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    The Crusades
    The Crusades
    The Crusades
    Ebook117 pages1 hour

    The Crusades

    By David Nicolle

    3.5/5

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    About this ebook

    Born amid immense suffering and bloodshed, the Kingdom of Jerusalem remained a battlefield for almost 200 years. The Crusades gave rise to the Military Orders of the Templars and Hospitallers, and were a backdrop to the careers of some of history's most famous leaders including Richard 'The Lionheart' and Saladin. On occasion the savagery of the Crusaders left their opponents reeling, creating frictions that survived for more than 700 years. At the same time, as this book lavishly illustrates, art, architecture and learning all benefited from new knowledge the Crusaders brought back from the East.
    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherBloomsbury Publishing
    Release dateJun 6, 2014
    ISBN9781472809667
    The Crusades
    Author

    David Nicolle

    David Nicolle is Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Medieval Studies, Nottingham University. He is the author of numerous books on aspects of medieval military history, including many for Osprey.

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    3.5/5

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    • 3/5
      A great reference work with outstanding maps showing troop placements and movements.As best as they can guess, I suppose. After all, it was 1096. Not a lot of video confirmation.
    • 2/5
      A book more of breadth than depth. The eight crusades get only cursory treatment, and the plates, however, deal with some recondite subjects such as the Kingdoms of Lesser Armenia, and Cyprus. Given the limitations this is an interesting effort, and if it entices its readers into a fuller investigation of this fascinating subject, so much the better.

    Book preview

    The Crusades - David Nicolle

    Background to war

    Christendom and Islam in the 11th century

    The Crusades were an unusual series of conflicts because they involved three or more distinct groups of people: the Western European Christians, generally known as ‘Latins’ or ‘Franks’; the Muslims of the Middle East and North Africa; the Byzantine and other Orthodox Christians of what are now Turkey and the Balkans, generally known as ‘Greeks’ to Western Europeans and as ‘Rumi’ or ‘Romans’ to their Muslim neighbours. More or less associated with the Orthodox Christian ‘Greeks’ were many other Christian peoples of the region, most of whom were, in the eyes of Latin-Catholic Christians, schismatics or heretics. Some, such as the Armenians, Georgians and Nubians, had their own independent states. Others, such as the Jacobites and Maronites of Syria, the Copts of Egypt and the Nestorians of Iraq and Iran, formed substantial communities within Islamic states.

    The Muslims were similarly divided along linguistic (mainly Arab, Turkish, Kurdish or Persian) and religious lines (Sunni or various Shi’a sects). Other minorities included the Jews, Druze, Yazidis, Zoroastrians, Manichaean-Paulicians and others. In the 13th century the Mongols erupted into the Middle East. Included in their ranks were Buddhists, shamanist ‘pagans’, adherents of various Chinese faiths, Nestorian Christians and even some Muslims.

    Some of these peoples had very little contact with each other before the Crusades, while others had co-existed for centuries. The Byzantine Empire and its Islamic neighbours could be called the resident civilisations of the Middle East, and had a long history of both rivalry and peaceful relations. From the 7th to the 10th centuries Islam had been dominant, though its attempts to conquer the Byzantine Empire ended at an early date. Instead these two power blocs reached a relatively stable relationship with intermittent, small-scale conflict on land and sea. During the late 10th and 11th centuries, as the ‘Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad fragmented, power shifted back to the Byzantines, who launched a series of major counter-offensives. Then the Byzantine Empire called a halt, drastically reducing its armed forces after having destroyed the Armenian military system that had served as a buffer between Byzantium and the Islamic world for centuries.

    For the ordinary people of these regions, an intermittent struggle between the Empire and the Caliphate meant merely a change of masters, and even the military elites often came to terms with their new rulers. In fact this centuries-old rivalry had become political and economic rather than a death-struggle between incompatible cultures.

