!"#$% "' (#$)$"#*+$ ,")-.

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Learning Outcome


Explain the foimation of steieotypes anu theii effect anu behavioui


01$)1/$23
4$5/'/#/"': A !"#$#%"&'# is "...a fixeu, ovei geneializeu belief about a paiticulai gioup oi class of people."
(Caiuwell, 1996). Foi example, a "hells angel" bikei uiesses in leathei.
0ne auvantage of a steieotype is that it enables us to iesponu iapiuly to situations because we may have hau
a similai expeiience befoie.
0ne uisauvantage is that it makes us ignoie uiffeiences between inuiviuuals; theiefoie we think things about
people that might not be tiue (i.e. make geneializations).
The use of %#$)$"#*+$% is a majoi way in which we simplify oui social woilu; since they ieuuce the amount
of piocessing (i.e. thinking) we have to uo when we meet a new peison.
By %#$)$"#*+/'6 we infei that a peison has a whole iange of chaiacteiistics anu abilities that we assume all
membeis of that gioup have. Steieotypes leau to social categoiization, which is one of the ieasons foi
piejuuice attituues (i.e. "them" anu "us" mentality), which leaus to in-gioups anu out-gioups.
Nost %#$)$"#*+$% piobably tenu to convey a negative impiession (oi at least those that aie
ieseaicheu). Positive examples woulu incluue juuges (the phiase "sobei as a juuge" woulu suggest this is a
steieotype with a veiy iespectable set of chaiacteiistics), oveiweight people (who aie often seen as "jolly")
anu television newsieaueis (usually seen as highly uepenuable, iespectable anu impaitial). Negative
steieotypes howevei, seem fai moie common.

Key Terms Definition
7)$89:/;$ Piejuuice is an unjustifieu oi incoiiect attituue (usually negative) towaius an
inuiviuual baseu solely on the inuiviuual's membeiship of a social gioup. Foi
example, a peison may holu piejuuiceu views towaius a ceitain iace oi genuei
etc. (e.g. sexist).
4/%;)/-/'.#/"' Bisciimination is the behavioi oi actions, usually negative, towaius an
inuiviuual oi gioup of people, especially on the basis of sexiacesocial class,
etc.
Social Categorization Aigument by Tajfel - Steieotypes aie a natuial cognitive piocess - all about
social categoiization: that uoes not explain how it actually happens.
Gatekeeper (Campbell 1967) The meuia, paients, anu othei membeis of oui cultuie, which
is one of the two key souices of steieotypes.
Grain of Truth
Hypothesis
(Campbell) An expeiience with an inuiviuual fiom a gioup will then be
geneializeu to the gioup.
Illusory Correlation (Bamilton & uiffoiu 1976) People see a ielationship between two vaiiables
even when theie is none, which foims steieotypes.
Confirmation Bias People tenu to oveilook infoimation that contiauicts what they alieauy believe.
Social Desirability Effect A confounuing vaiiable in ieseaich on steieotyping, piejuuice, anu
uisciimination.



Different Types of Stereotyping?
A common belief is that stereotyping is a direct cause of prejudice and discrimination.
This belief is incorrect. There is a distinction to be made between two types of
stereotyping and how they are formed.
Stereotypes can become activated and turn into prejudice and discrimination
(Aronson et al. 2007). However, having a stereotype does not directly lead to prejudice
or discrimination. Often, stereotypes are just ways to simplify and organize the world
(schema theory). They can be adaptive, as long as they are based on some real
experiences and are supported by truths about others behavior.
Stereotyping is universal and there are many similarities in the way that people from
different cultures stereotypes (Matsumoto & Juang, 2008).
The activated actor uses two kinds of stereotype
Stereotypes are cognitive inter-group biases and are different from prejudice, emotional
inter-group biases. Stereotyping and prejudice are linked through cognition, but the
mechanism explaining each is different discrimination is the behavior that comes
from prejudice (Aronson et al. 2007).
It is worth remembering that this section in the syllabus comes into the category of
sociocultural cognition so it is important to connect stereotyping to the current
focus in social cognitive research on humans as activated actors. In addition, while
the syllabus lists stereotyping and social identity theory as separate, it might be easier
to discuss them together.
Fiske and Taylor (2008) divide stereotyping into two types: blatant stereotyping and
subtle stereotyping.
The difference between blatant stereotyping and subtle stereotyping relates to the
activated actor and the dual-processing approach to social cognition. Blatant
stereotyping is primarily controlled and conscious while subtle stereotyping is
primarily automatic and unconscious.
The formation of blatant stereotypes occurs when people identify with their in-group
with controlled conscious social thinking. SIT research shows how easily and under
what circumstances people express their allegiance to the in-group. We have biases
towards an in-group and biases against out-groups. Taken to the extreme, identifying
with an in-group can lead to intense competition and aggression. Blatant in-group
biases take place in response to inter-group threats to ones values and economic
resources.
In contrast, subtle forms of stereotyping come from interpersonal conflicts. Subtle
stereotyping challenges our notions that all stereotypes reflect deliberate
prejudice. The difference between automatic and controlled stereotyping matters a
great deal when we think about how it affects behavior. People are more likely to be
held responsible for their actions when they come from controlled, conscious
processing than they are if behaviour comes from automatic abilities.


The formation of subtle stereotypes
Here are some factors that contribute to subtle stereotype formation. These factors
work together and in reality cannot be separated. Awareness may prevent the worst
effects of subtle stereotyping.
1. Subtle stereotypes form automatically and unintentionally, occur primarily in
ambiguous and ambivalent situations, and stem from inner conflict (Fiske &
Taylor, 2008). Advances in research have allowed researchers to show just how
subtle stereotyping works. People like to think of themselves as not holding or
acting on stereotypes, but research shows that they do both, even if it is
accidental and automatic.

