Danish Kings and The Jomsvikings in The Greatest Saga of Óláfr Tryggvason

DANISH KINGS AND THE JOMSVIKINGS IN THE GREATEST SAGA OF LFR TRYGGVASON
BY LAFUR HALLDRSSON
VIKING SOCIETY FOR NORTHERN RESEARCH

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON 2000
2000 lafur Halldrsson ISBN:978 0903521 47 5
The translation is by Anthony Faulkes
The cover illustration is of the great runestone at Jelling in Jutland, which dates from circa 980. According to the inscription it was raised by Haraldr Bluetooth in memory of his father Gormr and his mother yri.
Printed by Short Run Press Limited, Exeter
CONTENTS
PREFACE ............................................................................................ 4 TEXT ................................................................................................... 5 NOTES .............................................................................................. 34 SOURCES ......................................................................................... 85 THE COMPILERS METHODS ...................................................... 92 MANUSCRIPTS ............................................................................... 93 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS .................................. 94 INDEX OF NAMES .......................................................................... 99
PREFACE
In The Greatest Saga of lfr Tryggvason (lTr) it is told in chs 6670 how the emperor Otto the Young (Otto III, 9831002) took his army to Denmark, defeated King Haraldr Gormsson and introduced Christianity into the country. Before this account there are six chapters (chs 6065) which tell of the kings of the Danes before the time of Haraldr Gormsson. These six chapters form a kind of preface to the section about the introduction of Christianity, and are in a different style and orginally derived from different sources. The material in chs 72, 8486, 88 and 90 is a continuation of this section (chs 6070) taken partly from Heimskringla and partly from a text which is ultimately derived from Jmsvkinga saga. This material, chs 6070 and the parts of chs 72, 8486, 88 and 90 that are not derived from Heimskringla, is printed below. The text is taken from the writers edition of lTr, re-collated with the main manuscript of the saga, AM 61 fol. (A), and amended from other manuscripts where there are obvious errors in A. All such emendations are noted at the foot of the page and the manuscript readings in the footnotes are marked with the same sigla as in the edition in Editiones Arnamagnan (Series A, vol. I, abbreviated lTrEA I). The manuscripts are these: A: AM 61 fol. B: AM 53 fol. C1: AM 54 fol. D1: AM 62 fol. D2: GKS 1005 fol., Flateyjarbk. The text is printed in normalised spelling, but in two respects the orthography of the manuscripts has been followed more closely than is customary: z (rather than sk or zk) is used for middle voice forms and i is used universally in place of j. Where the verb gera in the main manuscript is written with e or the abbreviation for er in the first syllable, this spelling is retained, but is printed where the verb is spelled with io or i. The italicised figures at the beginning of each passage indicate the page and line numbers of the corresponding text in lTrEA I. The figures in brackets in the text refer to the following numbered notes in which an attempt has been made to identify the compilers sources and to indicate parallels in other works.
TEXT
117.1132.8 CHAPTER 60 Sv er sagt at Arnlfus ht mar heilagr; hann var fyrst iarl Saxlandi, en san erkibyskup Mezborg. Hans son var Angses hertogi Frakklandi. Hann tti Begm Pippnsdttur. Pippn ht son eira, hans son Karl fair Pippns Frakkakonungs, four Karlamagnss keisara. (1) Karlamagns var konungr yfir Frakklandi fiogur r ens fira tigar, en san var hann keisari tlf r Rmveria. (2) hans dogum vru eir stlkonungar at Miklagari Michael, Nicefrus ok Le. (3) Karlamagns konungr tti Hildigardn drottningu. (4) eira son var Hlover. Hann tk rki eptir four sinn ok var keisari *siau r ok tuttugu.1 Hann lk aldregi n hl. (5) eim tma er Karlamagns var konungr, r fyrir Itlandi s konungr er Godefrdus ht. Hann drap Hrrek Frsahofingia og skattgildi Frsi. (6) San fr Karlamagns konungr me mikinn her mti Godefrd. var Godefrdus drepinn af silfs sns lii, (7) en Hemingr brurson hans tekinn til konungs. (8) Hemingr helt fram liinu til mts vi Karlamagns konung, ar til er eir funduz vi er *Egdera2 heitir. ar sttuz eir. (9) En Hemingr andaiz vetri sar. (10) geruz konungar at Itlandi *Sigfrr3 frndi Godefrdi, en annarr ht Hringr anulo. eir deilu um rkit ok drgu bir her at sr. Um sir ttu eir mikla orrostu, ok lauk sv at hvrtveggi4 fell. eiri orrostu fellu tu sundir ok nu hundru ok firir tigir manna. (11) tk konungdm s mar er Haraldr ht. (12) Hann var fimm vetr konungr r hann bariz vi Reinfrdum, son Godefrdi. eiri orrostu ht Haraldr v til sigrs sr, ef hann kmiz r orrostu eiri, at5 taka skrn me ollu skuldalii snu. eim bardaga fkk hann sigr ok fr litlu sar me konu sna ok Hrek brurson sinn ok mikit Danali til fundar vi Hlov son Karlamagnss er var keisari. Var Haraldr skrr ok hans menn Meginzuborg dogum Paschalis pfa.6 Fr Haraldr aptr Danmork ok me honum
1 thus 2 thus
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BC1, .xxv. r A, x r ok xx D1,2. BD1; Ega AC1, egdreraD2. 3 thus D1; Sigfdr A, Sigrodr B, Sigraud C1, sigfro de D2. 4 hvrtveggi] + ei ra A. 5 at] + hann skylldi A. 6 pfa] + ens fyrsta me v nafni postulegu sti D1,2.
lfs saga Trygvasonar
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Ansgarus byskup, ok skri hann ar margt manna. (13) Haraldr var sttdaur (14), en Hrekr frndi hans tk konungdm ok r fyrir Itlandi, ar til er Guthormr brurson hans bariz vi hann. var liit fr holdgan vrs herra Ies Krist *tta hundru ra sextigir ok tvau r.7 eiri skn fellu eir bir ok allt konungakyn at er me eim var, tan sveinn einn lifi er Hrekr ht, ok var s konungr san. (15) Ansgarus byskup fr enn Danmork til fundar vi Hrek ok skri hann. Hrekr lt gera kirkiu Rpum, en Haraldr hafi r ltit gera Heiab. (16) Ansgarus byskup andaiz remr vetrum eptir bardaga eira Hreks ok *Guthorms.8 (17) er sagt at Hrekr kastai kristni ok d litlu sar. (18) Eptir at vru konungar heinir, Sigfrr ok Hlfdan. (19) *Rimbertus9 var byskup nstr eptir Ansgarum. (20) tlfta ri hans byskupsdms andaiz Hlover keisari, son Karlamagnss. Hann tti fira sonu er sv htu: Lotharus, Hlover, Karl, Pippn. eir skiptu rki me sr, sv at Lotharus hafi Borgundam ok Lothoringam ok Rmarki, en Hlo ver hafi Frakkland ok keisaranafn, Karl Valland, Pippn Aquitanam. (21) er Rimbertus hafi byskup verit tlf r heriuu Danir ok Normenn land at er Normenn kalla Kerlingaland, en mti eim geri Hlover enn ungi Hloversson. Hann drap af hermonnum firtn10 sundir. (22) En fimm vetrum sar andaiz Hlover. (23) v ri leituu Danir ok Normenn at hefnaz. eir fru me miklu lii upp eptir Rn ok brenndu ar allar borgir ok kirkiur ok hofu ena ztu kirkiu at hrossahsi borg eirri er Aquisgranum heitir. eir brenndu Klni ok allar borgir upp me Rn til Meginzu. (24) geri Karl brir Lothari li mti eim. eir funduz vi er Mosa heitir. (25) Danalii vru eir konungar Sigfrr ok Gufrr ok synir Ragnars lobrkar. eir sttuz vi keisarann ok ltu skraz, en litlu sar rufu eir allt sttmlit ok heriuu vestr Frakkland allt til Parsar en brenndu hana. kom mt eim me mikinn her Arnaldus er var keisari ok drap af eim nu hundru manna. Eptir at stovaiz Danaherr. var liit fr *higatbur11 vrs herra Ies Krist nu hundru *vetra,12 ea nr v. (26) En seytin vetrum sar var Hn
7 thus C1, .dccc.lx.. r A, dccc ra .lx. ok . r B, dccc ok lx ara ok D1, niu hundrud ok lx .ara ok ett r D2. 8 thus BC1, Goorms A, gvttorm s D1, guthorms D2. 9 Rimbertus, amended from Gesta Hammaburgensis; Ramber tus A, RmbirtusB, Runbrtus (!) C1, Rvnbertvs D1,2. 10 x A, x B, rettan C1, D1,2. 11 thus BC1D2, higat bur i A, hegat bvr d D1. 12 thus BC1D1, ara D2, A.
byskup vgr Brimum Saxlandi. (27) tlfta ri aan fr fr Heinrekr, er fyrstr var keisari me v nafni, til Danmerkr ok fri Dani til kristni, bi me blmlum, gnum ok orrostum, ok ltti eigi fyrr en eir htu at taka tr rtta. (28) San fr Hn byskup til fundar vi Fra konung er r13 Itlandi ok skri hann ok alu. vru grvar upp kirkiur r er eyz hofu Heiab ok Rpum. var ok gor kirkia rsi. (29) Eptir at sendi Fri menn til Rmaborgar ok lt vgia ri byskupa til Itlands at ri Agapti pfa. Var Heredus byskup vgr til Heiabiar, en Lvedagus til Rpa, en Rimbrondus til rss. at var nu hundruum firum tigum ok tta rum eptir holdgan vrs herra *Ies Krist,14 tlfta ri konungdms Ottnis ens mikla. (30) ar var fyrr fr horfit konungatali er eir ru fyrir Danmork Sigfrr ok Hlfdan. (31) Eptir r *s konungr fyrir Donum15 er Helgi ht. Hann tti bardaga vi lf Svakonung ok fell Helgi ar, en lfr r lengi san fyrir Danmork ok Svi ok var sttdaur. (32) Eptir hann tku rki Danmork Gyrr ok Kntr, en eptir Siggeirr. (33) CHAPTER 61 (34) er Sigurr hringr, fair Ragnars lobrkar, var konungr yfir Svaveldi ok Danaveldi ok hann hafi friat hvrtveggia rkit ok sett yfir skattkonunga ok iarla, minntiz hann ess rkis er Haraldr hilditonn, frndi hans, hafi tt Englandi ok fyrir Haraldi16 varr enn vfami. (35) En at rki hofu enskir konungar; ht s Ingialdr er r fyrir, ok er sv sagt at hann vri brir *Vestrsaxa-konungs.17 Ingialdr var rkr konungr. Hringr konungr bau t leiangri miklum af rki snu ok fr vestr til Englands. En er hann kom til Norimbralands, beiddi hann sr vitoku. Gekk ar undir hann margt flk. En er Ingialdr konungr spuri at, samnai hann saman her miklum ok fr mt Hringi konungi, ok ttu eir saman nokkurar orrostur. En sustu fell Ingialdr konungr ok Ubbi son hans ok mikill hluti lis eira. Eignaiz Hringr konungr Norimbraland ok allt at rki er tt hafi Ingialdr konungr. (36) En r Hringr konungr fri lii snu vestan af Englandi, setti hann skattkonung yfir Norimbraland. S er nefndr lfr; hann var son Kinriks ess er sagt er at vri
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+ fyrir A, + j D2. BC1D1,2, A. 15 thus BC1D1,2, fyrir dnum sa konung r A. 16 thus C1, har AB. 17 thus BC1, petrs saxa konungs A. Different text in D.
14 thus
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brurson Maldar digru, mur vars vfama. Fr Hringr konungr aptr til rkis sns. lfr konungr r lengi Norimbralandi, *allt18 ar til er son Ubba konungs kom til rkis. S er nefndr Eava. ttu eir lfr margar orrostur, ok enni sustu fli lfr konungr, en Eava lagi rkit undir sik. lfr konungr fr til Sviar fund Hrings konungs. Setti Hringr konungr lf hofingia yfir Itland. Var lfr *ar lengi san19 skattkonungr, fyrst Hrings konungs, en san Ragnars lobrkar. Hann var kallar lfr enski. (37) Hans son var Grmr gri er konungdm ok rki tk eptir four sinn. Grmr var fair Aulfs oflga er skattkonungr var Itlandi Ragnars lobrkar. Sonr Aulfs ht Gormr, er enn var skattkonungr Itlandi. Hann var kallar Gormr enn heimski. (38) Gormr konungr tti marga rla, en nokkurir af rlum hans hofu verit sendir til *Hollsetulands20 at kaupa ar vn, ok fluttu eir vnit morgum hestum. En er eir fru sunnan yfir skg ann er Myrkvir er kallar, tku eir sr nttbl skginum. Logn var vers. Um nttina er rlarnir voku, heyru eir barnsgrt morkina. En um morgininn er lsa tk, fru rlarnir morkina at leita barnsins, en skgrinn var bi rongr ok myrkr. At lykum nlguuz eir barnsgrtinn. eir fundu ar barn sveipat lndk. Dkrinn var knttr saman bristinu. En er eir leystu kntinn, vru ar rr gullhringar. Barnit var vafit undir silkidk. at var sveinbarn hit frasta. eir tku upp barnit ok hofu me sr, ar til er eir fundu Gorm konung. Sndu eir honum barnit sv bit sem eir hof u fundit. Konungr is svein ann vatni ok gaf nafn ok kallai Knt af knti eim er barnit hafi me sr. Fddiz sveinn s upp hir Gorms konungs. Hann var snimma vitr ok vel at rttum binn umfram flesta menn er ar landi vru. Gormr konungr tti engan son. Hann unni *sv mikit Knti fstra snum21 at hann tk Knt sr sonar sta ok viri hann meira en alla frndr sna, sv at hann gaf Knti konungdm eptir sinn dag. essi var kallar Kntr hinn fundni. Gormr konungr r ekki lengi fyrir londum. Hann var sttdaur. En r hann andaiz lt hann Knt taka til konungs yfir rki at allt er hann hafi *tt22 Itlandi. Var Gormr konungr heygr at fornum si.
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BC1, A. B, konung r lengi sian ar A, ar sidan lengi C1. 20 thus BD1, holldsetu A, holltzetalandz C1. 21 thus BC1D1, knuti fostra sinum sva mikit A. 22 thus BC1, haft A.
lfs saga Trygvasonar CHAPTER 62
Kntr konungr lt stefna ing fiolmennt. v ingi lsti hann fyrir alu at ann mann innlenzkan ea tlenzkan er honum kunni satt at segia um tterni sitt skyldi hann gera auigan ok rkan. etta spuriz va um lond. Sv er sagt at einu kveldi komu til hirar Knts konungs tveir saxneskir menn. En er eir nu at tala vi konung, mlti s er fyrir eim var: Er at me sannindum, herra, at r hafi heitit eim manni miklu rki er r kynni at segia tt na? Konungr segir at at var satt ok sr um at at skal hann vel efna. Gestrinn mlti: Skulu enna kost iafnt eiga rlar sem frilsir menn? Konungr segir at at skal allt at einu. mlti gestrinn: at er r, konungr, fyrst at segia, at ek ok essi minn forunautr erum rlar iarls eins Saxlandi, en vit kunnum sannliga at segia r tt na. Armfermir iarl r fyrir Hollsetulandi. Vru vit rlar hans ok trnaarmenn. En sv bar til at iarl gat barn vi systur sinni ok var v leynt ar til er hn fddi barnit. San var barnit sveipat silkidkum ok kntt tan at lndki ok ar knttir rr gullhringar. San var sveinn s fenginn hendr okkr at vit skyldim tna. En vit frum skginn Myrkvi ok brum barnit langt skginn ok logum nir undir viarrtr. Gengum fr san. Sogu essir menn oll sonn merki til hvar eir hofu barninu komit, sv at hinir rlarnir konnuuz vi, er sveininn hof u fundit. Kntr konungr gaf enum saxneskum rlum at leysa sik me til frelsis. Ba san koma til sn. eir geru sv. En er eir kmu oru sinni aptr til Knts konungs, gaf hann frelsi snum rlum, eim er hann hofu fundit. Gaf hann hvrumtveggium leysingiunum iarldma ok geri alla rka menn, sem hann hafi heitit. aan af var hann kallar rlaKntr. Hann tti son ok lt kalla Gorm eptir fstra snum. (39) rla-Kntr r ekki lengi rki ok var hann frgr konungr. Eptir at var til konungs tekinn Gormr son hans. Helt hann rki af sonum Ragnars lobrkar ok var mest krleikum vi Sigur orm auga. Hann fstrai son Sigurar ok Bliu dttur Ellu konungs. Gormr is ann svein vatni ok gaf nafn ok kallai hann eptir Knti fer snum. S var san kallar Hor a-Kntr, vat ar heitir *Hor Itlandi23 sem hann var fddr. (40) CHAPTER 63 Synir Ragnars lobrkar vru hermenn miklir. eir hefndu four sns ok drpu Ellu konung Englandi. Geriz varr enn beinlausi konungr yfir
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BC1D1,2, hor da lan di A.
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eim hluta Englands er r hofu tt hans ttmenn ok frndr. Hann ik rki sitt marga vega. Hann lt drepa hinn heilaga Eatmund konung ok lagi undir sik rki hans. Sv er sagt at Lobrkarsynir hafi rekit mestan herna forneskiu um oll essi lond: England, Valland, Frakkland, Saxland ok allt t um *Lumbari.24 Sv kmu eir fremst at eir unnu borg er Lna *heitir.25 Ok um hr tluu eir at vinna Rmaborg. En er eir kmu aptr * rki sitt, 26 skiptu eir *rkinu me sr.27 Tk Biorn irnsa Uppsalarki, Svi alla ok hvrttveggia Gautland ok oll au lond er ar liggia til. Sigurr ormr auga hafi *Eygotaland28 ok allar eyiar, Skni ok Halland. Hvtserkr hafi Reigotaland ok ar me Vinland. Sigurr ormr auga tti Bliu dttur Ellu konungs. eira son var HoraKntr, sem fyrr er ritat. Hora-Kntr var konungr Danmork eptir Sigur four sinn Selundi ok Skni. er Hora-Kntr var fullti at aldri ok kvngar, gat hann son vi konu sinni. ann lt hann heita Gorm eptir Gormi fstra snum, syni Knts hins fundna. Gormr son rla-Knts hafi verit allrkr konungr, vat hann helt alla Danmork af Ragnarssonum er eir vru hernai. er Gormr son Hora-Knts x upp var hann allra manna frastr snum eira er menn hofu st ann tma. Hann var mikill mar ok sterkr ok hinn mesti atgervimar um alla hluti. En ekki var hann kallar vitr mar eptir v sem verit hofu hinir fyrri frndr hans. (41) er Gormr var roskinn mar at aldri fekk hann konu eirar er yri ht. Hn var dttir Haralds iarls af Itlandi, er kallar var Klakk-Haraldr. yri var kvenna frust ok vitrust. Ok at er mlt at hn hafi verit mestr skor ungr af konum Norrlondum. Hn var kollut yri Danmarkarbt. KlakkHaraldr iarl var kallar vitrastr eira manna er vru Danmork. En san er Gormr tk konungdm ok rki eptir Hora-Knt four sinn, hltti hann miok rum Haralds iarls mgs sns ok yri konu sinnar. (42) Gormr konungr fr me her sinn at rki *Danmarkar er var kallat29 Reigotaland, en n er kallat Itland, hendr eim konungi er r ar fyrir. S var nefndr Gnpa. eir ttu saman nokkurar orrostur. En sv lauk at Gormr felldi ann konung ok eignaiz allt hans rki. v nst fr Gormr
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C1, lungbar iAD1,2, lunbardi B. B, het AC1. 26 thus BC1, A. 27 thus B, me ser iki sino A, med ser rikinu C1 28 thus BC1, egipta lan d (! ) A. 29 thus BC1 (Danmarkar] danmerkr C1), idanmr k er kallat er A.
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hendr eim konungi er Silfraskalli var kallar ok tti vi hann fri ok orrostur, ok hafi Gormr konungr iafnan sigr, ok um sir felldi hann ann konung. Eptir at gekk hann upp Itland ok fr sv herskildi, at hann eyddi ollum konungum allt sur til Sls, ok sv vann hann rki mikit Vinlandi. Margar orrostur tti *hann30 vi Saxa ok geriz enn rkasti konungr. (43) Gormr konungr gat tv sonu vi konu sinni yri. Ht hinn ellri Kntr, en hinn yngri Haraldr. Kntr Gormsson var allra manna frastr ok fegrstr snum er menn hafi st. Hann var ok *sv31 okkasll, fyrst at upphafi, at konungr unni honum umfram alla menn, ok ar me var hann *sv32 skapfelldr ollu landsflkinu, at hvert barn unni honum. Hann var kallar Kntr Danast. Haraldr var lkr murfrndum snum. yri mir hans unni honum eigi minna en Knti. (44) CHAPTER 64 varr enn beinlausi var konungr Englandi langa fi. Hann tti ekki barn, vat sv segiz at hann hefi til ess enga fst n eli, en eigi skorti hann spek n grimm. Hann var ellidaur ar Englandi ok var ar heygr. vru dauir allir Lobrkarsynir. (45) Eptir at tk konungdm Englandi Aalmundr Ithgeirsson, brurson Eatmundar hins helga, ok kristnai hann va England ok tk skatt af Norimbralandi, er heiit var. Eptir hann *var33 konungr Aalbrikt. Hann var gr konungr ok var gamall. (46) hans dogum ofarliga kom Danaherr til Englands, ok vru eir brr hofingiar fyrir liinu, synir Gorms hins gamla, Kntr ok Haraldr. eir heriuu va um Norimbraland ok logu undir sik margt flk. Tolu eir at arftekiulond sn er tt hofu Lobrkarsynir ok *r34 arir margir eira forellrar. Aalbrikt konungr hafi lisamna mikinn ok fr mti eim. Hann hitti fyrir noran Kliflond ok drap af Donum margt *manna.35 Nokkuru sar gengu Gormssynir upp vi Skaraborg ok boruz, ok ar hofu Danir sigr. Eptir at fru eir sur me landi ok tluu til Irvkr. Gekk ar undir allt flk. Uggu eir ekki at sr. (47)
30 thus 31 thus
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BC1, Gormr A. BC1, A. 32 thus BC1, A. 33 thus BC1D1, var AD2. 34 thus BC1D1 (after arir B, after margir C1, ok adr mar gir adrir D1), A 35 thus BC1, nor manna A.
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Einn dag var skin heitt, ok fru menn sund milli skipanna. En er konungar vru sundinu, hlipu menn af landi ofan ok skutu . *Var 36 Kntr lostinn oru til bana. eir tku lkit ok fluttu t skip. En er etta spuru landsmenn, drz egar herr mikill saman. Ok v nst kom Aalbrikt konungr, ok sneriz til hans allt at flk sem r hafi gengit undir Dani. San nu Danir hvergi landgongu fyrir samnai landsmanna. Fru Danir brott ok heim til Danmerkr. (48) Gormr konungr var staddr Itlandi. Haraldr fr egar hans fund *ok37 sagi mur sinni tendin. Gormr konungr hafi ess heit strengt at hann skyldi deyia ef hann spyri frfall Knts sonar sns, ok sv s er honum segi daua hans. lt yri tialda hollina grm vamlum. En er konungr kom til bors, * ogu allir38 eir er inni vru. mlti konungr: Hv egia hr allir menn? Eru nokkur tendi at segia? svarar *drottning:39 r, herra, ttu hauka tv; var annarr hvtr, en annarr grr. Hinn hvti haukrinn hefir flogit langt eyimork. Ok er hann sat tr nokkuru, kmu margar krkur ok plokkuu hann sv at *allar fiarar eru af honum,40 ok er n *ntr fuglinn.41 En hinn gri *haukr42 er aptr kominn, ok mun hann n drepa fugla til bors yr. mlti konungr: Sv drpir n Danmork sem daur s Kntr son minn. svarai drottning; Sonn munu essi tendi *er43 r segi, herra. Sonnuu at allir eir er inni vru. (49) ann sama dag tk Gormr konungr stt ok andaiz annan dag at iafnlenginni. hafi hann verit konungr tu tigi vetra. Haugr mikill var orpinn eptir Gorm konung. var tekinn til konungs yfir Danaveldi Haraldr son hans, ok var hann lengi konungr san. (50) CHAPTER 65 (51)
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Hlo ver keisari Hlo versson, sonarson Karlamagnsar, rkti me brrum snum, sem fyrr er ritat, *sextn r ok tuttugu.44 (52) Eptir at rkti Karl son hans ellefu r me brrum snum tveim; ht annarr Karlmannus,
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BC1, a var AD1. BC1D1, en A. 38 thus BC1, ogu allir menn AD1. 39 thus BC1D1, drotnin gin A. 40 thus BC1D1 (fiadra r allar D1), af honu m ero allar fiarar A. 41 thus BC1D1, fuglinn v nyttr A. 42 thus A, haukrinn BC1, fvglnn D1. 43 thus BC1D1, sem A. 44 written xvi. r ok xx. B, .xxx. (+ ok D1,2) .vi. r AD1,2, tolf ar ok tuttugv C1.
37 thus
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en annarr Hlover. (53) ann tma byggiz sland. r fyrir Danmork Gormr enn gamli, en Haraldr enn hrfagri *fyrir45 Nregi. (54) Eptir Karl Hlo versson rkti Arnaldus son Karlmanni tlf r, Hlo ver son Arnoldi tlf r, Konrr Konrsson siau r. Hann var fyrstr keisari eira manna er eigi vru at langfegatali komnir fr Karlamagnsi. Eptir Konr rkti Heinrekr tin r, Ott hinn mikli keisari *ritigi ra ok tta46 r, Ott hinn raui son hans nu r, Ott hinn ungi son Ott hins raua tin r. ann tma var Haraldr Gormsson konungr at Danmork ok Nregi, ok Hkon Hlaaiarl helt af honum rki Nregi, sem fyrr er sagt. Var vintta eira g; sendi Hkon iarl Haraldi konungi einu sumri sex tigi hauka, [. . .] (55) CHAPTER 66 (56) 132.1115 Ott keisari er hinn ungi var kallar strengi ess heit at hann skyldi sna Donum til rttrar trar ef hann mtti, ella skyldi hann fara me allan sinn styrk ok afla * Danmork47 ri sumur samt *ok eya ar allt,48 ef hann *fengi49 eigi kristnat fyrr.50 Eptir essa heitstrenging sendi hann [. . .] (57) 133.11134.15 Grir konungr bert at hann tlai at halda her eim til mts vi Ott keisara. CHAPTER 67 Ott keisari dr her saman um vrit Saxlandi. Hann hafi mikit li ok frtt. Helt hann til Danmerkr um sumarit. Funduz eir Haraldr konungr skipum. eir logu egar til orrostu ok boruz allan ann dag til ntr. ar fell fioli lis af hvrumtveggium ok fleira af keisaranum. En er ntta tk settu eir riggia ntta gri til ragerar ok virbnaar hvrumtveggium. En er rir ntr vru linar, *51 gengu land hvrirtveggiu
45 thus 46 thus
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BC1D2, AD1. C1, .xxx.viij. A, xxx ra ok v B, xxx. ok viij (atta D2) D1,2. 47 thus BC1, A. Different text in D1,2. 48 thus B, med her ok eyda ar allt C1, A. Different text in D1,2. 49 thus BC1D1,2, giti A. 50 fyrr] + ok her ia ar A. 51 thus BC1, AD1,2.
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ok biogguz til bardaga. Gengu san saman fylkingar ok var hin harasta skn. Veitti keisaranum ungt ok fell miklu fleira hans li. Ok er lei daginn brast fltti li hans, ok flu eir til skipa sinna. Sv er sagt at Ott keisari sat hesti um daginn ok bariz allfrknliga. En er meginherrinn tk at flia, rei hann ok undan til skipanna. Hann hafi hendi mikit spit gullrekit ok alblugt upp at hondum. Hann setti spitit siinn fram fyrir sik ok mlti htt: v skt ek, sagi hann, til allsvaldanda gus, at annan tma er ek kem til Danmerkr skal ek geta kristnat land etta ea lta lfit *ella52 ok liggia hr daur Danaveldi. Ott keisari *st53 skip sn me sitt li ok fr heim til Saxlands ok sat ar um vetrinn. (58) En Hkon iarl var eptir me Danakonungi ok hofu eir mikla rager. Ltu eir efla at niu *Danavirki.54 (59) CHAPTER 68 135.2135.10 [. . .] Flutti keisarinn allan ann her t Danmork. er keisarinn spuri at Hkon iarl var Danmork ok tlai at beriaz mti honum me Haraldi konungi, sendi hann iarla sna tv; ht annarr Urguritr en annarr Brimisskiarr; eir skyldu fara *til Nregs55 me ri tigi kugga hlana af mon num ok vpnum at kristna ar landit mean Hkon *iarl vri56 brottu. CHAPTER 69 Hkon iarl hafi verit Danmorku me Haraldi konungi um vetrinn. En er eir spuru at Ott keisari var kominn Danmork me mikinn her, [. . .] 136.2123
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Borgarhli var hveriu hundrai fama ok ar kastali yfir til varnar virkinu, vat brat var yfir dkit fyrir hveriu borgarhlii. [. . .] (60) 137.1213 Sneri keisarinn fr at sinni ok fr me sinn her til skipa sinna. [. . .]
52 thus 53 thus
C1, ABD1,2. BC1D1, steig AD2. 54 thus BC1D1,2, dana uelldiA. 55 thus BC1, Nreg AD2, j mot D1. 56 thus BC1D1,2, var A.
lfs saga Trygvasonar CHAPTER 70 (61) 138.19142.14
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[. . .] Eptir at helt lfr konungr skipunum sur me Danmork ok allt sur til Sls, vat hann spuri at ar var fyrir Ott keisari ok me honum *Brizlfr57 Vinakonungr, mgr lfs, ok at me at eir urftu lis vi. (62) En er lfr fann keisarann bau hann at veita honum li me alla sna sveit. Keisarinn leit vi honum ok spuri hverr hann vri. Hann svarai: vant er *nafn mitt58, herra. Ek heiti li. Keisarinn mlti: ert mikill mar ok hamingiusamligr, ok allir nir menn snaz mr frknligir, ok vil ek sannliga iggia yra lisem. Keisarinn tti *59 hsing vi rgiafa sna ok *alla60 hof ingia. Hann sagi sv: Lti , gir hofingiar, ok gefi r til hveriar framferir *vr skulum hafa,61 vat oss er *vandi mikill62 til handa kominn, af v at allr essi hinn mikli herr er hr er saman kominn er miok vistalauss, en Danir hafa kvikf sitt ok allt annat gz at er eir eiga flutt undan oss *angat63 landit sem eir ikkiaz helzt geyma mega fyrir vrum hernai, sv at essum megin Danavirkis m *ekki64 finnaz eira gz, at er til mannfu megi hafa. Vr hofum n tt hr nokkurar orrostur ok veitir oss erfitt at vinna land etta. N gefi r til hveriu vr skulum fram fara, sv at vr haldim sm vrri. En er keisarinn htti at tala, ogu flestir, en eir sem svoruu, sogu at tveir *vru65 kostir til: s annarr at hverfa fr ok fara heim rki sitt, ea66 drepa fararskita sna til virlifnaar flkinu. Keisarinn svarai: essum rum liggia strir meinbugir, vat at er hit mesta kristnispell skrum mon num at eta hross, eim er o ruvss mega lengia lf sitt. En ef vr gefum n upp str etta, at sinni, ok forum heim rki vrt, kann ek at si, at aldri fm vr annan tma meira her ea frara at vinna Danaveldi. En mr silfum hin mesta sm ok hfa at naz tr minni, vat ek hefi v heitit gui upp tr mna at ek skal essu sinni annathvrt f kristnat Danmork ea deyia hr ella.
57 thus 58 thus
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C1D1,2, bor izlafr A, bur izleifr B. BC1D1,2, mtt nafn A. 59 thus BC1D1,2, A. 60 thus BC1D1, ara A, D2, 61 thus BC1D1,2, hafa ska l A. 62 thus BC1D1, mikill vandi AD2. 63 thus C1D1,2, after flutt A. Reworded in B. 64 thus BC1D1,2, eigi A. 65 thus BC1D1,2, vri A. 66 ea] + at A.
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Fyrir v vil ek hvrtveggia etta r nta. En heyra vilium vr hvat hinn nkomni hofingi, li, leggr til. li svarai: at ferr saman um hagi mna, herra, sem eigi er hentaz. Ek *em67 ragerarmar ltill, en ek hefi sv mikinn metna rum mnum, at ek mun hr leggia til me ollu ekki, tan r, herra, ok allir yrir rgiafar heiti v at hafa at ok halda er ek legg til. Keisarinn itar v, ok allir eir htu at hafa at r sem li legi til. mlti li: at er mitt hit fyrsta r, at r leiti angat fulltings sem ngt er til *ok heiti hifnakonung68 at allr herrinn fasti sex dgr til ess at s gu er alla hluti hefir skapat gefi oss at sigraz Donum ok lta yr fram koma snu rendi, v sem r fari me. v nst vil ek at allr herrinn fari skg ann er nstr er Danavirki, ok skal hverr mar hoggva *sr69 limbyri ok bera undir virkit, ok sim san hvat tiltkiligast ikkir. N var gr rmr gorr at v er li mlti, ok lofai allr herrinn essa rager. Ok um morgininn snimma fru menn skg ok bru viinn at virkinu s um kveldit. En hinn nsta dag eptir geri li at r, at eir tku vatskerold oll au er eir fengu ok fylldu upp af spnum ok bru tioru, gru san til *valslongur.70 (63) En hvat sem eir hofuz annat at, lt li suman herinn skia at virkinu sem eir kmuz vi me skotum ok griti. En eir mttu ekki *ganga71 at virkinu um daga, vat Hkon iarl hafi sett fiola manns alla kastala, r hann fr fr, at veria borgina, ef enn kynni herr at *at72 koma. Um kveldit s slgu keisarans menn eldi vatskeroldin, eptir tilskipan la, ok slngu at virkinu. Lk eldrinn skitt tior gaa spnu kerol dunum. En er loganum sl t um keroldin, festi brtt liminu er eir hofu borit undir virkit. Verit hafi verit um daginn kyrrt ok biart. En um kveldit geri sunnanvind hvassan ok urran ok tk at styrma sv sem nttai. N sem limit tk at loga, en stormrinn st at borginni, festi eldinn brtt kostulunum, er af tr vru grvir, ok sv var *ok73 va borgarveggrinn af vium. Var eldsgangrinn sv mikill at hvat logai af oru, sv at um morgininn eptir s engi lkindi Danavirkis nema gritit. [. . .]
67 thus
C1, er ABD1,2. B, ok heitid a him na gud C1, A. Different text in D1,2. 69 thus BC1D1,2, A. 70 thus BD1,2, vgir e. slaungur A, or vagsi slongur C1. 71 thus BC1D1,2, skia A. 72 thus C1D1,2, AB. 73 thus BC1D2, A. ok vium] veggrnirD1.
68 thus
lfs saga Trygvasonar 142.15143.2
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Var hermonnum eigi lengi vistaskortr, vat ar var ngt bf Dana til strandhoggva. En er Haraldr Danakonungr spuri at Danavirki var brennt ok Ott keisari kominn Itland me allmikinn her, [. . .] 143.8144.3 Popp ht byskup s er var me keisaranum. Hann tali tr fyrir Haraldi konungi ok sagi morg strtkn almttigs gus. En er byskup hafi talat gus erendi bi langt ok sniallt, svarai Haraldr konungr sv: Traur er ek at fyrirlta ann trna sem ek hefi haft ok haldit alla fi ok mnir frndr ok forellrar fyrir mr, sv at ekki fyrirlt ek hann fyrir or yur ein saman, at r tali fagrt ok mikliga, tan r sni ar me opinber tkn, sv at eigi megi vi dyliaz at yr tra s betri ok rttari en vr tra. Popp byskup lt leggia *glandi74 irnsl hgri hond sr ok bar nu fet, sv at allir s. [. . .] (64) 144.35 Haraldi konungi tti mikils um vert er hann s etta. Tk hann tr ok var skrr ok allr hans herr. [. . .] 144.16145.6 Keisaranum tti ragerin la vel hafa gefiz ok spuri enn la hveriu landi hann vri fingi ea hver tt hans vri. li svarar: Ekki skal n dyliaz lengr fyrir yr, herra. Ek heiti lfr. Ek er norrnn at tt. Tryggvi konungr lfsson var fair minn. Keisarinn svarar: Heyrt hefi ek getit four ns, en n meir. N vil ek at farir me mr til Saxlands, ok skal ek gera ik mikinn hofingia mnu rki. li svarar: *Hafi75 r okk fyrir bo yvart, en ek hefi rki nokkut Vinlandi ok ver ek ess at geyma, en giarna vil ek vera vin yvarr. Keisarinn sagi at sv *skyldi76 vera. [. . .] (65) CHAPTER 72 147.516 er Hkon iarl fr austan um Gautland me herskildi spuru iarlar
74 thus 75 thus
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BC1D1,2, logandi A. BC1D1,2, hafit A. 76 thus BC1D1,2, skal A.
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keisarans, Urguritr ok Brimisskiarr, til fera hans ok allar tiltekiur. eir vru Vkinni ok hofu kristnat alla Vkina *norr77 til Landisness. eim tti ekki frivnligt a ba ar Hkonar iarls, ef landsherrin slgiz mti eim me honum. Flu eir brottu me oll skip sn, au er eir hofu angat haft ok tta78 onnur. er Hkon iarl kom Vkina, var hann brtt *vss79 hvat iarlarnir hofu ar at hafz, at eir hofu brotit hof, en kristnat flk allt, at er eir mttu v vi koma. Lt Hkon gera upp hof oll, au er nir vru brotin, ok sendi bo um alla Vkina, at engum manni skyldi hla at halda eim trnai er iarlar hofu boit. [. . .] 147.1719
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Settiz hann fyrst um kyrrt. R hann n einn ollum Nregi ok galt aldregi san skatt Danakonungi. Var hann san at ollu verri ok heinari en r hann var skrr. CHAPTER 84 172.14177.11
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[. . .] ok er sv sagt at Plnatki veitti honum au sr. Plnatki var son Plnis Tkasonar ok Ingibiargar dttur ttars iarls af Gautlandi. Hofu eir frndr, Plnatki ok hans forellrar, rit fyrir Fini langa fi. En er Plnatki geriz landvarnarmar Brizlfs konungs Vinlandi ok hofingi Imsvkinga, setti hann *son sinn80 er ki ht til forra Fini. Hann var iafnaldri Sveins sonar Haralds konungs. Vru eir fstbrr mean eir xu upp bir samt Fini me Plnatka. Mir ka var lof dttir Stefnis er iarl var Bretlandi. ann tma r fyrir Skney Danmorku Haraldr iarl er kallar var Strt-Haraldr. Synir hans vru eir Sigvaldi, Hemingr ok orkell hinn hfi. Sigvaldi var hr mar vexti, langleitr andliti, bignefiar, folleitr ok eygr vel. orkell var manna hstr, frr snum ok rammr at afli. Tfa ht dttir Haralds iarls. r fyrir Borgundarhlmi s hofingi er ht Vseti. Kona hans ht Hildigunnr. eira synir vru eir Bi *hinn81 digri ok Sigurr er kallar
77 thus
BC1D2, alt A, ok nordr D1. + skip A. 79 thus BC1D1,2, var rA. 80 thus C1, .j. A. Lacuna in BD1, different text in D2. 81 thus C1, A.
78 tta]
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var kpa. Dttir Vseta ht rgunna. Hn var gipt ka Fini. eira son ht Vagn. Hann var snemmendis bi mikill ok styrkr, frr snum, heldr dll sku ok hinn mesti ofrhugi er hann roskaiz. Bi murbrir hans var ekki frr snum, eirinn skapi, bi var hann hr ok digr ok sv styrkr at menn vissu eigi at honum yri nokkut sinn aflftt. Sigurr kpa, brir hans, var vnn sinu, fmlugr ok stilltr vel, en oruggr at hug. Hann tti Tfu dttur Strt-Haralds iarls af Skney. essir allir hinir ungu menn sem n var fr sagt, synir Strt-Haralds ok synir Vseta r Borgundarhlmi ok Vagn kason, vru komnir til Imsborgar Vinlandi r en Plnatki var andar ok hofu gengit undir log Imsvkinga, au er Plnatki hafi sett. Ok eigi miklu sar tk Plnatki stt er hann leiddi til bana. Var Sigvaldi, son Strt-Haralds, settr hofingi yfir Imsvkinga. Lei eigi langt r af var gengit logum eira morgu lagi, sv at vru konur longum borginni, sv ok uru verkar ea vg innan borgar me silfum Imsvkingum ok margar arar logleysur. (66) v nst geri Sigvaldi iarl heimanfer sna af Imsborg upp Vinland fund Brizlfs konungs. Brizlfr konungr tti tvr dtr lfi; ht onnur strr, en onnur Gunnhildr. Hin riia hans dttir, at vri ondu, var Geira drttning er tti lfr konungr Tryggvason. strr var fr snum ok kvenna vitrust. Sigvaldi hafi eigi lengi dvaliz me konungi r hann hafi fram sn erendi ok sagi sv: at er yr kunnigt, herra, at vr hofum dvaliz um hr hr landi yr til frelsis ok yru landsflki, vat vr Imsvkingar ok borg vr hefir verit langan tma sv sem lss fyrir yru rki. En vr hofum fyrirltit rki vrt ok eignir Danmork. N yr satt at segia vil ek eigi slkt lengr til ltils vinna. v eru tveir kostir til af minni hendi, at gipt mr stri dttur na, ella munu vr allir Imsvkingar fara brott r borginni heim Danmor k ok geyma eigna vrra. Konungr svarai: at er mr ok mnu rki miok skaaligt at r eyi Imsborg. En dttir mn, strr, er hin vitrasta til allra ragra. Fyrir v mun ek mest hafa hennar tillog hr um, at ek hefi tlat at gipta hana enn tignara manni fyrir nafns sakir heldr en ert. Tk konungr tal vi stri ok sagi henni ru eira Sigvalda. Tala au lengi etta ml tvau samt. Segir hn sv at hn vildi fyrir hvern mun eigi vera gipt Sigvalda. En fyrir nausynia sakir four sns vill hn at honum s eigi fr vsat me eim skildaga sem au gera r um, heldr en eir gefi upp borgina ok alla landvorn. Var Sigvaldi til kallar ok segir konungr sv til hans: at er rager vr at gipta r dttur mna, stri, ef vill sitia hr sem r me alla Imsvkinga til landvarnar. Ok ar me skaltu r en
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essi r *takiz82 koma af oss finliga skatti eim er vr eigum at gialda Danakonungi. En at orum kosti skaltu koma Sveini konungi vrt vald. essu itar Sigvaldi ok ferr vi at heim Imsborg. CHAPTER 85 Sveinn Haraldsson var tekinn til konungs Danmork eptir four sinn. Fr hann egar at veizlum yfir rki sitt. (67) Sigvaldi bz n af Imsborg *ok ferr83 til Danmerkr. Hann hafi ri skip ok hlft annat hundra manna. Lagi hann skip sn til lgis ar nr sem hann spuri at Sveinn konungr var veizlu me sex hundru manna. Sigvaldi lt tengia skip sn hvert fram af stafni annars. Hann lt skita bryggiu land af v skipinu sem nst var landi, en kasta akkeri fyrir hinu yzta. San sendi hann menn konungs fund at Sigvaldi s sikr, sv at hann s miok sv kominn at bana. Ok at *skulu84 r segia me, sagi hann, at ek bi hann koma til mn fyrir skyld, at ar liggr vi allt hans rki ok lf at vit finnimz r ek dey. Sendimenn Sigvalda fara til biarins ok segia konungi allt sem eim var boit. En Sigvaldi sagi mean eim monnum sem skipunum vru hversu eir skyldi breyta ef konungr kmi til eira, at egar er konungr kmi at skip er nst vri landi me ri tigi manna, skyldi kippa t eiri bryggiunni er land l. En er hann kmi miskipit me tuttugu menn, skyldi kippa af eiri bryggiunni er ar var meal skipanna. En ek mun hr liggia, segir Sigvaldi, hinu yzta skipinu, ok skal eiri bryggiu af kippa er hann er hr kominn me tu menn, en san *skulu85 r hafaz at slkt sem ek kann fyrir segia. egar er Sveinn konungr frtti sikleika iarls sv mikinn ok honum vru sog essi erendi oll saman, br hann vi skitt ok fr til strandar me allt li sitt. Fr etta sv allt sem Sigvaldi hafi fyrir *mlt.86 En er Sveinn konungr kom hit yzta skipit, spuri hann hvar iarl l. Honum var sagt at hann l ar lyptingunni. Tialdat var yfir lyptinguna; gekk konungr ar til ok lypti upp tialdinu ok frtti ef hann mtti mla. Hann svarar ok heldr lgt, kvez mla mega, en vera mttltill. Konungr mlti: Hver eru au tindi er sendir mr or um at mr lgi allmikit vi at vita? Hann svarar: Lt at mr meir, at megir skilia hvat ek segi, vat ek er
