäktige 1911: [99]

  • Luleå, Sigrid Holm, H. o. P.,' lilrarinna.
  • Skellefteå, Charlotta Siden, K., liantlelaidkerska.
  • Umeå, Helena Ljungberg, H., barikkaeecr. . . B Anna Grönfeldt, F., adjunkt.
  • Östersund, Maria Lidström, P., lararinna vid folkek.-eem. '
  • Sundsvall, Elin Nilsson, F., folkekolararinna.
  • Hudiksvall, Alina Persson, F., folkskoliirarinna.
  • Gävle, Maria Qvist, S., arbetande inom eoc.-dem. pnrtiet. ,
    • Gävle, Karolina Själander, II., forest: för elementarskola.
    • Gävle, Anna Sundbom, F., folkskollärarinna.
  • Falun, Valborg Olander, F., adjunkt. ,
    • Falun, Elfrida Larsson, H., f. d. Israrinna, giit.
  • Stockholm, Gertrud Månsson, S., bandeleidkerska.
    • Stockholm, Valborg Palmgren, H., fil. doktor.
  • Södertälje, Agnes Söderlund, F., folkskollKrarinna. . ,
  • Strängnäs, Ninni Huldt, F., litrarinna.
  • Nyköping, Ada Gustavsson, F.
  • Norrköping, Anna Karlsson, H., föreet. för afflir.
  • Söderköping, Annie Nyström, F., lararinna.
  • Grenna, Annie Bellman, H., eocialt arbetande, -$inka.
  • Örebro, Hanna Lindberg, F., handeleidkereka.
  • Karlstad, Anna Ljungqvist, F., folkeliolliirarinna. .
  • Växjö, Gulli Petrini, F., fil. doktor, gift.
  • Huskvarna, Gerda Planting-Gyllenbåga, B K B, socialt arbetande.
  • Kalmar, Anna Danielsson, H;, förest. vid elementarekols.
    • Selma Svensson, lararinna vid folkek.-eem.
  • Karlshamn, Ida Schmidt, E., förest. för tr#dgirdeskola.
  • Ronneby, Anna Bergengren, >KB, telegrafkommiaearie.
  • Vänersborg, Elisabeth Anrep-Nordin, F., firreet. för ddmstumekola, gift.
  • Mariestad, Andriette Florén, E., fUrest. för ekola.
  • Uddevalla, Maria Jakobson, F., folkskolararinna.
  • Marstrand, Maria Louise Olde, F., telegrafist.
  • Göteborg, Frida Hjertberg, H., f(sreet. för skola,
    • Göteborg, Thyra Kullgren, F., förest. för lärarinneseminarium.
  • Ängelholm, Sofi Lindstedt, F., socialt arbetande, gift.
  • Malmö, Anna Stenberg, S., kontorist, anka.
  • Kristianstad, Anna Lundqvist, H., socialt arbetande

3 H. - vald av h6gern eller de moderata, F. = vald av de frisinnads, S. = vald av sociddemokraterna, K. = uppeatt ii kvinnornas lista


Hovdamer

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Listor över olika kvinnliga hovfunktionärer.

Danmark

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Överhovmästarinnor

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Frankrike

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Överhovmästarinnor

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Tjänsten skapades med titeln dame d'honneur. År 1619 skapades tjänsten Surintendante med samma uppgifter, och överordnades då dame d'honneur, som fick vara kvar som surintendantes ställföreträdare och vice.

Margareta av Valois
  • 1572-1575 : Charlotte de Curton
  • 1577 Madame de Tournon
  • 1578 : Françoise de la Bretonnière Warty, Mme de Pecquigny/ Picquigny
  • 15-1584 : Madame de Gaudalle/Candale [100]
  • 1584-1585 : en:Jeanne de Gontaut-Biron, Mme de Noailles
  • 1585-1586 : Mme Vicomtesse de Duras
  • 1586-1593 : Vakant, hovet upplöst
  • 1593-? : Madame de Frédeville [101]
Dame d'honneur
  • 1615- : Grevinnan de la Torre, kusin till hertigen av Lerma (delad position)
  • 1615- : Änkan efter Constable Montmorency (delad position)
  • -1626: Madame de Lannoy
  • 1626-1638: Madame de Sénécey
  • 1638-1643: Grevinnan de Brassac
  • 1643- : Madame de Sénécey
Surintendante
För kronprinsessan
  • 1744-1762: Brancas (Marie-Angélique Frémyn de Moras, duchesse de)[102]
  • 1762-1767: Brancas (Louise-Diane-Françoise de Clermont-Gallerande, duchesse de), vice 1750 [103]
Dame d'honneur de Mesdames aînées (Henriette och Adelaide)

