The Inuit Way: A Guide To Inuitculture

P R O D U C E D B Y PA U K T U U T I T I N U I T WO M E N O F CA N A D A
RE VI S E D 2006
PAUKTUUTIT
INUIT WOMEN OF CANADA
Xs4t5
wkw5 x3Nw5 vNbu
the i nui t way
a gui de to i nui t culture
F OR WAR D
The Inuit Way has become one of the most popular and important
documents Pauktuutit has produced in our twenty-two year history.
With more than ten thousand copies in print, The Inuit Way has
helped a broad range of Canadians gain a better understanding
and appreciation of our culture.
The Inuit Way is much more than a simple introduction to traditional
Inuit culture. It provides the reader a starting point for understanding
the cultural underpinnings of modern Inuit. As a people, we have
undergone immense changes in a generation. Despite the many
changes our society has encountered, we retain strong ties
to the land and our traditions. People coming to the north today
see Inuit taking part in many aspects of modern life
working in an office environment, watching hockey on television,
shopping at local stores, making political speeches.
What they may not see at first is that Inuit continue to have
a strong, unique culture that guides us in our everyday life
our close ties to the land, a dedication to community
and a strong sense of self-reliance.
The Inuit north has changed with astonishing speed since
The Inuit Way was first published in 1989. At times, the rapidity
of these changes has threatened to overwhelm us.
However, Inuit are known for our tenacity and ability to adapt.
Today our communities are strong and vibrant.
We have settled all our land claims and are increasingly
taking control over our lives.
I am optimistic this revised The Inuit Way will contribute
to this positive evolution. I am confident that it will continue
to encourage understanding and lead to a strong and optimistic
future for Inuit and for all who come to Canadas north.
Martha Greig, President
Kuujjuaq, 2006
MOTHER AND CHILD SEWING
Passing on knowledge and
culture to the children and
next generation.
NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF CANADA
PA166823
the i nui t way
a gui de to i nui t culture
PAUK T UUT I T I NUI T WOME N OF CANADA
PAUK T UUT I T MI S S I ON
Pauktuutit fosters greater awareness of the needs of Inuit
women, advocates for equity and social improvements, and
encourages their participation in the community, regional
and national life of Canada.
Pauktuutit leads and supports Canadian Inuit women
in policy development and community projects in all
areas of interest to them, for the social, cultural, political
and economic betterment of the women, their families
and communities.
PAUK T UUT I T VI S I ON
Pauktuutits vision is to be a dynamic, visible, influential
and prosperous organization, supporting Inuit women
and providing leadership, voice and excellence for the
betterment of Inuit
women, their families
and communities.
PAUKTUUTIT MANDATE
1.
Promote the rights and interests of Inuit women and children;
2.
Provide the Inuit women of Canada with a united voice;
3.
Work towards better social, economic and political conditions for Inuit women;
4.
Work for the betterment of individual, family and community health conditions
through advocacy and program action;
5.
Encourage Inuit women to take their rightful place in society;
6.
Promote equity for the independent view of Inuit women in all levels of
Canadian governmental and non-governmental structures;
7.
Motivate Inuit women to realize their potential as individuals and as a group;
8.
Promote self-confidence and self-reliance amongst Inuit women;
9.
Provide resources to ensure that our children are raised with Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (IQ)
Inuit values, heritage, culture and language;
10.
Encourage the involvement of Inuit women in all levels of Canadian society and
11.
Facilitate collaboration between Inuit women and other aboriginal peoples.
CONTEXT . . . . . . . . . . 1
A LITTLE HISTORY . . . . . . . 3
Modern Community Life . . . . . 5
Traditional Inuit Life . . . . . . . 7
Residential Schools . . . . . . . 8
Traditional Law . . . . . . . . 9
No Formal Authority . . . . . . 9
Focus of Customary Law . . . . . 9
Causes of Conflict . . . . . . . 10
Methods of Social Control . . . . 10
Focus on the Individual
Rather than the Offence . . . . 13
Customary Law in the
Modern Period . . . . . . . 13
CHILDREARING . . . . . . . 15
The Childs Spirit . . . . . . . 16
Discipline . . . . . . . . . 16
Birth of a Child . . . . . . . . 16
Breast-Feeding . . . . . . . . 17
Toilet Training . . . . . . . . 19
Education . . . . . . . . . 19
Bonds Between Children and Adults . . 19
Adoption . . . . . . . . . 20
Favourite Children . . . . . . . 20
FAMILY DYNAMICS . . . . . . 21
Traditional Marriage Practices . . . 22
The Husband . . . . . . . . 22
The Wife . . . . . . . . . . 22
Partners . . . . . . . . . . 24
Elders . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Daily Life . . . . . . . . . . 24
MODERN FAMILY DYNAMICS . . . 25
Modern Marriages . . . . . . . 26
Elders . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Children . . . . . . . . . . 27
Adolescents . . . . . . . . . 27
The Role of Men and Women . . . 28
COMMUNITY DYNAMICS . . . . 29
Kinship . . . . . . . . . . 30
Decision Making . . . . . . . 30
Cooperation . . . . . . . . . 30
TRADITIONAL INUIT VALUES . . . 31
Independence, Innovation
and Patience . . . . . . . . 32
Traditional Sharing . . . . . . . 33
Modern Sharing Practices . . . . . 33
Non-Interference . . . . . . . 34
Leadership . . . . . . . . . 34
The Making of Requests . . . . . 35
Response to Questions
About Other People . . . . . . 35
Authority . . . . . . . . . 36
Politics and Debate . . . . . . 37
Strangers and Friends . . . . . . 37
Display of Emotions . . . . . . 38
Physical Contact . . . . . . . 39
Withdrawal in Unfamiliar Situations . 39
Inuit Perceptions of Non-Inuit . . . 40
DIET . . . . . . . . . . . 41
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . 43
BIBLIOGRAPHY/
SELECTED READINGS . . . . . 44
t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s
w
k
w
5