2. Three of the core principles for the sociocultural level of analysis explain subtle
stereotyping, understanding others, belonging to a group, and controlling and
predicting situations (Fiske, 2004)

3. Everyday cognitive processing, such as selective attention, attributions,
concept formation, and memory contribute to the automatic nature of subtle
stereotypes. For example, attributions contribute to the formation of
stereotypes:

Stereotypes are dispositional attributions negative ones
Aronson et al. 2007, p436

People naturally make dispositional attributions about individuals, and when
attributions are placed on an entire group, they may result in the ultimate
attribution error.

4) Our cognitive processes are efficient concept formation describes how we form
categories to organize objects and social relationships the mind is
automatically set up to create schemas. Special schemas help us decode and
interact with other people. We create categories about our in=group, called
auto-stereotypes, as well as about out-groups, called hetero-stereotypes. Up
to a point, both are useful ways of categorizing. However, out-groups can too
easily become the blatant stereotypes found in SIT research or even turn into
prejudice and discrimination. Stereotypes are often based on some truth about
a group (which Triandis calls socio-types). But many stereotypes are
completely incorrect and come from vicarious learning through others or the
media rather than through direct experience. One consequence is that categories
become automatic, creating category confusion. This is when people create
general categories such as gender, age or race. We get category information
mainly from faces. It is easy to confuse one individual from another from the
same category (this may contribute to the problems with eyewitness testimony).

5) The rapidness of automatic categorizing and interpreting the end result of our
interpretations can be problematic for others, even if we mean well. For
example, priming participants in experiments shows what happens when we
must rely on interpretations. In studies on criminal investigations, participants
believing in a just world rate women more responsible for an ambiguous
aggressive encounter with a man when they are primed with rape-related words.
Many gender stereotypes come from interpreting ambiguous situations. Facial
expressions are interpreted differently depending on whether the person is male
or female.
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Parents and teachers can unintentionally and automatically teach stereotyped
behaviour to female children. Females are still underrepresented in some fields of
science and engineering and the underrepresentation is related to mathematics
performance. While many parents and teachers try to make females feel that they are
as capable at mathematics as males, there is a large body of research suggesting that
subtle stereotyping still heavily influences female perceptions of their mathematical
capabilities and performance.
These gender stereotypes re not intentional, they come from automatic categorizing
and interpreting of ambiguous information. But the consequences are great. Newer
research shows how attributions may lead to stereotyping about gender differences in
mathematics performance.

Key Study: Jennifer Herbert and Deborah Stipek (2005)
Beibeit, }. & Stipek, B. (2uuS). The emeigence of genuei uiffeience in chiluien's peiceptions of theii
acauemic competence. }ouinal of Applieu Bevelopmental Psychology, 26(S), 276-29S. Abstract available:
http://cepa.stanford.edu/content/emergence-gender-difference-children%E2%80%99s-
perceptions-their-academic-competence#sthash.D916Hxpy.dpuf
Herbert and Stipek (2005) believe that children internalize stereotyped messages
from parents about mathematics abilities. The gender gap in mathematics may be
smaller now but is still there. Males outnumber girls in advanced mathematics
courses and enter functionally profitable careers requiring advanced mathematics
skills at a higher rate. Why is there a difference? Competency beliefs may be a large
factor. Herbert and Stipek examined what these beliefs related to parents and
teachers rating of the childrens competencies.
They conducted a longitudinal study on economically disadvantages males and females
between kindergarten or first grade and the fifth grade. Data were gathered through
interviews and achievement test scores. Data were analyzed with correlation.
Predictions:
1. One prediction was that boys would rate their mathematical abilities higher
than girls starting in the first grade but would not actually perform better than
the girls on achievement tests. Herbert and Stipek believed that the differences
in self-ratings started during elementary school and were visible by the fifth
grade.
2. Previous research on verbal abilities was inconsistent though it generally
favoured the girls. Herbert and Stipek predicted that girls would rate their
performance higher than boys in verbal ability. It was not predicted when the
gap would appear.
3. A third prediction was that parents rating of verbal abilities would favour the
girls and ratings of mathematical performance would favour the boys.
4. A fourth prediction was that teacher ratings of verbal abilities would favour the
girls and mathematics abilities would favour boys.
5. A final prediction was that parents and teachers ratings of abilities would
predict the childrens own ratings. The beliefs of significant adults in a childs
life may convey gender stereotypes that the child internalizes.
Method
Participants represented students from 48 school districts in 152 schools and 228
classrooms. Economically disadvantaged girls are not well presented in samples of
previous research and the impact of stereotypes may be more harmful to them. Thus,
economically disadvantaged students are an important sample for future studies.
Parent-education level in the sample was how and 76% had incomes below $15,000.
The teachers had an average of 16 years experience.
Children rated their mathematics and verbal abilities during kindergarten or the 1
st

grade and then again in the 3
rd
and 5
th
grade on the Feelings About School
Questionnaire. Trained interviewers administered the questionnaire and children
responded on a 1 to 5 scale to questions such as How good are you at learning new
numbers? and How good are you at reading compared to all the students in your
class?.
Parents were interviewed during a home visit or by telephone and asked to rate their
childs mathematical and verbal abilities on a 1 to 5 scale, with 1 meaning Not as good
as the other children and 5 meaning Well above children this age.
Teachers filled out questionnaires and returned them to researchers by mail. Teachers
rated children using the same 5-point scale as the parents and predicted the childrens
mathematical and verbal skills for the next school year.
Last, children completed mathematical and verbal achievement tests in kindergarten
and again in 3
rd
and 5
th
grade.
Results
The results included the following
1. Boys rated their mathematical abilities higher than the girls starting in the
3d grade even though performance on achievement tests was similar.

