When Civil Resistance Succeeds: Building Democracy After Nonviolent Uprisings
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Why do some nonviolent revolutions lead to successful democratization while others fail to consolidate democratic change? And what can activists do to push toward a victory over dictatorship that results in long-term political freedom? When Civil Resistance Succeeds: Building Democracy After Popular Nonviolent Uprisings (ICNC Press, 201
Jonathan Pinckney
Jonathan Pinckney is a Program Officer with the Program on Nonviolent Action at the United States Institute of Peace, where he conducts research on nonviolent action, peacebuilding, and democratization. He is the author of the book "From Dissent to Democracy: The Promise and Peril of Civil Resistance Transitions," from Oxford University Press, as well as a wide range of academic and general audience publications. He received his PhD in 2018 from the University of Denver. He was a 2012 recipient of the Sie Cheou-Kang Fellowship at the University of Denver, and a 2016 recipient of an ICNC PhD Fellowship. The opinions in this piece are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the United States Institute of Peace.
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When Civil Resistance Succeeds - Jonathan Pinckney
ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES
SERIES EDITOR: Maciej Bartkowski
CONTACT: [email protected]
VOLUME EDITORS: Amber French, Julia Constantine
DESIGNED BY: Hailey Grace Steele
CONTACT: [email protected]
Other volumes in this series:
Civil Resistance Against Coups: A Comparative and Historical Perspective, by Stephen Zunes (2017)
People Power Movements and International Human Rights, by Elizabeth A. Wilson (2017)
Making of Breaking Nonviolent Discipline in Civil Resistance Movements, by Jonathan Pinckney (2016)
The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle: A Strategic and Historical Analysis, by Tenzin Dorjee (2015)
The Power of Staying Put: Nonviolent Resistance Against Armed Groups in Colombia, by Juan Masullo (2015)
Published by ICNC Press
International Center on Nonviolent Conflict
1775 Pennsylvania Ave. NW. Ste. 1200
Washington, D.C. 20006 USA
© 2018 International Center on Nonviolent Conflict,
Dr. Jonathan Pinckney
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-943271-16-0 (Print version)
ISBN: 978-1-943271-15-3 (Online version)
ISBN: 978-1-943271-56-6 (e book)
Cover Photos: (l) On Oct. 31, 1991, Zambians elected a new president and 150-member National Assembly in the nation’s first multiparty elections since 1968. Source: The Carter Center and Northwestern University Library public records. (r) Wikimedia Commons. Diretas Ja demonstration in the Chamber of Deputies, Brasilia, Brazil, April 1984.
Peer Review: This ICNC monograph underwent two blind peer reviews that recommended the study for publication with some revisions. After satisfactory updates ICNC released it for publication. Scholarly experts in the field of civil resistance and related disciplines, as well as practitioners of nonviolent action, serve as independent reviewers of ICNC monograph manuscripts.
Publication Disclaimer: The designations used and material presented in this publication do not indicate the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of ICNC. The author holds responsibility for the selection and presentation of facts contained in this work, as well as for any and all opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of ICNC and do not commit the organization in any way.
Executive Summary
Why do some nonviolent revolutions lead to successful democratization while others fail to consolidate democratic change? And what can activists do to push toward a victory over dictatorship that results in long-term political freedom?
Several studies show that nonviolent revolutions are generally a more positive force for democratization than violent revolutions and top-down political transitions. However, many nonviolent revolutions, such as the Arab Spring revolution in Egypt, do not seem to fit this pattern. This study takes on this puzzle and reveals that the answer lies in large part in the actions of civil society prior to and during transition. Democracy is most likely when activists can keep their social bases mobilized for positive political change while directing that mobilization toward building new political institutions.
The study first lays out what we already know about the connections between nonviolent resistance and democratization. It then presents new statistical evidence that nonviolent resistance has a positive effect on democratization independently of other conditions. Additionally, in-depth case studies of Nepal, Zambia, and Brazil—woven throughout this monograph—demonstrate that the positive effect of civil resistance on democratic transition requires continued civic mobilization and a move away from radical, all-or-nothing struggles toward more regular, institutionalized politics. The study concludes with concrete takeaways on how to achieve these changes, designed for civil resistance thinkers, activists, and external actors interested in supporting nonviolent movements.
Table of Contents
Executive Summary
Introduction
Part 1: What We Know about Nonviolent Resistance and Democratization
Defining Terms
Nonviolent Resistance
Democracy and Democratization
Transitions
What We Know
Nonviolent Resistance Appears to Make Transitions to Democracy More Likely
Nonviolent Resistance has More Positive Effects than Violent Resistance
Nonviolent Resistance Leads to Stronger and Deeper Democracies
What We Still Don’t Know
How Strong Really is the Connection Between Nonviolent Resistance and Democratization?
When Does Nonviolent Resistance Lead to Democracy and When Does It Not?