    Guibert of Nogent’s explanation of how the Middle East became Muslim; in his history of the First Crusade, written around 1100:

    It is the common opinion, if I understand it correctly, that there was a certain man called Mathomus who drew [those people] away from the belief in the Son and the Holy Spirit and taught them that in the Godhead there was the Father, the Creator, alone. He taught that Jesus Christ was a man without sin. Let me briefly conclude this account of his teaching by saying that he recommended circumcision while completely freeing them [his followers] from restraining their lusts … [they] do not believe that he [Mathomus] is God, as some people claim, but was a good man and a benefactor through whom they received the Divine Laws.

    The coming of the Seljuk Turks changed this situation although those Seljuks who overran most of Anatolia (Rum or present-day Turkey) remained something of a sideshow as far as the rest of the Islamic world was concerned. Of course the Byzantine perspective was very different. It was the loss of Anatolia to these Turks which prompted Emperor Alexius I to request military help from the West – help which arrived in the unexpected form of a massive Crusade to the Holy Land rather than as pliant mercenaries willing to accept Byzantine authority.

    Nevertheless, the impact of the Seljuk Turks upon the Islamic Middle East would prove to be very important. They not only re-established centralised authority, which was inherited by small but still potent successor states, but encouraged a Sunni cultural and religious revival. These Seljuk Turks had not, however, taken full control of the Middle East when the First Crusade arrived. In Egypt and parts of the Palestinian-Syrian coast the Shi’a Fatimid Caliphate of Cairo remained a rich and culturally brilliant state. Its relations with the Byzantine Empire and those Italian merchants who were as yet the only Westerners present in the Eastern Mediterranean in any numbers were generally good. Certainly the economic links between Fatimid Egypt and Italy were already significant.

    A description of the citizen militia of Syria in the 1080s, by the chronicler Ibn Abu Tayyi’, who was writing about his father’s lifetime:

    There was no person in Aleppo who did not have military attire in his house, and when war came he would go out at once, fully armed.

    The relationship between the Byzantine Empire and its Western, Latin-Catholic, fellow Christian neighbours was complex and sometimes unfriendly. The Great Schism (the separation between the Eastern and Western Churches) started in 1054 and was becoming increasingly serious. At first it had meant nothing to ordinary men and women and little to the ruling elites but as the Schism deepened, so people’s perceptions of each other grew more hostile. By the 13th century many people in Western Europe maintained that ‘Greeks’ were worse than ‘Saracens’. A century or so later there were those in the Byzantine Empire who preferred domination by Muslim Turks to domination by Western Catholics.

    In political and military terms the main arena of conflict between Byzantium and its western neighbours lay in southern Italy, much of which formed part of the Byzantine Empire until its conquest by the Normans. Subsequently competition moved to the western Balkans where the Norman, then French and finally Spanish rulers of southern Italy sought to extend their authority. In economic terms the Byzantine Empire was also declining in the face of Italian economic, commercial and maritime expansion. Italian merchant republics such as Venice and Genoa certainly took full advantage of Byzantium’s weakness.

    Before the First Crusade, most Western European states had at best a distant relationship with the Muslims of the Eastern Mediterranean, the only exceptions being some Italian merchant republics plus the Norman kingdom of southern Italy and Sicily. For the merchants of both sides such links were purely commercial. For the Norman elite of southern Italy, however, a different relationship arose after they conquered Sicily. Here a large, highly cultured and militarily important Arab-Islamic minority remained to serve their new Norman Christian rulers. It seems to have maintained cultural links with both Islamic North Africa and with Fatimid Egypt, links which would influence the Siculo-Normans’ relations with the Islamic world.

    Another important form of contact between Western European society and that of the Islamic Middle East resulted from Christian pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the Holy Land. The proportion of Westerners who actually made such a pilgrimage was tiny, but their experiences and the significance of travel to the Holy Land gave them considerable influence. Given the confused notions of geography and distance held by most people in Western Europe, the other point of direct contact between Western Christian and Islamic civilisations – namely the Iberian peninsula – must not be ignored. Here Christians and Muslims had been competing for domination for centuries. Although the military struggle remained largely political, a religious or ‘crusading’ element was increasingly important in what became the Spanish Reconquista. It is also interesting

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