W
s
y
q
5
ACK NOWL E DGE ME NT S
Pauktuutit thanks the Government of Nunavut and the Department of
Canadian Heritage, Government of Canadafor both their generous financial
and moral support for the project. A special thank you to Jennifer Archer,
Department of Human Resources, Government of Nunavut and Teresa Dor,
Director, Aboriginal Peoples Program, Department of Canadian Heritage.
We thank Peter Irniq and Liz Apak Rose for their assistance in revising the
earlier version of the publication. The Avataq Cultural Institute also deserves
thanks for their development assistance in the initial version.
Thank you David Boult, for undertaking the research and writing for both
the original and the revised version of The Inuit Way. Thank you Anna Tyers
for excellence in graphic design and technical support for both versions. David
and Anna worked together on the initial Inuit Way, and collaborated closely
with me to revise and republish the materiala valued professional associa-
tion and friendship.
This new production of The Inuit Way was translated into syllabics by Leonie
Kunnuk. Thanks to the Pauktuutit staff who assisted in the review of the draft
text. It has been both a pleasure and privilege to work with all of those
responsible for the production of this remarkable document.
Jennifer Dickson
Executive Director
April 2006
Designed by
COVER INSETPhoto by Lee Naroway
COVER SCREENED IMAGE
NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF CANADA / PA101163
I
S
B
N
:

1
-
8
9
4
3
9
6
-
9
6
-
5
4
-
5
C o n t e x t
s
i
4
v
s
t
s
i
z
The Inuit Way was originally published in 1989 by Pauktuutit Inuit
Womens Association
1
. Early in our mandate, we recognized that
a significant cultural gap existed between Inuit
2
and non-Inuit in
the Canadian Arctic. It had become apparent that non-Inuit were
encountering challenges in some of their interactions with Inuit,
challenges that had as their basis a lack of understanding and fami-
liarity with our culture. Pauktuutit decided that a broader under-
standing of and empathy for Inuit culture would turn challenges
into opportunities and enhance more positive interaction between
members of both cultures.
1 A G u i d e t o I n u i t C u l t u r e
P
h
o
t
o
g
r
a
p
h

b
y

L
e
e

N
a
r
a
w
a
y
c
o
n
t
e
x
t
s
i
4
v
s
t
s
i
z
2 T H E I N U I T WAY
More than ten thousand copies of The Inuit Way have
been provided to a broad range of interested individuals
and organizations. It has been widely acclaimed as
the single best resource to introduce Inuit culture to
others and has been cited in such important resources
as the 1996 Final Report of the Royal Commission on
Aboriginal Peoples.
Canadas Arctic has changed substantially since 1989 and
Pauktuutit felt that it was time to update the publication
for the growing number of Canadians who request this
important resource. First-time visitors to the Arctic will
learn many new things about Inuit from this publication,
while veteran northerners may broaden their knowledge
and understanding of the cultural underpinnings of mod-
ern Inuit society.
Inuit culture is not monolithic but rather varies from region
to region, community-to-community, and can even vary
in practice from Inuk to Inuk. Nor is it a culture frozen in
time. Inuit adaptation is perhaps our most notable trait,
and this characteristic continues to serve us well in the
modern context. As a result, certain aspects of the culture
described here may either be expressed in an altered man-
ner in some regions or in fact may not be found at all. In
this publication we have attempted to identify some of the
regional variations in the culture, and invite you to check
other resources for specific characteristics of a region or
better yet, ask an Inuk about our culture.
For interested readers, a list of selected readings is provided
in back of the book. While far from exhaustive, the list
provides some good background on a wide range of issues
involving Inuit culture, current issues and the relationship
between Inuit and non-Inuit.
1. The organization name was changed to Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada in 2005.
2. The term Inuit means the people in Inuktitut, the Inuit language. It is the term
Inuit use to refer to themselves. Inuk is the singular form of Inuit i.e. I met an
Inuk from Pond Inlet at the airport. The term Eskimo is no longer in common
use and is considered offensive by some Inuit. The Inuktitut language varies con-
siderably across the Arctic. While Inuit from within the same region are likely
able to communicate with other Inuit in their region or perhaps the adjoining
regions, some areas such as Nunatsiavut and Inuvialuit may pose challenges to
Inuit from other regions.
Inuit are not to be confused with the Innu, a First Nations People who live in
Labrador and parts of Quebec. They have a distinct culture, language and history.
NATIONAL MUSEUM OF CANADA
PHOTO 2477
a l i t t l e
h i s t o r y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
N
A
T
I
O
N
A
L

A
R
C
H
I
V
E
S

O
F

C
A
N
A
D
A
/

P
A
1
0
1
1
6
3
Prior to contact with Europeans, Inuit were entirely self-
sufficient. They lived in small, autonomous, nomadic
groups, dependent upon hunting, fishing and gathering
for survival and for all their physical needs. Customary
law was followed, characterized by its informal nature,
flexibility, and its reliance upon social pressures to ensure
that people acted appropriately. Inuit had developed a
rich material culture, based primarily upon hunting and
fishing technology. Spirituality centered upon beliefs in
animal and human-like spirits, including the spirits of
deceased relatives. A variety of taboos affected many
aspects of life and a rich mythology explained both the
natural and the supernatural world (See Sedna insert).
As contact with outsiders
3
increased in the twentieth century,
Inuit culture began to alter and adapt to the modern world.
In the early 1950s, the pressure to change increased drama-
tically as Inuit were moved into permanent settlements by
the federal government. Permanent settlements provided
access to schools, health care and material attractions of
the modern world. Some families moved to avoid famine
and the hardships of life on the land and to take advantage
of the benefits that community life promised.
Despite adopting various features of modern life and southern
culture, many Inuit continue to live according to traditional
values that arise out of their own rich cultural heritage. While
differences exist among modern Inuit as to how closely they
follow traditional values, all Inuit are proud of their culture
and recognize the importance of keeping it alive. Many Inuit
continue to have close ties to the land and consider their
relationship to the land to be essential to their culture and
to their survival as a distinct people.
a