2. Girls performed better than boys on verbal tests but rated their performance
lower.

3. Teachers, but not parents, rated girls verbal skills as higher. Parents, but
not teachers, rated boys mathematics abilities higher than girls.

4. Parent ratings of mathematics performance by the 5
th
grade were correlated
with their own childrens self-ratings. It is interesting that parental lower
ratings of math performance emerged during the 3
rd
grade the same time as it
emerged in the children. Teacher ratings overall were more consistent with
actual test scores than those of parents.
Herbert and Stipek suggest that the results of the study do not show cause and effect.
Parent attitudes, as reflected to comments during the interviews, may explain the
correlations found in the study. For example, comments included that poor math
grades were of little concern and that female parents avoided math-related jobs, in the
home such as balancing the chequebook.

Research on Blatant Stereotyping

The foimation of blatant steieotypes occui when people iuentify with theii in-gioup with contiolleu
conscious social thinking. SIT ieseaich shows how easily anu unuei what ciicumstances people
expiess theii allegiance to the in-gioup. We have biases towaius an in-gioup anu biases against
out-gioups (Natsumoto & }uang, 2uu8).
Taken to an extieme, iuentifying with an in-gioup can leau to intense competition anu .66)$%%/"'.
Blatant in-gioup biases take place in iesponse to intei-gioup thieats to one's values anu economic
iesouices (Fiske anu Tayloi, 2u8)
("-$ ;"'#$A# 5") (BC D(";/.? B:$'#/#* C@$")*E3 F?.#.'# %#$)$"#*+/'63 C@$ /'G6)"9+H #@$ "9#G
6)"9+ .': 89%#/5*/'6 1/"?$';$
It is in some ways comfoiting to categoiise otheis into in-gioups anu out-gioups. Categoiising
ielieves ambiguity anu ambivalence about otheis anu situations. Bowevei, if these categoiies
become entities, meaning to take on a ieality, stiaineu gioup ielations anu even atiocities such as
uehumanization aie possible.
Theie aie many stuuies that have exploieu the piocess of uehumanization anu violence (e.g Castano
anu uinei-Soiolla 2uu6 wiite that histoiy is full of examples of piopaganua that uenies an enemy
full human status). Behumanization is one way that tioops get mentally piepaieu to kill the enemy;
most soluieis woulu nevei kill anyone in civilian life. Banuuia suggests that uehumanization
incieases violence. Behumanization iequiies ieuuceu empathy foi the victim, a necessaiy pait of
the moial uisengagement, meaning uetaching fiom the moials that guiue youi uaily life, neeueu to
commit an atiocity.

Extension work

Banuuia's thoughts on moial uisengagement can be ieau in his aiticle in the psychologist
http:www.thepsychologist.oig.ukaichiveaichive_home.cfmvolumeIB_22-
euitionIB_176-AiticleIB_1S21-getfile_getPBFthepsychologistu6u9banu.puf


In short to commit an act of violence, one must disengage in some way from the victim.

One major consequence of dehumanizing others that it increases infra-humanization,
which means that a victim is given less than human status (Fiske & Taylor, 2008).
Though most people do not directly participant in killings, research shows that they
will participate in infra-humanization. Studies on infra-hamanization show that
people are likely to justify the atrocities of their in-group members, such as anger and
happiness, are still attributed to the victims, but the more subtle secondary emotions,
such as love, hope and humiliation are withheld (Castano & Giner-Sorolla, 2006).


Key Study: Emanuele Castano and Roger Giner-Soralla (2006)
Castano, Emanuele, anu Rogei uinei-Soiolla (2uu6), "Not Quite Buman: Infiahumanization in
Response to Collective Responsibility foi Inteigioup Killing", }ouinal of Peisonality anu Social
Psychology, 9u, 8u4-818 Abstiact available: http:psycnet.apa.oigjouinalspsp9uS8u4

Castano & Giner-Soolla ran three experiments to test the condition under which infra-
humanization occurred. They hypothesised that when individuals are presented with
reminders of violence against the out-group for which their own in-group is help
responsible they infra-humanize the victim more than when such reminders are not
included or than when such reminders merely present the fact of large-scale death
without in-group responsibility.

Experiment 1
Randomly assigned 68 University of Kent at Canterbury students to two conditions, the
accidental killing condition and the in-group responsibility condition. All participants
sit in the front of a computer and read a story about human encountering aliens called
the Gs. The story ending depended on the assigned group. One groups story was that
10,000 aliens died as a result of an accident. The other groups story was that 10,000
aliens were attacked and killed by soldiers and that few of the military group died.
Participants reported their perceptions of how the aliens felt, rating 50 emotions on a
Likert scale of 1 (Not at all) to 5 (very much). As predicted, the in-group responsibility
condition had a significantly stronger infra-humanization than the accidental killing
group.

Experiment 2
Replicated the original idea but added a real in-group situation for the participants. In
addition, the variable of guilt was tested. 57 students (same university) were randomly
assigned to two conditions. Both groups heard a story about the everyday life of
Australian Aborigines before British colonization. The high-impact conditions story
ending said that the dramatic decline of Aborigine population happened because of the
diseases spread y the colonisers and the wars against them. The low-impact groups
story ending said that the decline in the Aborigine population happened shortly after the
British arrived but that the Aborigine members quickly grew again. Participants rated
the emotions felt by the Aborigines as well as the level of guilt they felt towards them.
The hypothesis was supported. Those in the high impact conditions used a significant
longer amount of infra-humanization and the low-impact group. In addition, the high
impact groups had stronger collective guilt feelings and were more agreeable to giving
the Aborigines reparations.