82 thus 83 thus
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C1, takaz A. C1, A. 84 thus C1, skul ut A. 85 thus C1, skul ut A. 86 thus C1, sagt A.
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lgmltr. Konungr laut allt nir at honum. En iarl greip hann bum hondum ok helt sem fastaz. Var hann * eigi87 allmttltill. San kallai Sigvaldi sna menn, ba ra t ollum skipunum sem kafaz, ok var sv gert. Reru eir brottu me Svein konung ok essa ritigi hans manna sem skipin hofu gengit me honum, en allt annat hans li st eptir strondu, vat engi vru skip nlg. mlti konungr: Hvat er n, Sigvaldi? Viltu svkia mik? Sigvaldi svarar: Eigi vil ek svkia ik, en fara hltr me mr til Imsborgar, en alla viring skal ek veita r ok num monnum sem ek kann. Muntu vita til hvers etta kemr. Konungr mlti: Sv mun n hlita vera at sinni sem vill. Fara eir n ar til er eir koma til Imsborgar. mlti Sigvaldi til konungs: N skaltu vera velkominn ok iggia veizlu er ek hefi ltit ba. Skal ek r ina me allri gvild ok allir mnir menn. Konungr svarar: at mun n lkaz, r v sem at ra er, at ekkiaz at er til smar er gert. N skal ek ok segia r, segir Sigvaldi, fyrir hveria sok ek hefi ik hingat flutt, at ek hefi tekiz at hendr fyrir vinttu sakir vi ik at biia til handa r Gunnhildar dttur Brizlfs konungs, eirar meyiar er ek vissi vnasta ok bezt at sr um alla hluti, vat ek vildi eigi at misstir hins bezta kvnfangs. En mr er fos tnu on nur dttir hans er strr heitir, ok er s frari ok at ol lu minna httar sem vera tti. Hafi Sigvaldi sv rit til sett, at Imsvkingar sonnuu etta me honum. Ok enn sagi iarl til konungs: N er yr, herra, sv at hugsa yvart r, at essa kvnfangs munu r kost eiga, ef r vili at til vinna at gefa upp Vinum finliga skatta, sem eir eiga yr at gialda. En ef vill eigi enna kost, mun ek f ik hendr Vinum. (68) Konungr ttiz n si allt rit eira Brizlfs konungs ok Sigvalda. [. . .] 177.18 fekk Sigvaldi iarl strar. [. . .] CHAPTER 86 178.514 [. . .] ess getr Biarni byskup Imsvkingadrpu, at eir fru til Danmerkr. Hann segir sv:
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87 thus
C1, eigi a A.
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lfs saga Trygvasonar Heldu dreyrgra darra Danmarkar til styrkir, eim gafz rausn ok rki, riendr skipum san, ok aubrotar erfi gnrakkir ar drukku, eim fr ek msum aukaz annir, fera sinna. (69)
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[. . .] Griz glei mikil hollinni. mlti Sveinn konungr: N *eigu88 r Imsvkingar at leita yr gtis v meira sem r eru nafnfrgari en flestir menn arir Norrlondum. eir sogu vst vel fallit at lta eigi sv skitt nir falla glei er konungrinn hafi upp hafit. (70) Sv segir Biarni byskup: Enn vildu einkum oldurmenn at skyldu, slkt eru yrkisefni, gtis sr leita, ok haukligast hefia heitstrengingar gtu, eigi fr ek *at89 ta olteiti var ltil. (71) 179.1927 [. . .] Sv segir Biarni byskup: Heitstrenging fr ek hefia heiptmildan Sigvalda. Bi var orr at auka rkinn *rek90 slkan. Htuz eir af hauri Hkon reka, fkium *grimm91 var frknra fyra fin, ea lfi rna. (72)
88 thus 89 thus
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C1, eigit A. C1, ri A. 90 thus C1, styr A. 91 thus C1, gra A.
lfs saga Trygvasonar 180.1117 [. . .] Sv segir orkell Gslason Badrpu: Bru vali vka, vel fr ek eim lka seggium *snarri,92 sver ok herkli. (73) at var nr vetrnttum. [. . .] (74) CHAPTER 88 182.10183.2
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[. . .] eir hofu hvassan byr ok gengu skipin geyst. (75) Hr segir sv: Kni hvasst hara, hlipu *marir93 bara, hregg hefils vollum, humra fiollum. Bl *94 hronn hlrum, hraut af brimdrum, kili skaut st alda, ur hin svikalda. Ok enn: Bru raukn rasta rekka gefasta, rong at rym randa, til rsis landa. Vi nam *vr95 morgum, vpn eru grimm torgum, ntt gaf nest hrofnum, Nregr skipstofnum.
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92 thus 93 thus
C1, snerreiiA. C1, narir A. 94 thus C1, vo A. 95 thus C1, vii A.
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183.523 [. . .] Sv er sagt at eir hlipu upp Iari ilanttina. (76) S mar var nefndr Geirmundr er ar var fyrir me sveit manna. Hann var ungr ok ttar vel. eir svfu loptskemmu nokkurri. Imsvkingar logu at skemmunni ok *pu96 herp. Geirmundr ok hans flagar voknuu vi p ok vpnabrak, vissu at frir var. Geirmundr klddiz skitt. Hann stok k ofan r loptinu; at var heldr htt hlaup, en kom hann standandi nir. ar var nr staddr Vagn kason ok hi til hans. Kom hoggit hondina ok tk af fyrir ofan lfli. Komz hann vi at brottu. (77) Nimyrkr var . (78) Geirmundr nam staar er hann var skammt kominn fr bnum, vat hann vildi vita hvat her etta var. (79) essar upprsar getr Imsvkingadrpu: Segia raura randa reynendr flota snum ilantt at Iari Imsvkingar kmi. Vru heldr haran herna firar giarnir; riendr buu rki randorma Geirmundi. (80) 184.712 [. . .] Iarl mlti: Hvaan af vissir at ar s heldr Imsvkingar en arir menn? Geirmundr svarar: v vissa ek at eir vru, at einn mar mlti er hondin var hoggvin af mr: Fnai r n, Vagn kason, vat gullhringr fylgi hreyfanum. Ok enn heyra ek nefndan Ba ok fleiri Imsvkinga er ek nam sta skammt fr eim. [. . .] (81) CHAPTER 90 185.20186.8 [. . .] Sv segir Biarni byskup: buu eir at mti eim er sunnan *kmu97 til geirhrar *greppum98 grla Nregs iarlar.
96 thus 97 thus
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27
C1, pti A. BC1, kv mi A. 98 thus BC1, gre ipum A.
lfs saga Trygvasonar ar var mestr mli, morremmandi, skommu, margr var at laufa leiki, landherr saman fundinn. (82) 186.1617 [. . .] ok s mar er ht rmr, mikill kappi. [. . .] (83) 186.20187.4 Sv segir Biarni byskup: Ok hofingiar hraustir heyra menn at vru, at hefir i minnum, rr me flokki hvrum, ar er hreggviir hittuz hilmasks vum, fundr tti s fyra frgr,99 Hiorungavgi. (84) 187.1424
25
12
v nst settu hvrirtveggiu upp merki sn, ok tkz hin grimmasta orrosta. (85) Gekk fyrstu grit ok orvar. Sv segir Badrpu: Herr bar htt merki, Hamis serki grimmt kom l eggia, at *gekkz100 li seggia. Meiddu fior flotna, flest var hlf brotna, glumu grir oddar, grit ok skotbroddar. San hfz hoggorrosta. [. . .] (86)
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24
99 frgr] 100 thus
+ A. BC1, gekk A.
26 188.119
Hrutu fyrir bor margra manna hofu ok arir afhoggnir limir, sem segir Badrpu:
3
Hrutu fyrir bor bi, brustu herkli, hofu ok hendr manna, hr nam vargr kanna. (87) Tveir menn eru nefndir, eir er fru me Imsvkingum r Danmork. eir vru fr v harfengir ok illir vireignar sem arir menn. Ht annarr eira Hvarr hoggvandi, en annarr slkr hlmskalli; hann bitu eigi irn. eir vru stafnbar Ba. (88) Bi var ok allstrhoggr. Sv segir Biarni byskup: Klauf me yggiar eldi *lmr Gull-Bi101 hilma; nir lt hann herar hringserkia bol ganga. Hart r hogg at stra Hvarr lii fyra, vir hefir illr at eiga slkr verit fkium. (89) 188.22189.18
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21
[. . .] Lt Vagn undan sga, (90) en bariz hann me mikilli hreysti ok allir hans menn ok drap margan mann. felldi hann rm, rkan mann ok mikinn kappa er var me Eirki. ess getr Biarni byskup: Vagn hefir orit tum orfengr at bo strangri; me fullhuga frknum fram *gingu102 vel drengir, ars Yggiar li ka sonr hinn rki brtt fr ek hann at hli hugprum rmi. (91)
101 thus 102 thus
24
27
30
GKS 2367 4to, lmr gall Bi ABC1. Konr Gslason 1877, 36, gen gu GKS 2367 4to, A, gengu BC1.
27
var hin kafasta skn um allan herinn, vat Imsvkingar hioggu bi hart ok ttt. (92) Sv segir Badrpu: Neytti herr handa, hr var snorp branda, fst var fr randa til *fiornis103 landa. Fellu fleinborvar, flugu af streng orvar, sungu htt hiorvar vi hlfar gorvar. 190.10191.10 [. . .] Fellu allmiok menn Hkonar iarls, bi fyrir skotum ok griti. Sv segir Badrpu: Gullu hrs haukar, hvassir benlaukar skfu lis leggi, lami grit seggi. Gnustu grir mlmar, gengu sundr hilmar, hauks varat frir fiollum fiornis stollum. (93) En er Hkon iarl s fttaz liit skipum snum ok honum tti vnt at hann mundi f hra hlut essum bardaga tk herr hans hvarvetna at lta undan sga , er sv sagt at hann hafi farit til lands ok bltat til sigrs sr syni snum siau vetra gomlum er ht Erlingr. Hann var hit frasta mannsefni. (94) Sv segir Imsvkingadrpu: Hvarvitna fr ek hola, herr gsti gn darra, fyrir hreggvium hiorva hrkkva, gunnar *rokkum,104 r orva drfu tum grimmr at blta, fram kom heipt en hara, Hkon syni tki. (95)
103 thus 104 thus
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27
30
33
BC1, fiolnis A. C1, rekk vm A.
28 191.18193.4
[. . .] en Bi gekk gegnum fylkingar. (96) ess getr Badrpu: Ba fr ek greitt ganga, gladdiz105 svanr Hanga, vok var goll geira, gegnum li eira. v nst kom Hkon iarl ofan af landi ok gekk t skip sitt. Eggiai hann fast li sitt, sagi eim rinn sigrinn. (97) geri l mikit ok illviri mti Imsvkingum, (98) sem segir Imsvkingadrpu: fr ek l hit illa az Holgabrar; glumi hagl hilmum hara grimmt r norri, ars ormfrn augu tum skiagriti, 106 ni ben blsa, bari hreggi keyru. (99) Sv var haglit strt at hvert haglkornit v eyri. (100) Sv segir hr:
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Hagl v hvert eyri, hraut log dreyri, bl *107 bens rum r bragna srum. ar fell valr va, v s gylld ra, bariz sveit snarla snekkium iarla. ar me ttuz Imsvkingar si konu skipi Hkonar iarls, er rauf verit, ok sndiz eim sem or flygi sem taz af hverium fingri hennar, en hver orin var manns bani. (101) *ar er etta um kveit:108
105 editors 106 thus
27
emendation; gladdi ABC1. GKS 2367 4to og A, vi B, a C1. 107 thus BC1, uo A. 108 thus BC1 (etta] at C1 ), A.
lfs saga Trygvasonar rum r sr snorpum, slkt er raun gorpum, flag hit forlita af fingrum skita. Geriz grimmt fkium at gumnum rkium, gnr var hr hlfa, hregg ok loptdrfa. 193.89 [. . .] vat hann vissi eigi at Sigvaldi hafi hlaupit til ra. [. . .] (102) 193.1018 Sv segir Biarni byskup: var orfum meiri rekforluum iarli, braut fr ek hann at heldi, hugraun, flota snum. Snara ba segl vi hna Sigvaldi,109 byr *koldum110 glumi hronn hfum, hr fell bug va. (103) 193.20-194.4
29
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18
[. . .] essir menn vru skipi Eirks iarls: orsteinn milangr. Hann var hinn mesti hermar. Hafi hann verit missttr vi Hkon iarl, en keypti sik n fri me essu, at hann veitti iorlum li me sna sveit. ar var ok slenzkr mar er ht orleifr skma, son orkels hins auga r Alviru. Hann hafi hoggvit sr rtakylfu mikla fyrir bardagann ok v me henni um daginn. ar var ok Vigfs Vga-Glmsson. Var hann allstyrkr mar. Vigfs s hvar slkr hlmskalli hi til beggia handa ok drap margan mann. Hann hafi enga hlf, vat ekki vpn festi honum. [. . .] (104) 194.617 Var at hans bani. eiri svipan bari orleifr skma Hvar hoggvanda
109 Sigvaldi] 110 thus
21
24
+ i GKS 2367 4to. BC1, klldu A.
30
me kylfunni ar til er hann fell ok var miok beinbrotinn. (105) *essa111 getr alls saman Imsvkingadrpu:
3
ar lt Vigfs vera vegrkinn slki, ann erat orf at segia tt, helfarar veittar. orleifr of vann ykkva rekstrum Hvari, hart v hann me kylfu, hoggrammr brotit leggi. (106) 194.23195.11 [. . .] Sv segir Badrpu:
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*St112 fyrir hf hesti hrfs enn rekmesti gir gunnskra, gladdiz nar sra. Nir kom *bens bra,113 Bi nam sr hvra, fer hykk friar misstu, frkn hond kistu. (107) Sumir menn segia at Sigmundr Brestisson tan af Freyium hafi verit essum bardaga me Hkoni iarli ok hafi hoggvit bar hendr af Ba, er hann hafi r drepit orstein milang. Segia eir er at sanna at Bi hafi stungi stfunum hringa kistnanna ok stigi sv fyrir bor me bar. [. . .] (108) 195.15196.1 Var at lengi at eir nu ekki uppgon gu skeiina. ess getr Imsvkingadrpu:
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24
BC1, ess A. BC1, Steig A. 113 emendation, presumably by Sveinbjrn Egilsson, see SHI I 206.16, Skjd B I 538; byrs bra A, bensara C1.
112 thus
111 thus
lfs saga Trygvasonar Skei fr ek vst at veri Vagn me sna egna; oll vru eira unn skip hroin onnur; upp ni ar eygi engils mar114 at ganga; ofan ru eir gia Eirks menn at keyra. (109)
31
Vagn variz allfrknliga, hi til beggia handa ok drap margan mann, en var hann um sir ofrlii borinn. [. . .] (110) 196.214 Sv segir Badrpu: Felldi Vagn vira, vali of ni stira hrafn enn hvassleiti, hrundi bor sveiti. r ess dla, rymr var hr stla, eyis unngla Eirkr skip hria. (111) eir Vagn vru n bundnir allir er eir kmu land, me v mti at einn strengr var snarar at ftum eim ollum, en hendr eira vru lausar. Stu eir allir samt einni lg. [. . .] (112) 196.1718 [. . .] ok san hvern at hendi. Sv er sagt at allir Imsvkingar mlti hreystior r drepnir vri. [. . .] (113) 196.22197.7 ar vru drepnir tin Imsvkingar. (114) Sv segir:
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114 ni
. . . mar A, nu . . . menn GKS 2367 4to, BC1.
32
lfs saga Trygvasonar ar lt Eirkr ondu tin egar tna, heldr frgum verra, egna, li fyrir Vagni. Mltu hraustar hetiur, haukligt var at fkium, au hafa iir uppi, rttar or, me fyrum. (115)
En er tin vru drepnir [. . .] (116) 197.22 [. . .] Biorn enn brezki [. . .] (117) 197.24199.2 ess getr Biarni byskup: (118) Ok me fiornis flu fr rketill leira, er menbroti mlti mansong um Gn hringa. Geriz hann at hoggva hauklyndan son ka; Vagn gat heldr at hnum heiptorr vegit fyrri. (119) Eirkr gekk at Vagni ok spuri ef hann vildi iggia gri. Vil ek, segir hann, ef ek skal n at efna heitstrenging mna. (120) Sv segir Imsvkingadrpu: Viltu, kva hringa hreytir hyggiu gegn at Vagni, lsvellandi yvart Yggiar lf of iggia? Eigi mun ek nema efna, ungr, at er heit nam strengia, sv kva Ullr at iarli egghrar, fior iggia. (121)
33
Eirkr iarl lt leysa alla r strengnum. (122) Vru tlf eptir af Imsvkingum, eir e gu gri me Vagni, (123) sem Biarni byskup segir: Gri lt orr ok aura Eirkr gefit strum, miok leyfa at iir, egnum tlf me Vagni. (124) 200.59 [. . .] Sv segir Biarni byskup: gekk Ullr at eiga orlyndr rymu randa, menn fstu ess, mta, margir, Ingibiorgu. (125) 200.1415 [. . .] me Ingibior gu konu sna. Settiz hann at Fini ok var gtr hof ingi, ok er mart strmenni fr honum komit. Biorn hinn brezki fr vestr til Bretlands ok settiz ar at eignum snum. (126)
34
Notes
NOTES
(1) The Arnulfus who is here said to have been first jarl in Saxland and later archbishop in Mezborg is referred to in many sources; see, for example, Paulus Diaconus, Liber de episcopis Mettensibus (MGHSS II 264 65). His descendants down to Charlemagne are there traced in the same way as in lTr, though it does not say there that Arnulfus had been jarl in Saxland. The same links are listed in the genealogy of the Carolingians (Domus Carolingicae genealogia, printed in MGHSS II 30809), in the Life of Louis the Pious (Thegani vita Hludowici imperatoris, Quellen V 216.610), and in Annales Marbacenses in a passage which according to the editor (Hermann Bloch, SrG 1907, 2) is taken from Die Legende Karls des Grossen. There and in the Life of Louis the Pious it says of Arnulfus that he had been in iuventute dux (a duke in his youth), but nothing is said of where he had been dux. There is a corresponding genealogy in Veraldar saga (VerJB 70.1115): eSir erv langfedgar Karls ins mikla keisara. Avrnolfr (Arnvlfvs in B-class manuscripts) byskup heilagr af Mettis. Ansigivs hertogi. Pippinvs. Karolvs. hann var konvngr i Fracklandi. hans son var Pippinvs fadir Karlamagnvs keisara. This genealogy in Veraldar saga can hardly be derived from the same source as the text in lTr. (2) Charlemagne was made king on 9 October 768 (ArF 2629), consecrated emperor by Pope Leo on Christmas Day 801 (ArF 112), and died 28 January 814, according to ArF in about the seventy-first year of his life (ArF 140: anno aetatis circiter septuagesimo primo). According to the account in lTr he was king for 34 years and emperor for 12, and thus king and emperor for 46 years altogether, while according to ArF and Nithard (Nithardi historiarum libri iv, Quellen V 386.2628) he was king for 32 years and emperor for 14; according to ArF king and emperor for 46 years and 82 days altogether. (3) In lTr the emperors in Constantinople are called stlkonungar (see also lTrEA I 299, line 36 of the footnotes, I 300.3, II 308.12). The same title is used of them in Veraldar saga (VerJB 70.10) and other sources (Gering XVII 2). sgeir Blndal Magnsson (slensk orsifjabk 965) has pointed out that this title could be derived from Old Slavonic stolny knaz, which was used of the king in Kiev. The names of the emperors in Constantinople, Michael, Niceforus and Leo, could have been taken from, for example, ArF (136, 139 et passim), or from Einhards Vita Karoli Magni: Imperatores etiam Constantinopolitani, Niciforus, Michahel et
Notes
35
Leo, ultro amicitiam et societatem eius expetentes / conplures ad eum misere legatos (Quellen V 186.68: The emperors in Constantinople, Niciforus, Michahel and Leo, who of their own accord sought his friendship and alliance, also sent very many ambassadors to him). (4) Einhard mentions Queen Hildigardis in Vita Karoli Magni (Quellen V 188.16). Her name also appears in ArF and many later sources. (5) Charlemagne had their son Hludowicus (778840; for some strange reason called Hlover in some medieval Icelandic sources, e.g. Resensbk (see note 36), Landnmabk and lTr, see Foote 1959a, 2728) crowned in 813, and so it is correct when lTr says that he ruled for 27 years. The comment in lTr, he never played or laughed, probably originates in the long adulatory description of him in Thegani vita Hludowici. It says there: Nunquam in risum exaltavit vocem suam, nec quando in summis festivitatibus ad laetitiam populi procedebant themilici, scurri et mimi cum coraulis et chitaristis ad mensam coram eo, tunc ad mensuram ridebat populus coram eo, ille nunquam nec dentes candidos suos in risu ostendit (Quellen V 228.1216: He never burst out laughing, nor at the highest festivals, when clowns, jesters and players came before his table for the entertainment of the people, together with pipe- and harp-players, and the people around him laughed proportionately, he never even revealed the whiteness of his teeth in a smile). In Veraldar saga he is described like this: Eptir hann var sonr hans Lvdovicvs keisari .vii. ar ok .xx. hann hlo alldregi at vi er sagt er (VerJB 71.68). The original source is the same as in lTr, but in Veraldar saga a different translation has been used. (6) In lTr the Latin form of the name Godefridus has been kept, but this king was presumably called Gofrr or Gufrr, cf. the text further on at 6.27. He is called rex Danorum (king of the Danes) in ArF 118 and many other sources, but in lTr and following the same source in AnnStorm his rule is limited to Jutland. The rest of what is said of him in lTr accords for the most part with ArF, which has under the year 808: Godofridus vero priusquam reverteretur, distructo emporio, quod in oceani litore constitutum lingua Danorum Reric dicebatur [. . .] (ArF 126: But Godofridus, before he returned, destroyed a trading-place that had been established on the coast and in the language of the Danes was called Reric). This place, said to have been called Reric by the Danes, has not been identified. A little further on, under the year 809, we read: [. . .] Thrasco dux Abodritorum in emporio Reric ab hominibus Godofridi per dolum
36
Notes
interfectus est (ArF 129: Thrasco, the leader of the Abroditi, was treacherously killed by Godofridus men in the trading-place Reric). The person who first wrote down the account that the compiler of lTr used has conflated these two passages into one and misunderstood the place-name Reric, not surprisingly, and invented out of it a Hrrekr lord of the Frisians. Finally, it is said in ArF that the emperor discovered in 810 that Gufrr had taken tribute from the Frisians (ArF 131: [. . .] vectigalis nomine centum libras argenti a Frisionibus iam esse solutas [. . .], that a hundred pounds in silver had alread been paid by the Frisians as tribute). What is said in early Icelandic annals about drp Hrreks Frsahofingja ok Gufrar Jtakonungs (810 in Resens annll, Forni annll, Flateyjar annll and Gottsklks annll, but 809 in Oddverja annll) is derived from the same source as was used by the compiler of lTr. (7) In ArF there is an account of Charlemagnes expedition against Gufrr in 810 which says that while he was waiting with his army, he learned that Gufrrs fleet had returned home: Nam et classem, quae Frisiam vastabat, domum regressam et Godofridum regem a quodam suo satellite interfectum, [. . .] (ArF 131: [It was reported] that the fleet which had been ravaging Frisia had returned home and that King Godofridus had been killed by one of his men). (8) In ArF Gufrrs nephew Hemingr is mentioned under the year 810: Godofrido Danorum rege mortuo Hemmingus filius fratris eius in regnum successit ac pacem cum imperatore fecit (ArF 133: After the death of Godofridus, king of the Danes, his brothers son Hemmingus succeeded to his throne and made peace with the emperor). (9) What is said here agrees with the account of the peace made between Hemingr and Charlemagne in ArF under the year 811, though that account is not included in its entirety in lTr, which only says that they met by the River Eider that year and made peace. In ArF there is the following account of the peace: Condicta inter imperatorem et Hemmingum Danorum regem pax propter hiemis asperitatem, quae inter partes commeandi viam claudebat, in armis tantum iurata servatur, donec redeunte veris temperie et apertis viis, quae immanitate frigoris clausae fuerunt, congredientibus ex utraque parte utriusque gentis, Francorum scilicet et Danorum, XII primoribus super fluvium Egidoram in loco, qui vocatur *Heiligen,1 datis vicissim secundum ritum ac morem suum sacramentis pax confirmatur
1
The A- og B-manuscripts of ArF have a blank for this name.
Notes
37
(ArF 134: The peace agreed between the emperor and Hemmingus king of the Danes was only sworn on arms because of the harshness of the winter which closed the road communicating between the parties until, with the return of the warmer weather of spring, the roads were opened which had been closed by the fierceness of winter and twelve leading men from each side and of each nation, that is the Franks and Danes, met together on the River Eider at a place called Heiligen and exchanged oaths each in accordance with their own rites and customs to confirm the peace). After this there is a list of the names of the leading men of the Franks and Danes who made the peace, which includes two brothers of Hemmingus, Hancwin et Angandeo, whose names were presumably Hkon and Angantr. (10) ArF, under the year 812: Nec multo post Hemmingus Danorum rex defunctus nuntiatur (ArF 136: Not long afterwards the news came that Hemmingus king of the Danes had died). Even though it is not absolutely certain, because of the imprecise wording of ArF (Nec multo post, literally not much later), which year Hemingr died, the writer of the source used by the compiler of lTr has noted that his death is recorded under the year 812 in ArF. (11) The kings whose names are given as Sigfrr and Hringr anulo in lTr are in ArF called Sigifridus and Anulo and this is said of them under the year 812: Cui (i. e. Hemmingo) cum Sigifridus nepos Godofridi regis et Anulo nepos Herioldi, et ipsius regis, succedere voluissent neque inter eos, uter regnare deberet, convenire potuisset, comparatis copiis et commisso preolio ambo moriuntur. Pars tamen Anulonis adepta victoriam fratres eius Herioldum et Reginfridum reges sibi constituit; quam necessario pars victa secuta eosdem sibi regnare non abnuit. In eo proelio _ XDCCCCXL viri cecidisse narrantur (ArF 136: Since Sigifridus, kinsman (nephew?) of King Godofridus, and Anulo, kinsman (nephew?) of Herioldus and of the king himself (i. e. Hemmingus), both wanted to succeed him, and could not agree between themselves which was to rule, they mustered troops, fought a battle and were both killed. But Anulos side won the victory and made his brothers Herioldus and Reginfridus their kings. The defeated side had no alternative but to go along with the rest and did not reject these as their rulers. In this battle it is said that ten thousand nine hundred and forty men fell). Anulo is a problematical name for a Danish king. According to Gustav Storm, Anulo var et almindeligt frankisk Navn [. . .] og ganske svarer til det nordiske Aale (tidligere Anli, opr. Anala) (Storm 1878, footnote 39).
38
Notes
If this is correct, the writer of ArF would have regarded li as the same name as Anulo. If the compiler of the source that underlies lTr regarded Anulo in ArF as a surname (nominative on- stem), it is easy to see why he should have called him Hringr, but odd that he should still let him keep his Latin name as a surname. He must have been good enough at Latin to know that the Latin cognomen was often an on- stem, though the corresponding common noun and adjective followed the first or second declension.2 Herioldus descent is not given in ArF. The number of those said to have fallen in the battle in lTr corresponds exactly with that in ArF. (12) In ArF, under the year 812, Herioldus (Haraldr) and Reginfridus (Ragnfrr) are said to have been Anulos brothers, but this is not stated in lTr. In the last part of the annal for 812 it says that Haraldr and Ragnfrr sent to Charlemagne to ask for peace and requested the release of their brother Hemmingus, who was apparently being held hostage by the emperor: Harioldus et Reginfridus reges Danorum missa ad imperatorem legatione pacem petunt et fratrem suum Hemmingum sibi remitti rogant (ArF 137). Peace was ratified in 813 by a sixteen-man delegation of Danes and Hemmingus was sent back with them (ArF 138). This information is not in lTr, and it looks as though from this point that text is independent of ArF. (13) In lTr it says that Haraldr was fimm vetr konungr r hann bariz vi Reinfrdum, son Godefrdi. The form Reinfridus corresponds to the manuscript designated E 2 (codex Parisinus n. 5942 seculi X) by the editors of ArF (Praefatio xii), see the textual note on 137.17; though admittedly there it is not the son of Gufrr that is referred to. But the sentence itself does not correspond to ArF under the year 814. It says there that the Danish kings Herioldus and Reginfridus had the previous year been defeated and driven from their kingdom by the sons of Godefridus, but had regrouped their forces and attacked again; in this conflict Reginfridus and Godefridus eldest son were killed, but Herioldus fled to the emperor, who told him to go to Saxony: Harioldus et Reginfridus reges Danorum, qui anno superiore a filiis Godofridi victi et regno pulsi fuerunt, reparatis viribus iterum eis bellum intulerunt; in quo conflictu et Reginfridus et unus de filiis Godofridi, qui maior natu erat, interfectus est. Quo facto Herioldus rebus suis diffidens ad imperatorem venit et se in manus illius commendavit; quem ille susceptum in Saxoniam ire et oportunum tempus exspectare iussit, quo ei, sicut petierat, auxilium ferre
2 Eyjlfur
Kolbeins, personal communication.
Notes
39
potuisset (ArF 141: Herioldus and Reginfridus, kings of the Danes, who had the previous year been defeated by the sons of Godefridus and driven from their kingdom, regrouped their forces and made war on them again. In this conflict both Reginfridus and one of the sons of Godefridus, who was the eldest by birth, were killed. After this, Herioldus, despairing of his cause, went to the emperor and put himself in his hands. He received him and ordered him to go to Saxony and wait for an opportune time when he would be able to give him the help he had requested). But in ArF there is no mention either of Heriolduss vow during the battle to be baptized, which is a hagiographic motif, or of his baptism itself until the annal for 826: Eodem tempore Herioldus cum uxore et magna Danorum multitudine veniens Mogontiaci apud sanctum Albanum cum his, quos secum adduxit, baptizatus est; multisque muneribus ab imperatore donatus per Frisiam, qua venerat via, reversus est (ArF 16970: At this same time Herioldus came, with his wife and a large number of Danes, and was baptized at St Albans in Mainz, together with those he had brought with him. He then returned through Frisia, the same way as he had come, with many gifts given him by the emperor). What in lTr corresponds to this passage in ArF, is that Haraldr went with his wife and a large troop of Danes to visit the emperor and that he was baptized in Mainz (Meginzuborg, Mogontiacum). In lTr it is not stated in which year Haraldr was baptized, and this event is not dated otherwise than by being set dog um Paschalis pfa (ens fyrsta me v nafni postulegu sti is added here in D1,2), which is irreconcilable with the date in ArF, for Paschal I was dead in 826 (pope 81724). In ArF it is not mentioned that Haraldr took his nephew Hrekr with him to the emperor, nor that Bishop Ansgar went with him to Denmark. On the other hand Vita Anskarii has a chapter about Ansgars going to Denmark with Haraldr (Quellen XI 3038). Adam of Bremen says that Hrekr, whom he calls Haraldrs brother, had been with him and been baptized at the same time as he: Eodemque tempore rex Danorum Haraldus a filiis Gotafridi regno spoliatus ad Ludewicum supplex venit. Qui et mox christianae fidei cathecismo imbutus apud Mogontiam cum uxore et fratre ac magna Danorum multitudine baptizatus est. [. . .] fratri eius Horuch, ut piratis obsisteret, partem Fresiae concessit (Quellen XI 186.2632: At this same time Haraldr, king of the Danes, having been robbed of his kingdom by the sons of Gotafridus, came to Louis seeking help. He was immediately instructed in the elements of the Christian faith and was baptized at Mainz with his wife and his brother and a large number of Danes. [. . .] He gave his brother Hrekr part of Frisia to defend it from vikings).
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(14) I know of no source for the statement that Haraldr died of sickness, and it may well be that the compiler of the text used by the writer of lTr assumed that this was what became of him because he had found no mention of his having fallen in battle or died in any other way. (15) The Hrekr who is here said to have been kinsman of Haraldr is clearly the Hrekr nephew of Haraldr who went with him to visit the emperor, see above. Annales Fuldenses, under the year 854, has the following passage corresponding to what lTr has about Hrekr and his nephew Guthormr: Ibique inter Horic regem Danorum et Gudurm filium fratris eius, qui eatenus ab eo regno pulsus piratico more vixit, orta contentione ita se mutua caede mactaverunt, ut vulgus quidem promiscuum innumerabile caderet, de stirpe vero regia nisi unus puer nullus remaneret, [. . .] (Quellen VII 46.1216: There (i. e. in Denmark) a conflict took place between Hrekr the king of the Danes and his nephew Guthormr, who had been driven by him from the kingdom and until then had been living as a viking, and they inflicted such slaughter on each other that besides the indiscriminate fall of an innumerable crowd, none was left of the royal line except one boy). The name of the boy who survived of the royal line is not given here, but Adam of Bremen, quoting a source that he refers to as Hystoria Francorum, does name him: [. . .] de styrpe autem regia nemo omnium remaneret preter unum puerum, nomine Horicum (Quellen XI 202.89: [. . .] but of the royal line no one at all was left except for one boy called Hrekr). In lTr it says that the battle between Hrekr and Guthormr took place eight hundred and sixty two years eftir holdgan vrs herra Ies Krist. This calculation relates to the feast of the Annunciation, 25 March. There is thus a difference of eight years in the dating of the battle in AF and lTr. The origin of the dating in lTr is not clear. If the difference is due to misreading of a manuscript, it may be that D.CCC.liu was read as D.CCC.lxii by a copyist (iu read as xii). (16) In Adam of Bremens History it is told how the Danes abandoned Christianity after Hrekr II was made king and that Ansgar then returned to Denmark and baptized him, and that Hrekr then allowed him to build a church in Ribe which was the second church to have been built in Denmark (Quellen XI 202.916). On the other hand it appears from the last sentence under the year 854 in AF that the battle between Hrekr I and Guthormr and their fall are to be seen as a fitting punishment for the evils they had inflicted on the Church: [. . .] Domino sanctorum suorum iniurias ulciscente et adversariis digna factis retribuente (Quellen VII 46.1617:
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Thus the Lord punished the wrongs committed against his saints and made just requital to their enemies for what they had done). This must mean that it was not Hrekr II who drove out priests and closed the churches (Quellen XI 202.911), but Hrekr I. In Vita Anskarii it says that Hrekr (I) allowed Ansgar to build the first church in Denmark in Slesvig, i. e. in Hedeby, and it is on this that Adam based his reference to the building of the first church in Denmark (Quellen XI 80.1019, 198.1115 and 202.1216). (17) Bishop Ansgar died 3 February 865 (Quellen XI 129, footnote 186), which agrees with the statements in lTr that he died three years after the battle between Hrekr and Guthormr and that this battle took place in 862. This indicates that the Icelandic compiler of this text used a source that dated the battle between Hrekr and Guthormr to 862. (18) What is said in this sentence does not agree with any known source and is probably a misunderstanding or misremembering of what is said in Adam of Bremens History, see note 16 above. (19) Sigfrr and Hlfdan are named in AF, under the year 873. It says there that they each sent to Louis II (Louis the German, king of the East Franks) with requests for peace treaties. They are said to be brothers, but it is not mentioned that they were heathen (Quellen VII 88.2436). Adam of Bremen refers to these events, and it appears from what he says that Sigfrr and Hlfdan were heathen. Adam mentions that in Archbishop Rimberts account it does not say who were the kings of the Danes in his time, but that it can be deduced from Hystoria Francorum that Sigfrr and Hlfdan were the rulers (in Denmark). Qui etiam munera Ludvico cesari miserunt, gladium videlicet capulo tenus aureum et alia, pacem rogantes. Et missis utrimque ad Egdoram fluvium mediatoribus pacem firmam ritu gentis per arma iuraverunt (Quellen XI 208.711: They also sent the emperor (!) Louis gifts, a golden-hilted sword and other things, asking for peace. Mediators were sent by both sides to the River Eider and they swore to a steadfast peace by their arms according to the custom of the heathens). (20) Rimbert was archbishop in Bremen 86588 and succeeded Ansgar. The information about him is presumably taken from Adam of Bremen (Quellen XI 20616). (21) Here the compiler of lTr has become confused and conflated two