l
i
t
t
l
e

h
i
s
t
o
r
y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
The l e g e nd of S e dna
The legend of Sedna is a well-known Inuit legend. As in
many legends, it contains epic struggles that reflect the
challenges and tensions that exist within a culture. The
legend of Sedna provides insight into how Inuit culture
values the family and children very highly, and yet due
to the challenging environment in which they exist, are
sometimes are forced to make difficult decisions. The
overpowering role of nature is always evident, as is the
presence of sometimes malevolent forces.
According to one version of this legend, Sedna was a
beautiful Inuit girl who was pressured into marriage by
her father. Unknown to Sedna, her new husband was
actually a raven who fed her fish and kept her in a nest
on an island far away from her family. Her father, who
missed Sedna terribly, went in his kayak to rescue her but
the raven, with his special powers, called up a storm. The
father panicked and pushed Sedna into the cold water.
As she clung to the kayak, her frozen fingers and hands
were broken off and fell into the sea where they became
seals, whales and other sea mammals. Sedna could no
longer struggle and sank into the water where she became
a goddess of the sea. Her frustration
and anger continue to be
expressed through the
creation of storms and
high seas. Inuit hunters
have treated Sedna with
respect for centuries to
ensure she will allow
Inuit to harvest her
bounty. Today some
hunters still sprinkle a
few drops of fresh water
into the mouths of sea
mammals they harvest to
thank Sedna for her generosity.
Illustration by Robert Ramsey
Mode r n Communi t y L i f e
Canadas 56,000 Inuit live in mostly small isolated communi-
ties of fewer than 1,000 people ranging from the Inuvialuit
region in the Northwest Territories, to Nunatsiavutthe
eastern coastal regions of northern Labrador. A few commu-
nities are larger. For example, Kuujjuaq in Nunavik, Rankin
Inlet in the Kivalliq region and Inuvik in Inuvialuit, each
have between 1,200 and 2,500 people. Iqaluit, the capital
of Nunavut boasts a population of 7000 to 8000. And well
over 4,000 Inuit now live in southern urban areas including
St. Johns, Montreal, Ottawa, Winnipeg and Edmonton.
The world Inuit live in has changed substantially since the
original Inuit Way was published. All four Inuit land claim
agreements have now been signed. This accomplishment
is the result of a long, complex process whereby Inuit and
federal, provincial and territorial governments negotiated
comprehensive land claim agreements. These agreements
provide Inuit with a number of benefits including rights to
land, cash payments and the establishment of new political
and economic entities that ensure these land claim agree-
ments are fulfilled.
These agreements provide important tools and resources
that enable Inuit to exercise a great degree of control
over their lives, both in the present and in the future. For
example, in Nunavut, there is now a public government
responsible to all the people of the territory, including
the 85% majority who are of Inuit heritage
4
. In Nunavik
(Northern Quebec), a self-government agreement provides
extensive local control over many aspects of life in the
territory. Self-government will also soon be a reality for
the Inuit living in Nunatsiavut (Northern Labrador).
Structures have been established to ensure the Inuktitut
language is kept alive and strong and Inuit culture is
retained and strengthened. In fact, Inuktitut is one of the
very few Aboriginal languages in the world that is not in
Nain Labrador c.1910
PAUKTUUTIT ARCHIVES
danger of being lost. For example, the Legislative Assembly
of Nunavut conducts much of its business in Inuktitut, and
the Government of Nunavut has adopted the principles of
Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (IQ), an official policy to engage
Inuit traditional knowledge in government operations and
procedures. Steps such as this ensure that Inuit language
and culture is not relegated to a museum but is embraced
as a vital and living culture that continues to evolve and
guide Inuit in the modern world.
I nui t Qauj i maj at uqang i t ( I Q)
Dont let the phrase scare you. It simply refers, in
Inuktitut, the Inuit language, to the Inuit way of
knowing, or traditional knowledge. Inuit culture is
alive and well in Canadas modern north. There is
no better indication of this ongoing vitality than IQ.
IQ has been adopted as an official policy of the
Government of Nunavut, in its commitment to
develop practices and policies that are consistent
with the culture, values and language of the Inuit
majority. For example, certain workplace values,
including teamwork, cooperation, consensus-based
decision making and conservation are actively pro-
moted. These are consistent with Inuit values and
enable Inuit to be more comfortable and at home
in the workplace. By embracing IQ, the Government
of Nunavut has succeeded in ensuring Inuit cultural
values are an important element in the daily life of
government employees.
Inuit communities are dynamic and life flows according
to seasonal cycles that are tied closely to the land. In the
spring, as the days begin to lengthen, the excitement is
tangible in communities as people eagerly look forward
to going out on the land to fish and spend time camping.
Summer, with its abundant sunlight, is treasured as an
opportunity for families to spend time together at a camp
far from their communities, engaging in many activities
that their ancestors have followed since time immemorial.
It is a special time when children learn much of their cul-
ture from their elders. Autumn tends to be a time when
people get back to more routine aspects of community
lifework and schoolwhile they anticipate the early
onset of the long, cold, dark winter.
Except for the brief lull during summer when many families
are out on the land, Inuit communities are bustling, active
places that tend to be both dynamic and hospitable. Com-
mon activities are community feasts, bingo, sporting events
such as hockey and the constant visiting that lets people
catch up on what is going on with family and friends. Many
communities have active church groups, which organize
events and help provide social services to the community.
A typical community has a nursing centre, a police station,
at least one church, one or more retail outlets, schools, a
hamlet (municipal) office, an airport, and various organiza-
tions including a hunter and trapper organization, a womens
group, a day care, a local radio station and a selection of
small businesses.
Inuit culture remains strong and permeates all activities of
northern life. Children in day care are taught Inuktitut and
learn traditional games and crafts. The curricula followed
in many regional school systems contain a substantial focus
on Inuit cultural, language and historical content. There are
many opportunities for Inuit youth to go out on the land
to learn traditional land skills including hunting and fishing,
how to travel safely, how to make clothing and the impor-
tance of treating the land and its resources with respect.
a