Experiment 3
Replicated the experiments using White-American European descent from New York as
participants. The stories were about the Native Americans. The results supported the
research conducted in the United Kingdom.

Castona and Gino-Sorella suggest awareness of this negative human behaviour is the
start of creating affective public policy. The need to belong to an in-group will probably
not go away so coming up with strategies to diffuse violence are not simple. Future
research on infra-humanization should include stores that manipulate different degrees
of destruction towards an out-group.

All three experiments used one-sided stories where the in-group caused all of the
destruction. Manipulating the story content will give researchers clues about the extent
o in-group infrahumanization to various situations. Infra-humanization is an example
of the dark side of social identity we are responsible for learning about it because only
then can we use the information to create responsible public policy at an international
level.
Other Research Studies
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Reseaicheis have founu that steieotypes exist of uiffeient iaces, cultuies oi ethnic gioups.
Although the teims iace, cultuie anu ethnic gioups have uiffeient meanings, we shall take
them to mean ioughly the same thing at the moment.
The most famous stuuy of iacial steieotyping was publisheu by J.#K .': F).?* in 19SS
when they iepoiteu the iesults of a questionnaiie completeu by stuuents at Piinceton
0niveisity in the 0SA.
They founu that stuuents helu cleai, negative steieotypes - few stuuents expiesseu any uifficulty in
iesponuing to the questionnaiie.
J.#K .': F).?* DLMNNE O I.;/.? (#$)$"#*+/'6
P/-: To investigate steieotypical attituues of Ameiicans towaius uiffeient iaces.
Q$#@":: Questionnaiie methou was useu to investigate steieotypes. Ameiican univeisity stuuents weie
given a list of nationalities anu ethic gioups (e.g. Iiish, Catholic, etc.), anu a list of 84 peisonality tiaits. They
weie askeu to pick out five oi six tiaits which they thought weie typical of each gioup.
I$%9?#%: Theie was consiueiable agieement in the tiaits selecteu. White Ameiicans, foi example, weie seen
as inuustiious, piogiessive anu ambitious. Afiican Ameiicans weie seen as lazy, ignoiant anu musical.
Paiticipants felt they weie able to iate ethnic gioups with whom they hau no peisonal contact.
R"';?9%/"': Ethnic steieotypes aie wiuespieau, anu shaieu by membeis of a paiticulai social gioup.
Katz anu Bialy iepeateu theii ieseaich in 19S1 anu 1967.
I$%$.);@ =1.?9.#/"'
The Katz anu Bialy stuuies weie uone in the 19Su's anu it can be aigueu that cultuies have changeu since
then anu we aie much less likely to holu these steieotypes. Latei stuuies conuucteu in 19S1 anu 1967 founu
changes in the steieotypes anu the extent to which they aie helu. In geneial, steieotypes in the latei stuuy
tenueu to be moie positive but the belief that paiticulai ethnic gioups helu paiticulai chaiacteiistics still
existeu.
Also, it shoulu be noteu that this stuuy has ielieu entiiely on veibal iepoits anu is theiefoie extiemely ?"2 /'
$;"?"6/;.? 1.?/:/#*. }ust because paiticipants in a stuuy will tiot out steieotypes when askeu uoes not mean
to say that people go aiounu acting on them. People uo not necessaiily behave as though the steieotypes aie
tiue.
The limiteu infoimation that the expeiiments aie given is also likely to cieate :$-.': ;@.).;#$)/%#/;% (i.e.
paiticipants figuie out what the expeiiment is about anu change theii behavioi, foi example give the iesults
the psychologist wants).
Finally, theie is the pioblem of %";/.? :$%/).>/?/#* with questionnaiie ieseaich - people may lie.
(#9:/$% .': C@$")/$% "' (#$)$"#*+$%3

<)./' "5 #)9#@S @*+"#@$%/% (R.-+>$??H LMTU)
- Theoiy that states that an expeiience with an inuiviuual fiom a gioup will then be
geneializeu to the gioup
- Campbell states that steieotypes oiiginate fiom:
A peison's expeiience with anothei peison oi obseiving a gioup's uistinctive patteins of
behavioi
The communication of those expeiiences to othei people by the gatekeepeis.

B??9%")* R"))$?.#/"' DV.-/?#"' W </55"):H LMUTE
- Claim that illusoiy coiielation foims steieotypes.
- B??9%")* ;"))$?.#/"' is when we see the ielationship one expects between two vaiiables
even though it uoes not exist
- This is especially tiue foi a ielationship between minoiity gioups anu negative behavioi.


V.-/?#"' W </55"): DLMUTE peifoimeu an expeiiment in oiuei to test the illusoiy coiielation
theoiy:

- Paiticipants ieau uesiiable anu unuesiiable tiait aujectives about the membeis of one
majoiity gioup anu one minoiity gioup.
Piopoitionally, theie weie the same amount of uesiiable anu unuesiiable tiaits foi each
gioup
They founu that aftei the expeiiment in the evaluative tasks, paiticipants ovei-estimateu the
fiequency of unuesiiable tiaits in the minoiity gioup.
- This uemonstiates illusoiy coiielation, because theie was no association between the tiaits
anu the gioup membeiship
- Illusoiy coiielations can leau to people iemembeiing infoimation that confiims the expecteu
ielationship.
- This is uue to ;"'5/)-.#/"' >/.%! oi when one favois infoimation that suppoits theii
pieconceptions.