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Louises into one Hlover. The Hlover who is mentioned here in lTr as having died in the twelfth year of Rimberts archbishopric can only be Louis II, king of the East Franks (84376), who admittedly was not crowned emperor, though he was called keisari by Scandinavians, according to Resensbk. In manuscripts derived from Resensbk, where the division of the kingdom between the sons of Louis the Pious is described, it says: Loduvikus ydsct land. vi calla nordmenn hann keisara (Papp. fol. nr. 76, 10v). But the emperor Louis the Pious (Louis I), son of Charlemagne, who in lTr is called Hlover, died in 840 (Quellen VII 26), and his sons according to Nithardi historiarum libri iv, AF and other sources were Hlutharius, Pippinus, Hludowicus and Karlus, which agrees with lTr. But what it says in lTr about the division of the kingdom between them is not taken direct from AF. lTr is correct in saying that Pippin was king in Aquitania. He died in 838 (Quellen VII 24.1011), but about the division of the kingdom between his brothers in 839, AF has as follows: Post pascha vero mense Maio Wormatiam veniens Hluthario filio suo de Italia in fidem eius venienti reconciliatur regnumque Francorum inter eum et Karlum filium suum minimum dividit, Hluthario quidem, qui maior natu erat, nominis sui dignitatem et sedem regni tribuens, Hludowico vero filio suo minori pro eo, quod eum offenderat, Baioariorum provincia tantum concessa (Quellen VII 24.20-25: After Easter, then, in the month of May, he (i. e. Louis the Pious) came to Worms and was reconciled with his son Lothair who had come from Italy to demonstrate his loyalty, and divided the kingdom of the Franks between him and his youngest son Charles. But Lothair, who was older by birth, he dignified with his own title and granted him the throne of his realm, while to Louis, his younger son, because of his displeasure with him, he only granted the province of Bavaria). Later in AF there is an account of the Treaty of Verdun in 843 (Quellen VII 30.2328), where the three brothers who still survived divided the kingdom between them, but this is not the source of the details in lTr. There is more similarity between lTr and the text of Adam of Bremen, which has the following: Tandem mediante papa Sergio pax inter fratres convenit, regnumque divisum est in tres partes ita ut Lotharius maior natu cum Italia Romam, Lotharingiam cum Burgundia possideret, Ludvicus Rhenum cum Germania regeret, Karolus Galliam, Pippinus Aquitaniam (Finally peace was agreed between the brothers by the mediation of Pope Sergius, and the kingdom was divided into three parts, so that Lothair, the eldest, was to have Italy including Rome, Lotharingia together with Burgundy, Louis was to rule the Rhineland together with Germany, Charles Gallia, Pippin Aquitaine). As regards this text, it should be noted that
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Pope Sergius II was not involved in this treaty and that the Pippin mentioned here was the brothers nephew, Pippin II (Quellen XI 194.2630 and footnote 127 on p. 195). (22) Rimbert, as was said above, became bishop in 865 and so had been bishop twelve years in 877. AF mentions raids by Danes and Norwegians neither in 877 nor in 878. Normenn in lTr is doubtless a translation of Northmanni in some Latin work, but what Kerlingaland represents is not easy to say (Karlungaland?). (23) Hlover enn ungi Hloversson, i. e. Louis the Young (Hludowicus III iunior), grandson of Louis the Pious, died 882 (Quellen VII 114116). (24) AF, under the year 881, probably deals with both the battles described in lTr, but the account in lTr is not based on AF, which has: Rex (i. e. Hludowicus III, king of the West Franks) cum suo nepote Hludowico (i. e. Hludowicus III iunior (Louis the Young), king of the East Franks) apud villam Gundolfi congruum habuit colloquium; inde transiens omne tempus aestivum in Baioaria moratus est. Nepos vero illius cum Nordmannis dimicans nobiliter triumphavit; nam novem milia equitum ex eis occidisse perhibetur. At illi instaurato exercitu et amplificato numero equitum plurima loca in regione regis nostri vastaverunt, hoc est Cameracum, Traiectum et pagum Haspanicum totamque Ripuariam, praecipua etiam monasteria, id est Prumiam, Indam, Stabulaus, Malmundarium et Aquense palatium, ubi in capella regis equis suis stabulum fecerunt. Praeterea Agrippinam Coloniam et Bunnam civitates cum aecclesiis et aedificiis incenderunt. Qui autem inde evadere potuerunt, sive canonici sive sanctimoniales, Mogontiacum fugerunt, thesauros aecclesiarum et sanctorum corpora secum portantes (Quellen VII 114.1930: The king and his kinsman Louis had a harmonious conference at Gondreville; going on from there he spent the whole summer in Bavaria. His kinsman, however, fought with the Norsemen and splendidly triumphed, for nine thousand of their horsemen are said to have been killed. But when they had renewed their army and increased the number of horsemen they laid waste many places in the realm of our king, that is Cambrai, Maastrict and the district of Haspengau and the whole of Ripuaria, also the principal monasteries, that is Prm, Inda, Stablo, Malmdy and the palace of Aachen, where they stabled their horses in the royal chapel. Moreover they burned the cities of Cologne and Bonn, including churches and other buildings. Those who managed to escape from them, whether clerics or monks, fled
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to Mainz, carrying their church treasures and the relics of the saints with them). There is also an account of the campaign of the viking leaders Sigfrr and Gufrr in Adam of Bremen (Quellen XI 208.22210.18), but his account is not the model for what appears in lTr, nor is what is told of their activities in Annales Bertiniani and Annales Vedastini (printed among other places in Quellen VI). (25) The Charles who attacked the Danes was Charles III, king of Alamannia 87687 and emperor 88187, brother of Louis the Young, and not brother of Lotharius, as it says in lTr. (26) AF, under the year 882, and Reginonis Chronica tell of the treaty of the Danes with the emperor Charles, their breaking of the truce and treachery, and also say that Gufrr had himself baptized as a Christian, but that text is not the source of what is said in lTr. Under the year 886 in AF it is mentioned that the Danes (Nordmannos) had been in Paris, but it is not said that they had burned the city. This is, however, referred to in Annales Vedastini under the years 885 and 886, where there are detailed accounts of the attacks of the Danes on Paris (Quellen VI 308 ff.).The emperor Arnaldus mentioned here is called Arnolfus in AF (Quellen VII 130.89, 132.7 etc.) and Arnulfus in Annales Bertiniani and Annales Vedastini (Quellen VI 278.12, 314.37 etc.); he became king of the East Franks in 887, and he was emperor 89699. What is said here about his battle with the Danes must relate to the battle by the river Dyle in the year 891. The compiler of lTr did not know the actual year and dates the battle imprecisely: nu hundru vetra ea nr v after the birth of Christ. In AF, under the year 891, it says that Sigfrr and Gufrr were killed in this battle, and that one man of the army of Christians fell, but many thousands (tanta milia hominum) of the other side (Quellen VII 15054). (27) Bishop Huno, called Unni in Adam of Bremen, was bishop in Bremen 91836 (Quellen XI 227, footnote 232). In lTr it says that he was ordained bishop seventeen years after the Emperor Arnaldus fought the Danes; this therefore assumes that the battle took place in 901. This agrees with the earlier statement that the battle was nu hundru vetra ea nr v after the birth of Christ and indicates that the chronology of the compiler of the text used by the author of lTr was somewhat out. (28) The twelfth year from the ordination of Bishop Huno was the year 930. Henry I was king and emperor 91936. His Christianisation of Frisia
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and Denmark is alluded to in Widukinds Saxon Chronicle under the year 934: Cum autem omnes in circuitu nationes subiecisset, Danos, qui navali latrocinio Fresones incursabant, cum exercitu adiit vicitque, et tributarios faciens, regem eorum nomine Ghnubam baptismum percipere fecit (MGHSS III 435.3234: And when he had made subject all the surrounding peoples, he invaded the Danes, who had been attacking the Frisians on viking ships, with an army and defeated them, made them tributary, and forced their king, whose name was Gnpa, to accept Christianity). According to lTr Henrys expedition to Denmark was four years earlier, and the wording does not suggest that its text was derived from Widukind. Thietmar dates this expedition of Henrys to 931: Insuper Northmannos et Danos armis sibi obtemperantes fecit et ab errore pristino revocatos, cum rege eorum Cnutone hos Christi iugum portare edocuit (MGHSS III 739.3436: Moreover he made the Northmen and Danes submit to himself by force of arms, and having called them back from their previous false doctrine, he taught them, together with their king, Cnut, to bear the yoke of Christ). Adam of Bremen also mentions Henrys expedition to Denmark: Deinde cum exercitu ingressus Daniam, Vurm regem primo impetu adeo perterruit, ut imperata se facere mandaret et pacem supplex deposceret (Quellen XI 228.1113: Next he invaded Denmark with his army, and with his first attack so completely terrified King Gorm that he committed himself to carrying out his commands and submissively sued for peace). Just before (Quellen XI 226.32228.4), Adam speaks of the king of the Danes Hardecnudth Vurm, who had persecuted Christians. But the king Adam calls Vurm is thought by scholars to have been Gormr the Old, so that it is probably right to assume that Hardecnudth Vurm stands for Gormr Hora-Kntsson (Storm 1878, 50, footnote 1). None of the three works that have been cited here was the direct source of what is said in lTr of Henrys mission to Denmark, and none of them contains the remark in lTr, bi me blmlum, gnum ok orrostum. (29) The Fri who is here said to have ruled over Jutland is named in Danish annals. The text of the Roskilde Chronicle is closely related to lTr: Hec dum agerentur, Hericus rex defunctus est, et in regnum Frothi leuatus est; quem Unni, Bremensis archiepiscopus, baptizauit. Extemplo erecte sunt ecclesie, que pridem destructe sunt, Sleswicensis et Ripensis. Terciam rex in honore sancte Trinitatis apud Arusam edificauit (SMHDM I 17.1014: While these [the raids by the Danes on Frankia and Frisia] were going on, King Eirkr died and and Fri was raised to the kingship. He was baptized by Unni, archbishop of Bremen. Forthwith the churches
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which some time before had been destroyed, in Schleswig [Hedeby] and Ribe, were raised up. A third was built by the king at rhus in honour of the Holy Trinity). In lTr it does not say in which year Bishop Huno went to Denmark, but according to Adam of Bremen, who mentions this visit of his, it was a year or so before he died (Quellen XI 228.18232.8). (30) Agapitus II was pope 94655. What is said here, that the bishops were ordained with the approval of Pope Agapitus, agrees with Adam of Bremen (Quellen XI 236.1525). Adam says that the sees that are named here in lTr were established in Denmark after Haraldr Gormsson was baptized. But while the names of the bishops and of their sees are the same in Adam as in lTr, they are spelled differently, which indicates that the names in lTr were not derived from Adams History: Igitur beatissimus pater noster primus ordinavit episcopos in Daniam, Horitum [Haredum] ad Sliaswig, Liafdagum ad Ripam, Reginbrondum ad Harusam. [. . .] Anno archiepiscopi factum est hoc XII (Quellen XI 236.26238.13: Thus our most blessed father was the first to ordain bishops for Denmark, Horitus [Haredus] to Schleswig, Liafdagus to Ribe, Reginbrondus to rhus. [. . .] This was done in the twelfth year of his [Adaldags] archbishopric). In lTr it does not say how many years passed from when Bishop Huno baptized King Fri and the people of Denmark and the churches were built until the bishops were ordained; it only says: Eptir at sendi Fri menn til Rmaborgar [. . .]. But the establishment of the sees in Denmark is dated nu hundruum firum tigum ok tta rum eptir holdgan vrs herra Ies Krist, tlfta ri konungdms Ottnis ens mikla. Otto I was emperor 93673 and the twelfth year of his kingship was 948. Adam of Bremen, however, dates it to the twelfth year of Archbishop Adaldag (93788). (31) When it says here that the List of Kings was departed from er eir ru fyrir Danmork Sigfrr ok Hlfdan it presumably means that the section Rimbertus Ottnis ens mikla (6.127.11 above) is not derived from the source here referred to as konungatal. Presumably the kings whose names appear in this section, Sigfrr, Gufrr and Fri, were not named in this Konungatal, but all those named from here on, Helgi, lfr, Gyrr, Kntr (Gnpa) and Siggeirr (Sigtryggr), were. (32) Adam of Bremen calls Helgi, king of the Danes, Heiligo, and quotes Sveinn lfsson king of the Danes for the information about his successor: Successit illi Olaph, qui veniens a Sueonia regnum optinuit Danicum vi
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et armis, habuitque filios multos, ex quibus Ghnob et Gurd regnum optinuerunt post obitum patris (Quellen XI 218.1720: He was succeeded by lfr, who came from Sweden and gained the Danish kingdom by force of arms. He had many sons, of whom Gnpa and Gyrr held the kingdom after their fathers death). Also from Sveinn lfsson: Post Olaph, inquit, Sueonum principem, qui regnavit in Dania cum filiis suis, ponitur in locum eius Sigerich. Cumque parvo tempore regnasset, eum Hardegon, filius Suein, veniens a Nortmannia privavit regno (Quellen XI 224.1114: After lfr, he said, the ruler of the Swedes, who reigned in Denmark with his sons, there was appointed in his place Sigerich [Sigtryggr]. And when he had ruled a short time, Hardegon, son of Sveinn, came from Norway and deprived him of the kingdom). lfr who came from Sweden (and who lTr and Adam of Bremen agree fought against Helgi and ruled Denmark long after) is possibly derived from the same sources as lfr Kinriksson, see note 37 below. (33) The king who is here called Kntr is in Widukinds Saxon Chronicle called Chnuba, but Ghnob by Adam. Adam calls Gyrr and Siggeirr Gurd and Sigerich. The names of these kings in lTr were originally taken from a work in Latin. Gyrr is probably correctly named, but the ones who in lTr are called Kntr and Siggeirr were in fact called Gnpa and Sigtryggr. Both their names appear on a runestone found near Gottorp in 1887: sfrr gri kumbl essi dttir inkrs eft Sigtrygg konung sun sinn auk Gnpu (cf. Johs. Brndum-Nielsen, Danske Runeindskrifter, Nordisk kultur VI 127). Later in lTr (10.32) Gnpa is correctly named. (34) With Chapter 61 the sources that were used in Chapter 60 are put aside. It is clear from the beginning of Chapter 61 that the story is here being taken up using a source which has previously told of the forebears of Sigurr hringr, and it appears from what is here said of varr vfami, his grandson, Haraldr hilditonn, and Haraldrs nephew, Sigurr hringr, that this same source was also used in Sogubrot af fornkonungum and in the genealogy which preceded grip af sog u Danakonunga in manuscript (see F XXXV 4671 and 32526; lafur Halldrsson 1990, 7778 and 9091). (35) In Sogubrot af fornkonungum this is said about the rule of Haraldr hilditonn in England: Hann lagi undir sik ann hlut Englands, er tt hafi Hlfdan snjalli ok san varr konungr (F XXXV 57). (36) Ingjaldr brother of the king of the West Saxons is described as follows
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in the English regnal list which is preserved in a copy by rni Magnsson of a manuscript that had belonged to P. H. Resen (Resensbk), and was burned in 1728: Ingeld broder vestr | Saxa konungs. hann var konungr | xxxvi. hann let gora || mustari i Glestin-|ga bvri. sian fo-|ro ei r bader til rvm s | oc on duuz ar | essi ero nofn | langfega ei ra. | Ioppa | Eava [. . .] (AM 1 e II fol., 85v86v). On these kings rni later wrote the memorandum (same manuscript, 82r): Ingeld esse, broder Vestr Saxa konungs, ad vera sa Ingialldr sem fiell fyrir Sigurdi Ringi (vide Olafs S_ gu Tr. sonar) hvers sonarson Eava utflmdi Olaf Kinreksson. VestSaxa konun grinn, broder Ingealldz, ad vera Inas Rex Visi Saxonum et Monarcha Angli qvi vixit 689727. Et illius In frater rever erat Ingesilus, Eopp pater. In Resensbk and lTr the king of the West Saxons, brother of Ingeld, is not named. In the Anglo-Saxon regnal list which was translated and used in Resensbk, he is called Ine (Faulkes 1977, 179). He is also mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, first under the year 688, where it is said that he became king and ruled 37 years, and under 726 it is said that he went to Rome. His brother Ingild is said to have died in 718. He is never called king in the Chronicle and nothing is said of him other than that he was Ines brother and father of Eoppa father of Eafa (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle I 4 and s. a. 718, 855). There are no sources for his having at any time been king in Northumbria. His son and grandson, who are called Ubbi and Eava in lTr, are only named in genealogies and in the AngloSaxon Chronicle. It may be considered certain that the compiler of the source of lTr found the names of these people in some source of AngloSaxon origin and made them into kings of Northumbria, but failed to realise that Ingild, brother of Ine, king of the West Saxons, died in 718, when neither Danes nor Norwegians had begun to raid in England and Sigurr hringr had not yet been born if indeed he ever had any existence except in books. (37) lfr, who in lTr is said to be son Kinriks ess er sagt er at vri brurson Maldar digru, mur vars vfama, and who is later said to have been made ruler of Jutland by Sigurr hringr, is probably derived from the same sources as the lfr who in Adam of Bremen and lTr is said to have slain Helgi king of the Danes. Mold digra, who in lTr is said to have been the mother of varr vfami, is included by Arngrmur lri in a genealogy in Rerum Danicarum fragmenta (Bibl. Arn. IX 353). Arngrmur may have got the name from lTr (Olrik 1894, 146), but it is more likely that Arngrmurs sources and those of the compiler of lTr
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were related (Bibl. Arn. XII 23940). The name itself, Mold, must be English. In a Marian miracle story (MarUnger 200) it is used of the mother of Thomas Becket, who in Thmas saga is called Maild (ThomUnger 297, ThomEM I 12). As far as I know this name is found nowhere else than in these sources. In Chapter 61 of lTr Sigurr hringr and lfr Kinriksson are made contemporaries, and it looks as though the compiler of this text neglected to compare their genealogies. In the form of a family tree, they are like this (X and Y represent the father and brother of Mold digra): X Mold varr vfami Unnr Randverr Sigurr hringr According to the text of lTr lfr Kinriksson was no older than Sigurr hringr, which is not very likely, if there were two generations between them. (38) In lTr it is stated that lfr Kinriksson was tributary king in Jutland and was called lfr enski. From him are descended other tributary kings there: lfr enski Grmr gri Aulfr oflgi Gormr heimski. The first three have names and nicknames that alliterate together, which arouses the suspicion that they have the same origin as the alliterating names and nicknames of many of the heroes that in Sogubrot af fornkonungum are said to have taken part in the Battle of Brvellir. Aulfrs name may have been derived from the same English regnal list as Ingjaldr, Ubbi and Eava. In rni Magnssons copy of the regnal list in Resensbk, Avlf is the third name after Eava, and rni identifies him in a parenthesis after his name with Ethelwlfus, i. e. thelwulf king of the West Saxons 83958, who was a great fighter of battles, whom it is not improbable that the Danes may have called the Powerful, for according to the Anglo-Saxon
Y Kinrik lfr
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Notes
Chronicle he fought against heathens (i. e. Danes) in 851, and there were greater losses in their army than the writer of the annal had ever heard of. But he was never tributary king in Jutland. The Gormr who is the last of the descendants of lfr enski and called the Foolish was presumably in the regnal list that is here being followed taken to be the same person as Gormr the Old, father of Haraldr bltonn; this is implied by his nickname hinn heimski, which recalls the comment on Gormr the Old in Chapter 63 of lTr: En ekki var hann kallar vitr mar eptir v sem verit hofu hinir fyrri frndr hans. And in Jvs7, where there is an eclectic text, it says of Gormr: [. . .] s var fyrst kallar Gormr hinn heimski, en er hann var roskinn Gormr hinn gamli ea hinn rki (Blake 1962, 2.67). The section that comes next in lTr must be derived from a different source from that which has just been discussed. (39) The section about King Gormr and Kntr fundni in Chapters 61 and 62 of lTr has the same origin as the beginning of Jmsvkinga saga (Jvs291, Jvs7, JvsFlat and JvsAJ), but even so there is much variation between the texts. In Jmsvkinga saga king Gormr is first introduced into the story, then his two followers, Hallvarr and Hvarr (later on in the text said to be brothers; Norwegians in JvsAJ), and after them Arnfinnr jarl in Saxony, who had a child with his own sister. He sent her away with some trusted followers who, when the child was born, took it into the area ruled over by King Gormr and left it in the forest called Myrkvir. There the boy-child was found by Hallvarr and Hvarr who brought it to King Gormr. In lTr King Gormr sends his thralls to Holstein to buy wine and on the way back through the forest of Myrkvir they find the child and bring it to King Gormr. In Jvs the jarls trusted followers put the child at the foot of a tree, and it seems that they hid in the forest to see what became of the child but then they disappear from the story. In lTr King Kntr holds an assembly and promises wealth and power to anyone who can tell him of his ancestry. Later two men come to him and say they are thralls of a jarl in Saxony, though from their words it appears that they had been both thralls and trusted followers of Jarl Armfermir of Holstein who had a child with his sister and entrusted it to these thralls of his to be destroyed. They took the child into the forest of Myrkvir and laid it down under the roots of a tree. In both versions the way the child had been fitted out is described, in Jvs: eir fundu ar sveinbarn; at var lagt undir viarrtr ok knttr kntr mikill enninu silkidregli er at hafi um hofuit. ar var rtugar gull. Barnit var vafit guvefjarpelli; in lTr: eir fundu ar barn sveipat lndk. Dkrinn var knttr saman bristinu.
Notes
51
En er eir leystu kntinn, vru ar rr gullhringar. Barnit var vafit undir silkidk. In both versions it says that King Gormr gave the child a name and called it Kntr (knot) from the knot that had been tied on him and bequeathed him his kingdom after his death. There is no more satisfactory explanation than that the same story lies behind both these versions, that is the tale of the foundling boy who becomes the leader and saviour of his people (like Moses in the Bible), or a king and ancestor of kings (like Scyld Scefing in Beowulf, who became the ancestor of the Scyldings or Skjoldungar; see Stith Thompson, MotifIndex L 111.2.1, R 131.11.2, S 354). The boys father is called Arnfinnur in Jvs and in two manuscripts of lTr, B and C2, but Armfermir in A and Arnfermir in C1, and said to be jarl in Saxony in Jvs, but in Holstein in lTr. In Jvs it says that Jarl Arnfinnur was subject to Charlemagne, which implies that the story of the origin of Kntr fundni was originally written in a book where nothing was said of the kings who are named before Kntr in lTr, and are assumed there to have lived long after the time of Charlemagne. In Jvs it is stated that King Gormr and Jarl Arnfinnr were good friends, hofu verit fyrr vkingu bir samt. This is stated as an explanation of why the jarls trusted followers took the child into the forest of Myrkvir, which is assumed to have been in King Gormrs kingdom. In lTr the explanation is more problematical. There the men who told Kntr fundni of his descent say they are thralls of a jarl in Saxony, but have previously been thralls and trusted followers of the Jarl Armfermir in Holstein, who had the child with his own sister. Here the jarl in Saxony has slipped in from the original source even though he has no business in this version of the story. Something else that has slipped in from the original source in lTr is the remark of the Saxon thralls that they have been trusted followers of Jarl Armfermir in Holstein. In Jvs the child is obviously deposited in such a way that it will be found and an eye kept on its fate. In lTr the thralls are charged to destroy the child, but nevertheless the detail is retained from the original version of the tale that the child was according to the thralls sveipat silkidkum ok kntt tan at lndki ok ar knttir rr gullhringar, that is, the child had been disposed of with the intention that it should be found even though it had previously been said that the thralls were to destroy it. The account in Jvs is closer to what is said in the Bible about Moses, who was deposited in a place where it was likely that he would be found, an eye being kept on him to ensure that this happened. This indicates that in this respect Jvs is closer to the original than lTr. In Jvs the child is found when King Gormr and all his followers go into the forest to enjoy themselves, ok fru at drum, aldini
52
Notes
ok fuglum, but the brothers, Hallvarr and Hvarr, get left behind in the forest when the others go back home: En fyrir myrkrs sakir, ftu eir eigi heim ok sneru lei sinni til sivar ok ttuz vita at eir mundi feta heim ef eir fylgdi sivarstrondu, vat borg konungsins var skammt fr si, er morkin gekk fram allt at si. Ok er eir gengu um sivarsanda ok at melum nokkurum, heyra eir barnsgrt [. . .] eir fundu ar sveinbarn [. . .] Here the reader of the saga is provided with a description of the landscape, and some gravel banks (melar nokkrir) are introduced as a suitable place for the jarls trusted followers to deposit the child in, while earlier it is stated that Gormr and his men went into the forest allgu veri, which explains both how the child survived and how the brothers were able to hear the childs crying. In lTr King Gormrs thralls find the child when they are coming back from Holstein with wine on many horses and they stop for the night in the forest Myrkvir. It is stated that the weather was calm, doubtless as an explanation of how the thralls heard the childs crying while they were awake in the night, though they did not go to look for the child until it was light, so it is to be assumed that the child survived crying the whole night. In lTr the child is brought from Holstein and abandoned, apparently not far from the public road. In Jvs it appears that the child was brought from Saxony, even though it is not expressly stated. It is natural for the reader of the saga to assume that the jarls trusted followers took the child on a ship, and that is how they came to deposit it on gravel banks near the shore. In lTr the reader knows nothing about the origin of Kntr fundni until the Saxon thralls tell him about his parents. Here a narrative technique is used that is very common in tales: what is left unsaid at the beginning of a narrative is explained later in a story that someone is made to tell in direct speech. From consideration of all these differences it seems to me unmistakable that in lTr the text has been rewritten and is further from the original source than that in Jvs. (40) At the end of Chapter 62 of lTr there is a passage that includes details of the successors of Gormr heimski: rla-Kntr, his son Gormr, and Hora-Kntr son of Sigurr ormr auga and King Ellas daughter Blja. King Ella has not been named before in lTr, nor his daughter Blja either, and it is not mentioned until the beginning of the next chapter that Ella was king in England. It is doubtless lle king in Northumbria that is meant, who according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle fell in battle against heathens (i. e. Danes) in 867. Ellas daughter Blja is nowhere mentioned in English sources. The kings who appear in this passage, their names and descent, together with King Ella and his daughter
Notes
53
Blja, turn up again in Chapter 63, but in a different connexion, see the text of lTr below, p. 54, lines 1214; the explanation of Hora-Kntrs name, vat ar heitir Hor Itlandi sem hann var fddr, is lacking there. This explanation is probably derived from oral sources. This is confirmed by the fact that Sven Aggeson includes the same explanation of the name of Hora-Kntr, son of Kntr inn rki: quem cognomine Durum uulgo nominabant, non quod austerus uel crudelis extiterit, uerum inde, quod tale prouincie nomen extiterit, ex qua natalem duxit originem (SMHDM I 123.1922; Christiansen, Eric 1992, 64 and 125: he was given the surname Hard: it was a name he got not because he was harsh or inhuman, but because there was a province of the same name from which he came originally by birth). The place-name Hor does not exist and has never existed in Jutland except as the first element of Harthesysl (written thus Kong Valdemars Jordebog f. 9v, now Hardsyssel). According to Nudansk Ordbog this first element is genitive of the name of the inhabitants, *harthar, which is taken to be derived from Old Danish *harth, the same word as Old High German hart and Old English hara, hared (in place-names), used of forests, see pp. 8889 below. (41) It is obvious that the end of Ragnarssona ttr (Rs) in Hauksbk, from Eftir HbFJ 464.8, must be derived from the same source as the text of lTr printed here on pp. 9.2612.25, rla-Kntr san. The text of Rs is generally shortened and the order of the material is not the same as in lTr (Olrik 1894, 15052). Moreover there is a short interpolation from this same source in Jvs7 (Blake 1962, 6.167.19, ann tma hann), which corresponds to Eptir san, pp. 11.1712.25 (lTr lines 4679 on pp. 5557 below). Also to be taken into consideration are the last lines that can be read in Ragnars saga lobrkar in AM 147 4to (RagnOlsen, 19394). Here there are just a few lines of a completely different text from that in the version of Ragnars saga that is preserved in NKS 1824b 4to. They correspond to lTr lines 27 and Rs lines 16 below. In 147 the text ends at the bottom of a recto page, and half the last line is blank, which means that either a chapter or the saga itself ended with this line, but the writing on the verso of this leaf is so completely erased that it has not yet been possible to read anything of it. The best way to reveal the relationship between these texts is to print them all in such a way that they can easily be compared:
54
Notes
lTr Synir Ragnars lobrkar vru hermenn miklir. eir hefndu four sns ok drpu Ellu konung Englandi. Geriz varr enn beinlausi konungr yfir eim hluta 3 Englands er r hofu tt hans ttmenn ok frndr. Hann ik rki sitt marga vega. Hann lt drepa hinn heilaga Eatmund konung ok lagi undir sik rki hans. Sv er sagt at Lobrkarsynir hafi rekit mestan herna forneskiu um oll essi 6 lond: England, Valland, Frakkland, Saxland ok allt t um Lumbari. Sv kmu eir fremst at eir unnu borg er Lna heitir. Ok um hr tluu eir at vinna Rmaborg. En er eir kmu aptr rki sitt, skiptu eir rkinu me sr. Tk 9 Biorn irnsa Uppsalarki, Svi alla ok hvrttveggia Gautland ok oll au lond er ar liggia til. Sigurr ormr auga hafi Eygotaland ok allar eyiar, Skni ok Halland. Hvtserkr hafi Reigotaland ok ar me Vinland. Sigurr ormr auga tti Bliu dttur Ellu konungs. eira son var Hora-Kntr, 12 sem fyrr er ritat. Hora-Kntr var konungr Danmork eptir Sigur four sinn Selundi ok Skni. er Hora-Kntr var fullti at aldri ok kvngar, gat hann son vi konu sinni. 15 ann lt hann heita Gorm eptir Gormi fstra snum, syni Knts hins fundna. Gormr son rla-Knts hafi verit allrkr konungr, vat hann helt alla Danmork af 18 Ragnarssonum er eir vru hernai. er Gormr son Hora-Knts x upp var hann allra manna frastr snum eira er menn hofu st ann tma. Hann var mikill mar ok sterkr ok hinn mesti atgervimar um alla hluti. En ekki var hann 21 kallar vitr mar eptir v sem verit hofu hinir fyrri frndr hans. 147 Eptir essa orrostu geriz varr konungr yfir eim hluta lands er r hofu tt hans ttmenn. Hann ik miok <rki> sitt marga vega. Sv er sagt at hann lti drepa 3 Itmund hinn helga ok lagi undir sik rki hans. Lobrkarsynir fru va me hernai um England vestr ok sv va annars staar. Rs Eptir essa orrostu geriz varr konungr yfir eim hluta Englands sem hans frndr hofu fyrri tt. Hann tti tv brr frilluborna en annarr ht Yngvarr en annarr 3 Hst. eir pnuu Itmund konung enn helga eptir boi vars, ok lagi hann san undir sik hans rki. Lobrkarsynir fru um morg lond me hernai: England ok Valland ok 6 Frakkland ok t um Lumbari. En sv er sagt at ar hafi eir framast komit er eir unnu borg er Lna heitir. Ok um eina stund tluu eir at fara til Rmaborgar ok vinna hana, ok hefir eira hernar frgstr verit um oll Norrlond af danskri 9 tungu. Ok er eir koma aptr Danmork rki sitt, skipta eir londum me sr. Tk Biorn irnsa Uppsalarki ok alla Svi ok at er ar til heyrir. En Sigurr ormr auga hafi Selund ok Skni ok Halland ok alla Vkina ok Agir til Landis dum, en Hvtserkr hafi Reigotaland ok Vinland. 12 ness ok mikinn orra af Upplon Sigurr ormr auga <tti> Bliu dttur Ellu konungs. eira son var Kntr er kallar var Hora-Kntr, er rki tk eptir four sinn Selund, Skni ok Hallandi, 15 en Vkin hvarf undan honum. Hann tti ann son er Gormr ht; hann var heitinn eptir fstra hans, syni Knts fundna. Hann helt allt land af sonum Ragnars mean eir vru hernai. Gormr Kntsson var allra mann mestr ok sterkastr ok enn 18 mesti atgervimar um alla hluti, en ekki var hann sv vitr sem verit hofu enir fyrri frndr hans.
Notes
55
lTr
24
er Gormr var roskinn mar at aldri fekk hann konu eirar er yri ht. Hn var dttir Haralds iarls af Itlandi, er kallar var Klakk-Haraldr. yri var kvenna frust ok vitrust. Ok at er mlt at hn hafi verit mestr skor ungr af konum Norrlon dum. Hn var kollut yri Danmarkarbt. Klakk-Haraldr iarl var kallar vitrastr eira manna er vru Danmork. En san er Gormr tk konungdm ok rki eptir Hora-Knt four sinn, hltti hann miok rum Haralds iarls mgs sns ok yri konu sinnar. Gormr konungr fr me her sinn at rki Danmarkar er var kallat Reigotaland, en n er kallat Itland, hendr eim konungi er r ar fyrir. S var nefndr Gnpa. eir ttu saman nokkurar orrostur. En sv lauk at Gormr felldi ann konung ok eignaiz allt hans rki. v nst fr Gormr hendr eim konungi er Silfraskalli var kallar ok tti vi hann fri ok orrostur, ok hafi Gormr konungr iafnan sigr, ok um sir felldi hann ann konung. Eptir at gekk hann upp Itland ok fr sv herskildi, at hann eyddi ol lum konungum allt sur til Sls, ok sv vann hann rki mikit Vinlandi. Margar orrostur tti hann vi Saxa ok geriz enn rkasti konungr. Gormr konungr gat tv sonu vi konu sinni yri. Ht hinn ellri Kntr, en hinn yngri Haraldr. Kntr Gormsson var allra manna frastr ok fegrstr snum er menn hafi st. Hann var ok sv okkasll, fyrst at upphafi, at konungr unni honum umfram alla menn, ok ar me var hann sv skapfelldr ollu landsflkinu, at hvert barn unni honum. Hann var kallar Kntr Danast. Haraldr var lkr murfrndum snum. yri mir hans unni honum eigi minna en Knti. varr enn beinlausi var konungr Englandi langa fi. Hann tti ekki barn, vat sv segiz at hann hefi til ess enga fst n eli, en eigi skorti hann spek n grimm. Hann var ellidaur ar Englandi ok var ar heygr. vru dauir allir Lobrkarsynir. Eptir at tk konungdm Englandi Aalmundr Ithgeirsson, brurson Eatmundar hins helga, ok kristnai hann va England ok tk skatt af Norimbralandi, er heiit var. Eptir hann var konungr Aalbrikt. Hann var gr konungr ok var gamall. Gormr tk konungdm eptir fo ur sinn. Hann fekk yri er kol lu var Danmarkarbt, dttur Klakk-Haralds er konungr var Itlandi. En er Haraldr var andar, tk Gormr at rki allt undir sik. Gormr konungr fr me her yfir allt Itland ok eyddi ollum neskonungum allt sur til Sls, ok sv vann hann mikit af Vinlandi, ok margar orrostur tti hann vi Saxa ok geriz hann enn rkasti konungr. Hann tti tv syni; ht enn ellri Kntr, en Haraldr enn yngri. Kntr var allra eira manna fegrstr er menn hafa st. Konungr unni honum umfram hvern mann ok ar me oll ala. Hann var kallar Danast. Haraldr lktiz murtt sna, ok unni mir hans honum eigi minna en Knti. varr enn beinlausi var lengi konungr Englandi. Hann tti ekki barn, vat hann var sv skapar at honum fylgi engi girn n st, en eigi skorti hann spek ea grimm, ok var hann ellidaur Englandi ok var ar heygr. vru allir Lobrkarsynir dauir. Eptir var tk konungdm Englandi Aalmundr; hann var brurson Itmundar ens helga, ok kristnai hann va England. Hann tk skatta af Norhumrulandi, vat at var heiit. Eptir hann tk konungdm son hans er Aalbrigt ht. Hann var gr konungr ok var gamall.
27
30
33
36
39
42
45
48
Rs
21
24
27
30
33
36
56
lTr
Notes
hans dog um ofarliga kom Danaherr til Englands, ok vru eir brr hof ingiar Norimbraland ok logu undir sik margt flk. Tolu eir at arftekiulond sn er tt hofu Lobrkarsynir ok arir r margir eira forellrar. Aalbrikt konungr hafi lisamna mikinn ok fr mti eim. Hann hitti fyrir noran Kliflond ok drap af Don um margt manna. Nok kuru sar gengu Gormssynir upp vi Skaraborg ok boruz, ok ar hofu Danir sigr. Eptir at fru eir sur me landi ok tluu til Irvkr. Gekk ar undir allt flk. Uggu eir ekki at sr. Einn dag var skin heitt, ok fru menn sund milli skipanna. En er konungar vru sundinu, hlipu menn af landi ofan ok skutu . Var Kntr lostinn oru til bana. eir tku lkit ok fluttu t skip. En er etta spuru landsmenn, drz egar herr mikill saman. Ok v nst kom Aalbrikt konungr, ok sneriz til hans allt at flk sem r hafi gengit undir Dani. San nu Danir hvergi landgongu fyrir samnai landsmanna. Fru Danir brott ok heim til Danmerkr.
51 fyrir liinu, synir Gorms hins gamla, Kntr ok Haraldr. eir heriuu va um
54
57
60
63
Rs