(Henriette och Adelaide slapp ur barnkammaren och hade gemensamt hushåll 1746-1752, sedan fick Adelaide eget hushåll)

  • 1746-1750: Duras (Marie-Angélique-Victoire de Bournonville, duchesse puis maréchale duchesse de) [104] , formellt, med Brancas som den som de facto tjänstgjorde
  • 1746-1750: Brancas (Louise-Diane-Françoise de Clermont-Gallerande, duchesse de), formellt med titeln dame pour accompagner Mesdames
  • 1750-1752: Beauvilliers (Marie-Suzanne-Françoise de Creil, duchesse de), blev en av två dame pour accompagner Mesdames när Mesdames slapp ur barnkammaren 1744
Dame d'honneur de Mesdames cadettes (Victoire, Sophie och Louise)

(slapp ur klostret 1747, sedan gemensamt hushåll)

  • 1746-1764: Duras (Marie-Angélique-Victoire de Bournonville, duchesse puis maréchale duchesse de) [105]
  • 1768-17: Périgord (Marie-Françoise de Talleyrand, comtesse de) [106]
Madame Adelaide
  • 1752-1780: Beauvilliers (Marie-Suzanne-Françoise de Creil, duchesse de)[107]
  • 1780-1800: Françoise de Chalus
dame d'honneur de la comtesse de Provence
  • 1771-1772: Brancas (Louise-Diane-Françoise de Clermont-Gallerande, duchesse de)
  • 1772-1774: Marie Christine de Rouvroy
  • 1774-17: Marie-Antoinette Rosalie de Pons de Roquefort, duchesse de la Vauguyon

Norge

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Överhovmästarinnor

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Ryssland

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Överhovmästarinnor

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  • 1712: Margareta Lilliengren von Campenhausen (1679-1733)[426]
  • 1717-1718: Maria Ivanovna Balk [427]
  • 1760-1762: Anna Vorontsova
  • 1797: Elena Radzivill: [428]
  • 1797-1801: Ekaterina Lopukhina: [429]
  • 1855-1863: Ekaterina Saltykova [430]