R"@$' DLMXLE
- Peifoimeu an expeiiment to ueteimine whethei steieotypes can affect the memoiies of
people.
- Paiticipants weie shown a viueo, anu half weie tolu the woman in the viueo was a waitiess;
half weie tolu she was a libiaiian.
- When paiticipants iecalleu uetails about the viueo, they iemembeieu uetails that seemeu to
be consistent with the commonly accepteu steieotypes of the caieeis.
Those who thought she was a libiaiian weie moie likely to iemembei she woie glasses,
Those who thought she was a waitiess weie moie likely to iemembei hei uiinking alcohol.
Theiefoie, steieotypes can affect the type of infoimation we focus on anu what we iemembei.

F)/[email protected] DLMXTE
- Stuuieu eyewitness iuentification anu founu that White people aie moie likely to steieotype
Afiican Ameiicans than othei Whites in eyewitness iuentification.
- This is likely uue to oui tenuency to view people that belong to oui gioup moie favoiably,
while we tenu to view membeis of othei gioups as having unuesiiable qualities.


Theiefoie, steieotypes can leau to biases, uistoition, geneialization, anu they can unconsciously
affect oui juugment anu memoiy, which in tuin can affect oui behavioi.


Essay Tips


Explain the foimation of steieotypes anu theii effect anu behavioui

For this question, you'll first need to introduce the idea of stereotypes and define stereotypes. Next
explain the theories of stereotype formation and how this might lead to behavior, e.g. social
categorization and SIT, relating to specific research studies. Refer to question by using specific research
studies and linking them to their effect and behavior. Conclusions might include a discussion of whether
stereotypes are good or bad, or perhaps their role in prejudice (see later).

B'#)":9;#/"'

LY B'#)":9;$ #@$ /:$. "5 %#$)$"#*+$%
0ui social woilu is veiy complex anu thus piesents us with too much infoimation.
Since oui capacity to piocess infoimation is limiteu, oui social woilu neeus to be simplifieu.
0ne way to avoiu this infoimation oveiloau is thiough social categoiisation.
The infoimation is useu in social categoiisation is steieotypes.

ZY 4$5/'$ (#$)$"#*+$%
A "steieotype" is a mental iepiesentation anu a foim of social categoiization maue about specific
inuiviuuals oi a gioup anu its membeis.
0nce a set of chaiacteiistics is useu to uesciibe a gioup of people, those chaiacteiistics aie often
attiibuteu to all membeis of the gioup, thus affecting the behavioui of the people oi inuiviuual who
holu the steieotype, anu those who aie labelleu by a steieotype.
uenuei, iace, political stance, anu peisonality contiibute to the steieotypes we place on otheis, but
they aie geneially baseu on iace anu genuei.

NY </1$ $A.-+?$H /' #$)-% "5 D[E W DGE %#$)$"#*+$%
This geneialization may eithei be positive oi negative, baseu on ceitain gioup membeiship oi
physical attiibutes, howevei most steieotypes of touay aie negative, exaggeiating the quality anu
cognitively-associating such tiait to all inuiviuuals that aie pait of the gioup leauing to
uisciimination anu piejuuice, thus incieasing self-esteem about themselves anu theii in-gioup.
Foi example, white people can"t uance; black people aie stupiu anu uncivilizeu; }ewish people aie
gieeuy; women aie oiganizeu, etc.
Bowevei, some positive steieotypes may exist such as, Asians aie intelligent; Chiistians aie goou
people; women aie bau uiiveis; olu people have giey haii, etc.

\Y (#$)$"#*+$% .)$ %/-/?.) #" %;@$-.%
Steieotypes aie now also aigueu to be a schema piocess that conuitions those who holu the
steieotype anu also those labeleu aftei the steieotype, as they aie oiganizeu inteinal
iepiesentations of inuiviuuals anu oi gioups, theiefoie guiuing how people act towaius them.

Q./' ($;#/"': Theoiies of steieotype foimation --> leauing to affecteu behavioui

1. Introduce theories of stereotype formation
Theie aie seveial theoiies on the uevelopment of steieotypes, incluuing social categoiization giain
of tiuth hypothesis, anu illusoiy coiielation. 0lu Theoiy - Social Categoiization & Social Iuentity
Theoiy. Eailiei on, Tajfel (1971) aigueu that steieotypes uevelopeu thiough a natuial piocess of
social categoiization, which is when people categoiize gioups of people baseu on common tiaits oi
chaiacteiistics. Bowevei, this uoes not explain how it actually happens.
2. Introduce stereotype threat, as a result of categorization
Thiough categoiization anu by being pait of thoughts iesistant to change, steieotypes have a
tiemenuous potential to affect a ceitain gioup"s behavioui negatively, which can be explaineu by
steieotype thieat. Steieotype thieat occuis when one is in a situation wheie theie is a thieat of
being juugeu oi tieateu steieotypically, oi a feai of uoing something that woulu inauveitently
confiim that steieotype. Steele (1997) claims that the steieotypes" of piejuuice is the cause of
spotlight anxiety, an emotional stiess that inhibits a steieotype-taigeteu inuiviuual's peifoimance.