Ofarliga hans dogum kom Danaherr til Englands, ok vru formenn hersins Kntr ok Haraldr, synir Gorms konungs. eir logu undir sik mikit rki 39 Norhumrulandi, at er varr hafi tt. Aalbrigt konungr fr mti eim, ok bor uz eir fyrir noran Kliflond, ok fell ar mart af Donum. Ok nokkuru sar gengu Danir upp vi Skaraborg ok boruz ar ok fengu sigr. San fru eir sur til 42 Irvkr, ok gekk ar undir allt flk, ok uggu eir ekki at sr. Ok einn dag er heitt ver var fru menn sund, ok sv sem konungssynir vru sundi millim skipanna hlupu menn af landi ofan ok skutu . Var Kntr 45 lostinn oru til bana, ok tku eir lkit ok fluttu t skip. Ok er landsmenn spyria etta, samnaz eir saman, sv at san f Danir engar uppgongur sakir samnaar landsmanna ok fara san heim aptr til Danmarkar.
Jvs7 ann tma r Aalsteinn konungr Englandi. Hann var gr konungr ok gamall. hans dogum ofarla kom Danaherr England, ok vru synir Gorms konungs 3 hofingiar fyrir, Kntr ok Haraldr. eir heriuu va um Norrimbraland ok logu undir sik mikit rki ok tolu at arftekinn hluta sinn er tt hofu Lobrkarsynir ok arir eira forellrar. Aalsteinn konungr hafi lisafna mikinn ok fr mt 6 eim brrum ok hitti fyrir noran Kliflond ok drap hann fiola af Donum. Nok kuru sar gengu eir upp Gormssynir um Skaraborg ok bor uz ar, ok hof u Danir sigr. Eptir at tluu eir til Irvkr sur, ok gekk allt flk undir . 9 Uggu eir ok ekki at sr. Einn dag er heitt skin var fru menn sund milli skipanna ok konungar bir. hlipu menn af landi ofan ok skutu . var Kntr lostinn oru til bana, ok 12 tku eir lkit skipit. En er etta spuru landsmenn, drz egar saman herr vgr. Ok v nst kom Aalsteinn konungr, ok sneriz til hans allt flk at er r hafi gengit undir Knt, ok eptir at f Danir engar uppgon gur fyrir lisafnai 15 landsmanna. Ok eptir at fru Danir aptr til Danmerkr.
Notes
57
lTr
66
Gormr konungr var staddr Itlandi. Haraldr fr egar hans fund ok sagi mur sinni tendin. Gormr konungr hafi ess heit strengt at hann skyldi deyia ef hann spyri frfall Knts sonar sns, ok sv s er honum segi daua hans. lt yri tialda hollina grm vamlum. En er konungr kom til bors, ogu allir eir er inni vru. mlti konungr: Hv egia hr allir menn? Eru nokkur tendi at segia? svarar drottning: r, herra, ttu hauka tv; var annarr hvtr, en annarr grr. Hinn hvti haukrinn hefir flogit langt eyimork. Ok er hann sat tr nokkuru, kmu margar krkur ok plokkuu hann sv at allar fiarar eru af honum, ok er n ntr fuglinn. En hinn gri haukr er aptr kominn, ok mun hann n drepa fugla til bors yr. mlti konungr: Sv drpir n Danmork sem daur s Kntr son minn. svarai drottning; Sonn munu essi tendi er r segi, herra. Sonnuu at allir eir er inni vru. ann sama dag tk Gormr konungr stt ok andaiz annan dag at iafnlenginni. hafi hann verit konungr tu tigi vetra. Haugr mikill var orpinn eptir Gorm konung. var tekinn til konungs yfir Danaveldi Haraldr son hans, ok var hann lengi konungr san.
69
72
75
78
Gormr konungr var Itlandi. Ok er hann spuri essi tindi, hn hann Rs aptr ok sprakk af harmi annan dag eptir at iamleng. tk konungdm eptir hann 50 yfir Danaveldi Haraldr son hans. Hann tk fyrstr tr ok skrn sinna ttmanna. var Gormr konungr staddr Itlandi. Haraldr fr egar angat ok sagi mur sinni tendi. En Gormr konungr hafi ess heit strengt at hann skyldi deyia ef hann spyri fall Knts sonar sns, ok sv s er honum segi. lt drttning tialda hollina grm vamlum. En er konungr kom til bors, ogu allir eir er inni vru. mlti konungr: Hv egia allir menn? Eru nokkur tendi at segia? segir drttning: Herra, r ttu tv hauka, annarr hvtr, en annarr grr. Hinn hvti h(efir) flogit langt eyimork. ar kmu at honum krkur margar ok plokkuu hann sv at allar fiarar vru af honum reyttar. Ok n er hinn hvti flginn, en hinn gri aptr kominn, ok mun hann n drepa fugla til borhalds yr. mlti Gormr konungr: Sv drpir Danmork sem daur s Kntr son minn. s(varai) drttning: Sonn munu vera essi tendi er r segi, herra. Ok sonnuu at allir er inni vru. ann sama dag tk Gormr konungr stt ok andaiz annan dag at iafnleng. hafi hann verit konungr tu tigi vetra. Haugr mikill var orpinn eptir hann. Jvs7
18
21
24
27
58
Notes
It is clear, if the beginnings of these texts are compared, that sometimes it is lTr and sometimes Rs that is closer to 147, which indicates that the text of the original source is best preserved in 147, and has been changed in both lTr and Rs. In lTr the alteration arises from the fact that in it the account of the battle which the sons of Ragnarr lobrk had with King Ella is not included, but just alluded to in the sentence, eir hefndu four sns ok drpu Ellu konung Englandi. On the other hand the passage lTr lines 24: Geriz hans is almost identical in lTr and 147. The chief difference is that lTr has (line 4): Hann lt drepa, but 147 (line 2): Sv er sagt at hann lti drepa. In Rs the corresponding lines are changed, but the initial words Eptir essa orrostu are the same in Rs and 147. Finally, the sentence Lobrkarsynir fru va me hernai in 147 is closer to the text of Rs (line 5) than lTr (lines 56), but it is worth noting that the corresponding text in lTr begins with the same words (Sv er sagt at) as the sentence in 147 lines 23: Sv hans. It has been asserted that the passages in Rs and Jvs7 printed here were included in these works from lTr (Bjarni Gunason 1982, xliv; Krijn 1914, 1314). But the few lines in 147 show that in fact this cannot be the case. If the texts of 147 and Rs were derived from lTr it would be necessary to assume an intermediate link between them and lTr from which the common introductory words of these two texts were derived. Rs in Hauksbk was probably written during the years 1306 to 1308 (Stefn Karlsson 1964, 11421), and any intermediate link between Rs and lTr would have to have been somewhat earlier. It would then hardly be possible to assume that lTr was later than about 1300, and that is not unproblematic. There is also the fact that in all three texts, 147, Rs and Jvs7, there are a few departures in common from the text of lTr that cannot be traced to any of the surviving manuscripts of the saga (lafur Halldrsson 1990, 7576). The examples are these (lTr] 147, Rs, Jvs7; references to the line numbers of the text in lTr):
12 Synir Englandi] Eptir essa orrustu 147, Rs. 2 enn beinlausi] 147, Rs. 4 hinn heilaga Eatmund konung] Itmund hinn helga 147, Itmund konung enn helga Rs. 56 Sv lond] Lobrkarsynir fru va (um morg lond Rs) me hernai 147, Rs. 51 synir Gorms hins gamla] synir Gorms konungs Rs, Jvs7. 52 margt flk] mikit rki Rs, Jvs7. 5657 Eptir Irvkr] San fru eir sur til Irvkr Rs, Eptir at tluu eir til Irvkr sur Jvs7. 60 eir tku lkit] ok tku eir lkit Rs, Jvs7. 76 iafnlenginni] iamleng Rs, iafnleng Jvs7.
Rs 23 Hann vars is not derived from the same source as lTr and 147. Those who are said to be the bastard brothers of varr beinlausi, Yngvarr en annar Hst, are by William of Malmesbury called Hinguar
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et Hubba, and they have the same names in Abbos Life of Edmund (Hubba, however, is also called Ubba: Winterbottom 1972, 46 and 71 ff.), but they are not said to be brothers in these works. It is not easy to say how or when Hubba became the Hst of Rs, but presumably the originator of this sentence in Rs did not find the names of Yngvarr and Hubba in sources about the sons of Ragnarr lobrk and so made them the bastard brothers of varr beinlausi. A. H. Smith pointed out in his article The Early Literary Relations of England and Scandinavia, which appeared in Saga-Book XI:3 (1936), 21532, that the compiler of the text of Rs did not realise that Ingvar is the Anglo-Saxon form of the name varr: As we know from English chronicles St. Edmund was slain by Ingwar and Hubba, but Ingwar is merely an Old English form of the name Ivar; the compiler of the ttr did not recognise this and so related Yngvar to Ivar by natural kinship (p. 230). It looks as though the story that these texts are derived from had been constructed from discrepant sources. In Chapter 61 of lTr the kings who are made descendants of lfr enski are said to have ruled in Jutland. At the end of Chapter 62 it is stated that Hora-Kntr son of Sigurr ormr auga was born in Hor in Jutland, and the text can hardly be understood in any other way than that his foster-father Gormr, son of rla-Kntr, was king there. On the other hand it says in Chapter 63 (lTr 1314) that Hora-Kntr was king in Selundr and Skni, which accords with what is later said of his son Gormr the Old, that he fr me her sinn at rki Danmarkar er var kallat Reigotaland, en n er kallat Itland (lTr 2930). In Rs the text is shortened, but there also Gormrs invasion of Jutland is mentioned (Rs 2324). This must be based on a different source from the immediately preceding text, where it is assumed that Gormr the Old was king in Jutland. There is also evident some contradiction between the account of King Gormrs invasion of Jutland and the account of the division of lands among the sons of Ragnarr Lobrk. On King Gormrs invasion of Jutland it says (lTr 2930): Gormr konungr fr me her sinn at rki Danmarkar er var kallat Reigotaland, en n er kallat Itland [. . .], but on the division of lands among the sons of Ragnarr Lobrk it says: Sigurr ormr auga hafi Eygotaland ok allar eyiar, Skni ok Halland. Hvtserkr hafi Reigotaland ok ar me Vinland (lTr 1011, altered text in Rs 1012). In the former case the text is similar to what is said about Reigotaland in the Prologue to Snorra Edda: [. . .] ok at heitir n Itland, er var kallat Reigotaland (SnEFJ 6.10 11). On the other hand the latter corresponds more to the passage in Snorris Skldskaparml: ann tma var kallat allt meginland, at er hann (i. e.
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inn) tti, Reigotaland, en eyiar allar Eygotaland. at er n kallat Danaveldi ok Svaveldi (SnEFJ 186.1618). Reigotaland is mentioned in many places in medieval Icelandic writings, but the name is not always used of the same area. In Hauksbk, in a passage with the heading Hr segir fr v hversu lond liggia veroldinni, it says, En austr fr Plena er Reigotaland ok Hnland (HbFJ 155.23 24), and in Hervarar saga ok Heireks Reigotaland is taken to be in a similar place. The idea that Reigotaland was east of Poland is probably older than the assumption that it was an earlier name for Jutland (HkrBA I 35, footnote 2). (42) What is said in this paragraph about King Gormr, his wife yri Danmarkarbt and her father Klakk-Haraldr is based either on Jvs or on a source common to lTr and Jvs. In Jvs291 and Jvs7 Klakk-Haraldr is called jarl and said to rule over Holstein, but in JvsAJ he is Rex Holsati (Opera I 90.21). In lTr Haraldr is said to be jarl in Jutland. It is presumably influence from Heimskringla when Klakk-Haraldr is said to be ruler of Jutland (HkrFJ I 9293), though it could be that lTr and Heimskringla are based on the same source, which deliberately departed from earlier sources and for the same reason as Hora-Kntr is in lTr made to be born in Hor in Jutland, that is because the compiler of that source wanted the kings of Denmark to be of Danish origin. In lTr and Jvs it is stated that yri was called Danmarkarbt. Irrefutable evidence for this nickname of hers is the inscription on the smaller runestone at Jelling: Gormr konungr gri kumbl essi eft yri konu sna Danmarkarbt (from Nordisk kultur VI 126). Is it not more likely that the nickname would have been given to a woman who was not born and bred in Denmark? If her father is correctly named in the sources it must be considered more likely that KlakkHaraldr did not rule in Jutland, and then one would have to assume that the sources are older that make him ruler in Holstein. (43) King Gormrs invasion of Jutland is not mentioned in Jvs, nor in fact in any other source than lTr. It is clear that the account of it in lTr is based on an ancient source. This is indicated by the fact that the king in Reigotaland is called Gnpa, for this name occurs accurately, as was said above (note 33), on a runestone. On the other hand Silfraskalli does not appear anywhere else than in lTr. Sophus Bugge supposed that this name might have been used in a poem as a common noun (appellative) of a rich man or king, perhaps Gnpa himself (Bugge 1895, 37576). This is of course out of the question, but on the other hand it could be that
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Silfraskalli was a nickname, perhaps Gnpas. Place-names are the first elements of most nicknames by far that have -skalli as the second element. If Silfraskalli was a nickname of this kind, Silfra- ought to be genitive of Silfrar, but I have found no evidence of the existence of such a place-name. (44) The sons of Queen yri and King Gormr are introduced into the story in this way in Jvs: au Gormr konungr ok yri ttu tv sonu, ok ht Kntr enn ellri, en Haraldr enn yngri (Jvs291 6.2022). This agrees in substance with lTr and the wording is similar, but not identical. The description of Kntr in lTr also agrees to some extent with Jvs, but his nickname, Danast, does not appear in Jvs, and neither is it said there that yri loved Haraldr no less than Kntr. It is most likely that the same source underlies Jvs and the account on which lTr is here based. This source was an ancient one. This is indicated by the fact that Kntrs nickname, Danast, appears in Oddrs lfs saga Tryggvasonar and in Fagrskinna (lOFJ 3.16; FskFJ 59.6). (45) What is said here of varr beinlausi, that he was king in England for a long period, died of old age and was buried in England, agrees for the most part with Ragnars saga lobrkar (RagnOlsen 169.1226), but it is at any rate not taken from the preserved version of Ragnars saga. (46) The English kings who are named here do not appear in the AngloSaxon Chronicle nor in any other English sources. There are no sources for St Edmund having had a brother or a nephew, and the person who is here said to have been Edmunds nephew did not introduce Christianity to various parts of England, for England was already fully Christian in the ninth and tenth centuries. (47) Kliflond, Skaraborg and Jrvk are mentioned in various accounts of Haraldr harris invasion of England in 1066 and in the same order as here (Hem544 46.4, 44.22 and 47.30, OrknSN 90.11 and 14, MskFJ 267.15 and 17, 270.20, FskFJ 283.23 and 2425, 285.13, HkrFJ III 196.14 and 1617, 197.11). Gustav Storm thought that this meant that these placenames in lTr were taken from Snorri Sturlusons account of Haraldrs invasion (Storm 1880 17780). Kliflond is the Old Norse name for Cleveland in Yorkshire, while Skaraborg, which appears in more sources than Kliflond, for instance in Kormks saga, is the Old Norse name for Scarborough in Yorkshire, and Jrvk is modern York.
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(48) In Jvs291 there is a quite different account of the death of Kntr Danast. It says there that his brother Haraldr slew him in battle on Christmas Eve (Jvs291 12.1113.4). In JvsAJ on the other hand it says as here that Kntr was struck by an arrow while he was swimming on a hot summers day, but there is this difference between the account in JvsAJ and those in lTr, Rs and Jvs7, that in JvsAJ it says that the brothers were on a raid in Ireland and had attacked Dublin inde solventes in locum, quem Ielldunes vocant [. . .] (Opera I 94.910, see Opera IV, Chapter IV 16: [. . .] after that they relaxed in a place called Joldunes). The story of Kntrs death at the hands of a sniper in Ireland is ancient. Saxo Grammaticus had heard of the raid of the sons of Gormr on England and the fall of Kntr in Ireland, but his account of all this is a highly rhetorical fantasy. In lTr, Rs and Jvs7 the account of the raid of the sons of Gormr on England is linked with the earlier accounts in the common source of these works of the Danish rule in Northumbria, and most likely the writer of that source departed from earlier accounts so as to provide a natural explanation of the raid of the sons of Gormr on England (Opera IV, Chapter IV 17, JvsH 1920). Gormrs son Kntr is mentioned in both Fagrskinna and Heimskringla and it appears from both that he died young, though they do not say how he died and there is not even a hint that it was Haraldr bltonn that killed him. That account appears nowhere else than in the 291-version of Jvs, though that does not necessarily mean that this story cannot be older than the account in other works (JvsH 20 and 38). (49) It is obvious that the same stories lie behind what it says in Jvs291 about Haraldr Gormsson, King Gormr and Queen yri after the death of Kntr Danast as behind the corresponding chapters of lTr, Rs and Jvs7. What is common to these sources is this: [. . .] Gormr konungr hafi ess heit strengt, at hann skyldi ess manns bani vera, er honum segi lflt Knts sonar sns (Jvs291 13.1012). In lTr (6566) and Jvs7 (1718) Gormrs vow is extended in the following way, at hann skyldi deyia ef hann spyri frfall Knts sonar sns [. . .]. This is probably an addition by a narrator who had not understood the artistry of the account in the Jvs291-version of Gormrs death, see the next note below. Saxo also mentions this vow of Gormrs; his text is more closely related to the Jvs291-version than to that in lTr: Tanta autem maioris filii caritate tenebatur, ut a se occidendum iuraret, qui prior ipsius exitum nuntiasset (SGD 268.1819: Moreover he had such great love for his elder son that he vowed he would kill whoever first told him of his death). In both versions yri uses the device of telling the king of two hawks, annarr
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hvtr (alhvtr Jvs291) en annarr grr. In the Jvs291-version it is Haraldr himself who tells the king about the hawks and that they fought and the white one was killed, and it is not stated there that they were owned by King Gormr, but in the lTr-version it is yri who tells him about the hawks, which the king had owned, saying that the white one had flown far into the forest and that there a flock of crows had plucked from it all its feathers. In lTr it does not say explicitly that the white hawk is dead, only ok er n ntr (nttr A) fuglinn. In place of this Jvs7 (23) has: Ok n er hinn hvti flginn [. . .] This is beyond all doubt the more original text, which has been changed in lTr because the compiler did not understand why yri is made to use the word flginn, which could mean both hidden and buried or deposited in a mound (see Lexicon poeticum 127), cf. Ynglingatal 32 (based on Skjd A): Ok bulung | Borri | sigrhafendr | san flu, and also the inscription on the Karlevi stone on land in Sweden: Flginn liggr, hinns fylgu | (flestr vissi at) mestar | dir, dlga rar | draugr, eimsi haugi (from Jansson 1987, 134). Making yri use this ambiguous term precludes King Gormr from accusing her of having told him of his son Kntrs death. In both versions yri has the hall hung, in the Jvs291-version blm (i. e. black) reflum, and in the lTrversion grm vamlum. In Jvs291 (14.913) there is this explanation of the queens procedure: Fyrir v gri hon sv, at at var hygginna manna r ann tma, er harmsogur kmu at eyrum monnum, at segia eigi me orum, ok gra ann veg sem n lt hon gra. There is also a reflex of this explanation in Saxo (SGD 268.2225). In both versions Gormr comments that his son must be dead (see JvsH 76.1723), but in other respects the texts are unrelated, and nothing in the Jvs291-version corresponds to this beautiful sentence in the other version: Sv drpir n ( Jvs7 ) Danmork sem daur s Kntr son minn. (50) In lTr and Jvs7 it says that King Gormr became ill (lTr 76, Jvs7 28) when he learned of his sons death and died (sprakk af harmi Rs 49) the following day at iafnleng. Presumably the story followed in the Jvs291-version and in SGD is older, in which it says that Gormr died as soon as he himself spoke the words that his son Kntr must be dead, thus fulfilling his vow at hann skyldi ess manns bani vera, er honum segi lflt Knts sonar sns (Jvs291 13.1112), he having in effect been the one who told himself of Kntrs death. In the common source of lTr and Jvs7 it must have been said that a great mound was built for Gormr. From this it is clear that the writer of this source had either seen the mounds at Jelling in Jutland or had had accurate information about them.
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(51) Chapter 65 of lTr links two sources, the one ending with Chapter 64, the other beginning with Chapter 66. The compiler of lTr has taken the final sentences of Chapter 65 from Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 296.37), but it is doubtful whether it was he himself who linked two sources with this chapter, see below. What is said of the emperors in this chapter must be derived from a regnal list, parallel to the one that was in Resensbk and is now preserved in Papp. fol. nr. 76, 10v11r, and Uppsala DG 36, though it does not seem that the list in lTr was taken from Resensbk. The order and the number of years of each emperors rule agrees with Annales Wirziburgenses (MGHSS II 23847) and probably with other sources unknown to me. There is a similar list, not derived from the same source, in Veraldar saga (VerJB 7072). (52) The words sem fyrr er ritat may refer to what is said of the sons of Charlemagnes son Louis in Chapter 60, though there it does not say how long Louiss son Louis ruled. In lTr it says here that he ruled sextn r ok tuttugu, and the same length of reign is attributed to him in a copy of Resensbk (xxxvi ar Papp. fol. nr. 76, 10v), and this agrees with Annales Wirziburgenses and the statement in AF that he began his reign in 840 and died in 876. (53) The information about Louiss son Charles and his brothers and the length of his reign agrees with these same souces (ellefu r, i. e. 87687). (54) In Chapter 2 of Landnmabk Gormr the Old and Haraldr hrfagri are mentioned along with other rulers who were in power when Iceland was settled, but the wording of lTr does not suggest that it was based on Landnmabk, or on Resensbk either. The expression ann tma occurs twice in this chapter. It also occurs in Chapter 84 in a part of the text the origin of which can be traced to Jmsvkinga saga, but otherwise nowhere in the sections of lTr that are printed here. For instance in Chapter 60, we read: eim tma er Karlamagns var konungr [. . .]. (55) Otto III (hinn ungi) was emperor 9831002. In the first years of his reign, both Haraldr Gormsson and Jarl Hkon were in power. The final sentence here, Var hauka, is taken from Jvs, cf. Jvs291 22.610: Ok n sitia eir Haraldr konungr ok Hkon iarl nokkura vetr gum frii, ok er n frir milli landanna, Nregs ok Danmerkr, ok vintta eira einkar g, ok sendir Hkon iarl Haraldi konungi ein misseri sex tigi hauka [. . .].
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(56) The text of Chapters 6672 in lTr is an amalgamation of two sources: on the one hand a text that has been taken to be derived from lafs saga Tryggvasonar by the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson, and on the other a text of Heimskringla. Everything in Chapters 6672 that lTr has beyond the text of Heimskringla and is either derived from another source or is the work of the compiler of lTr is printed here. For comparison with the major part of these texts there are printed here below passages from Chapters 6, 7 and 26 of Jvs291 and the text of AM 310 4to for two sections of lO (lOFJ. 47.853.33 and 109.11112.15). Even though there are considerable differences between the parallel passages in Jvs291, lO310 and lTr there seems to be no other possible conclusion but that they are all derived from the same original source. The text is shortened in lO310 and lTr, but not in the same way in both. This is clearly shown by the fact that sometimes one, sometimes the other, and sometimes both of these texts agree with Jvs291. The following are examples of phrases or whole passages in Jvs291, lO310 and lTr that indicate a common origin:
Jvs291: lO310: lTr: [. . .] keisarinn tta tta keisari strengi ess Ott keisari [. . .] strengi strengi ess heit [. . .] heit [. . .] ess heit [. . .] [. . .] ok hefir hendi spit [. . .] hafi hann spit Hann hafi hendi mikit eitt mikit gullrekit ok hendi gullrekit, alblugt spit gullrekit ok alblalblugt. allt. ugt upp at hondum. annat sinni er ek kem til Danmerkr, skal vera annat hvrt, at ek skal kristnat f Danmork, ea ella lta hr lfit. tta keisari spyrr etta, at Hkon iarl er kominn Danmork at beriaz mti honum. Hann tekr at r, at hann sendir iarla sna [. . .], Urgurit ok Brimiskiarr, til Nregs. eir ho f u tlf kugga hlana af mo n num ok vpnum, eirra renda at kristna Nreg, mean Hkon iarl vri brautu. Annat sinn er ek kem til Danmerkr skal vera annat hvrt, at ek skal f kristnat Danmork ea lta hr lf mitt. tta keisari spyrr at Hkon iarl er kominn Danmork ok tlar at beriaz mti honum. Sendir keisari iarla sna, Urguit ok Brimisskiar, til Nregs. eir ho f u tlf kugga hlana af mo n num ok vpnum, ok skyldu eir kristna Nreg mean Hkon iarl vri brottu. [. . .] at annan tma er ek kem til Danmerkr skal ek geta kristnat land etta ea lta lfit ella [. . .]
er keisarinn spuri at Hkon iarl var Danmork ok tlai at beriaz mti honum [. . .], sendi hann iarla sna tv; ht annarr Urguritr en annarr Brimisskiarr; eir skyldu fara til Nregs me ri tigi kugga hlana af mo n num ok vpnum at kristna ar landit mean Hkon iarl vri brottu.
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Jvs291: lO310: lTr: [. . .] var sunnanvindr Sunnanvindr var hvass [. . .] geri sunnanvind hvass ok urrt ver [. . .] ok urrt ver. hvassan ok urran [. . .] [. . .] ok san brann hvat [. . .] ok brann hvat af [. . .] at hvat logai af oru at oru [. . .] oru [. . .] [. . .] Ok sitr Hkon n of kyrrt landinu ok rr n einn fyrir o l lum Nregi ok geldr aldregi san skatta Haraldi konungi Gormssyni [. . .] Ok sitr hann n frii ok rr hann n einn Nregi ollum ok geldr enga skatta Haraldi konungi [. . .] Settiz hann fyrst um kyrrt. R hann n einn ollum Nregi ok galt aldregi san skatt Danakonungi.
[. . .] konungrinn tk Sveinn konungr var vi [. . .] Sveinn konungr var veizlu ok drakk me sex sex hundru manna veizlu me sex hundru hundru manna. veizlunni. manna. En er tuttugu menn eru komnir miskipit, skal kippa af eiri bryggiunni [. . .] Ok er tuttugu menn eru komnir miskipit, skal kippa eiri bryggiunni. En er hann kmi miskipit me tuttugu menn, skyldi kippa af eiri bryggiunni [. . .]
[. . .] ok sr konungrinn n [. . .] en kallaz hann n Konungr ttiz n si me vitra manna ri brag si allt r ok brog Sig- allt rit eira Brizlfs hans allt [. . .] valda. konungs ok Sigvalda.
The following are examples where the texts of lO310 and lTr agree alternately with Jsv291:
Jvs291: ann tma rr fyrir Saxlandi ok Peitulondum tta keisari, er kallar var tta hinn raui, ok iarlar hans tveir; annarr ht Urguritr en annarr Brimiskiarr. lO310: lTr: ann tma [. . .], r Ott keisari er hinn ungi fyrir Saxlandi ok Peitu- var kallar [. . .] landi tta keisari. Hann er kallar tta hinn raui. Iarlar hans tveir eru nefndir, ok ht annarr Urguitr en annarr Brimisskiarr.
[. . .] ok slr ar egar Ok slr ar bardaga ok ar fell fio l i lis af bardaga [. . .] ok fellr mikit fell mart af hvrum- hvrumtveggium ok fleira af keisaranum. li af hvrumtveggium, ok tveggium. fleira af keisaranum.
Notes
Jvs291: Ok er ntta tk, settu eir riggia ntta gri millum sn ok lo g u at landi ok bjugguz vi hvrirtveggiu. Ok er riar ntr liu, gingu saman fylkingar [. . .] ok beriaz n landi, ok gengr keisaranum n ungt bardaginn, ok fell miklu fleira hans li [. . .] lO310:
67
lTr: En er ntta tk settu eir riggia ntta gri til ragerar ok virbnaar hvrumtveggium. En er rir ntr vru linar, gengu land hvrirtveggiu ok bio g guz til bardaga. Gengu san saman fylkingar [. . .] Veitti keisaranum ungt ok fell miklu fleira hans li.
Ok ar kmr at hann leggr Ok ar kmr at keisari Ok er lei daginn brast fltta undan me li sitt. leggr fltta me sitt li. fltti li hans [. . .] tta keisari var hesti um daginn [. . .] Eptir etta ganga eir tta N fr hann heim til Saxkeisari skip sn, ok ferr lands. hann n heim til Saxlands. En Hkon iarl er eptir me Haraldi konungi ok r honum morg vitrleg r. [. . .] ok hverfa fr ok ofan til skipa sinna ok ganga skip t. Ekki er til ess at tla, Ekki er at at tla at ek segir hann, at ek muna muna skipaz vi tolu na skipaz vi or ein saman eina saman [. . .] [. . .] Sv er sagt at Ott keisari sat hesti um daginn [. . .] Ott keisari st skip sn me sitt li ok fr heim til Saxlands [. . .] En Hkon iarl var eptir me Danakonungi ok ho f u eir mikla rager. Sneri keisarinn fr at sinni ok fr me sinn her til skipa sinna. Traur er ek at fyrirlta ann trna [. . .], sv at ekki fyrirlt ek hann fyrir or yur ein saman [. . .]
The following is an example of the agreement of lO310 and lTr, where Jvs291 has a different wording:
Jvs291: lO310: lTr: [. . .] at vr farim dag [. . .] at allr herrinn fari [. . .] at allr herrinn fari merkr ok skga, er oss skg dag [. . .] skg ann er nstr er eru nlgstir [. . .] Danavirki [. . .]
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And in the following examples from the same chapter, lTr agrees now with Jvs291, now with lO310:
Jvs291: ok skal hverr mar hog gva sr byri af eim vii er oss ykkir v n at eldnmstr s. ok skulu vr ann vi allan bera at virkinu ok sim enn san hvat griz. lO310: ok skal hverr mar f sr byri viar ok bera at virkinu ok sim hvat geriz. lTr: ok skal hverr mar hog gva sr limbyri ok bera undir virkit ok sim san hvat tiltkiligast ikkir.
d Ok ann sama dag tku San tku eir vatnkerol eir oll vatnkerold au er sn ok bru lokarspnu ok eir ho f u ok drpu r tioru [. . .] botninn annan ok ltu san koma ar innan lokarspnu urra ok ara spnu [. . .] gengr ingit byskup s er var me keisara, er Poppa er nefndr, ok telr ar tr fyrir eim inginu, vel ok orfrliga, ok talar hann langt rendi ok sniallt. st upp inginu byskup s er var me keisara, er Poppa ht. Hann tali tr fyrir eim vel ok lengi.
[. . .] at eir tku vatskerold oll au er eir fengu ok fylldu upp af spnum ok bru tior u [. . .]
Popp ht byskup s er var me keisaranum. Hann tali tr fyrir Haraldi konungi ok sagi morg strtkn almttigs gus. En er byskup hafi talat gus erendi bi langt ok sniallt, [. . .] er Hkon iarl kom Vkina, var hann brtt vss hvat iarlarnir hofu ar at hafz, at eir hofu brotit hof, en kristnat flk allt [. . .]
En er iarl kom land austan Vkina ok spuri egar hvat eir iarlarnir hofu at sst mean, at eir ho f u kristnat alla Vkina norr til Landisness.
En er Hkon iarl spuri hvat iarlarnir ho f u at hafz, at eir hafa kristnat alla Vkina [. . .]
There is no indication of anything other than that the differences between the wording in Chapter 26 of Jvs291 and the parallel passages in lO310 and lTr are of exactly the same nature as in the passages in lO310 and lTr which have just above been compared with Chapters 6 and 7 of Jvs291, see the fourth, fifth and sixth examples of agreement with Jvs291 and lO310 on p. 66, and also the following:
Notes
Jvs291: lO310: at hafa ek tlat fyrir Konungr svarai: Tignara mr, segir hann, at ek manni hafa ek tlat at munda hana eim manni gipta hana en ert [. . .] gefa er tignari vri fyrir nafns sakir en ert [. . .] [. . .] koma af landinu ol lum skottum eim er vr ho fum hingat til goldit Danakonungi [. . .]
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lTr: Konungr svarai: [. . .], at ek hefi tlat at gipta hana enn tignara manni fyrir nafns sakir heldr en ert. [. . .] koma af oss finliga skatti eim er vr eigum at gialda Danakonungi.
[. . .] ok binda au etta essu itar Sigvaldi, ok essu itar Sigvaldi ok ferr san fastmlum me sr binda etta fastmlum vi at heim Imsborg. [. . .] Sigvaldi ferr n heim me sr. eptir etta til Imsborgar. San sendi Sigvaldi tuttugu menn skilrkia til fundar vi Svein konung ok mlti at eir skyldi at segia konungi, at hann vildi hitta hann at nausynium, ok at annat, at hann vri sv sikr, at hann vri nliga at bana kominn. at skulu r ok segia konunginum, at ar liggr honum nliga vi allt r ok lf. San sendir hann menn til konungs ok ba segia konungi at hann vill finna hann fyrir nausyn ok ar liggi vi lf hans ok rki, en r segit mik sikan ok at bana kominn. San sendi hann menn konungs fund at Sigvaldi s sikr, sv at hann s miok sv kominn at bana. Ok at skulu r segia me, sagi hann, at ek bi hann koma til mn fyrir skyld, at ar liggr vi allt hans rki ok lf at vit finnimz r ek dey.
Lttu n at mr ltta, Sigvaldi mlti: Lt at herra, segir hann Sigvaldi; mr, herra; munt muntu heldr mega nema hvat ek mli. nema ml mitt, vat ek em n lgmltr.
Hann svarar: Lt at mr meir, at megir skilia hvat ek segi, vat ek er lgmltr.
From these examples it seems clear that the text of Chapter 85 of lTr is derived from the same source as the parts of Chapters 6672 of the saga that come from a source other than Heimskringla. The story that Jarl Sigvaldi tricked King Sveinn tjguskegg into leaving the country is ancient and older than Oddrs lafs saga. This is indicated primarily by the last sentence in Chapter 34 of lO310, which has no parallel in other
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sources: En hann geri Sigvalda iarl tlagan af ttior sinni fyrir svik sn, ok var hann brottu um hr (lOFJ 112.1315). Secondly, reference is made to it later in lO, where it tells that Sigrr strra urged Sveinn tjguskegg to senda menn Vinland fund Sigvalda iarls er hefir gert tlagan fyrir allt Danaveldi [. . .] (lOFJ 181.2021); Sentu menn eptir Sigvalda iarli Vinland, er hefir tlagan gert [. . .] (lOFJ 182.2122). It can also be deduced from the verse which in both versions of the saga, lO310 and lO18, is quoted in both Latin and Icelandic, attributed in lO18 to the Icelander Stefnir (lOFJ 19495). In the original version of lO the story of Sigvaldis trick was probably not much fuller than that in lO18 (lOFJ 109.30110.34), and it is probably for this reason that the compiler of the 310-version turned to the longer and more dramatic account in Jmsvkinga saga. But there is no likelihood that the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson wrote the original version of this story and it is difficult to see the origin of this tale that Jarl Sigvaldi tricked King Sveinn into leaving the country. It could be an ancient oral tale, but it could also be that some learned man made a good story out of the reference in Thietmar bishop in Merseburg (9751018) and Adam of Bremen to King Sveinn tjguskegg having been taken prisoner and freed for a great ransom, [. . .] a Northmannis insurgentibus captus, cum a populo sibi tunc subdito cum ingenti precio solveretur, says Thietmar (MGHSS III 848.89: [. . .] having been captured by Norwegian rebels, when he was freed for a huge sum provided for him then by his people); Nam cum bellum susciperet contra Sclavos, bis captus et in Sclavaniam ductus tociens a Danis ingenti pondere auri redemtus est (Quellen XI 266.46: For while he was waging war against the Wends he was twice captured and taken to Wendland, and as many times ransomed by the Danes for a huge weight in gold; see JvsH 43). The passage about the emperor Otto, his invasions of Denmark and Christianisation of the Danes, is an interpolation in lO310. In this interpolation there is a reference to what had previously been said in the work that the interpolation was derived from:
En r Haraldr konungr Gormsson fyrir Danmorku. En Hkon iarl Sigurarson var skyldr til at fara til lis vi Harald konung Gormsson ef hann tti land sitt at veria, san hann hafi svikit Gull-Harald, ok var at sttmli (lOFJ 47.1519).
Later in lO (lOFJ 6061) we hear about Hkons tricking of Haraldr grfeldr and Gull-Haraldr and that Hkon was tributary to Haraldr Gormsson thereafter, but it does not mention there that Hkon was bound to go to support Haraldr if his country was attacked. The only source that
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mentions this is Jmsvkinga saga, see Jvs291 20.1924, JvsFlat, FlatChr I 107.1722, JvsAJ, Opera I 100.2126. From this it is clear that the interpolation in lO310 is taken from the 291-version of Jmsvkinga saga. The examination above of the parallel passages in Jvs291, lO310 and lTr has revealed that all three texts must be derived from one and the same source, and it is obvious that this source was not Gunnlaugr Leifssons lfs saga Tryggvasonar, but a version of Jmsvkinga saga, as was pointed out by scholars long ago (Munch 1853, 83.1926 and 84.3244; Gjessing 1877, xiv; Storm 1873, 35; Krijn 1914, 9193; Larsen 1932, 1518; Finnur Jnsson, lOFJ xvi and xxxxxxi; Bjarni Aalbjarnarson 1937, 61). P. Groth tried to defend a different and more far-fetched explanation (Groth 1895, lvlix). If this Jmsvkinga saga was worded in the same way as the one that is preserved in 291, it would be necessary to assume an intermediate link between its text and lO310 and lTr, in which the stylistic features of the 291-text had been obliterated and the comments by which it is particularly characterised had been omitted, for example Jvs291, 23.47:
[. . .] ok ykkir nausyn vera, at eigi veri au endimi at menn s kgair til kristni Danmorku ea orum Norrlondum ok megi eigi halda httum ok trnai sinna foreldra.
Also Jvs291, 32.1113:

En etta var r Hkonar jarls, tt konungr bri upp, vat hann vildi hotvetna annars heldr en ganga undir trna.
There are no traces of these comments in lO310 or in lTr. Even though it is conceivable that the features that characterise the text preserved in 291 had been obliterated in a manuscript that was the intermediate link between it and lO310 and lTr, it must, taking everything into consideration, be considered more likely that all three texts, Jvs291, lO310 and lTr, are based on an older text of Jvs than the one preserved in 291, rather than that lO310 and lTr are derived from a manuscript with the same text as 291. It is clear that this text contained accounts of lfr Tryggvasons aiding the emperor and of the advice he gave about how to conquer the Danavirki. Gunnlaugr Leifsson has been considered the most likely originator of these accounts (see Foote 1959b, 26 and 33 40, which has the most thorough treatment I know of this material), and indeed there is no more likely person of those that can now be identified. But if this is correct, this text of Jvs must have been later than Gunnlaugrs lfs saga Tryggvasonar. But I know of no convincing proof of this, and
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this only can be regarded as certain, that none of these works, Jvs291, lO310 and lTr, are directly dependent on Gunnlaugrs lfs saga. What has been believed to have been taken from Gunnlaugrs saga in the text of lTr which has been discussed here cannot be proved to be the work of anyone else than the compiler of lTr himself. Now we turn to some particular points in what is printed above from Chapters 6672, 8486, 88 and 90 of lTr. (57) In Jvs291 and lO310 the emperor is called tta hinn raui, but Ott hinn raui in Kntlinga saga (F XXXV 94). In the list of emperors in Chapter 65 of lTr and following a similar source in Resensbk and in Icelandic annals the emperor Otto II is called tta (Ott lTr) hinn raui, see the index of names in AnnStorm 1888. Doubtless it was Ott II that was meant in the common source of Jvs291, lO310 and Kntlinga saga; the writer of that source thought that the nickname hinn raui was sufficient to distinguish him from Otto the Great and Otto the Young. In Fagrskinna the emperor is called alternately Otta or Otte and in Heimskringla tta, but in neither does he have a nickname or any other indication of which emperor was meant, Otto I, II or III. In the list of emperors in Veraldar saga (VerJB 71.1921) we read:
[. . .] Ott inn mikli, er rki hafi ri tigi ok tta ra, hann braut Danavirki ok kgai Harald Gormsson til at taka vi kristni.
But in lTr it is clearly stated that it was Ott keisari er hinn ungi var kallar who invaded Denmark and fought with Haraldr Gormsson. Neither is correct. There is this grain of truth in the accounts of the battle at the Danavirki in the works that have been discussed here, that it was the emperor Otto II who attacked Haraldr Gormsson in 974 (MGHSS III 760, JvsH 36). Otto II was emperor 97383. The compiler of lTr realised that according to his chronology it was impossible for lfr Tryggvason to have been with Ott II at the Danavirki; he therefore departed from his source and replaced Otto the Red with Otto the Young. (58) ok sat ar um vetrinn. This is an interpolation into a text that is otherwise based on Jvs, inserted so as to be consistent with a sentence at the beginning of Chapter 68 that is taken from Heimskringla: Um vrit eptir dr Ott keisari her saman vgian, and with this interpolation in Chapter 69: Hkon iarl hafi verit Danmorku me Haraldi konungi um vetrinn. In Chapter 66 the statement that the emperor vowed to go to Denmark ri sumur samt is taken from Jvs, and in Jvs he is made to
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gather together an army for three winters before the second invasion. In Fagrskinna and Heimskringla it is all made to take place in one and the same invasion. Here again the compiler of lTr has departed from his sources, kept the two invasions of Jvs, but considered it more likely that only one winter passed between them, thus avoiding direct conflict with what was said earlier about the emperors vow. (59) Ltu eir efla at niu Danavirki. Here the compiler of lTr has again departed from his source, on account of the fact that he had already mentioned the Danavirki (in Chapter 66, in a passage that he had taken from Heimskringla). In Jvs291 and in lO310, however, it says that Haraldr Gormsson and Jarl Hkon built the Danavirki (Jvs291, 24.1114, lOFJ 48.1013). (60) This is an addition to a description of the Danavirki derived from Heimskringla (lTrEA I 136.1721). The addition was probably written by the compiler of lTr on the basis of the text of Jvs, see Jvs291 28.30 29.9. (61) The passage printed here from Chapter 70 is obviously composed by the compiler of lTr taking account of the text of Jvs, but the same or similar wording comes through in only a very few places. The words of the emperor and of lfr Tryggvason in direct speech have exactly the same characteristics as direct speech elsewhere in lTr, which was demonstrably composed by the compiler (FrH, xixiii). (62) In Jvs291 and lO310 it is not mentioned that Brizlfr king of the Wends was among the emperors troops. The compiler of lTr found Brizlfr in Heimskringlas account of the emperors mustering of his army (HkrFJ I 298.17299.5). (63) Catapults are not mentioned in the parallel sources. (64) What is said here about Bishop Poppo and his mission is based on Jvs, but is expanded with comments and rhetorical expressions characteristic of the compiler of lTr. The oldest source about Bishop Poppo having preached Christianity to Haraldr Gormsson and carried red-hot iron in his hand is an account in the Saxon Chronicle of Widukind (fl. 973), which was dedicated to Matilda, daughter of the emperor Otto I. There it says that the Danes had for a long
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time been Christian, but had at the same time worshipped their heathen gods. Bishop Poppo maintained to King Haraldr bltnn at a feast where there was a dispute about the God of the Christians and the gods of the heathens, that there was one true God, God the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, and Haraldr told him to demonstrate by some sign that his faith was true, and Poppo said he was quite prepared to do this. Haraldr then had him guarded until the next day. Then he had a great piece of iron made red-hot in a fire and told Poppo to pick up the iron and carry it in his hand. Poppo did this and carried the iron as far as the king commanded and showed all the people his unburned hand afterwards (Widukind, Chapter 65 of Book III). In Fagrskinna, Heimskringla, JvsAJ, lO310 and lTr it says that Poppo carried red-hot iron, nine paces according to lO310 and lTr, while Jvs291 is alone in making Poppo walk nine paces over red-hot iron. This is undeniably reminiscent of the nine red-hot ploughshares which according to grip and Heimskringla Haraldr gilli was made to walk over to prove his paternity (HkrFJ III 301, F XXIX 50). The nine paces in Jvs291 are definitely derived from the common source of Jvs291, lO310 and lTr, being based on the rule about the ordeal of carrying hot iron, that the one carrying the iron must walk with it for nine paces (Kulturhistorisk leksikon V, column 547). But at a later stage, the scribe of 291, or some predecessor, departed from that source and either himself thought up the idea of making Poppo walk over red-hot iron, or found this account in a book. In Jvs291 the bishops ordeal is as follows:
N ferr etta fram, at byskup syngr messu. Ok eptir messuna, gengr hann til essar raunar, treystr me holdi ok bli almttigs gus, ok var ollum byskups skra, er hann tra irnin. En gu hlfi honum sv at hvergi var brunaflekkr hans lkama, ok hvergi var runnit kli hans (Jvs291 32.2433.2).
This is undeniably reminiscent of what it says in orvalds ttr vfor la about Bishop Frirekr when he walked on the fire at the wedding in Haukagil, where it is stated at eigi me nokkuru mti svinuu hinar minnstu trefr skra hans (lTrEA I 289.2324). It must be borne in mind, that in these texts, as also in Volusp, v. 56.911 (gengr fet no | Fiorgyniar burr | neppr fr nari), and Snorris Edda (SnEFJ 72.17), the word fet is used in the sense pace, step. (65) In Jvs291 and lO310 it is stated that the emperor invited lfr Tryggvason to go with him when he set off back home. This remark has given the compiler of lTr occasion to make up a story about the conversation between the emperor and lfr.
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(66) What is printed down to this point from Chapter 84 of lTr is an account of the leaders of the Jomsvikings and their origins, compiled from the second part of Jvs and agreeing with the 291-version, with the one exception, that here Hemingr is counted among the sons of Strt-Haraldr, while in Jvs291 he is not mentioned until much later (in Chapter 27). This passage is a necessary introduction to the material that follows derived from Jvs, especially the account of Jarl Sigvaldi and his tricking of King Sveinn, which appears to be taken with little change from Jvs, see pp. 66 69 above. (67) These two sentences at the beginning of Chapter 85 are an addition by the compiler of lTr. The first sentence is based on Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 319.10: San var Sveinn tekinn til konungs Danmork), but the second is inserted by the compiler as an explanation of how Sigvaldi spuri at Sveinn konungr var veizlu me sex hundru manna. (68) En ef vill eigi enna kost, mun ek f ik hendr Vinum. This is a paraphrase by the compiler of some words in Heimskringla, see HkrFJ I 320.56: ok at orum kosti segir iarl, at hann myndi Svein konung f hendr Vinum. (69) This is stanza 10 of Jmsvkingadrpa (Jvdr). In prose word-order: Styrkir dreyrgra darra riendr heldu san skipum til Danmarkar; eim gafz rausn ok rki; ok gnrakkir aubrotar drukku ar erfi fera sinna; eim fr ek msum aukaz annir. The major part of this poem, 40 stanzas, is preserved in the Codex Regius of Snorris Edda, GKS 2367 4to, 53r2954r. In the manuscript, stanza 40 of this poem ends at the bottom of fol. 54r, and at the top of 54v begins Mlshttakvi. In the Codex Regius there is no sign of an original heading to the poem, nor any apparent reason why its conclusion should not have been written on 54v. The last page of the manuscript (55v) is very dark. Doubtless what is lacking of stanza 30 of Mlshttakvi was written at the top of this page (see Skjd II A 136), but there is no way of knowing whether anything else was written there. In lTr, 16 complete stanzas and two half-stanzas of Jvdr have been inserted into the account of the Battle of the Jomsvikings and the events leading up to it, taken mainly from Heimskringla. These are stanzas 1012, 17, 18, 20, 26, 29, 30, 3234 and 38 of the poem, but stanzas 4145 (according to the numbering in Skjd II 110) are preserved nowhere but in lTr. The text in many places is better preserved in lTr than in the Codex Regius, and it is
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obvious that the stanzas in lTr are not copied from there. In lTr the poem is attributed to Bishop Bjarni, and this doubtless refers to Bjarni Kolbeinsson, bishop in Orkney 11881223. (70) This passage is inserted in lTr into an account that otherwise is taken from Heimskringla. The wording does not suggest any known source. (71) This is stanza 11 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: vildu oldurmenn einkum at enn skyldu leita sr gtis; slkt eru yrkisefni; ok gtu haukligast hefia heitstrengingar; eigi fr ek at olteiti ta var ltil. (72) This is stanza 12 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ek fr heiptmildan Sigvalda hefia heitstrenging. rkinn Bi var or r at auka slkan rek. eir htuz reka Hkon af hauri ea rna lfi; frknra fyra fin var fkium grimm. (73) orkell Gslason is named nowhere else than in lTr and nothing is known about him. Nothing has been preserved of his poem, Badrpa, except the stanzas that have been included in lTr. This is the first of the surviving stanzas; in prose word-order: Bru sver ok herkli vali vka; eim seggium fr ek lka vel snarri. (74) at var nr vetrnttum. Cf. Jvs291 93.2122: Ok er etta um vetrntta skei. The same dating of the memorial feast appears in JvsFlat 179.3536, Jvs7 28.34 and Jvs510 54.32. (75) eir hfu hvassan byr ok gengu skipin geyst. This is based on the first of the two stanzas of Badrpa which follow. The first stanza in prose word-order: Hara hvasst hregg kni humra fiollum; marir bara hlipu hefils vollum. Bl hronn hlrum; ur hin svikalda hraut af brimdrum; st alda skaut kili. The second stanza: Raukn rasta bru gefasta rekka til landa rsis; ron g at randa rym. Vr Nregr nam vi mor gum skipstof num. Vpn eru grimm torgum, gaf ntt nest hrofnum. (76) Sv er sagt at eir hlipu upp Iari ilanttina. This is presumably based on stanza 17 of Jvdr, which follows next. The dating agrees with these other works: FskFJ 87.1819: eir koma her snum ilantt at Iari [. . .]; Jvs510 61.13: etta var ilanttina er Imsvkingar kmu Iaar; JvsAJ, Opera I 129.67: Ille cursu potitus secundo in vigilia nativitatis Domini at pagum Jadar appulit (He had a good voyage and reached the
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district of Jaarr late on Christmas Eve); lO310: [. . .] kmu Imsvkingar um misvetrar skei Nreg [. . .] (lOFJ 61.89); lO18: En nokkuru sar kmu eir Imsvkingar Nreg me sex tigu skipa um miian vetr (lOFJ 61.2729). There is also a passage that has been interpolated into the text of Jvs in Flateyjarbk which reads as follows: Fundr essi var Hiorungavgi um vetrinn eptir il (FlatChr I 187.22, lTrEA I 180 footnote; lafur Halldrsson 1977, 61617). The text in Fagrskinna is in all likelihood based on Jvdr; this is implied by the wording ilantt at Iari and the words that follow the quotation above: ok fengu ver mikit, ok gtu haldit skipum snum ol lum (FskFJ 87.1920). It looks as though this is based on stanza 16 of the poem. At the time Jvdr was composed and the works referred to above were written, jlantt in Christian terms was the night before 25 December. But according to what it says in Hkonar saga ga in Heimskringla, Yule in heathen times was hafit hokuntt, at var misvetrarntt (HkrFJ I 185.1011). Midwinter was in early times reckoned to be 12 January (Alver 1970, 9697). It would be very surprising if these datings, jlantt, um misvetrar skei, um mijan vetur and um veturinn eftir jl, were not all derived from one early source and all based on the date of Yule at midwinter in heathen times (lafur Halldrsson 1977, 617). (77) In Jvs291 and JvsFlat the man who lost his hand when Vagn struck at him is called gmundr the White, but he is called Geirmundr in Fagrskinna, Heimskringla, Jvs510, and Geirmundr the White in Jvs7, where the name is doubtless taken from the same source as the interpolation about the killing of Kntr Danast and the death of Gormr the Old, but in JvsAJ an attempt has been made to resolve the confusion by making the Jomsvikings kill Geirmundr in Jaarr, and cut off gmundr the Whites hand in the Vk (JvsAJ, Opera I 129 og IV 133). The text of this passage in lTr does not quite agree with any particular version of Jvs, though odd sentences or phrases are the same as or similar to what appears in some versions of the saga, especially the 291-version:
S mar var nefndr Gerimundr er ar var fyrir me sveit manna. Cf. HkrFJ I 325.910: Geirmundr er s mar nefndr [. . .]; Jvs510 61.17: S mar er nefndr Geirmundr [. . .]. Hann stokk ofan r loptinu. Cf. Jvs, all versions: [. . .] hann hleypr ofan ( 291, after loptinu JvsFlat) r loptinu [. . .]; FskFJ 88.5: [. . .] hlip hann r loptinu [. . .]. en kom hann standandi nir. Cf. Jvs, all versions: ok kmr (kom Fsk, 510) standandi nir.
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ar var nr staddr Vagn kason ok hi til hans. Kom hoggit hondina ok tk af fyrir ofan lfli. Cf. Jvs291 101.810, FlatChr I 184.1011: En Vagn kason var ar nr staddr, er hann kom nir, ok hoggr egar til hans gmundar ( JvsFlat) ok *hi hond honum (kemr hondina JvsFlat) fyrir ofan lfli [. . .]; Jvs510 62.24: En Vagn kason var ar nr staddr ok hi hann til Geirmundar ok kom handlegginn fyrir ofan lfliinn [. . .]; Jvs7 31.4: Vagn var nr staddr ok hggr egar til hans ok tk af hondina [. . .]; FskFJ 88.67: Vagn var ar nr ok hi hond Geirmundi fyrir ofan lfli [. . .].
(78) Nimyrkr var . The compiler has found it better to make this statement as an explanation of how Geirmundr escaped unseen from the Jomsvikings. (79) This sentence is based on Jvs, the 291-version, cf. Jvs291 101.1319. (80) This is stanza 17 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Raura randa reynendr segia Imsvkingar kmi flota snum ilantt at Iari. Firar vru heldr giarnir haran herna; riendr randorma buu Geirmundi rki. (81) This passage is an addition to text taken from Heimskringla, inserted between the words koma and San in HkrFJ I 326.8. The words of Jarl Hkon in this passage are not derived from any extant version of Jvs, but in Geirmundrs reply, the words Fnai r n, Vagn kason, are exactly the same in Jvs291 103.78. (82) This is stanza 18 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: buu eir Nregs iarlar eim greppum er sunnan kmu grla at mti til geirhrar. ar var skommu mli mestr landherr saman fundinn, margr morremmandi var at laufa leiki. (83) This is inserted into the text of Heimskringla after mar in HkrFJ I 329.16. rmr is derived from Jvs, the 291-version (he is called Arnmr in Jvs7), introduced into the saga in Jvs291 109.911 as follows: En mt Siguri kpu, brur Ba, vru eir fegar, rmr r nundarfiri og rni son hans. But the assertion in lTr that rmr was mikill kappi is most likely based on what is said about him in stanzas 21 and 29 of Jvdr. (84) This is stanza 20 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ok menn heyra at rr hraustir hofingiar vru me hvrum flokki, at hefir i minnum, ar er hilmasks hreggviir hittust vum Hiorungavgi; s fyra fundr tti frgr.
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(85) This is based partly on Heimskringla, and partly on the stanza from Badrpa that follows, cf. HkrFJ I 330.1920: San logu eir saman flotann; tekz ar in grimmasta orrosta [. . .]. (86) This passage (from Gekk) was inserted by the compiler between the words orrosta and ok in HkrFJ 330.20. The stanza from Badrpa in prose word-order: Herr bar merki htt; grimmt eggia l kom Hamis serki; seggia li gekkz at. Flotna fior meiddu grit ok skotbroddar; flest hlf var brotna; grir oddar glumu. (87) This is inserted between the words lii and vat in HkrFJ I 331.1. The half-stanza from Badrpa in prose word-order: Bi hofu ok hendr manna hrutu fyrir bor; herkli brustu; vargr nam kanna hr. (88) This is not taken direct from any particular source. Hvarr hoggvandi and slkr hlmskalli are mentioned in all accounts of the Battle of the Jomsvikings. What is said in lTr, that no weapon could pierce slkr and that he and Hvarr were Bis forecastle-men, is probably based on Heimskringla, where it says of slkr that weapons had not previously pierced him and that he was Bis foster-father and forecastle-man (HkrFJ I 333.67). But in Jvs it says that slkr was on Vagns ship and fought alongside him. The sentence eir vru fr v harfengir ok illir vireignar sem arir menn does not actually seem to be worded in the way the compiler of lTr would have expressed it. (89) This is stanza 26 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: lmr Gull-Bi klauf hilma me yggiar eldi; hann lt hringserkia bol ganga nir herar. Hvarr r at stra hart hogg fyra lii, slkr hefir verit fkium illr vir at eiga. (90) The words in italics here are taken from Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 332.5). (91) This is stanza 29 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Vagn hefir orit tum orfengr at strangri bo; drengir gingu vel fram me frknum fullhuga, ars ek fr at hann, hinn rki ka sonr, hli brtt hugprum rmi Yggiar li. The prose before this stanza is based on both stanzas 28 and 29. The rmr here said to have been killed by Vagn is presumably the same as the rmr of nundarfjorr who was previously said to have been positioned opposite Sigurr kpa, see note 83.
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(92) This is the introduction to the stanza from Badrpa, and is not dependent on any other source. The stanza in prose word-order: Herr neytti handa, branda hr var snor p, fr randa var fst til fiornis landa. Fleinborvar fellu, orvar flugu af streng, hiorvar sungu htt vi gorvar hlfar. (93) The stanza from Badrpa and the introduction to it are inserted after the word djarfasta in HkrFJ I 332.1. The stanza in prose word-order: Hrs haukar gullu, hvassir benlaukar skfu leggi lis, grit lami seggi. Grir mlmar gnustu, hilmar gengu sundr, hauks fiollum varat frir fiornis stollum. (94) The first part of this passage is based on stanza 30 of Jvdr, which follows next, but the second part, where it tells of Jarl Hkons sacrifice of his son, is based on Jvs. In Jvs291 and all other versions of the saga it is stated that Hkon sacrificed his son Erlingr at the age of seven, and in all except Jvs7, that Erlingr was enn efniligsti (Jvs291 115.1819). (95) This is stanza 30 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ek fr hola hvarvitna hrkkva fyrir gunnar rok kum hior va hreggvium; herr gsti darra gn; r tum grimmr Hkon tki at blta syni or va drfu; fram kom en hara heipt. (96) This is the beginning of an addition to the text of Heimskringla, which is inserted after the word einu in HkrFJ I 332.11. The half-stanza from Badrpa in prose word-order: Ek fr Ba ganga greitt gegnum li eira; svanr Hanga gladdiz, geira goll var vok. (97) These two sentences are a paraphrase of what it says in Jvs, see Jvs291 115.26116.2: N eptir etta ferr jarl til skipa sinna ok eggiar n li sitt allt at niu. Ok veit ek n vst, segir hann, at vr munum sigraz eim Imsvkingum. (98) geri l mikit ok illviri mti Imsvkingum, cf. HkrFJ I 332.11: geri illviri ok l sv mikit at haglkornit eitt v eyri and Jvs291 116.1617: eir allir Imsvkingar ttu at vega gegn linu. (99) This is stanza 32 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: fr ek hit illa l Holgabrar az; hara grimmt hagl r norri glumi hilmum, ars hreggi keyru skiagriti bari ormfrn augu tum; ben ni blsa.
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(100) The words hvert haglkornit v eyri are derived from the stanza of Badrpa which follows. In Jvs it says that Jarl Hkon and his men weighed the hailstones when the battle was over: Ok er at fr sagt at eyri vgi eitt hvert haglkornit [. . .] (Jvs291 119.22). In place of the word hvert in Badrpa, JvsFlat, FlatChr I 195.2, Jvs510 88.9 and lTr, there is eitt hvert in Jvs291, eitt in Jvs7 38.28 and singula in JvsAJ, see Opera I 137.5 7, FskFJ 97.78 and HkrFJ I 332.12. The stanza from Badrpa in prose word-order: Hvert hagl v eyri, dreyri hraut log, bl r bragna srum rum bens. ar fell valr va, s ra gylld v, sveit snekkium iarla bariz snarla. (101) This passage, and also the stanza from Badrpa which follows, are based on Jvs, cf. Jvs291 116.23-29. The stanza in prose word-order: Hit forlita flag r skita snorpum orum af fingrum sr; slkt er gorpum raun. Geriz fkium grimmt hregg ok loptdrfa at rkium gumnum; var hr gnr hlfa. (102) This comment, which is based on Jvs, is in lTr inserted after the word sat in HkrFJ 332.16; see Jvs291 118.2227: at er sagt at Sigvalda var orit kalt linu ok hleypr hann til ra ok vill lta orna sr, en annarr mar setz vi stirnina. Ok er Vagn hafi kveit vsuna ok hann sr Sigvalda, fleygir hann spiti til hans ok tlai at hann sti enn vi stirnina, en Sigvaldi var vi rar. (103) This is stanza 33 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: var rekforluum iarli orfum meiri hugraun, fr ek at hann heldi flota snum braut. Sigvaldi ba snara segl vi hna, hronn glumi koldum byr hfum, hr fell bug va. (104) This passage is inserted after the word millum in HkrFJ I 333.1. The content of it is put together from Jvs, except for the comment on Vigfs Vga-Glmsson: Var hann allstyrkr mar. Cf. HkrFJ I 333.3: Vigfs var allsterkr mar. orsteinn milangr is named thus in Fagrskinna and Heimskringla, but orkell milangr in all versions of Jvs. But what is said in lTr about his quarrel with Jarl Hkon is based on Jvs, see Jvs291 104.15105.4. orleifr skma is named thus in Jvs, but Skmr in Fagrskinna. His descent is given in Jvs (except in JvsAJ) and Fagrskinna in the same way as here: Hann var son orkels ens auga vestan r Drafiri r Alviru (Jvs291 111.34).
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(105) This introduction to stanza 34 of Jvdr is inserted, together with the stanza, after the word niri in HkrFJ 333.5 What is said here of orleifr skma, that he broke Hvarr hoggvandis bones, is based exclusively on this stanza of Jvdr. In Jvs and Heimskringla it is stated that Hvarr lost both legs: [. . .] ftrnir bir vru hoggnir undan honum fyrir nean kn (Jvs291 121.2930); [. . .] vat ftr vru af honum hoggnir (HkrFJ 336.7). The only source that says that Hvarrs legs were broken, apart from Jvdr and probably independently of it, is a passage inserted into the text of Jvs in Flateyjarbk :
En at er sumra manna sogn, eira er frir eru, at orleifr skma hefi um daginn bardaganum lostit Hvar hoggvanda, sv at bir ftr hans vru lamir, er hann var r sv illr vireignar, at nliga hi hann allt at er fyrir honum var (FlatChr I 195.37196.3; lTrEA I 180 footnote; lafur Halldrsson 1977, 61819).
(106) This is stanza 34 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Vegrkinn Vigfs lt ar vera slki veittar helfarar; ann tt erat orf at segia. Hoggrammr orleifr of vann brotit ykkva leggi rekstrum Hvari; hann v hart me kylfu. (107) The stanza and the introductory words are inserted after the word kisturnar in HkrFJ I 333.16. The stanza in prose word-order: Enn rekmesti gir gunnskra st fyrir hf hrfs hesti; nar sra gladdiz. Bens bra kom nir, frkn Bi nam kistu hvra hond sr. Hykk fer misstu friar. (108) This passage is based on Freyinga saga, see FrH, 6768 and clxclxv. (109) This is stanza 38 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Fr ek vst at Vagn veri skei me egna sna; vru oll onnur unn skip eira hroin; ar ni eygi engils mar at ganga upp; eir ru at keyra gia Eirks menn ofan. The stanza and the prose before and after it are inserted after the word virtaka in HkrFJ I 334.2. The prose before the stanza is based on it. (110) This sentence is a link between the stanza and a sentence taken with little change from Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 334.23 en xxx). (111) The stanza and the introductory words are inserted after the sentence from Heimskringla referred to in the preceding note.
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The stanza in prose word-order: Vagn felldi vira; enn hvassleiti hrafn vali of stira ni; sveiti hrundi bor. r Eirkr dla hria skip ess eyis unngla; var hr stla rymr. (112) This passage is put together from the text of Heimskringla, HkrFJ I 334.34: ok fluttir land upp bundnir; 334.7: eir Vagn stu einni lg allir saman; 334.911: eir Vagn vru sv bundnir at einn strengr var sninn at ftum allra eira, en lausar vru hendr eira. (113) This is inserted after the word lginni in HkrFJ I 334.8. The comment here on the heroic words of the Jomsvikings is based on stanza 41 of Jvdr. (114) This sentence, the following stanza, and the five words of prose after it are inserted after the word honum in HkrFJ I 334.14. In lTr the passage about the execution of the Jomsvikings follows Heimskringla. The words sem vn var (lTrEA I 196.2122) are from the manuscript of Heimskringla used by the compiler of lTr. They are also found in Jfraskinna. In JvsFlat and Jvs7 ten Jomsvikings are mentioned as having been executed after the battle, nine in JvsAJ and eight in Jvs510 (lacuna in 291). The figure of eighteen in lTr presumably comes from stanza 41 of Jvdr, and it may be asked whether the author of the poem did not choose this number for the alliteration. Nevertheless it should be noted that Heimskringla ends the account of the execution of the Jomsvikings and of those who were let off with these words: tjn vru drepnir, en tlf gu gri (HkrFJ I 335.1819). This agrees with stanzas 41 and 44 of Jvdr. (115) This is stanza 41 of Jvdr, only preserved in lTr. In prose wordorder: ar lt Eirkr egar tin egna tna ondu; heldr frgum verra li fyrir Vagni. Hraustar hetiur mltu rttar or; at var fkium haukligt; iir hafa au uppi me fyrum. (116) See the words commented on in note 114. (117) Biorn enn brezki from Jvs is put instead of Skari vkingr in FskFJ 102.4 and vkingr Skari in HkrFJ I 335.12. (118) These four words and the next three stanzas together with the prose links are inserted after the word banahogg in HkrFJ I 335.15. (119) This is stanza 42 of Jvdr, only preserved in lTr. In prose word-
84
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order: Ok rketill leira fr me fior nis flu, er menbroti mlti manson g um hringa Gn. Hann geriz at hoggva hauklyndan son ka. Heiptorr Vagn gat heldr vegit at hnum fyrri. (120) This is based on the following stanza of Jvdr, except for the words Vil ek, segir hann, which are taken from Heimskringla (HkrFJ 335.1617). (121) This is stanza 43 of Jvdr, only preserved in lTr. In prose wordorder: Hyggiu gegn hringa hreytir kva at Vagni: Viltu Yggiar lsvellandi of iggia yvart lf? Eigi mun ek iggia fior nema efna at heit er nam strengia. Sv kva ungr egghrar Ullr at iarli. (122) This follows neither Heimskringla nor Jvs precisely, cf. HkrFJ I 335.1718: Leysi r strenginum, segir jarl, ok sv var gort; FlatChr I 201.3637 (lacuna in 291): Ok n eru eir allir leystir, Jmsvkingar [. . .] (123) This is based on the following stanza of Jvdr. (124) This half-stanza and the one that follows are only preserved in lTr. The half-stanza in prose word-order: rr Eirkr lt strum gefit gri ok aura tlf egnum me Vagni; at leyfa iir miok. (125) This half-stanza and its introduction are inserted after the word leiru in HkrFJ I 337.17. The half-stanza in prose word-order: gekk orlyndr rymu randa Ullr at eiga mta Ingibiorgu; margir menn fstu ess. (126) This is based on Jvs (FlatChr I 202.1011, Jvs7 43.811, Jvs510 99.1718, lacuna in 291) and is inserted after the word Danmerkr in HkrFJ I 337.20 The clause ok er mart strmenni fr honum komit is identical in Hkr, JvsFlat, Jvs7 and lTr. After this there is an addition in A, which is entirely out of place: ok var ar til ess er skip gen gu meal lan da. The scribe has inserted this so as to get three lines of indented text to provide space for a larger capital than for a normal chapter break, because here there is a change of topic, and the story returns to telling of lfr Tryggvason.
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SOURCES
It is clear that the text of lTr printed above in this book (pp. 533) was originally compiled from various sources. It gives an account of the kings of Denmark one after another down to Sveinn Forkbeard son of Haraldr Gormsson. The text is not, however, conceived as just a chronicle of the kings of Denmark, but much rather as a compilation of sources about the earliest kings of the Danes, in which attention has been directed more than anything else at the Christianisation of the Danes, the uniting of Denmark into a single kingdom and the beginning of Danish rule in England. In the narratives of these sections of lTr, Chapters 6072 and 8490, it is possible to distinguish four main categories of source: I. Latin sources, especially chronicles (or annals; Chapter 60) and a regnal list of emperors (Chapter 65). In a very few places it looks as though the text in lTr is based on Adam of Bremen, though it is uncertain whether the material that can be traced to Adam is derived direct from him or through an intermediary. II. *Saga of the Danish kings (Chapters 6164), of which there are also remnants in Ragnarssona ttr, in Jmsvkinga saga in Perg. 4to nr. 7 and in a fragment of Ragnars saga lobrkar in AM 147 4to. III. Jmsvkinga saga (Chapters 6670, 72, 8486, 88 and 90). Actually it is uncertain whether the compiler of the text which survives in lTr used a manuscript of Jvs, or followed *Saga of the Danish kings for the parts of the text that run parallel to Jvs. IV. Heimskringla. In addition, these sections of lTr contain a short passage derived from Freyinga saga, a few stanzas from orkell Gslasons Badrpa and most of Bjarni Kolbeinssons Jmsvkingadrpa. Each of these sources in turn is discussed briefly in what follows. I. (Chapters 60 and 65) In Chapter 60 use is made of Latin sources, and by far the clearest correspondences are with Annales regni Francorum. The most recent research into the text of these annals indicates that they are not the work of one person, but of three. ArF was early inserted into the beginning of the socalled Annales Fuldenses, and the whole compilation was attributed to Einhard (c.770840), but more recent research has revealed that he had no part in it.1 When in the past I and others before me have reckoned
1
See Carolingian Chronicles 1989, Introduction 58.
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Annales Fuldenses as one of the sources used by the compiler of lTr and have referred to Einhard as the author, therefore, this is to be disregarded. In Chapter 60 of lTr Danish kings of the ninth and early tenth centuries come into the story. Their origin is not, however, traced to mythical kings, rather the names of the earliest of them and information about them is taken from Latin Chronicles, to begin with from ArF, and later on from other Latin sources. The kings are introduced in this order: 1) Gufrr king in Jutland. 2) Hemingr nephew of Gufrr. 3) Sigfrr kinsman of Gufrr and Hringr anulo. 4) Haraldr. 5) Hrekr kinsman of Haraldr, ruler of Jutland. 6) Hrekr. 7) Sigfrr and Hlfdan. 8) Helgi. 9) lfr. 10) Gyrr and Kntr (Gnpa). 11) Siggeir (Sigtryggr). As far as one can see it is assumed that all these kings ruled over Jutland, even though this is only explicitly stated about some of them. The names of all of them seem to have been taken from Latin works (except probably no. 7, Sigfrr and Hlfdan, see notes 19 and 31); some are kept in Latin form, though most are turned into Old Norse. No attempt has been made to trace their descent any further than is done in the Latin sources or to be more precise about the extent of their kingdoms. King Fri, who comes immediately after Sigfrr and Hlfdan and is said to have ruled Jutland when the emperor Henry I made the Danes Christian, is from another stable. He is taken from a different source from the kings listed above, probably a Danish chronicle, see note 29 on p. 45. Neither his ancestry nor his descendants are mentioned. What is said in Chapter 65 about the emperors and their reigns is taken from a Latin regnal list, see note 51 on p. 64. II. (Chapters 6164) After Chapter 60 of lTr there are four chapters derived from Old Norse sources. The following Danish kings are listed in them without any connection being made with those named above: 12) Sigurr hringr. 13) Ragnarr lobrk. Then come tributary kings in Jutland: 14) lfr enski Kinriksson. 15) Grmr gri lfsson. 16) Aulfr oflgi Grmsson. 17) Gormr hinn heimski Aulfsson. 18) Kntr fundni. 19) Gormr Kntsson. 20) Hora-Kntr, son of Sigurr ormr auga. 21) Gormr the Old son of Hora-Kntr. 22) Haraldr Gormsson. The origin of this second group of Danish kings is not easily traced. As a start it seems clear that the series Sigurr hringr Ragnarr lobrk Sigurr ormr auga Hora-Kntr Gormr the Old Haraldr Gormsson comes from a source in which the ancestry of Danish kings
Sources
87
was traced to Skjoldr son of inn. This series of kings from Sigurr hringr to Haraldr Gormsson is the same in rni Magnssons transcript of material in Resensbk (AM 1 e II fol., 86va1388va5), where it is part of a series of Danish kings which is traced in one column from father to son, Skjol dr being named first, and then the kings from him down to Kntr inn rki.2 A similar genealogy, identical from inn to Haraldr hilditonn, but differently worded from Sigurr hringr to Hora-Kntr, appears in AM 415 4to, printed in Alfri III 5859. The same series as in Resensbk from Sigurr hringr to the sons of Kntr inn rki is also in a genealogy copied by rni Magnsson from a vellum manuscript which is now burned (lafur Halldrsson 1990, 9091 and references there). In Flateyjarbk (FlatChr I 2627) there is a related genealogy traced from Skjoldr son of inn to Sigurr hringr, though it is not precisely the same as in Resensbk. In Flateyjarbk it is clearly stated that Sigurr hringr was son of Randverr brother of Haraldr hilditonn, but this does not come out in rnis transcript from Resensbk until a supplementary list after the name of Kntr inn rki: Vallda milldi var .s. Hroars .h. s. Haralldr .s. h. Hlfdan snialli .s. h. Iva vifami .s. h. (!) Avr divpvga .h. d. Haralldr hilldito hear .s. oc Randver radbards .s. Sigur hringr han s .s. Scholars, e. g. Jakob Benediktsson and Bjarni Gunason, have regarded these genealogies as derived from *Skjldunga saga (Opera IV 11415; Bjarni Gunason 1963, 116 ff.). They are found in various other places that are not listed here, see the exhaustive account in Bjarni Gunason 1963, 15265 (which, however, lacks the genealogy from Resensbk). In the genealogies of the Skjoldungs that were mentioned above, the following kings are listed before Sigurr hringr: inn Skjoldr Frileifr Frifri Frileifr Hvarr handrami Fri Varmundr vitri lfr ltillti Danr mikillti Fri frisami Frileifr Fri hinn frkni Ingjaldr Starkaarfstri Hlfdan Helgi and Hrarr Hrlfr kraki Hrrekr hnggvanbaugi Fri Hlfdan Hrrekr slngvanbaugi Haraldr hilditonn. If the original compiler of the text now preserved in Chapter 60 of lTr knew this list he has entirely disregarded it and used other more reliable sources. Consequently it is not possible to determine whether this list existed when the text of Chapter 60 of lTr was compiled. The text of this chapter of lTr is no proof that the compiler did not know the beginning of *Skjldunga
2 In Resensbk inn appeared at the head of the list. His name was in the top line of the column, but this line, according to rnis note on ff. 86v87r in AM 1 e II fol., had been cut off the top of the leaf along with the upper margin.
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saga. It is a sufficient explanation of why he included the text of Chapter 60 in his work that in it the introduction of Christianity, the first churches and the first bishops in Denmark are mentioned. It is not easy to say what source the first four tributary kings in Jutland mentioned in Chapter 61 are derived from. Their names and nicknames alliterate together, like some names in the genealogies of the Skjoldungs, which suggests that they have been thought up by a narrator, see above. None of them is found in surviving genealogies of the Skjoldungs, though it is conceivable that lfr Kinriksson appeared in *Skjldunga saga. He is said to have been a tributary king in Jutland, subject first to Sigurr hringr and later to Ragnarr lobrk. His grandson is also said to have been tributary to Ragnarr lobrk, while Gormr, son of rla-Kntr (Kntr fundni) is said to have been subject to the sons of Ragnarr. Thus it is assumed that six kings in Jutland were contemporaries of Sigurr hringr, Ragnarr lobrk and his sons and were subject to them, though if that had been so, the reigns of some of them would have had to have been on the short side. From this it is clear that Grmr gri, Aulfr oflgi and Gormr hinn heimski have no business in the list of kings and it remains unclear why they have been introduced into it. One would expect the tale of Kntr fundni to have been the beginning of a saga in which he was made the ancestor of the kings of Denmark. In Jvs7 and JvsAJ Kntr fundni is said to have been the father of Gormr: s var fyrst kallar Gormr hinn heimski, en er hann var roskinn Gormr hinn gamli ea hinn rki (Jvs7, 2.67); Filium Gormonem nomine, in prima tate stultum, postea vero senem nuncupatum, suscepit (Opera I 90.1011: He had a son called Gormr, in his youth nicknamed the Foolish, but later on the Old). The same descent was given in the exemplar of Jmsvkinga saga used in Flateyjarbk, though there the texts of lTr and Jvs are combined (FlatChr I 98). In Jvs291, however, it says that Kntr fundni fostered Hora-Kntr, son of Sigurr ormr auga, and gave him his name, and that Gormr the Old was his son. Long ago it was pointed out that here Hora-Kntr had been added into the list of kings in Jvs (Bjarni Gunason 1963, 11718 and references there). In Jvs it says that Arnfinnr father of Kntr fundni was Charlemagnes jarl. No thought is given here to the fact that Charlemagne died in 814, and the saga just assumes that Kntr fundni was born before this. According to the saga (Jvs7, JvsAJ), Haraldr Gormsson was the second generation from Kntr fundni and should then really have been born rather before the year 900. It may be that some historians noticed that the chronology could hardly be right and inserted some generations to make the story more credible.
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In genealogies Hora-Kntr is made to link together the branch of the royal genealogy that was descended from inn (the Skjoldungs) with that which had ruled Jutland (cf. Gjessing 1877, iii), thus making the members of the latter in fact the predecessors of the later Danish kings. Could he not in ancient stories have been the same person as Kntr fundni? They were both fostered by a king in Jutland called Gormr and they both had a son called Gormr. The best explanation seems to be this: that HoraKntr was another name for Kntr fundni, and that Kntr fundni, as is said in Jvs291, gave his name to Hora-Kntr, the element Hora being derived from the Old Danish forest-name *harth (assuming that this existed, see note 40 on p. 53), alluding to the fact that Kntr fundni was found in a forest (i. e. Skgar-Kntr). But when the Skjoldungs began to make their appearance in the genealogies of the Danish kings the name Hor a-Kntr was stolen from Kntr fundni and slipped into the genealogy of the Skjol dungs by making this new Kntr the son of Sigurr ormr auga. Stories about Hor a-Kntr are undoubtedly ancient. Kntr inn rki named one of his sons Hora-Kntr. In this he was not giving his own name to this son of his; it was rather that he had taken this name from a story of one of his ancestors, a tale with which story-tellers may have provided entertainment in his court. According to the preserved accounts, HoraKntr son of Sigurr ormr auga was an obscure king, whereas the Kntr who was found in the forest was of an origin that was reminiscent of the Biblical stories of the prophet Moses and related stories of exposed children (see p. 51 above; also Stith Thompson, Motif-Index S 312.1). But any written saga that began with the tale of Kntr fundni would most likely have been the *Saga of Kntr inn rki. With Chapter 61 a narrative is picked up in the middle which had previously told about the forebears of Ragnarr lobrk, that is Sigurr hringr, Haraldr hilditonn, varr vfami and Mold digra, and these people are referred to as if they had already been spoken of and so needed no introduction. But later (Chapters 6263) the sons of Ragnarr lobrk are spoken of with reference to their having avenged their father and killed King Ella in England, and it is also mentioned that varr beinlauss was king in England for a long period, died of old age and was buried there in England, see note 45. In these passages, as has been said before, an attempt has been made to combine into one credible account two versions of the origin of the Danish kings, on the one hand traditions about Kntr fundni, on the other traditions of the Skjoldungs. The material has been selected so as to ensure that it explained how Denmark was united into a single kingdom in the time of Gormr the Old and then passed as an undivided inheritance
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to his descendants, and at the same time showed that the Danes had from time immemorial had a right to rule in England. It is clear from a comparison of lTr, Rs and Jvs7 that the compiler of lTr did not himself put together the text of these chapters from various sources, rather that he took them from a saga in which older sources had been arranged in accordance with the purpose of that saga and the overall picture that its author wished to create of the history of the Danish kings. Assuredly there is no direct proof available that Chapters 61 and 62 of lTr were taken from this saga. The style in these chapters does not suggest that the compiler of lTr rewrote and reworded them from an older source, unless in Chapter 62, where he probably has to some extent left his own mark on the conversation between Kntr fundni and the slaves, which is in direct speech, and the stylistic feature er/en er . . . is rarer in the passages about rla-Kntr than elsewhere in these texts. But the fact is, if Chapters 61 and 62 of lTr were taken from the same saga as Chapters 63 and 64, that saga of the Danish kings was not *Skjldunga saga. In *Skjldunga saga the genealogy of the Danish kings was definitely traced to inn. The author of the lost saga of the Danish kings did not find this appropriate, though it must even so be considered extremely likely that he did take material from *Skjldunga saga. In Chapter 63 there appears Gnpa, king in Reigotaland, whom Gormr son of Hora-Kntr slew and whose kingdom he subjugated. This is definitely the same Gnpa as Widukind mentions under the year 934 and Thietmar under the year 931, see note 28, pp. 4445. It must be considered remarkable that a man writing the history of the Danish kings, as far as one can tell three rather than two centuries after the time of Gnpa, should have been able to name him correctly. He could indeed perhaps have reconstructed the name either from Widukinds Saxon Chronicle or from Adam of Bremens History (see note 33 on p. 47 above), but it is rather unlikely that he would have gone to such lengths to discover a plausible name for a king for Gormr the Old to kill. It is surely closer to the truth that he was either using oral tales or a lost Danish Chronicle and actually a good deal more likely that he took King Gnpa of Reigotaland from oral tradition than that he found it in a Danish chronicle. In Chapter 62 we read: Sv er sagt at einu kveldi kmu til hirar Knts konungs tveir saxneskir menn, and in Chapter 63 this: Sv er sagt at Lobrkarsynir hafi rekit mestan herna forneskiu um oll essi lond. This phrase, Sv er sagt, at the beginning of a story cannot be taken as an indication of an oral source. The same phrase comes at the beginning of Chapter 60: Sv er sagt at Arnlfus ht maur heilagur [. . .]. This is
Sources
91
taken from a written Latin source and translated into Icelandic, and there is no likelihood that this translation was transmitted orally. III. (Chapters 6670, 72, 8486, 88 and 90) In Chapters 6670, 72, 8486, 88 and 90 the text is parallel to Jmsvkinga saga, but it must be considered very uncertain whether the compiler of lTr took the material in these chapters that corresponds to Jvs from a manuscript of that saga or from the saga of the Danish kings which it is assumed above that he used. Actually it is possible that he was combining material from two exemplars, Chapters 6670, 72, 84 and 85 being derived from a saga of the Danish kings, while in Chapters 86, 88 and 90 account was taken of Jvs. If the compiler of lTr took any of these passages from a saga of the Danish kings, then this saga would have been an intermediate link between Jvs and lTr. Otherwise one has to assume a manuscript of Jvs containing the same version as Jvs291, but in a quite different style, see p. 71. The compiler of lTr interspersed a large part of Hallar-Steinns Rekstefja through his work. He is likely to have used the same procedure and to have inserted stanzas from Badrpa and Jmsvkingadrpa into accounts of the Jomsvikings, whether he took these accounts from Jvs or from a saga of the Danish kings. IV. (Chapters 6572 and 8490) In Chapters 6572 and 8490 of lTr there is material from Heimskringla in between pieces of text derived from other sources, sometimes just passages of varying lengths, sometimes whole chapters. The text that is taken from Heimskringla seems, judging by the relationship with other manuscripts, to be derived from the same manuscript as other parts of the text of Heimskringla in lTr. This indicates unequivocally that it was the compiler of lTr himself who combined these texts. V. (Chapter 90) In Chapter 90 there is a short passage from Freyinga saga which the compiler may have taken from the same manuscript as other passages from that saga in lTr. This is, however, not certain. The passage begins Sumir menn segia, and later on we read: Segia eir er at sanna. This may mean that the compiler knew the account of Sigmundr Brestissons
92
Sources
part in the battle at Hjorungavgr in more sources than one, for example in Freyinga saga and a saga of the Danish kings (see FrH lxxiv lxxv), and wrote the passage from memory. VI. (Chapters 86, 88 and 90) In Chapters 86, 88 and 90 of lTr nine complete stanzas and three halfstanzas from orkell Gslasons Badrpa are included, see note 73, p. 76, and sixteen stanzas and two half-stanzas from Jmsvkingadrpa, see note 69, pp. 7576.
THE COMPILERS METHODS

