Why Not Utopia?: A Political Platform in Search of a Party
By Jack Moscou
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About this ebook
Whether discussing the myth of America as a happy and contented country or the possibility of creating a radically different society, Why Not Utopia? offers a thought provoking challenge to the notion that only capitalism can guarantee economic prosperity and personal liberty.
It is both a radical critique of the solutions to our current political and social problems that are being proposed by the major political parties and media sources that dominate our public discourse and a vision of what might be.
Jack Moscou
Jack Moscou has an extensive background in management training and staff development for heath care institutions in the USA and Canada; for municipal and state governments; and for candidates in various political campaigns. His commentary on political events was previously posted in www.bloggingforutopia.com. He currently lives in New York City with his wife.
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Why Not Utopia? - Jack Moscou
PART 1
America: Myth and Reality
People and countries that prefer myths to reality will never be able to find solutions—personal or political—
to the problems they face.
THE MYTH OF A HAPPY AND CONTENTED COUNTRY
Both the Republican and Democratic Party platforms are clearly in favor of motherhood and apple pie. However, when you read their respective platforms it is surprisingly obvious that they really do have fundamental philosophical differences. I say surprisingly
because the constant media noise with its emphasis on the superficial rather than substance, the reduction of political discourse to 30-second sound bites, and the predominant role of slash-and-burn personal attacks, tend to drown out any serious discussion of those differences.
The opening paragraph of the Chairman’s preamble to the 2008 Republican Party platform reads: . . . Devotion to the inherent dignity and rights of every person. Faith in the virtues of self-reliance, civic commitment, and concern for one another. Distrust of government’s interference in people’s lives.
In contrast, the opening paragraph of the 2008 Democratic party platform is a laundry list of feel-good
ideas: . . . every American . . . should have the chance to get a good education, to work at a good job with good wages, to raise and provide for a family, to live in safe surroundings, and to retire with dignity and security . . . quality and affordable healthcare is a basic right.
Clearly the parties chose different approaches, one stressing values and the other policy initiatives. However, both parties agreed in consistently describing America in glowing terms such as: a great nation, a people that prizes candor and fairness, a land of prosperity and liberty.
I recall the story of a little boy on a Pullman train who said to his father as they turned in for the night, Leave the light on,
I’m afraid to sleep in the dark. The father replied,
You always sleep in the dark at home. And the little boy said,
I know, but that’s our dark."
I think as a nation we need to take a long hard look at our own dark. In my mind, America is a seriously sick society, which is not to say every American is sick or that any country not named America is healthy. For me, a working definition of a sick society is one that at any given moment has millions of people:
• Living in conditions of poverty or close to it;
• Out of work;
• Working but not earning anything close to a decent wage;
• Working but definitely not enjoying it;
• Hopelessly in debt;
• Unhappily married;
• Unhappy because they’re not married;
• Suffering from depression and anxiety;
• Taking copious quantities of often unnecessary prescription drugs or self-medicating their pain with illegal
drugs, alcohol and junk food;
• In jail, on their way to jail, spending years in jail and, once out, often going back in;
• Scarred by the effects of racism, sexism and homophobia.
When you then add in our annual rate of murders, suicides, rapes, robberies, arsons, drunk driving, wife beating, child abuse, and white collar crime (or as Woody Guthrie wrote in the song Pretty Boy Floyd the Outlaw
—some folks will rob you with a six gun and some with a fountain pen) I fail to see how we qualify as a happy and prosperous land of liberty.
In On Death and Dying (1969), Elizabeth Kubler-Ross introduced the concept of five stages of grief: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. Her concept has since been expanded to cover events other than grieving for the loss of a loved one. I would apply three of her categories as follows:
Denial: America is in denial when it comes to the large numbers of our fellow countrymen and women, that enjoy neither happiness nor prosperity.
Anger: Most of our anger is directed at the messengers who point out the inability of our society to create a happy and healthy country and not at the system responsible for that failure.
Acceptance: The first step to recovery, in this case, to build systems that enable people to lead happier and more fulfilling lives.
To quote myself from the introduction, In a healthy society hardly anything is sick and in a sick society hardly anything is healthy.
Unless and until we move as a society from sickness to wellness, I am quite certain that the solutions being offered by politicians and pundits of all stripes to the problems currently facing us will prove to be exercises in futility.
THE MYTH OF AN EGALITARIAN AND CLASS-FREE SOCIETY
Let me start with three events early in our county’s history that encapsulate the essence of our class divisions, racial divisions and propensity for violence.
• Bacon’s Rebellion.
• The Virginia slave codes.
• Shays’s Rebellion.
Bacon’s Rebellion took place in colonial Virginia in 1676. High taxes, low prices for tobacco, and resentment against special privileges given those close to the governor provided the background for the uprising. But there was another aspect to the rebellion, namely an assault on Native Americans. Bacon wanted to kill or drive out every Indian in Virginia. In Bacon’s own words: We must defend ourselves against all Indians in general, for that they were all Enemies.
The governor of Virginia wouldn’t give Bacon a commission to raise an army to drive out the Indians. The governor’s refusal to commission Bacon was not based on any desire to live in peace with the Indians; he just didn’t want to risk going to war with friendly
tribes. Bacon then raised his own army and led his followers to a fort held by a friendly tribe. He convinced them to capture warriors from an unfriendly tribe. Bacon’s men killed the captives and then promptly turned on their allies,
opening fire on them as well. This kind of betrayal foreshadowed the subsequent acts of aggression against Indian peoples, from forcible expulsion of the Cherokees in the 1830s from their lands in the southeastern United States and their removal to what is now Oklahoma, to the wars against the Indian nations in the West from 1865 to 1890. These actions were not momentary aberrations but had their origins in the very beginnings of our country. It is worth noting that the Cherokees’ expulsion was motivated largely by the discovery of gold on their land; in a similar vein the wars against the Indians in the West were largely to open up territories for white settlers. There is yet another aspect to this story. Bacon’s followers were both white and black, and the ruling classes of the day feared that this unity might carry over to threaten their economic interests. While Bacon’s Rebellion was probably not the direct cause of the Virginia Slave Codes, enacted in 1705, it very likely was a contributing factor. During the latter part of the 17th century, the status of blacks in Virginia had been gradually changing. The black indentured servant was increasingly being replaced by the black slave. In 1705, the Virginia General Assembly defined