l
i
t
t
l
e

h
i
s
t
o
r
y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
Inuit have changed in many ways since they moved from
the land into modern permanent communities. They are
avid hockey fans, connect with the world via satellite phone,
TV and the Internet, love fast food and action movies and
are actively involved in making their communities better
places to live. There are Inuit nurses, pilots, presidents of
successful corporations, members of Parliament and legisla-
tive assemblies, Senators, lawyers and premiers of territories.
For the first time visitor to the north, these first impressions
imply that Inuit have thoroughly embraced the benefits of
modern life. This is true but it is important to note that in
doing so they have not left their complex and ancient culture
behind. Beyond the initial first impressions are a people who
maintain a very strong tie to their traditions, people who
have distinct values and mannerisms that are different from
those of the visitor. Picture this imagea lawyer with a
briefcase and wearing sealskin kamiks (boots), or the member
of the Legislative Assembly who debates the fine points of
the annual budget during the week, then takes her children
out on the land to fish and camp on the weekend. Inuit have
one kamik in the modern world, and they also have a solid
foot in their distinct traditional culture. We hope The Inuit
Way is a useful tool to help you begin to understand Inuit
culture and assist in the building of a bridge between the
two cultures.
T r adi t i onal I nui t L i f e
Prior to living in the communities, Inuit lived in small, family-
based groupings that traveled seasonally in pursuit of food.
These groups relied upon caribou, fish, sea mammals and
Inuit have changed in many ways since they moved
from the land into modern permanent communities.
TOP
Emelia Merkuratsuk (born Menzel).
18961985. Picture taken c.1980.
Emelias great grand-daughter Heidi Langille,
born Metcalfe, works at Pauktuutit as
Early Learning & Child Care Coordinator.
PAUKTUUTIT ARCHIVES
BOTTOM
Former Pauktuutit president Mary Palliser
at the November 2004 AGM with Tony Hodge,
Nuclear Waste Management Organization.
PAUKTUUTIT ARCHIVES
occasional treats such as bird eggs or berries to survive. So
Inuit developed unique and remarkable skills associated
with living off the land. Technologies include the igloo, kayak,
ulu (womens knife), quilliq (small stone stove that was
their only source of heat and light during the long winter),
fur clothing and toggle-head harpoons. These are widely
recognized as the very pinnacle of technology in the world
of hunting peoples.
With the coming of fur traders, Inuit life began to adapt
and shift away from purely subsistence harvesting, to a
greater focus on trapping fur for trade. New items such as
rifles, tea, tobacco and flour quickly became indispensable
and within a short time, Inuit became dependent upon fur
trapping to provide these new basic necessities of life. As
this dependency grew, more time was spent at the trading
post that eventually included a mission and police station.
Thus began the process whereby Inuit eventually moved
permanently to communities.
Let us make no mistakethis move to communities was
not an easy transition. Despite obvious advantages offered
by community life, there were also significant disruptions of
the traditional culture and values that had guided Inuit for
millennia. The roles of men and women shifted as hunters
could no longer be the sole supporter of their families.
Values began to shift as youth became more exposed to
southern lifestyles and modern life. Severe stresses were
placed on Inuit families by this relocation.
R e s i de nt i al S chool s
The Inuktitut language came under stress as many children
attended residential schools that strictly forbade the speak-
ing of the language. Residential schools caused a wide
range of misery and hardship for Inuit as they disrupted the
transmission of traditional culture and values, weakened
the link between generations and caused immense grief
and frustration for many families.
a