The parts of lTr which are printed above at the beginning of this book were taken by the compiler from written sources from which he has selected only the parts he found suitable as an introduction to his account of the final Christianisation of the Danes and the part played by lfr Tryggvason in that achievement. The compiler seems to have treated the text of these sources in a similar way to the material he took from the works of Snorri Sturluson, and to have altered the wording much less than he did with various things that he derived from other written sources. Even so, his method of working in these passages is plain. He has taken the main part of the account of the Battle of the Jomsvikings from his manuscript of Heimskringla, but in many places inserted additions from Jmsvkinga saga. This is fully consistent with his method of working elsewhere in lTr; he evidently preferred Heimskringla and followed its text wherever he could do so, but was not shy of expanding its account from other sources or out of his own head. Moreover he has in these passages departed from his sources wherever he saw an opportunity of introducing peoples conversation in direct speech. Two of the clearest examples of this are the exchanges between the emperor Otto and lfr Tryggvason in Chapter 70 and the words of Jarl Sigvaldi in Chapter 84, when he announced his business with King Brizlfr and asked for his daughter strrs hand, including a considerable bit of speech which is attributed to Jarl Sigvaldi. Here the compiler has followed the same procedure as in many other places in lTr.
Bibliography
93
MANUSCRIPTS
(References are to page numbers)
rni Magnssons collection: Den arnamagnanske samling, Copenhagen and Stofnun rna Magnssonar slandi, Reykjavk: AM 1 e II fol.: 48, 87. AM 53 fol. (B): 4, 51. AM 54 fol. (C1): 4, 51. AM 61 fol. (A): 4, 51, 63. AM 62 fol. (D1): 4, 39. AM 147 4to: 53, 54, 58, 85. AM 291 4to: 71, 74, 77, 78, 83, 84. AM 310 4to: 65. AM 415 4to: 87. AM 510 4to: 78 GKS 1005 fol. (Flateyjarbk, D2): 4, 39. GKS 2367 4to: 75. Royal Library, Copenhagen: NKS 1824b 4to: 53. Royal Library, Stockholm: Perg. fol. nr. 1 (Bergsbk): 51. Perg. 4to nr. 7: 85. Papp. fol. nr. 76: 42, 64. University Library, Uppsala: Uppsala DG 36: 64. Bibliothque Nationale, Paris: Codex Parisinus n. 5942: 38.
94
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BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

