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    From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism
    From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism
    From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism
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    From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism

    By J. Posadas

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    This book’s title From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism was created by the Editorial Board. The book contains a selection of texts by J Posadas from 1970 to 1981, as well as Trotsky’s text “The USSR in War” of 25.9.1939.The texts we present by J. Posadas bear on the fundamental question of the inevitability of war on the part of the capitalist regime, and in consequence the inevitability of the Third World War. It is vital for humanity to put an end to the capitalist regime therefore. The selected texts are drawn from a number of conferences, publications and books by J Posadas with titles like "The Soviet Union", "Workers' State and Socialist Society", "The Crisis of Capitalism, War and Socialism”. The dates of these texts range from 1970 to when he died in 1981.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherPosadas
    Release dateApr 7, 2024
    ISBN9780907694106
    From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism

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      Book preview

      From the Third World War to the End of Capitalism - J. Posadas

      CHAPTER 1

      THE GROWTH IN THE INTERCAPITALIST DIVERGENCES

      J POSADAS

      22.3.1981

      Big Yankee capital looks for the ways to bring the entire world of capitalism into confrontation with the Workers States. It wants to cut the development of revolution, get ready for war, and create the conditions to best decide when to launch it.

      Capitalism wants all its internal contradictions raised onto a higher plane of incorporation between the capitalist powers. Many capitalist sectors realise that confrontation with the Soviet Union means the end of them. They feel they will disappear if they confront the Soviet Union. The feeling of capitalist perpetuation and conservation makes them wish to confront the Workers States. This happens in high finance and in economic circles of the war industry. Because they live off war, they cannot think outside war. But another capitalist sector clashes with this and says: If you make war on the Soviets, we will all die – perhaps not quite die, but instead of becoming slaves of the Soviets, we will be the slaves of the Yanquis. Since the different capitalist sectors always tend to mutual exclusion, they never achieve any higher plane of incorporation. What comes to them instead is disintegration.

      US President Donald Reagan believes that he can stop history. But he does not say how. A part of the North American bourgeoisie asks him: But where are you taking us, exactly?. This happens because there are bourgeois sectors for whom any war with the Soviets is lost in advance. Big capital does not agree with that, but it has no notion of anything else. The doubters are in the other sector, the one with a certain freedom to think in bourgeois terms, like a JF Kennedy or even a Jimmy Carter. If there is fear in the cautiousness of Carter’s policy, there is also the realisation that the alternative means disappearance.

      Big capital has no option but to crush the world, which it does, with the blindness of the bull that sees bulls in every corner of the porcelain shop. The other capitalist sector realises that this is the end of them. They are aware, they understand, that this means their elimination as capitalists. Some react to this by quitting their bourgeois origins and joining the revolutionary camp. Children of the big bourgeoisie become revolutionaries and the parents do not oppose. You see this everywhere. Among the British Labourites, some are even from the aristocracy; these people reckon that to have a life, they must send nobility to the devil¹, along with this appalling queen most of all, who has no idea about anything.

      As far as the Yankees are concerned, the French bourgeoisie is a centre of contention. The French bourgeois are not anti-capitalist of course, but they see the Yankees drawing France to its death. In the war that is coming, they know that they have lost. The Soviets have already warned the European bourgeoisie: ‘if you deploy the US missiles in Europe, lamentably we will have no choice but to destroy them. It will be a matter of minutes’. The European bourgeoisie knows that the Soviets will destroy them at the very start of the war, and that in the minutes following that, the workers of every country will charge forward to take power.

      There was a declaration from leaders of the German Worker State (RDA). They posed that ‘the two Germanys will be one when we can make a single socialist Germany’. This did not stop Willy Brandt (the social-democratic prime minister in West Germany) from continuing to talk of ‘the unification of the two Germanys.’ This is a capitalist leader with nowhere to turn.

      Cuba is encircled by air and by sea, but the Cubans respond with complete security. This disarms layers in the Yankees’ officials and top brass. They witnessed the stupidity of the Vietnam war. At its core, imperialism no longer impresses, not even with the defence of the homeland. A level of knowledge tells people that ‘the homeland’ does not stop at the US border, because its limit is the world, through culture and through science that unify the world. In in our epoch, it is the revolution that teaches this particular lesson. It teaches this lesson through the Workers State and through the Workers State’s measures that unify the world like statisation² and socialization.

      The concept of the homeland continues, but infinitely diminished. The proof is in Angola and Mozambique, where solidarity as a necessity secures a high level of integration between the human being and the highest form of progress, which is the Workers State. Angola and Mozambique have made a leap from the most indigent form of life, over to the process of the construction of the Worker State. This is culture today, the social culture of humanity, with its expression in politics.

      In the top capitalist circles, there is disorientation regarding the events of the world. They feel with no answer, because their only answer is war, and because they have not been able to do it yet! They know they should have done it some 20 years ago, but they have kept postponing. Truman's foreign minister, Foster Dulles, had been in favour of launching the war; but the (1960) American U-2 spy plane incident³ derailed the entire Yankee strategy. The Soviets let the US plane cross the USSR’s territory, and then shot it down. In provoking the Soviets in this way, the Yankees had wanted to stop Eisenhower and Khrushchev communicating: an early intimation of what was to come with Kennedy’s assassination (1963). If Eisenhower was not killed, it is because the provocation had been insufficiently organised and planned.

      When capitalism has to assassinate its own leaders, it is because it cannot cope with both its internal competition and its antagonism towards the Workers States. Capitalism is a walking dead. It survives, nothing more. Its survival is particularly murderous, seeing the way it kills people, and prepares to kill so many more.

      We cannot prevent this. People themselves know that they cannot prevent the war. They know that the war is an atomic charco⁴, as we call it. They stay confident and optimistic. Far from preparing to drown in the ‘charco’, they prepare to build socialism.

      At the core of Central America, the Yankees must put up with the situation caused by an El Salvador⁵ that they cannot even invade. They already invaded Nicaragua four times⁶, they occupied the whole of Nicaragua⁷. Today they must invent all sorts of provocations to authorise themselves to interfere. Capitalism is reduced to running behind events. It used to send its orders to the world at the press of a button. Now all that it gets from the button is water.

      History has pulled the rug from under capitalism, and from under the Soviet bureaucracy too. This is why the red phone does not work⁸.

      Khrushchev believed in the possibility of infinite accords and alliances with imperialism, as in some form of sharing the world. Capitalism was not prepared to accept life in that situation – the revolution was. The revolution is dialectical; it has logic on its side, while capitalism has no logic at all.

      J. POSADAS

      22.3.1981

      TEXTS BY J POSADAS – CHAPTER 2

      WAR PREPARATIONS AND THE FUNCTION OF THE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES

      J POSADAS

      22.3.1981

      War is the consequence of the development of

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