l
i
t
t
l
e

h
i
s
t
o
r
y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
Hebron Labrador (Moravian Church) c.1910
PAUKTUUTIT ARCHIVES
PHOTO 78
Responsibilities for many facets of Inuit life were no longer
held within the family but were assumed by agencies and
anonymous government employees often living in distant
cities. These factors caused considerable stress and tension
with Inuit society and created a legacy of social ills that
continue to resonate today.
T r adi t i onal L aw
For many years, the customary laws of Canadas Aboriginal
peoples were ignored by the legal system because they did
not fit into modern legal concepts of how laws should work.
Aboriginal customary laws were not usually written down,
nor were there people who were given special authority to
enforce these laws. As well, punishments for misbehavior
were often applied unevenly against offenders. However,
these societies did have clear codes of behaviour that were
well understood by all members of the society. People who
did not follow these codes could expect to face a range of
reactions from the community depending upon the severity
of the offense. These societies were self-governing and able
to maintain a primarily stable and peaceable existence.
Inuit society governed the behaviour of its members with a
complex set of values, beliefs and taboos that clearly defined
the expectations of how people should behave. These rules
of behaviour, and ways to deal with infractions, were passed
on to younger generations through oral traditions of the
group and by following examples set by older members.
No F or mal Aut hor i t y
There was no formal authority among the Inuit to decide
whether a persons behaviour warranted a response from
the group, what penalties were to be imposed, or to ensure
that penalties were actually applied against the offending
party. The entire community was responsible for the main-
tenance of peace and order. If there were some question
as to the appropriate penalty to be imposed, community
elders would be consulted to obtain their opinion con-
cerning how a similar situation was handled in the past.
In cases involving serious threats to the community, adult
members would meet to discuss the matter publicly and
arrive at a group decision as to what should be done.
F ocus of Cus tomary L aw
The primary difference between Canadian law and Inuit
customary law is a matter of focus. Historically, Canadian
law has sought to punish the offender and focuses primarily
on the offence committed rather than the particular details
associated with the offender or the victim. The priority
within Inuit customary law was not to necessarily punish
the offender or provide justice per se but rather to ensure
that the community returned to a state of harmony, peace
and equilibrium. The history of the offender, details sur-
rounding the particular incident, and the amount of harm
inflicted upon the victim, all played important roles in the
determination of an appropriate penalty. Individuals who
were considered to be of particular importance to the well
being of the community, such as a primary hunter, may
have been treated with greater leniency. This was due to
the belief that the imposition of a more serious penalty
would not be in the best interest of the community. Above
all, it was felt that any penalty imposed must not worsen
an already difficult situation.
Within the community there was general agreement on
what was expected of individuals in terms of their behav-
iour, how they conducted their lives and what the com-
monly held values of the community were. The spiritual
beliefs of the people also clearly outlined how people should
behave with other people as well as with the natural and
supernatural world. As a result, everyone within the group
knew that certain behaviours would not be tolerated, par-
ticularly if that behaviour threatened the peace, security
and stability of the group.
Caus e s of Conf l i ct
Within such small, intimate groups there existed many
opportunities for conflicts and tensions to arise. The end
of the winter season was a time when tensions would
flare up, as everyone had been living in close quarters
with extended family members for many months. As well,
food supplies were likely to be running low and peoples
ability to pack up and leave an uncomfortable situation
was restricted.
Many violent acts that occurred seemed to have been
caused directly or indirectly by disagreements over women.
However, a variety of other behaviours could also bring about
socially imposed penalties. Among the most common types of
behaviour considered improper were lying, stealing, laziness,
excessive mocking or gossiping, being considered volatile or
unpredictable, jealousy, and excessive bragging.
Me t hods of S oci al Cont r ol
Inuit dealt with unacceptable behaviour in several ways. The
most common reaction to such behaviour was to ignore the
situation, or to mock, shame and gossip about the person
who was acting inappropriately. To someone from another
culture, these means of dealing with misbehavior may not
appear to be very harsh punishment. However, due to the
small size of the camps, people had little privacy and were
in frequent contact with all other community members. As
well, there was a great degree of interdependence among
people, based upon both social and economic realities.
This interdependency and intimacy meant that when
someone broke one of the social rules, everyone in the
camp would soon know about it. Since people had little
contact with others beyond the immediate group, they
would be highly sensitive to open disapproval. Perhaps food
would not be shared as readily, or an invitation to go hunt-
ing would not be extended. As a result, these informal
methods of social control were very effective in maintaining
the basic peace and harmony of the group and in ensuring
that people generally behaved in accordance with commu-
nity expectations.
Ignori ng the Probl em/Wi thdrawal
In instances where there were minor problems with a persons
behaviour, such as someone being rude, a common reaction
would be for the victim to simply ignore the situation
and continue as if nothing had happened. By choosing this
method of dealing with the problem, people would hope
that the problem would simply disappear or resolve itself
without any active intervention on their part. If the problem
persisted long enough, sanctions would be called upon to
correct the situation.
Gossi p
As in all societies, gossip served several important purposes
in Inuit society and was used both by individuals and by the
group in response to a wide variety of behaviours. Typically,
gossip provided an important means for people to pass on
information and for all members to learn about acceptable
behaviour. People who were considered lazy, greedy, overly
self-centered or demanding were good candidates for a gossip
campaign. However, the alleged misbehavior did not neces-
sarily even have to take place. In fact, the person gossiping
might be just as guilty of acting inappropriately as the
accused person, and had simply deflected attention and
thereby avoided detection. Community gossip acted to let
the accused person know that their behaviour was con-
sidered inappropriate and that it would not be tolerated
further. It also let the offender know that the behaviour
should stop before more severe action would be taken.
There were specific rules attached to gossiping however,
and breaking these rules could put the gossiper in an uncom-
fortable position. For example, there were limits on how
a

l
i
t
t
l
e

h
i
s
t
o
r
y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
much gossiping a person could do. A person who was con-
sidered to be gossiping too much or too cruelly, could have
the table turned on them and be gossiped about. They also
risked violence at the hands of the person they were gossip-
ing about if it was considered that they had gone beyond
acceptable limits.
Today, gossip continues to be an active means of encourag-
ing people to follow acceptable rules of behaviour. It acts
to reaffirm the values of the
society and keeps everyone
attuned to what these values
entail. Gossiping also provides
a release for pent up aggres-
sion and frustration that peo-
ple may feel, while limiting the
physical damage that is done.
It is less disruptive to gossip
about someone you may dis-
like than it is to punch him or
her in the nose.
Shami ng or Embarrassi ng
Shaming or embarrassing a
person was another effective
means of altering a persons
behaviour. For example, if a
man were thought to be lazy
or not contributing enough
to the camp, it would be considered appropriate for some-
one to go over to his area and start doing some of his chores
for him. In effect, this would be saying Not only do I have
to do all my own work, but it seems that I should do yours
too as it is not being done. This would place the accused
in a vulnerable position because it would appear that his
lack of effort placed unfair demands on others, a decidedly
unacceptable behaviour.
Ri di cul e
Ridicule was also used to control peoples behaviour. People
whose behaviour was deemed inappropriate would be made
the brunt of jokes and teased by the community, often in the
context of gossiping. This joking ranged from gently poking
fun at someone to quite crude and insulting jokes made at
their expense. Again, if someone joked too much or for too
long, they risked incurring the wrath of their subject, or for
they themselves to become the subject of gossip and ridicule.
Soci al Ostraci sm
In situations where these rel-
atively mild forms of social
pressure were ineffective in
altering behaviour, stronger
options were available to the
community. One of the more
serious methods of inducing
a change in behaviour was
expulsion or ostracism of the
offender. Social ostracism
isolated the person from
full participation within the
social life of the camp. While
not completely ignoring the
person, people would not
seek out the offending per-
sons company or they would
greatly limit their interaction
with the person. Attempts on the part of the ostracized
person to obtain information or start a conversation would
likely be met with a disinterested and non-obligatory eeee.
The ostracized person would be ignored to the point where
they were made keenly aware that they had acted inappro-
priately and that their ostracism would continue until the
community was convinced their behaviour had changed
and would not recur.
P
h
o
t
o
g
r
a
p
h