Abbo: Life of St. Edmund from Ms Cotton Tiberius B.ii. In Three Lives of English Saints. Edited by Michael Winterbottom. Published for the Centre for Medieval Studies by the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies. Toronto 1972, 6587. Adam of Bremens History: Magistri Adam Bremensis Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae Pontificum. Quellen XI. AF: Annales Fuldenses. Quellen VII. Alfri III: Alfri slenzk. Islandsk encyklopdisk litteratur. III. Landalsingar m. fl. Udgivet for STUAGNL ved Kr. Klund. Kbenhavn 191718. Alver, Brynjulf 1970: Dag og merke. Folkeleg tidsrekning og merkedagstradisjon. Universitetsforlaget. Oslo 1970. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle : Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel. III. Ed. C. Plummer and J. Earle. Oxford 189299. AnnStorm 1888: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Udgivne for det norske historiske Kildeskriftfond ved Dr. Gustav Storm. Christiania 1888. ArF: Annales regni Francorum [. . .] Post editionem G. H. Pertzii recognovit Fridericus Kurze. SrG 1895. sgeir Blndal Magnsson, slensk orsifjabk. Reykjavk 1989. Bibl. Arn.: Bibliotheca Arnamagnana. I. Hafni 1941. Bjarni Aalbjarnarson 1937: Om de norske kongers sagaer. Oslo 1937. Bjarni Gunason 1963: Um Skjldungasgu. Reykjavk 1963. Bjarni Gunason, ed., 1982: Danakonunga sogur [. . .] Bjarni Gunason gaf t. slenzk fornrit XXXV. Reykjavk 1982. Blake, N. F., ed., 1962: Jmsvkinga Saga / The Saga of the Jomsvikings. Translated from the Icelandic by N. F. Blake. London 1962. Bugge, Sophus 1895: To Runestene fra Snderjylland og deres historiske Betydning. Af Dr. Gustav Storm. (Med et Tillg af Dr. Sophus Bugge.) [Norsk] Historisk Tidskrift 3. Rkke III. 1895, 37879. Carolingian Chronicles. Royal Frankish Annals and Nithards Histories. Translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz with Barbara Rogers. Ann Arbor, Michigan 1989. Christiansen, Eric, trans., 1992: The Works of Sven Aggesen, TwelfthCentury Danish Historian. Translated with Introduction and Notes by Eric Christiansen. London 1992. Faulkes, Anthony 1977: The Genealogies and Regnal Lists in a Manuscript in Resens Library. In Sjtu ritgerir helgaar Jakobi Benediktssyni 20. jl 1977. Reykjavk 1977, 18090.
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FlatChr I: Flateyjarbk. En Samling af norske Konge-sagaer [. . .] Udgiven efter offentlig Foranstaltning. Frste Bind. [Ed. Gubrandr Vigfsson and C. R. Unger] Christiania 1860. Foote, Peter G. 1959a: The Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle in Iceland. A Contribution to the Study of the Karlamagns saga. London Medival Studies. London 1959. Foote, Peter G. 1959b: Notes on Some Linguistic Features in AM 291 4to. Lingua Islandica slenzk tunga. Tmarit um slenzka og almenna mlfri. Ritstjri Hreinn Benediktsson. 1. rg. Reykjavk 1959, 2647. FskFJ: Fagrskinna. Nregs kononga tal. Udgivet for STUAGNL ved Finnur Jnsson. Kbenhavn 190203. FrH: Freyinga saga. lafur Halldrsson bj til prentunar. Reykjavk 1987. Gering: slendzk ventri. Islndische Legenden Novellen und Mrchen. Herausgegeben von Hugo Gering. Erster Band. Text. Halle A. S. 1882. Gesta Hammaburgensis : in Quellen XI. See Adam of Bremen. Gjessing, A., ed., 1877: Jmsvkinga-saga i latinsk Oversttelse af Arngrim Jonsson. Udgiven af A. Gjessing. Kristianssand 1877. Groth, P., ed., 1895: Det Arnamagnanske Haandskrift 310 qvarto. Saga lafs konungs Tryggvasonar er ritai Oddr muncr. Udgivet for det norske historiske Kildeskriftfond af P. Groth. Christiania 1895. HbFJ: Hauksbk. Udgiven efter de Arnamagnanske hndskrifter no. 374, 554 og 678, 4to, samt forskellige papirhndskrifter, af Det Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab. [Ed. Finnur Jnsson] Kbenhavn 189296. Hem554: Hemings ttr slkssonar. Edited by Gillian Fellows Jensen. Editiones Arnamagnan. Series B, vol. 3. Copenhagen 1962. HkrFJ IIII: Heimskringla. Nregs konunga sogur af Snorri Sturluson. I III. Udgivne for STUAGNL ved Finnur Jnsson. Kbenhavn 18931900. F: slenzk fornrit. I. Reykjavk 1933. Jansson, Sven B. F. 1987: Runes in Sweden. Translated by Peter Foote. Vrnamo 1987. Jvdr: Jmsvkingadrpa. Jvs: Jmsvkinga saga. Jvs7: (Jmsvkinga saga in Perg. 4to nr. 7) The Saga of the Jomsvikings. Translated from the Icelandic with Introduction, Notes and Appendices by N. F. Blake. London 1962. Jvs291: (Jmsvkinga saga in AM 291 4to) Jmsvkinga saga efter Arnamagnanska handskriften N:o 291. 4:to. I diplomatariskt aftryck utgifven af Carl af Petersens. Kbenhavn 1882. JvsAJ: Historia Jomsburgensium seu Juliniensium. In Opera I.
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Axel Olrik. Aarbger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie. Udgivet af Det Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab. II. Rkke. 9. Bind. Kbenhavn 1894. lTrEA I: lfs saga Tryggvasonar en mesta . Udgivet af lafur Halldrsson. Frste bind. Editiones Arnamagnan. Series A, vol. 1. Kbenhavn 1958. Opera I: Arngrimi Jonae Opera Latine conscripta. Edidit Jakob Benediktsson. Vol. I. Bibliotheca Arnamagnana IX. Hafni 1951. Opera IV: Arngrimi Jonae Opera Latine conscripta. Edidit Jakob Benediktsson. Vol. IV. Bibliotheca Arnamagnana XII. Hafni 1957. OrknSN: Orkneyinga saga. Udgivet for STUAGNL ved Sigurur Nordal. Kbenhavn 191316. Quellen V: Ausgewhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters. Freiherr vom Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe. Herausgegeben von Rudolf Buchner. Band V. Darmstadt 1956. Quellen VI: Ausgewhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters. Freiherr vom Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe. Herausgegeben von Rudolf Buchner. Band VI. Darmstadt 1958. Quellen VII: Ausgewhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters. Freiherr vom Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe. Herausgegeben von Rudolf Buchner. Band VII. Darmstadt 1960. Quellen XI: Ausgewhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters. Freiherr vom Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe. Herausgegeben von Rudolf Buchner. Band XI. Darmstadt 1976. RagnOlsen: Volsunga saga ok Ragnars saga lobrkar. Udgivet for STUAGNL ved Magnus Olsen. Kbenhavn 190608, 111222. Rs: Ragnarssona ttr. SGD: Saxonis Gesta Danorum. Primum a C. Knabe & P. Herrmann recensita recognoverunt et ediderunt J.Olrik & H. Rder. Tomus I textum continens. Hauni 1931. SHI: Scripta historica Islandorum. De rebus gestis veterum borealium, latine reddita et apparatu critico instructa, curante Societate regia antiquariorum Septentrionalium. Volumen primum. Historia Olavi Tryggvii filii. Pars prior. Hafni 1828. Skjd A: Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning. Ved Finnur Jnsson. A, tekst efter hndskrifterne. III. Kbenhavn 191215. Skjd B: Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning. Ved Finnur Jnsson. B, rettet text. III. Kbenhavn 191215. SMHDM I: Scriptores minores histori Danic medii vi. Ex codicibvs
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INDEX OF NAMES
(References are to page numbers) Abbos Life of Edmund 59. Abodriti, people 35, 36. Adam of Bremen 3942, 4448, 70, 85. Adam of Bremens History 40, 41, 46, 90. Aalbrikt (Aalsteinn, Athelstan), king 11, 12, 55, 56. Aalmundr Jthgeirsson (Athelmund son of Edgar) 11, 55. Agaptus pfi (Agapitus II, pope) 7, 46. Agir 54. grip af Noregskonunga sogum 74. grip af sogu Danakonunga 47. Agrippina Colonia (Kln, Cologne) 43. ki Plnatkason 18, 19, 26, 32, 79, 84. Alamannia 44. Alvira in Drafjorr 29, 82. lof Stefnisdttir 18. Angandeo (Angantr), brother of Hemingr 37. Angses, duke 5. Anglia 48. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 48, 4950, 52, 61. Annales Bertiniani 44. Annales Fuldenses 4044, 64, 85, 8586. Annales Marbacenses 34. Annales regni Francorum 3439, 85, 86. Annales Vedastini 44. Annales Wirziburgenses 64. AnnStorm 35. Ansgar (Ansgarus), bishop 6, 3941. Ansigius, duke, see Angses 34. Anulo, nephew of Haraldr (Herioldus) 37, 38. Aquense palatium (Aachen) 43. Aquisgranum (Aachen) 6. Aquitana (Aquitaine) 6, 42. Armfermir (Arnfermir, Arnfinnr) 9, 50, 51. rmr of nundarfjor r 25, 26, 7880. Arnaldus (Arnolfus, Arnulfus), emperor, son of Carloman 6, 13, 44. Arnfinnr, jarl in Saxony, see Armfermir 50, 51, 88. Arngrmur lri Jnsson 48. rni rmsson 78. rni Magnsson 48, 49, 87. Arnulfus (Avrnolfr), jarl, archbishop 5, 34, 90. rs (Arusa, Harusa, rhus) 7, 45, 46. sfrr inkrsdttir 47. sgeir Blndal Magnsson 34. slkr hlmskalli 26, 29, 30, 79, 82. strr Brizlfsdttir 19, 21, 92. Aur djpga varsdttir, see Unnr varsdttir 87. Aulfr oflgi Grmsson 8, 49, 86, 88. Baioaria (Baiern) 43. Baioarii (inhabitants of Baiern) 42. Battle of Brvellir 49. Battle of the Jomsvikings 75, 79, 92. Bavaria 42. Begm Pippnsdttir 5. Beowulf 51. Bible 51. Bjarni Gunason 87. Bjarni Kolbeinsson, bishop 21, 22, 24 26, 29, 32, 33, 76, 85. Bjorn hinn brezki 32, 33, 83. Bjorn jrnsa Lobrkarson 10, 54. Bloch, Hermann 34. Blja Elludttir 9, 10, 54, 52. Borgundarhlmr (Bornholm) 18, 19. Borgunda (Burgundia, Burgundy) 6, 42. Borr 63. Brvellir 49. Bretland 18, 33. Brimar (Bremen) 7, 41, 44, 45. Brimisskjarr, jarl 14, 18, 65, 66. Badrpa 23, 2528, 30, 31, 76, 7981, 85, 91, 92. Brndum-Nielsen, Johannes 47. Bugge, Sophus 60. Bi hinn digri Vsetason 18, 19, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 76, 7880, 82. Bunna (Bonn) 43. Brizlfr (Boleslav I), king of the Wends 15, 18, 19, 21, 66, 73, 92.
100
Index
Eygotaland 10, 54, 59, 60. Fagrskinna 61, 62, 7274, 77, 78, 81. Fjn (Fyn) 18, 19, 33. Flateyjar annll 36. Flateyjarbk 77, 82, 87. Forni annll 36. Frakkland 5, 6, 10, 34, 54. Frankia 45. Franks (Franci) 36, 37, 42. Frifri 87. Frileifr I 87. Frileifr II 87. Frileifr III 87. Frirekr, missionary bishop 74. Frisia (Fresia) 36, 39, 44, 45. Frisians (Frsir, Frisi, Fresones) 5, 36, 45. Fri I 87. Fri II 87. Fri frisami 87. Fri hinn frkni 87. Fri (Frothi), king of Jutland 7, 45, 46, 86. Freyinga saga 82, 85, 91. Freyjar (Faeroe islands) 30. Gallia 42. Gautland 10, 17, 18, 54. Geira Brizlfsdttir 19. Geirmundr in Jaarr 24, 77, 78. Germany (Germania) 42. Glestingabr (Glastonbury) 48. Gnpa (Kntr, Chnuba, Chnob), king of Jutland 7, 10, 4547, 55, 60, 61, 86, 90. Godefridus (Gofrr, Gufrr), king of Jutland 5, 35, 36, 38, 39, 86. Gormr hinn gamli (Gormr the Old), son of Hora-Kntr 2, 1013, 44, 45, 50, 5457, 5964, 77, 86, 88, 89, 90. Gormr hinn heimski Aulfsson 8, 49, 50, 51, 52, 86, 88. Gormr, son of Kntr fundni 9, 10, 54, 52, 59, 86, 88. Gormssynir 11, 56. Gottorp 47. Gottsklks annll 36. Grmr gri lfsson 8, 49, 86, 88. Groth, P. 71.
Cameracus (Cambrai) 43. Charlemagne (Karlamagns, Karl hinn mikli, Charles the Great), emperor 5, 6, 12, 13, 3436, 38, 42, 51, 64, 88. Charles III, king of Alamannia 44. Charles, son of Louis the Pious 64. Christ, see Jess Kristr 44, 45. Cleveland in Yorkshire 61. Cnuto (Cnut), see Gnpa 45. Codex Regius of Snorris Edda 75. Constantinople 34, 35. Danaherr 6, 11, 56. Danakonungr 14, 18, 20, 66, 67, 69. Danali 5, 6. Danaveldi 7, 14, 15, 60, 70. Danavirki 1417, 67, 7173. Dania (Denmark) 4547. Danir (Danes, Dani) 6, 7, 1113, 1517, 3541, 4346, 48, 49, 52, 56, 70, 73, 85, 86, 89, 92. Danmork (Denmark) 47, 10, 1215, 1822, 26, 3941, 45, 46, 5457, 59, 60, 6365, 7072, 75, 84, 85, 88, 89. Danr mikillti 87. Domus Carolingicae genealogia 34. Dublin 62. Dyle, river 44. Drafjorr 82. East Franks 41 44. Eava (Eafa) Ubbason 8, 48, 49. Edmund the Saint (Jtmundr, Eatmundr hinn helgi) 10, 11, 54, 55, 59, 61. Eider (Egdera, Egdora, Egidora) 5, 36, 37, 41. Einhard 34, 35, 85, 86. Einhards Vita Karoli Magni 34, 35. Eirkr jarl Hkonarson 26, 29, 3133, 8284. Ella (lle), king of Northumbria 9, 10, 52, 54, 58, 89. England 7, 911, 47, 48, 52, 5456, 58, 61, 62, 85, 89. Eoppa (Ioppa) 48. Erlingr Hkonarson 27, 80. Ethelwlfus (thelwulf), king of the West Saxons 49.
Index
Gufrr, viking leader 6, 44, 46. Gull-Bi, see Bi hinn digri Vsetason 26. Gull-Haraldr Kntsson 70. Gundolfi villa (Gondreville) 43. Gunnhildr Brizlfsdttir 19, 21. Gunnlaugr Leifsson 65, 7072. Guthormr (Gudurm), nephew of Hrekr 6, 40, 41. Gyrr (Gurd), king of Jutland 7, 46, 47, 86. Hkon Hlaajarl Sigurarson 13, 14, 16 18, 22, 2730, 6468, 70, 71, 73, 76, 78, 80, 81. Hkonar saga ga 77. Hlfdan I 87. Hlfdan II 87. Hlfdan snjalli Haraldsson 47, 87. Hlfdan, king of the Danes 6, 7, 41, 46, 86. Halland 10, 54, 59. Hallar-Steinn 91. Hallvarr, courtier 50, 52. Hancwin (Hkon), brother of Hemingr 37. Haraldr (Harioldus, Herioldus), king of the Danes 5, 6, 3740, 86. Haraldr hinn hrfagri, king in Norway 13, 64. Haraldr gilli, king in Norway 74. Haraldr bltonn Gormsson, king of the Danes 2, 4, 1114, 17, 18, 46, 50, 55 57, 6164, 6668, 70, 7274, 8588. Haraldr grfeldr, king in Norway 70. Haraldr harri Sigurarson, king in Norway 61. Haraldr hilditonn 7, 47, 87, 89. Haraldr Valdarsson 87. Hardecnudth Vurm 45. Hardegon, filius Suein (son of Sveinn) 47. Hardsyssel (Harthesysl) 53. Hrekr I, nephew of Haraldr (Herioldus), see Horuc 5, 6, 3941, 86. Hrekr II, king in Jutland 6, 40, 41, 86. Haspanicus pagus (Haspengau) 43. Haukagil in Vatnsdalr 74. Hauksbk 53, 58, 60. Hvarr, courtier 50, 52.
101
Hvarr hoggvandi 26, 29, 30, 79, 82. Hvarr handrami 87. Heiabr (Hedeby), see Schleswig 6, 7, 41. Heiligen (place-name, Helganes in Jutland?) 36, 37. Heiligo, see Helgi, king of the Danes 46. Heimskringla 4, 60, 62, 64, 65, 69, 72 85, 91, 92. Helgi Hlfdanarson, father of Hrlfr kraki 87. Helgi, king of the Danes 7, 4648, 86. Hemingr (Hemmingus), nephew of Gufrr 5, 36, 37, 86. Hemingr Strt-Haraldsson 18, 75. Hemmingus, brother of Haraldr and Ragnfrr 38. Henry I (Heinrekr), king and emperor 7, 13, 44, 45, 86. Heredus, bishop in Hedeby 7. Hericus (Eirkr), king in Jutland 45. Hervarar saga ok Heireks 60. Hildigardis (Hildigardn), queen 5, 35. Hildigunnr, wife of Vseti 18. Hinguar (Yngvarr, Ingwar), see varr hinn beinlausi 54, 58, 59. Hjorungavgr 25, 77, 79, 91. Hludowicus III, king of the West Franks, son of Louis the German (Hlover II) 43. Hlover Arnaldusson, emperor 13. Hlover I Karlamagnsson, see Louis the Pious 5, 6. Hlover II Hloversson, see Louis the German, son of Louis the Pious 6, 12, 42. Hlover III hinn ungi Hloversson, see Louis the Young 6, 13, 43. Hollsetuland (Holtsetuland, Holstein, Holsatia) 8, 9, 5052, 60. Horic II, see Hrekr II 40, 41. Horitus (Haredus), bishop in Schleswig 46. Horuc, Horic, see Hrekr nephew of Haraldr 39, 40. Hringr (Sigurr hringr) 8.
102
Index
Jrvk (York) 11, 56, 61. Jtland (Jutland) 2, 512, 17, 35, 45, 48 50, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63, 86, 88, 89. Jvs7 50, 53, 58, 60, 62, 63, 7678, 81, 83, 84, 88, 90. Jvs291 60, 62, 63, 6569, 7178, 80, 81, 88, 89. Jvs510 76, 78, 81, 83. JvsAJ 60, 62, 71, 74, 77, 81, 83, 88. JvsFlat 71, 76, 77, 78, 81, 83, 84. Jfraskinna 83. Karl hinn mikli, Karlamagns, see Charlemagne 34. Karl Hloversson, see Karlus, son of Louis the Pious 6, 12, 13. Karl (Karolus), son of Pippinus son of Angisius 5, 34. Karlevi stone 63. Karlmannus, son of Louis II 12, 13. Karlus (Charles), son of Louis the Pious 42. Kerlingaland 6, 43. Kiev 34. Kinrik, nephew of Mol d digra 7, 48, 49. Klakk-Haraldr, jarl 10, 55, 60. Kliflond (Cleveland) 11, 56, 61. Kntr Danast Gormsson 11, 12, 5557, 6163, 77. Kntr fundni (rla-Kntr) 810, 50, 51, 54, 86, 89, 90. Kntr hinn rki Sveinsson 53, 87, 89. Kntlinga saga 72. Klni (Cologne) 6. Kong Valdemars Jordebog 53. Konrr Konrsson, emperor 13. Kormks saga 61. Landnmabk 35, 64. Legende Karls des Grossen, Die 34. Leo, emperor 5, 34, 35. Leo, pope 34. Liber de episcopis Mettensibus 34. Landisnes in Norway 18, 54, 68. Lvedagus (Liafdagus), bishop in Ribe 7, 46. Lobrkarsynir 10, 11, 5456, 58, 90. Lothoringa (Lotharingia, Lothringen) 6, 42.
Hringr anulo, king in Jutland, see Anulo 5, 37, 86. Hrarr Hlfdanarson 87. Hrlfr kraki Helgason 87. Hrrekr hnggvanbaugi 87. Hrrekr slngvanbaugi 87. Hrrekr, lord of the Frisians 5, 36. Hubba (Ubba), see Hst 59. Hnland 60. Hn, see Unni archbishop 6, 7, 44, 46. Hst 54, 58, 59. Hvtserkr Lobrkarson 10, 54, 59. Hystoria Francorum 40, 41. Holgabrr 28, 81. Hor in Jutland 9, 53, 59, 60. Hora-Kntr, son of Kntr hinn rki 53, 89. Hora-Kntr Sigurarson 9, 10, 5255, 59, 60, 8689. Ieldunes (Joldunes) 62. Inas (Ine), king of the West Saxons 48. Inda 43. Ingibjorg ttarsdttir 18. Ingibjorg orkelsdttir 33, 84. Ingjaldr (Ingild, Ingeld, Ingesilus), English king 7, 4749. Ingjaldr Starkaarfstri 87. Ioppa 48. Ireland 62. sland (Iceland) 13, 64. Italy (Italia) 42. varr hinn beinlausi 79, 11, 5456, 58, 59, 61, 89. varr vfami Hlfdanarson 4749, 87, 89. Jaarr (Jren in Norway) 24, 7678. Jakob Benediktsson 87. Jelling 2, 60, 63. Jess Kristr 6, 7, 40, 46. Jmsborg 1921, 69. Jmsvkinga saga 4, 50, 51, 60, 61, 64, 7073, 75, 7782, 84, 85, 88, 91, 92. Jmsvkingadrpa 21, 24, 27, 28, 30, 32, 7585, 91, 92. Jmsvkingar (Jomsvikings) 18, 19, 21, 22, 24, 2628, 31, 33, 7578, 80, 83, 84.
Index
Lotharius (Hlutharius, Lothair), son of Louis the Pious 6, 42, 44. Louis II the German (Hludowicus, Loduvicus, Ludewicus, Ludvicus), son of Louis the Pious, king of the East Franks, see Hlo ver II Hloversson 6, 39, 41, 42, 64. Louis the Pious (Hludowicus, Ludouicus, Ludvicus), see Hlo ver Karlamagnsson 5, 6, 12, 34, 35, 39, 42, 43, 64. Louis III the Young (Hludowicus III iunior), see Hlover hinn ungi Hloversson, emperor 6, 43, 44. Lumbari (Lombardy) 10, 54. Lna 10, 54. Maild, mother of Thomas Becket 49. Mainz 39, 44. Malmundarium (Malmdy) 43. Mlshttakvi 75. Matilda, abbess, daughter of Otto I 73. Meginzuborg (Mogontiacum, Mogontia, Meginza, Mainz) 5, 6, 39, 43. Merseburg 70. Mezborg (Mettis, Metz) 5, 34. Michael, emperor 5, 34, 35. Mikligarr (Constantinople) 5. Mosa (Maas), river 6. Moses, prophet 51, 89. Mold digra 8, 48, 49, 89. Myrkvir, forest (Schwarzwald) 8, 9, 5052. Niceforus, emperor 5, 34, 35. Nithard 34. Nithardi historiarum libri iv 34, 42. Norhumruland, see Norimbraland 55, 56. Norimbraland (Northumbria) 7, 8, 11, 48, 52, 55, 56, 62. Normenn (Norwegians, Northmanni, Nordmanni) 6, 4243, 45, 48, 50, 70. Norrlond 10, 55, 22, 54, 71. Nregr (Norway, Nortmannia) 13, 14, 18, 23, 24, 47, 6466, 77, 78. Oddverja annll 36. inkrr 47. inn 60, 87, 89, 90.
103
lfr enski Kinriksson 7, 8, 4650, 59, 86, 88. lfr, king in Sweden 7, 48. lfr ltillti 87. lfr Tryggvason 15, 17, 19, 7174, 84, 92. lfs saga Tryggvasonar 48. lfs saga Tryggvasonar by Gunnlaugr Leifsson 65, 71, 72. lfs saga Tryggvasonar by Oddr Snorrason 61, 6570. li (lfr Tryggvason) 1517. lO18 70, 77. lO310 7074, 77. Orkney 76. ttarr, jarl 18. Ott hinn mikli (Otto I the Great), emperor 7, 13, 46, 72, 73. Ott hinn raui (tta, Otto II), emperor 13, 65, 66, 72. Ott hinn ungi (Otto III the Young), emperor 4, 1315, 17, 64, 67, 70, 72, 92. Plnatki 18, 19. Plnir Tkason 18. Paris 6, 44. Paschalis (Pascal I), pope 5, 39. Paulus Diaconus Warnefridi 34. Peitulond (Poitou) 66. Pippinus I (Pippn Hloversson), son of Louis the Pious 6, 42. Pippinus II (Pippin), son of Pippinus I 43. Pippinus son of Angisius (Pippn Angsesson) 5, 34. Pippinus, king of the Franks, son of Karolus (Pippn Karlsson) 5, 34. Poland (Plena) 60. Popp (Poppa), bishop 17, 68, 73, 74. Prumia (Prm) 43. Ragnarr lobrk 69, 54, 58, 59, 86, 88, 89. Ragnars saga lobrkar 53, 61, 85. Ragnarssona ttr 53, 58, 59, 62, 63, 85, 90. Ragnarssynir, see Lobrkarsynir 10, 54. Randverr Rbarsson 49, 87.
104
Index
Sigfrr, viking leader 6, 44, 46. Siggeirr (Sigtryggr, Sigerich), king in Jutland 7, 46, 47, 86. Sigmundr Brestisson 30, 91. Sigrr strra 70. Sigurr hringr 7, 4749, 8689. Sigurr kpa Vsetason 18, 19, 78, 80. Sigurr ormr auga 9, 10, 52, 54, 59, 86, 88, 89. Sigvaldi jarl Strt-Haraldsson 1822, 29, 66, 69, 70, 75, 76, 81, 92. Silfraskalli, king in Jutland 11, 55, 60, 61. Skldskaparml 59. Skni (Skney, Skne) 10, 18, 19, 54, 59. Skaraborg (Scarborough) 11, 56, 61. Skari vkingr 83. Skjoldr, son of inn 87. *Skjoldunga saga 8788. Skjoldungs 8789. Skmr, see orleifr skma 81. Sl, inlet (Slien, Schlei) 11, 15, 55. Smith, A. H. 59. Snorra Edda 59, 74. Snorri Sturluson 61, 92. Stabulaus (Stablo) 43. Stefnir, jarl in Wales 18. Stefnir orgilsson 70. Storm, Gustav 37, 61. Strt-Haraldr jarl 18, 19, 75. Sueoni (Swedes) 47. Sueonia (Sweden) 46. Sveinn, father of Hardegon 47. Sveinn tjguskegg (Forkbeard) Haraldsson 18, 2022, 66, 69, 70, 75, 85. Sveinn lfsson, king of the Danes 46, 47. Sven Aggeson 53. Svaveldi 7, 60. Svj (Sweden) 7, 8, 10, 47, 54, 63. Sogubrot af fornkonungum 47, 49. Thegani vita Hludowici imperatoris 34, 35. Thietmar, bishop 45, 70, 90. Thomas Becket 49. Thmas saga 49. Thompson, Stith 51.
Reginbrondus, bishop in rhus 46. Reginfridus (Ragnfrr) 3739. Regionis Chronica 44. Reigotaland 10, 54, 55, 59, 60, 90. Reinfridus, son of Godefridus 5, 38. Rekstefja, poem by Hallar-Steinn 91. Reric, market town in Friesland 35, 36. Rerum Danicarum fragmenta 48. Resen, P. H. 48. Resens annll 36. Resensbk 35, 42, 48, 49, 64, 72, 87. Rhenus (Rhineland) 42. Rimbert (Rimbertus), archbishop 6, 4143. Rimbrondus, bishop, see Reginbrondus 7. Rpar (Ribe, Ripa) 6, 7, 40, 45, 46. Ripuaria 43. Rn 6. Rmaborg (Roma, Rome, Rm) 7, 10, 42, 46, 48, 54. Rmarki 6. Rmverjar 5. Roskilde Chronicle 45. *Saga of Kntr hinn rki 89. *Saga of the Danish kings 85. Sancta Trinitas (Holy Trinity) 45, 46. Sanctus Albanus (St. Albans in Mainz) 39. Saxar 11, 55. Saxland (Saxonia, Saxony) 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 17, 34, 38, 39, 5052, 54, 66, 67. Saxo Grammaticus 62, 63. Scandinavians 42. Schleswig (Slsvk, Slesvig, Sleswic, Sliaswig), see Heiabr 41, 45, 46. Sclavania, see Vinland 70. Sclavi, see Vinr 70. Scyld Scefing 51. Scyldings (Skjoldungar) 51. Selundr (Sjlland) 10, 54, 59. Sergius II, pope 42, 43. Sigfrr (Sigifridus), nephew of Gufrr 5, 37. Sigfrr II, king of the Danes 6, 7, 41, 46, 86.
Index
Thrasco, lord of the Abodrita 35, 36. Tfa Strt-Haraldsdttir 18, 19. Traiectum (Maastrict) 43. Tryggvi lfsson, king in Vkin in Norway 17. Ubbi (Eoppa) 7, 8, 48, 49. Unni (Hni, Huno), archbishop 45. Unnr varsdttir, see Aur djpga varsdttir 49. Upplond, in Norway 54. Uppsalarki 10, 54. Urgurjtr, jarl 14, 18, 65, 66. Vagn kason 19, 24, 26, 3133, 7784. Valdarr mildi Hrarsson 87. Valland (France) 6, 54. Valland (Wales?), 10. Varmundr vitri 87. Veraldar saga 34, 35, 64, 72. Verdun 42. Vseti of Borgundarhlmr 18, 19. Vestr-Saxakonungr 7, 48. Vigfs Vga-Glmsson 29, 30, 81, 82. Vk, Vkin (Oslofjord in Norway) 18, 54, 68, 77. Vinland (Wendland) 10, 11, 1719, 54, 55, 59, 70. Vinr (Wends), see Sclavi 21, 70, 73, 75. Visi Saxones, see West Saxons 48. Vita Anskarii 39, 41.
105
Vurm (Gorm), see Gormr hinn gamli 45. Volusp 74. West Franks 43. West Saxons 4749. Widukind 45, 90. Widukinds Saxon Chronicle 45, 47, 73, 90. William of Malmesbury 58. Wormatia (Worms) 42. Ynglingatal 63. York 61. Yorkshire 61. rgunna Vsetadttir 19. orkell hinn augi 29, 82. orkell Gslason 23, 76, 85. orkell hinn hfi Strt-Haraldsson 18. orkell milangr 81. rketill (orkell leira) 32, 84. orleifr skma, see Skmr 29, 30, 81, 82. orsteinn milangr, see orkell milangr 29, 30, 81. orvalds ttr vforla 74. rla-Kntr, see Kntr fundni 52, 53, 59, 88. yri Danmarkarbt 2, 10, 12, 55, 57, 6063. gmundr the White 77, 78. land 63. nundarfjorr 78.