Spanien

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Överhovmästarinnor

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Sverige

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Riksdagsledamöter

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Före 1945 (andra kammaren)
  1. Bertha Wallin, Elisabet Tamm, Agda Österberg, Nelly Thüring, 1921
  2. Signe Vessman 1925
  3. Olivia Nordgren, 1926
  4. Christina Ekberg 1928
  5. Sigrid Gillner, 1932
  6. Ruth Gustafson 1933
  7. Vira Eklund, 1934
  8. Solveig Rönn-Christiansson, 1936
  9. Elsa Johansson 1936
  10. Blenda Björck, 1937
  11. Hildur Alvén, 1937
  12. Ebon Andersson, 1937
  13. Beth Hennings 1937
  14. Hildur Humla 1938
  15. Märta Öberg, 1938
  16. Sigrid Ekendahl 1940
  17. Karin Kihlman 1940
  18. Göta Rosén, 1940
  19. Signe Linderoth-Andersson, 1940
  20. Hanna Rydh 1941
  21. Anna Ronnebäck, 1941
  22. Hildur Nygren 1941
  23. Ellen Svedberg, 1941
  24. Judith Olsson, 1941
  25. Ebon Andersson i Malmö, 1941
  26. Hulda Skoglund-Lindblom, 1941
  27. Ragnhild Sandström, 1944
Efter 1945 (andra kammaren)
  1. Märta Boman, 1945
  2. Gunnel Olsson 1945
  3. Elsa Ewerlöf, 1946
  4. Hildur Ericsson, 1947
  5. Hildur Ericsson 1947
  6. Lisa Johansson (riksdagsledamot) 1947
  7. Sonja Branting-Westerståhl 1948
  8. Elsa Lindskog 1949
  9. Nancy Eriksson 1949
  10. Tekla Torbrink 1949
  11. Brita Elmén, 1949
  12. Helga Sjöstrand, 1949
  13. Margit Vinge 1949
  14. Edith Liljedahl 1949
  15. Ingrid Gärde Widemar 1949
  16. Ruth Ager, 1949
  17. Gerda Höjer 1949
  18. Eivor Wallin 1950
  19. Tyra Löfkvist 1950
  20. Gerda Nilsson (politiker), 1951
  21. Margit Wohlin 1951
  22. Lena Renström-Ingenäs 1951
  23. Britta Holmström 1952
  24. Ingrid Andrén 1953
  25. Viola Sandell 1953
  26. Anna-Lisa Lewén-Eliasson 1953
  27. Mary Holmqvist 1954
  28. Brita Löwenhielm 1955
  29. Brita Löwenhielm 1956
  30. Inga Thorsson, 1957
  31. Astrid Bergegren 1957
  32. Gunbjörg Thunvall 1957
  33. Elisabet Sjövall 1957
  34. Annie Jäderberg 1957
  35. Marta Lindberg 1958
  36. Ingrid Segerstedt Wiberg, 1959
  37. Ruth Andersson 1960
  38. Elvira Holmberg 1960
  39. Rosa Andersson 1961
  40. Cecilia Nettelbrandt 1961
  41. Gördis Hörnlund 1961
  42. Iris Ekroth 1961
  43. Astrid Lindekvist 1961
  44. Anna-Greta Skantz 1962
  45. Gunvor Ryding, 1963
  46. Ruth Forsling 1964
  47. Ingegärd Frænkel 1967
  48. Karin Söder, 1968
  49. Eivor Marklund, 1968
  50. Ingrid Ludvigsson 1968
  51. Lena Hjelm-Wallén 1968
  52. Anita Gradin 1969
  53. Birgitta Dahl 1969
  54. Doris Håvik 1969
  55. Gertrud Sigurdsen, 1969
  56. Gunnel Jonäng, 1969
  57. Anna-Lisa Nilsson, 1969
  58. Lilly Bergander 1969
  59. Frida Berglund 1969
  60. Kerstin Anér 1969
  61. Ingrid Bergman (politiker) 1969
  62. Eva Åsbrink, 1969
  63. Ulla Tillander, 1973
  64. Ingegerd Troedsson, 1974
Före 1945 (första kammaren)
  1. Kerstin Hesselgren, 1921
  2. Anna Sjöström-Bengtsson, 1943
Efter 1945 (första kammaren)
  1. Gärda Svensson, 1945
  2. Ebon Andersson 1945
  3. Ulla Lindström 1946
  4. Hulda Flood 1948
  5. Ruth Amundson 1949
  6. Ingeborg Carlqvist 1951
  7. Annie Wallentheim 1952
  8. Dagmar Ranmark 1953
  9. Margret Nilsson 1954
  10. Ruth Hamrin-Thorell 1955
  11. Lisa Mattson 1959
  12. Maja Nilsson 1959
  13. Alva Myrdal 1962
  14. Gunvor Stenberg 1963
  15. Elvy Olsson 1964
  16. Maj-Lis Landberg 1966
  17. Margit Lundblad 1966
  18. Ingrid Diesen 1967
  19. Anna-Lisa Nilsson 1968
  20. Grethe Lundblad 1969

Fataburshustrur vid Stockholms slott

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Fataburen var förutom "hovfruntimret", dit hovdamerna hörde, svenska hovets enda fristående kategori av kvinnlig hovpersonal.

Hovfröknar

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Före 1719 kallad hovjungfrur.

  • Maria Horn (?-1725). hovfröken, deltagare i politiska intriger, gift med Nicodemus Tessin[109]
Margareta Leijonhufvud
Katarina Stenbock
  • 1614-1618 : Ebba Brahe
  • Anna Gustafsdotter Banér (1585-1656)‎
Cecilia
Elisabet Vasa
Anna Vasa
Katarina Jagellonica
Anna Vasa (II)
Gunilla Bielke
Maria av Södermanland
Kristina av Holstein-Gottorp
  • 1607 : Maria von Brunkhorst; begick självmord sedan hon upptäckt kärleksaffären mellan kamamrfröken Sibylla von Brandstein och pagen Alexander Gerdin
  • 1610 : Anna Banér [437]
  • 1611-1614 : Ebba Brahe
  • 1615 : Brita Hård [438]
  • 1625-1625 : Christina Mörner [439]
  • -1625 : Ebba Ryning [440]
Katarina Vasa
Maria Elisabet
Maria Eleonora
  • Kristina Oxenstierna
  • Hedvig Appelman [446]
Pfalzgrevinnorna
Kristina
  • Ebba Bielkenstierna
  • Karin Bielkenstierna
  • Christina Soop
  • Christina Gyllenstierna
  • Maria Elisabet Ulfsparre
  • Brita Stuart
  • Anna Cruus [456]
  • Augusta Maria Babezin [457]
  • Margareta Horn [458]
  • Ebba Gyllenstierna [459]
  • Agneta Gyllenstierna [460]
Maria Eufrosyne
Hedvig Eleonora
Ulrika Eleonora av Danmark
Hedvig Sofia
Ulrika Eleonora av Sverige
Lovisa Ulrika
Sofia Albertina
  • 1778-1818 : Lovisa Posse
  • -1784 : Caroline Rudenschöld
  • 1784-1793 : Magdalena Rudenschöld
  • -1797 : Ulrika Dohna
  • 1799-1815 : Gustafva Silfversparre
  • 1815 : Gustava Silfversparre [490]
  • -1816 : Juliana von Rosen
  • 1817-1829 : Ebba Oxenstierna [491]
  • -1829 : Agnes Stierncrona
  • -1829 : Adelaide Piper
  • -1829 : Ebba Ulrika von Rosen
Sofia Magdalena
Charlotta
Fredrika
Desideria
Josefina
Lovisa
Eugenia
Sofia
Theresia
  • 1864 : Sofia Wrangel [510]
  • 1888-1914 : Ebba Leijonhufvud [511]
Viktoria av Baden