b
y

D
o
n

R
u
n
g
e
Physi cal Ostracism
If the problematic behaviour persisted, or if there was a
more serious infraction such as the continued violation of
taboos or bullying, the offender could be physically ostra-
cized from the group. This would most often take the form
of the camp moving in the absence of the offender or with-
out their knowledge. This was a particularly serious sanction
because without the social and economic safety and security
provided by the group, an individual would be in a very pre-
carious situation. Once the group decided that the persons
behaviour had changed and that the offence would not likely
be repeated, normal relations would be re-established. People,
and even entire families, who persisted in acting inappro-
priately, might be kept on the outside of the group for very
long periods of time.
Other Means of Soci al Control
Inuit also had several more formalized means of resolving
disputes and conflicts. These methods most always involved
men, as it seems that women resolved most of their disputes
by the informal methods described above. These more formal
methods included fistfights, wrestling and song duels. It was
the right of all men to choose one of these methods for
resolving a dispute. It was very difficult for anyone to refuse
a challenge and still maintain his reputation and status
within the camp.
Fi st Fi ghts
For fistfights, the opponents would strip down to their waists
in a public place and take turns punching each other in the
temple or in the shoulder. No resistance or attempt to avoid
the blow was offered. The fistfight would continue until one
of the men gave up. Once someone gave up, the issue was
considered resolved and further antagonism was unlikely.
Wrestl i ng
Wrestling matches were conducted in much the same
manner as fist fights. Two men would strip down and begin
to wrestle in front of the entire camp. The victor of the
wrestling match would be the man who wins the dispute
by proving his superior strength.
Song Duel s
Certain Inuit groups, including some from the Central Arctic
and Greenland, used ridicule in the form of song duels as a
means of conflict resolution. For example, two men who had
failed to resolve a conflict by other means would secretly
compose derisive songs about their adversary. The mens
wives would also learn these songs. The whole camp gath-
ered in a large igloo to observe the song duel. The wives
would sing their husbands song in turn, while the husband
would beat a drum and dance in the middle of the igloo.
The entire community would observe the competition and
thoroughly enjoy the wit and humour of the songs. Usually
there would be no specific mention of the particular reason
for the conflict in the song. The contest was really comparing
the character and resourcefulness of the two opponents.
Once the group decided that the persons behaviour had
changed and that the offence would not likely be
repeated, normal relations would be re-established.
a