3. Supporting Research
Steele (1997)
Q$#@":3 Auuiesseu stuuents who weie affecteu by "emotional uistiess" anu piessuie that may
unueimine theii school peifoimance
,/':/'6%3 Those that weie unuei the steieotype thieat often unuei-peifoimeu, which can theiefoie
natuially "limit theii euucational piospects."
R"';?9%/"'3 This shows how behavioui can be affecteu by steieotypes in that it manipulates how
people think anu theiefoie act.
R"''$;#/"' "5 %#9:* #" ]9$%#/"'3 Steieotype thieat can affect the membeis of any social oi cultuial
gioup, if the membeis believe in the steieotype. Theiefoie believing in such steieotypes can haim
the peifoimance of these gioups, cause them to unueipeifoim anu fulfill the steieotype.
Aronson and Steele (1995)
To investigate the effect of stereotype threat on performance in a test.
Q$#@":3 uave a Su minute veibal test to Afiican Ameiican anu Euiopean-Ameiican paiticipants.
Testeu two gioups of the paiticipants anu tolu one gioup that it was an aiticulation test whilst the
othei gioup was tolu it was a laboiatoiy task.
,/':/'6%3 Afiican Ameiicans scoieu lowei than the Euiopean Ameiicans when they weie tolu it
was an aiticulation test but when tolu it was a laboiatoiy test the Afiican Ameiicans scoieu highei
than the Euiopean Ameiicans.
R"';?9%/"'3 Shows that steieotype thieat can affect an inuiviuual's peifoimance in a task.

Connection of study to question: These studies can explain why some racial and social
groups believe they are more or less intelligent than others.

4. Grain of truth hypothesis

R.-+>$?? DLMTUE states that theie aie two keys to steieotypes anu aie foimeu thiough, +$)%"'.?
$A+$)/$';$% with the gioups anu people we steieotype 6.#$ ^$$+$)% (paients, meuia, othei
membeis of oui cultuie) . This is what foims his giain of tiuth hypothesis, in which he aigueu that
expeiiences aie geneializeu anu passeu on to gioups, as a iesult of an expeiience shaieu with an
inuiviuual of the gioup oi steieotype that aie categoiizeu to. Bowevei, this theoiy has been
ciiticizeu, since eiiois in attiibution aie common.

5. Illusory Correlation (Social Cognitive Theory)
V.-/?#"' .': </55"): DLMUTE aigueu insteau that steieotypes foimeu thiough a type of cognitive
bias, "a peison"s tenuency to make eiiois in juugment baseu on cognitive factois," which is known as
illusoiy coiielation.

(%)*+"+,# .+/! 0/& .# $#1#,/*" "% !"#$#%"&'#!
Aftei illusoiy coiielations aie foimeu, people actively seek to confiim anu suppoit theii beliefs by
looking foi eviuence in a "biaseu" way, which is known as confiimation bias. Illusoiy coiielation
comes in many foims such as cultuially baseu piejuuice about social gioups. Cognitive bias may
cause us to ieinfoice pieviously uevelopeu steieotypes Theiefoie making this bias, "steieotypical
thinking iesistant to change."

2*"$%345# 6#& !"43&7

A stuuy uone by V.-/?#"' .': </55"): DLMUTEH aigueu that steieotypes aie a iesult of an illusoiy
coiielation, because "people see a ielationship between two vaiiables even when theie is none," e.g. "blonus"
oi "women," etc. That is, foi example, that people can foim "false associations between membeiship of a
social gioup anu specific behaviouis."

J$* (#9:* L3 V.-/?#"' W </55"): DLMUTE

P/-
To investigate illusoiy coiielation of gioup size anu negative behavioui.
Q$#@":
Reseaicheis askeu paiticipants to ieau uesciiptions about two maue-up gioups (uioup A) anu (uioup B).
Besciiptions weie baseu on a numbei of positive anu negative behaviouis.
uioup A (majoiity gioup) - twice as many membeis than B; peifoimeu 18 positive anu 8 negative
behaviouis.
uioup B (minoiity) - peifoimeu 9 positive anu 4 negative behaviouis.
Askeu to attiibute behaviouis to gioup.
I$%9?#%3
Although theie was no coiielation between gioup membeiship anu the types of behaviouis exhibiteu by the
gioups, in that the piopoition of negative anu positive was the same foi both gioups, the paiticipants uiu
seem to have an illusoiy coiielation.
Noie of the unuesiiable behaviouis weie attiibuteu to the minoiity uioup B, than the majoiity of uioup A.
R"';?9%/"'3
The finuings aie baseu on the iuea that uistinctive infoimation uiaws attention.
uioup B membeis anu negative behaviouis aie both numeiically fewei anu theiefoie moie uistinct than
uioup A membeis anu negative behavioui, theiefoie, stanus out moie than the combination of uioup A
membeis peifoiming such behaviouis causing illusoiy coiielation.

89+! !"43& !9%:! "9/";;;

Eviuence foi illusoiy coiielation, as the paiticipant's hau foimeu an illusionaiy coiielation between the size
of the gioup. 0#@$) (@")#$) (9++")#/'6 (#9:* N3 (*':$) .': (2.'' DLMUXE - stuuy of confiimation bias

Q$#@":
In a ieseaich stuuy by Snyuei anu Swann (1978), female paiticipants weie tolu that they woulu meet a
peison who was eithei intioveiteu oi extioveiteu.
They weie askeu to piepaie a set of questions foi the peison they weie going to meet.
I$%9?#%3
The stuuy showeu that the paiticipants wiote questions that weie consistent with whom they weie
expecting to meet.
R"';?9%/"'3
Reseaicheis concluueu that the questions askeu confiimeu paiticipants" steieotypes of each peisonality
type.

(%**#5"+%* "% <4#!"+%*7

=1/:$';$ 5") /??9%")* ;"))$?.#/"'Y
This belief is biaseu, because we pay attention to behaviouis that confiim what they believe about a gioup
anu ignoie those behaviouis contiaiy to theii beliefs.