Hovmästarinnor för kronprinsessor

[redigera | redigera wikitext]
Sofia Magdalena
  • 1766-1766
  • 1766-1767
  • 1767-1771
Desideria
Josefina
Lovisa
Sofia
Viktoria

Hovmästarinnor för kungabarnen

[redigera | redigera wikitext]

Hovmästarinnor för prinsessor

[redigera | redigera wikitext]
Maria
Anna
Pfalzgrevinnorna på Stegeborg
  • Anna Catarina Burensköld [525]
Hedvig Sofia
Ulrika Eleonora
Charlotta
  • 1774-1780 : Sprengtporten
  • 1780-1780 : Elisabet De Geer [528]
  • 1780-1786 : Amelie Ramel
  • 1786-1800 : Sophie von Fersen [529]
  • 1800-1804 : Amalia Lewenhaupt Ramel [530]
  • 1805-1809 : Sofia Sparre [531]
Sofia Albertina
  • 1753-1757: Ulrika Schönström [532]
  • 1757-1769: Christina Kurck [533], (1721-1769). hovfröken, kammarfröken och till slut hovmästarinna: ovanlig som hovmästarinna trots att hon var ogift.[110]
  • 1776-1797: Magdalena Christina Stenbock De la Gardie
  • 1797-1818: Catharina Sofia Sinclair [534]
  • 1818-1829: Lolotte Forssberg

Hovmästarinnor för änkedrottningar

[redigera | redigera wikitext]
  • Kristina av Holstein-Gottorp
  • 1612-1619 : Carin Kyle [535]
Maria Eleonora
Desideria
Josefina

Kammarfruar

[redigera | redigera wikitext]
Anna Vasa
Gunilla Bielke
Maria av Södermanland
Kristina av Holstein-Gottorp
Katarina Vasa
Maria Elisabet
Maria Eleonora
Pfalzgrevinnorna
Kristina
Hedvig Eleonora
  • 1657 : Agneta Scheffer [539]
Ulrika Eleonora av Danmark
Hedvig Sofia
Ulrika Eleonora
Lovisa Ulrika
  • Ulrica Fredrica Splittdorf [540]
Sofia Albertina
  • -1797 : Mlle Anna Christina Christiernin (1773-1846), gm Johan Vilhelm Wästfelt
  • 1781- : Mlle Margareta Christiernin
  • 1782-1799 : Lolotte Forssberg
  • 1799-1804 : Ulrika Elisabet Forssberg (1764-1837), gm Gustaf Lilliestråle
  • 1799-1829 : Marie Aimée Duclos (lektris 1811)
  • -1829 : Sophie Marie Menier
Sofia Magdalena
Charlotta
  • Mademoiselle Fidelia Hallström (i tjänst 1787)
  • Mademoiselle Ulrika Egerström (i tjänst 1787)


Fredrika
Desideria
Josefina
Lovisa


Eugenia
Sofia
Viktoria av Baden

Kammarfröknar

[redigera | redigera wikitext]

Före 1719 kallade kammarjungfrur.