Conclusion
Part 2: Nonviolent Resistance and Democratic Transitions
Theorizing the Challenges of Civil Resistance Transitions
Research Methods
Statistical Analysis
Measuring Transitions
Qualitative Analysis: Three Case Studies
Evidence from the Civil Resistance Transitions Data
Evidence from the Brazilian Democratic Transition
Conclusion
Part 3: Maintaining Civic Mobilization
Fostering Independent Civic Forces
Holding Victorious Pro-Democracy Leaders Accountable
Maintaining a Democratic Vision of the Future
Conclusion
Part 4: Avoiding Street Radicalism
Avoid Extreme Protest Tactics that May Backfire
Support Institutional Channels of Politics
Don’t Shut Everyone from the Old Regime Out
Conclusion
Part 5: Final Takeaways on Civil Resistance and Democratization
Takeaways for Scholars
Takeaways for Civil Resistance Practitioners
Takeaways for External Actors
Bibliography
Methodological Appendix
Quantitative Research
Civil Resistance Transitions
Democracy Source and Coding
Civic Mobilization and Street Radicalism
Control Variables
Detailed Statistical Results
Qualitative Research
Endnotes
Acknowledgements
List of Tables and Figures
Table 1.1
Figure 2.1
Figure 2.2
Table 2.1
Figure 2.3
Figure 2.4
Figure 2.5
Figure 2.6
Figure 2.7
Figure 3.1
Table 4.1
Figure 4.1
Table AP.1
Table AP.2
Table AP.3
Table AP.4
Table AP.5
Table AP.6
Table AP.7
Table AP.8
Introduction
The victory of nonviolent resistance movements is deeply inspiring. Thousands of people take to the streets, joining hands to reject an oppressive past and share a vision for a new and vibrant future. The slogans shouted in these moments speak to the hopefulness of these visions: Solidarity
in Poland in the 1980s, a New Nepal
along the Kathmandu Ring Road in 2006, or Freedom, Bread, Social Justice
in the streets of Cairo in 2011, to name a few.
The faces of the people of Egypt the day that President Hosni Mubarak stepped down spoke to the power of this moment of hope. People proclaimed that the country could never be the same—that inevitably they were now on a path toward prosperity, freedom, and new democratic institutions.
The failure of this hope to become a reality has led many international observers to become skeptical, and activists to fear that nonviolently overthrowing oppressive governments may only, in the end, lead to worse outcomes. For instance, during the 2014 protests in Hong Kong known as the Umbrella Revolution
, political scientist Eric Li argued that the protests should be called off because changing political systems through street protests would lead to Maidancracy
, an indefinite cycle of political instability and violent repression (Li 2014).
Autocratic regimes around the world have encouraged this fear, spreading the idea that even the nonviolent overthrow of a regime leads to political instability and violence. Russian President Vladimir Putin is perhaps the most prominent of these voices, decrying the primarily nonviolent color revolutions
in several post-Soviet states as tragic
and irresponsible experiments
(RT 2017), and taking extensive measures to prevent similar mobilizations in Russia and its allies (Finkel and Brudny 2012).
Further, many scholars argue that in the last few years the global political system has entered an age of democratic backsliding. Well-respected data sources on the quality of democracy around the world such as the Polity Index (Marshall 2015) and Freedom House (Abramowitz 2018) have reported consistent democratic declines. Scholars have wondered if new authoritarian norms have begun to replace democratic norms in the international system.
The academic literature on democratization has little to offer activists interested in democratizing their country’s political system. Some of the most highly respected scholarship focuses on factors such as a country’s level of economic development, geographic size, and religious makeup (Lipset 1959, Teorell 2010)—all factors beyond individual activists’ control. Others propose theories of democratization based on specific cases without much wider applicability (O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986).
In particular, scholars have paid little attention to the specific challenges faced during political transitions initiated by nonviolent resistance. Most theories either ignore the means by which a political transition begins, or they focus on transitions that formal powerholders initiated from the top down (O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986). This is surprising, considering that a close examination of the historical record reveals that nonviolent resistance—and, with that, the agency of ordinary people—has played a crucial role in dozens of major political transitions over the last several decades. Some examples are the anti-colonial struggles of the 1960s, the struggles against military rule in Latin America in the 1980s, the anti-Communist movements of 1989-1991, the color revolutions of the early 2000s, and the Arab Spring movements of 2010-12.
This monograph seeks to address that gap by building on existing scholarship and presenting new findings on the transition from a nonviolent revolution to a sustainable democracy. The pages that follow present several lessons learned
on the need for movements to maintain popular civic mobilization—without letting counter-productive street radicalism
(defined in more detail in subsequent chapters) take over. Table 1 summarizes these lessons.
Table 1.1: Lessons for Fostering Democracy in Civil Resistance Transitions
The evidence presented to support these lessons learned includes statistical patterns across dozens of nonviolent transitions from the last 70 years, supplemented by in-depth interviews with activists and political figures