R"';?9%/"'
These stuuies show the foimation of steieotypes accoiuing to the social cognitive theoiy, social
categoiization, giain of tiuth hypothesis anu illusoiy coiielation.
Shows how steieotypes simplify oui social woilu anu how as the stuuies uemonstiate, steieotypes aie wiuely
helu to evaluate geneialise a gioup of people.
Steieotypes may leau to uisciimination anu piejuuice anu affect the behavioui of those who cieate the
steieotype anu also those who aie steieotypeu.
Fiom this, it can be concluueu that steieotypes most often negatively affect oui behavioui; howevei moie
ieseaich has to be maue in oiuei to investigate how steieotypes aie foimeu anu how they affect behavioui.


I$5$)$';$%

Abiams, B. (2u1u) Piocesses of piejuuice: Theoiy, eviuence anu inteivention, Equality anu Buman Rights
Commission Reseaich iepoit S6
http:www.equalityhumaniights.comuploaueu_filesieseaichS6_piocesses_of_piejuuice.puf

Aionson, Elliot (2uu7), "Elliot Aionson", in Linuzey, uaiunei; NcKinley Runyan, William, A Bistoiy of
psychology in autobiogiaphy, volume 9, Ameiican Psychological Association, pp. S-42, ISBN 978-1-59147-
796-9

Castano, E. & uinei-Soiolla , R. (2uu6), "Not Quite Buman: Infiahumanization in Response to
Collective Responsibility foi Inteigioup Killing", }ouinal of Peisonality anu Social Psychology, 9u,
8u4-818 Abstiact available: http:psycnet.apa.oigjouinalspsp9uS8u4

Fiske, S. T. (2004). Social beings: A core motives approach to social psychology. New York: Wiley.
Fiske, Susan T.; Tayloi, Shelley E. (2uu8). Social cognition: fiom biains to cultuie. Boston: Ncuiaw-Bill
Bighei Euucation. ISBN 9780073405520.

<.#$%H VY_Y W (#$$?$H RY QY DZ``ME A C0NvERSATI0N WITB CLA0BE N. STEELE "#$%$&#'($ *+%$,# ,-. /0,12
31+4$5$6$-#H 49 F"/% I$1/$2H a"?9-$ T3Z pages 2S1-271
http:enjoypsych.wikispaces.comfileviewInteiview%2uwith%2uSteele_Steieotype%2uThieat.puf2222
S2118Inteiview%2uwith%2uSteele_Steieotype%2uThieat.puf
<"55H 7YPYH 4.1/$%H 7Y<YH W (#$$?$H RY QY DZ``XE The Space Between 0s: Steieotype Thieat anu Bistance in
Inteiiacial Contexts. }ouinal of Peisonality anu Social Psychology vol. 94, No. 1, 91-1u7
http:www.inuiana.euu~atlanticwp-contentuploaus2u1111uoff-et-al-The-Space-Between-0s-
Steieotype-Thieat-anu-Bistance-in-Inteiiacial-Contexts.puf
Beibeit, }. & Stipek, B. (2uuS). The emeigence of genuei uiffeience in chiluien's peiceptions of theii
acauemic competence. }ouinal of Applieu Bevelopmental Psychology, 26(S), 276-29S.
http://cepa.stanford.edu/content/emergence-gender-difference-children%E2%80%99s-
perceptions-their-academic-competence#sthash.D916Hxpy.dpuf


(;@-.:$)H CYH b"@'%H QYH W ,")>$%H RY DZ``XE An Integiateu Piocess Nouel of Steieotype Thieat Effects on
Peifoimance. Psychological Review, volume 11S, No. 2, pages SS6-SS6
http:www.ncbi.nlm.nih.govpmcaiticlesPNC2S7u77S
(#)"$%%'$)H (YH W <"":H RY DZ`L`E STERE0TYPE TBREAT: AN 0vERvIEW EXCERPTS ANB
ABAPTATI0NS FR0N REB0CINu STERE0TYPE TBREAT.0Ru
http:www.aiizona.euusitesaiizona.euufilesuseisusei14Steieotype%2uThieat%2u0veiview.puf
a.?$'#/'$H <Y W Q;4"'.?:H BY DZ``\E Stonewall 0iganisation: 0nueistanuing Piejuuice & Bisciimination
http:www.stonewall.oig.ukuocumentspuf_covei__content.puf

Extension work:

V9$>'$)H CY PY DZ``ME What Reseaich Says About. . . Encouiaging uiils to Puisue Nath anu Science
Teaching foi the 21st Centuiy, volume 67, Numbei 1 Pages 9u-91
http://www.ascd.org/publications/educational-leadership/sept09/vol67/num01/Encouraging-
Girls-to-Pursue-Math-and-Science.aspx

(%*!+3#$ "9# =4#!"+%*> To what extent is piejuuice biological, cognitive, anu sociocultuial. See
hanuout on topic 7-$8#9 :4#+ ,..4#4&-,0 ;&<%1$; ,-. %$=$%$-1$;>
?8#$-;4&- @<$;#4&-A

To what extent is piejuuice biological, cognitive, anu
sociocultuial.

Stereotype
A cognitive process whereby people categorize others
Prejudice
An attitude that is combination of emotion and cognition
Discrimination
Treating someone differently based on his or her membership of a group,
rather than on individual merit.

It is clear that no one factor (biological, cognitive, sociocultural) completely
explains the origin of prejudice or how to reduce it.

The origins of prejudice are multi-factorial.