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DANISH KINGS AND THE JOMSVIKINGS IN THE GREATEST SAGA OF LFR TRYGGVASON

VIKING SOCIETY FOR NORTHERN RESEARCH

2000 lafur Halldrsson ISBN:978 0903521 47 5

The translation is by Anthony Faulkes

Printed by Short Run Press Limited, Exeter

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar CHAPTER 62

BC1D1,2, hor da lan di A.

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar CHAPTER 70 (61) 138.19142.14

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar 142.15143.2

BC1D1,2, logandi A. BC1D1,2, hafit A. 76 thus BC1D1,2, skal A.

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

C1, eigit A. C1, ri A. 90 thus C1, styr A. 91 thus C1, gra A.

C1, snerreiiA. C1, narir A. 94 thus C1, vo A. 95 thus C1, vii A.

lfs saga Trygvasonar

C1, pti A. BC1, kv mi A. 98 thus BC1, gre ipum A.

99 frgr] 100 thus

lfs saga Trygvasonar

lfs saga Trygvasonar

BC1, fiolnis A. C1, rekk vm A.

lfs saga Trygvasonar

+ i GKS 2367 4to. BC1, klldu A.

lfs saga Trygvasonar

. . . mar A, nu . . . menn GKS 2367 4to, BC1.

lfs saga Trygvasonar

The A- og B-manuscripts of ArF have a blank for this name.

Kolbeins, personal communication.

Hann svarar: Lt at mr meir, at megir skilia hvat ek segi, vat ek er lgmltr.

Also Jvs291, 32.1113:

See Carolingian Chronicles 1989, Introduction 58.

THE COMPILERS METHODS

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

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