l
i
t
t
l
e

h
i
s
t
o
r
y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
Each contestant would disparage his opponents character,
sexual vitality, honesty, strength, ability to hunt and virtually
any aspect of a persons life where they would be sensitive to
criticism. The person who had composed the most cutting,
humorous and witty song received the most positive res-
ponse from the audience and would be considered the
winner. This would effectively end the conflict and life
would return to normal.
This method of dispute resolution proved to be effective
for several reasons. The formal nature of the duel required
that the contestants think very carefully about what they
were going to say in their songs and, incidentally, about
the cause of the conflict. This tended to prevent sudden,
impulsive actions that might further jeopardize the peace
and stability of the community. The song duels also allowed
private disputes to be brought into the public sphere where
the group could consider the issues and be informed of
what was happening in the community. Once a winner had
been determined in a song duel, there was less likelihood
that the conflict would continue, because the settlement
had been made publicly. Thus the duel acted as a catharsis
and cleared the air of aggressive feelings in a relatively safe
manner. The loser, if not satisfied with the outcome, could
still resort to a fistfight whereupon the issue would be
more concretely settled, but he would also risk being known
as a sore loser.
F ocus on t he I ndi vi dual
r at he r t han t he Of f e nce
There were many details surrounding a particular event that
could influence the corrective action the community took.
The identity of the offender in terms of his position within
the community was taken into consideration. For example,
if the best hunter in the camp offended everyone, it would
be unlikely that his punishment would be as severe as a
person of less importance to the groups overall well being.
This practice may at first seem unfair to people unfamiliar
with Inuit culture but it has a practical rationale. If a good
hunter committed an offence and was physically ostracized,
not only would the hunter be punished but the entire camp
would suffer as well, because they had lost the services of
an important provider of food. This does not mean such
people were beyond reproach, but rather that they would
more likely receive more lenient treatment at the hands
of the community. The focus of attention was on who the
offender was and their role in the community rather than
on what offence had been committed. The basic rule was
that the punishment must not cause more problems for
the group than the initial infraction.
Inuit society was usually quite stable and peaceful. As
described above, occasional violation of social rules was
met with individual and community reactions that served
to correct the offending behaviour. The central feature of
this order and peacefulness was the close-knit, interdepen-
dent nature of the group and the fact that many people
in the camp were directly related to each other. Informal
social control mechanisms of the Inuit worked well in such
a situation.
CUS TOMARY L AW I N T HE MODE R N P E R I OD
The influence of Inuit customary law steadily eroded as
traders, missionaries and the Royal Canadian Mounted
Police (RCMP) began to establish a permanent presence
in the Arctic and to exert fundamental changes to the
Inuit world. The primary goal of the RCMP was to bring
Canadian law to the north to replace traditional laws that
existed. At first the effects of their efforts were minimal as
there were only limited, seasonal contacts between Inuit
and the very few white people who stayed in the north
all year round. Gradually however, Inuit began to spend
increasing amounts of time in and near the small outputs
to trade, more white people stayed all year, and Inuit began
to incorporate elements of southern culture into their own.
Inuit culture and customary law then began to undergo rapid
and radical change, as Inuit began to move permanently into
settlements. Canadian law enforcement agencies, including
police and the court system, assumed many of the respon-
sibilities of traditional law and acted as the main mediators
in disputes. Such offences as crimes of violence or against
property were now handled by these agencies, with little
significant consultation with the community involved. As
a result, Inuit were forced to accept and try to understand
such alien legal concepts as: placing accused people in jail;
conducting public confrontations between lawyers and
people accused of crimes in order to establish their guilt;
and the punishment of guilty people to repay their debt
to society. Until recently, Inuit were allowed no input into
how offenders in their communities were dealt with.
Traditional methods of social control such as gossip, with-
drawal and ostracism, proved to be less effective in larger,
permanent settlements. The mixture of people from various
regions and the safety net of social assistance affected the
close bonds and the mutual dependence that had charac-
terized life in traditional camps. Offenders became less
dependent on a small circle of extended kin for both social
contact and economic security. The threat of physical
ostracism was no longer a matter of life and death.
This said, Inuit in modern communities continue to be
quite sensitive to public criticism and will usually alter their
behaviour in the face of gossip or social ostracism. Despite
the fact that modern Inuit society is not as cohesive and
homogenous as it once was, there continues to be a widely
held understanding among Inuit as to what is expected of
them in terms of their behaviour.
Communi ty Invol vement wi th Of fenders
Inuit have been attempting to gain more influence into the
way offenders are treated by the legal system. Throughout
the Arctic, Inuit, and particularly elders, are acting as inter-
mediaries between young people who have broken the
law and the court systems. They feel that it is more impor-
tant to treat the offender rather than the offence and that
details surrounding the offence should strongly influence
the penalty imposed upon the offender.
Innovative programs have been undertaken to reflect this
position. In the Inuvialuit region, for example, the Young
Offenders Act allows members of the community to inter-
vene on behalf of young people who have committed minor
offences. Rather than appearing before a judge for sentencing,
certain offenders may stay in the community and be coun-
seled by local people who review the issues and develop a
means to deal with the problem without making the situa-
tion worse. Recommendations often include alternative
measures to encourage the offender to change offending
behaviour. For example, if the offender is male, community
intervention may allow him to go out on the land with
an experienced hunter to give him time to think about his
problems and to re-establish his bonds with Inuit culture.
By keeping the offender within the community, traditional
means of social control can be used effectively to ensure
that the behaviour will not be repeated.
a

l
i
t
t
l
e

h
i
s
t
o
r
y
s
i
4
Z
M
1
i
6
3. Inuit have developed various terms to refer to white people. Qallunaat (Igloolik
and the high Arctic), kabloona (Baker Lake) are the most common. There is some
debate as to its origin, and geographic variations as to what the term means. It
may mean non-skin clothing, referring to the woven materials worn by the early
sailors, or it may stem from variations of an Inuktitut word qablunaq, the bone
behind the eyebrows. Apparently early Inuit felt that a distinguishing feature
of European sailors was their prominent eyebrows and thus referred to them
as Qaplunaat.
4. Article 23 of the Nunavut Land Claim Agreement directs the territorial govern-
ment to develop a workforce that more fully reflects the percentage of Inuit
who live in the territory.
E
s
k
i
m
o

w
o
m
a
n

a
n
d

c
h
i
l
d
r
e
n
,

C
a
p
e

D
o
r
s
e
t
,

B
a
f
f
i
n

I
s
l
a
n
d
.

1
9
2
9
.
J
.
D
.