The interaction of the three levels of analysis demonstrates the problems of
looking at any one factor in isolation. Society and culture may teach certain
stereotypes and prejudices which influence the way people perceive or think
about minorities or outsiders.


The interactionist approach to racism

Biological factors


Response from the amygdale
Evolutionarily advantageous, to protect our genes from the out-
group
Cognitive factors


Availability heuristics
The role of perception
Cognitive dissonance
Sociocultural factors



Stereotyping
Fundamental attribution error
Contact hypothesis



Biological research on the origins of prejudice

Hart (2000)

Findings: when white and black participants were given brief subliminal
glimpses of faces of individuals from other ethnic groups, both showed
increased activity in the amygdale, the part of the brain that is responsible
for processing emotional responses to stimuli.

Evaluation: The participants reported having no noticeable change in their emotional state during the
study.

Fiske (2007)

Procedures:
1. Participants were placed into an MRI scanner and then
shown a series of photos.
2. These photos included people with disabilities, rich
businessmen, older people, US Olympic athletes, and
homeless people.

Findings: when participants showed homeless person, their brains set off a series of reactions
associated with disgust. An area in the brain called the insula was activated, which is usually a
response to non-human objects such as a garbage and human waste.

Evaluation of biological research
1. Since prejudice has an emotional component, it means that cognitive factors play a strong
role in determining whether one actually acts in accordance with these immediate brain
responses.

2. One of the concerns is the use of correlational research. Correlational studies do not
demonstrate causality, and can lead to bidirectional ambiguity.

Cognitive research on the origins of prejudice

Tversky and Kahnemann (1982)
People make many judgments based on the availability heuristic that is, they
base decisions on the information that is most readily available.

Example: In the Czech Republic, if the discussions in the media and in social
settings focus on the stereotypical poverty and crime rate among the gypsy
populations, even without any personal experience, a businessperson may decide
that a gypsy would not be right for a job at their company.

It could be due to schema processing since people use schemas to process social information.

Tedeschi and Rosenfield (1981) Impression management theory
Much attitude change is seen as an attempt to avoid social anxiety and embarrassment, or to
protect the positive view of ones own identity.

Devine (1989)

Even when a person considers himself or herself to be low in prejudice, when put into contact
with a member of a stereotyped group, the person will immediately react according to the
cultural norms.
Sociocultural research on the origins of prejudice

Sherif (1961)

Aim: to see if the creation of groups alone would lead to conflict between two
groups of boys aged 11 and 12 years.

Procedures:

1. The groups were carefully chosen to make the participants as homogenous as possible.
(They were all healthy, slightly above-average intelligence, European American, Protestant, and
socially well-adjusted)

2. The boys were sent off to a summer camp, where the researchers were posing as the camp
staff.

3. The boys were divided into two teams. Then, the groups engaged in a series of activities in
order for them to bond.

4. The teams competed against each other in a series of games. As the game continued, the
boys began to freely insult members of the other group,
and there were acts of aggression against the other team.

5. In order to diminish the hostility between the groups, the researchers established
superordinate goals that is, they created an urgent situation
which affected both groups, and which needed all of them to participate in order for the problem
to be solved.

Findings: by having to work together, the individual group identities were broken down, and a
new, more inclusive group identity was created, and the boys now began to cooperate
peacefully.
Contact hypothesis
It has sometimes been held that merely by assembling people without
regard for race, color, religion, or national origin, we can thereby destroy
stereotypes and develop friendly attitudes.
-Allport (1956)-



Conclusion: To what extent is prejudice biological, cognitive,
and sociocultural?
It is clear that no one factor completely explains the origin of prejudice or how to reduce it.
The origins of prejudice are multi-factorial. The interaction of the three levels of analysis
demonstrates the problems of looking at any one factor in isolation. For instance, BLA states
that prejudice has an emotional component, which means that cognitive factors play a strong
role in determining whether one actually acts in accordance with these immediate brain
responses. On the other hand, according to impression management theory (CLA), much
attitude change is seen as an attempt to avoid social anxiety and embarrassment, or to
protect the positive view of ones own identity. At last, SLA says that society and culture may
teach certain stereotypes and prejudices, which influence the way people perceive or think
about minorities or outsiders. These learned perceptions may induce physiological arousal
that may lead to hostile emotions against the out-group.

,9)#@$) )$.:/'6 %* "9# (";/.? 7%*;@"?"6* "5 7)$89:/;$ %* "9# 2$>3
1. Learn about social identity theory by reading this article Social Psychology of
Intergroup relations by Henri Tajfel, available at
http://web.comhem.se/u68426711/8/tajfel86.pdf

2. To learn more about the latest research on intergroup contact listen to this
radio discussion featuring Professor Miles Hewstone director of the Oxford
Centre for the Study of Intergroup Conflict
www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b01j5mym

3. Also read this interview with Professor Hewstone in the Guardian at
http://www.theguardian.com/society/2007/sep/05/guardiansocietysupplem
ent.communities

4. Find out what it is like to be part of a research group by visiting the website
at http://ocsic.psy.ox.ac.uk
Teu Talks on Piejuuice:
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...from the fact that we play with one legal hand tied behind our backs, and once you get past
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necessarily mean that we have anything in common.
http://www.ted.com/talks/io_tillett_wright_fifty_shades_of_gay.html

Elyn Saks: A tale of mental illness -- from the inside
... myself. A message to the entertainment industry and to the press: On the whole, you've done
a wonderful job fighting stigma and prejudice of many kinds. Please, continue to let us see
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http://www.ted.com/talks/elyn_saks_seeing_mental_illness.html