Dorotea
Katarina Jagellonica
  • 1583-1589 : Barbro Cruus [545]
  • Malin Fransdotter [546]
Anna Vasa
Gunilla Bielke
Maria av Södermanland
Kristina av Holstein-Gottorp
Katarina Vasa
  • 1619-1629 : Anna von Ungern [554]
Maria Elisabet
Maria Eleonora
  • Brita Natt och Dag [555]
  • Anna Maria Gabrielen [556]
Pfalzgrevinnorna
Kristina
Maria Eufrosyne
  • 1683 : Anna Lilliehöök [569]
Hedvig Eleonora
Ulrika Eleonora av Danmark
  • 1691 : Emerentia Horn [576]
Hedvig Sofia
  • 1708 : Maria Barbro Horn [577]
Ulrika Eleonora av Sverige
Lovisa Ulrika
Sofia Albertina
Sofia Magdalena
Charlotta
Fredrika
  • 1797-1800 : Anna Charlotta von Friesendorff [589]
Desideria
  • Ingen kammarfröken tillsattes.
Josefina
  • 1823-1838 : Marianne Lewenhaupt [590]
Lovisa
Eugenia
  • 1854 : Matilda Bennet [593]
Sofia

Statsfruar

[redigera | redigera wikitext]
Lovisa Ulrika
  • 1777-1782 : Christina Cronhielm [594]
  • 1777 : Catharina Vilhelmina Piper [595]
Sofia Magdalena


Fredrika
Charlotta
Desideria
Josefina
  • Inga statsfruar tillsattes hos Josefina och hennes hovstat var betydligt mindre än hennes svärmor, som fortfarande hade kvar sinsa statsfruar som änkedrottning.
Lovisa
Sofia
  • 1872-1872 : Hedvig Bråkenhielm [626]
  • 1883 : Hedvig Gyldenstolpe [627]
  • 1883 : Hedvig Munck [628]
  • 1890 : Anna Posse [629]
  • 1890 : Elisabet Wachtmeister [630]
  • 1890 : Jenna von Rosen [631]
Viktoria av Baden
  • 1905 : Cecilia Lewenhaupt [632]
  • 1908-1935 : Ebba Gyllenstierna [633]
  • 1908 : Amelie Cederström [634]
  • 1908 : Anna Hamilton [635]
  • 1909 : Henriette Wachtmeister [636]
  • 1916 : Helene Taube

Överhovmästarinnor

[redigera | redigera wikitext]

Övrig kvinnlig hovpersonal

[redigera | redigera wikitext]
  • 1563 : Dvärginnan Dorothea
  • 1615 : Margareta Knocken, kammarjungfru [697]
  • 1622 : Narrinnan Elisabet, narr, officiellt med titeln hovpiga. [112]
  • 1600-talet : Sara Larsdotter, kammarjungfru [698]
  • Ingeborg Hinman, kammarjungfru [699]
  • Anna Pedersdotter, kammarpiga [700]
  • 1642 : Sofia von Deppen [701]
  • 1646 : Justina, kammarpiga [702]
  • 1650 : Catharina Eriksdotter, kammarjungfru [703]
  • 1677-1738: Karin Svensdotter, linklädestvätterska [113]
  • 1686 : Marichen Johansdotter, kammarpiga [704]
  • 1687 : Augusta Normarck, kammarjungfru [705]
  • 1697 : Eva Maria von Schröer, kammarjungfru [706]
  • 1701 : Beata von Wahlen, kammarjungfru [707]
  • 1705 : "dvärginnan Lilla Annika" (Annika Kollberg), anställd hos Hedvig Eleonora till sin död 1705 som narr: officiellt med titeln hovpiga. [114]
  • 1730 : Anna Moshardt, kammarjungfru [708]
  • 1750-talet: Manette Noverre

Österrike

[redigera | redigera wikitext]

Överhovmästarinnor:[709]

Saknar levnadsår

[redigera | redigera wikitext]

Catharina Norman Johanna Lohm Anna Nyberg Maria Krey Anna Stina Lewin Anna Svensdotter Karin Pehrsdotter Hanna Hansdotter Anna Gyllander Brita Andersdotter Margareta Pehrsdotter Margareta i Kumla Maria Boström Ester Jönsdotter Lisa Petersdotter Christina Catharina Lindberg Louise Götz Anna Brita Holmberg Brita Maria Modéer Catharina Sophia Murman Sofia Rebecka Rörström Lovisa von Plat Ulrika Margaretha Bergsten Maria Johansdotter Anna Jöransdotter Annika Svahn Brita Fernlund Brita Christina Dahlbom Maria Wankijf Margareta Dockvil Augusta Andersson Augusta Brandes Martis Karin Ersdotter Johanna Holmgren Eva Pehrsdotter Beata Juringius

Källor

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