S
o
p
e
r

/

L
I
B
R
A
R
Y

A
N
D

A
R
C
H
I
V
E
S

C
A
N
A
D
A
/

P
A
-
1
0
1
3
0
9

/
d
e
t
a
i
l
e
g
3
z
c
D
5
c h i l d r e a r i n g
Inuit methods of raising children differ considerably
from those in southern Canadian traditions. To the out-
side observer, Inuit children enjoy a substantial amount
of freedom, as indicated by the fact that when they are
not in school, children stay up much later than southern
children, they are often fed when they are hungry and
not according to a set meal schedule, and are disci-
plined in a different manner by their parents. To the
uninformed observer, Inuit parents may appear indiffer-
ent or overly lax with their children. Again cultural dif-
ferences account for this misconception.
T he Chi l d s S p i r i t
Inuit believe that when a child is born, the soul or spirit
of a recently deceased relative is taken on by the newborn.
The newborn is then named after this relative. This soul
manifests in the child in a variety of ways, including certain
physical characteristics, skills or personality traits. Since
the child is, in a sense, part of the person after whom they
have been named, they are deserving of the same respect
and treatment as this person received while they were alive.
This means that the child knows when they are hungry
or tired and in general what they want. It would not be
considered appropriate, under these circumstances, to
tell a child what to do, as this would be the equivalent of
ordering an elder or another adult about, thus violating
an important social rule in Inuit culture.
Di s ci p l i ne
These beliefs regarding children have resulted in Inuit parents
allowing their children a much greater degree of freedom
than most non-Inuit would be comfortable with. As long
as they do not harm themselves, other people, or damage
important items such as food or hunting equipment, there
are few limits placed on the activities of children. This should
not be interpreted as the parents being overly permissive,
because the practice includes certain limitations as well.
For example, a child may receive affectionate cuddling or
choice bits of food when he requests it, however, a child
who is pouting or throwing a tantrum may be ignored. To
do otherwise would be considered intrusive and would pos-
sibly slow the development of the childs ability to reason.
A large amount of freedom does not mean that Inuit children
are not disciplined. Young children will be restrained if they
persist in a potentially dangerous activity. Subtle verbal clues
by older members of the family indicate to the child when
their behaviour is inappropriate. Teasing is also used as an
effective means of drawing attention to a childs poor
behaviour. Older children are rarely physically disciplined
but when this does occur it is, as in many cultures, more
often an expression of the parents frustration or anger than
a real effort to change the childs behaviour. A more effective
means of guiding an older child is to talk to another person
about the childs behaviour within hearing distance of the
child rather than to have a direct confrontation.
B i rt h of a Chi l d
Traditionally, the mother was often assisted in giving birth
by an older woman experienced in childbirth. This older
woman, in addition to lending assistance during the birth,
may have also looked for clues that would indicate the
future and character of the child. After the baby was born,
the child assumed its place on the family sleeping platform
next to the mother. From the day of birth, the baby was in
almost constant contact with the mother, either in the hood
of her parka, or nestled in the front of the parka feeding.
The birth of each child continues to be an event that is
eagerly anticipated and cause for celebration. Soon after
birth the baby is usually given a Christian first name and
the fathers Inuit surname. The baby still spends much of
c
h
i
l
d
r
e
a
r
i
n
g
e
g
3
z
c
D
5
its early life tucked into the mothers traditional parka
(amauti) and remains the favourite of the family. Older
girls often assume some of the duties associated with
raising young children.
It is interesting to note that while many Inuit babies today
are born in hospitals or nursing stations, there is strong
support among Inuit women for the return of traditional
midwifery practices to assist in birthing. This support is
coming to fruition as Inuit midwives may now assist Inuit
women give birth in several regions across the north.
B r e as t- F e e di ng
Traditionally, breast-feeding lasted for a long time relative to
general Canadian practices. A child would usually be weaned
when the mother became pregnant with her next child. This
was three years on average but it was not uncommon to
have children as old as five years still being suckled if there
were no younger siblings to displace them. Weaning was a
difficult time for children as it heralded an end to the period
when they were the center of the familys attention.
In modern settlements, breast-feeding is still widely prac-
ticed. It usually continues up for up three years but it is not
unusual for a child of five to seek, and receive, the breast
when it is requested. Bottle-feeding is common but it seems
that breast-feeding, with its attendant convenience and
health benefits, is becoming increasingly popular again.
Once weaned, the child was gradually encouraged to develop
more adult behaviours such as self-control, patience, genero-
sity and consideration for others. Instruction in these
behaviours was carefully directed towards younger children.
The child was expected to become more helpful around
the home and to begin to learn skills that would help them
later in life. In general, girls were introduced to these res-
ponsibilities earlier than boys and were expected to begin
to assume responsibilities towards their younger siblings
as early as four years of age. Children were also taught to
show respect to elders, to be sensitive to their needs and
to listen to their advice. As the child matured, they were
allowed to either accept or reject the advice of older
people without fear of criticism.
Children are much loved by Inuit. Households who do not
have children are considered to be unfortunate and cold.
Women often continued to have children right up to meno-
pause. When children grow older, they continue to provide
valuable assistance in maintaining the household and helping
to support their parents in their old age. The youngest child
is considered to be charming and receives an unending
flow of affectionate attention and indulgences. In a culture
where expression of affection is restrained, young children
and babies provide an outlet for relatively uninhibited
demonstrations of affection.
Inuit believe that when a child is born, the soul
or spirit of a recently deceased relative is taken
on by the newborn.
NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF CANADA
PA114718
Toi l e t T r ai ni ng
Toilet training practices have changed little since traditional
times. Young children were encouraged to try and relieve
themselves at regular intervals, i.e. after rising in the morn-
ing, before and after meals, before going to bed. There
was no stressful atmosphere attached to this process, as is
sometimes the case in the broader Canadian culture. The
child would be toilet trained when they were ready and
no sooner. Although diapers have made this process more
convenient for the parents, children are still largely allowed
to develop at their own rate.
E ducat i on
Traditionally, Inuit children learned by carefully observing
and following the examples set by their elders. An older
person would spend time with a young person of the same
gender and show them by example how to master various
skills. As soon as the child gained a basic skill, his teacher
would encourage him to innovate and try to make things
on his own. There was no particular time set aside for this
education to take place. Teaching occurred when it was
convenient and lasted as long as the childs interest held
or until other business demanded the attention of the adult.
The focus of Inuit education was learning by individual
effort and observation rather than by instruction. Inuit
children continue to learn all traditional skills by the atten-
tive observation of an older, more experienced person.
Nowadays, there are so many distractions for young people
in modern communities that there is concern among adult
Inuit that younger people are not learning enough about
their traditional Inuit ways.
Attendance in modern schools is mandatory for all Inuit
children. In the past these schools used a very structured
curriculum transplanted from the south. Problems arose
from this system however. The values taught by the schools
were found to conflict with traditional values the children
learned at home. For example, Inuit children are taught at
home to be non-competitive and not to ask people direct
questions. The modern school system however, emphasized
competition and encouraged children to question their
teachers and each other. As well, there was a time when
Inuit children were punished for speaking their own lan-
guage at school. While this no longer occurs, many Inuit
have expressed the need to have more influence on what
is taught to their children and how this material is taught.
They feel more emphasis should be placed upon Inuit
culture and language throughout the educational system
from day care to post-secondary institutions. Over the past
decade, there have been substantial changes in the educa-
tion system. Increasing numbers of Inuit are now becoming
teachers and the curricula have largely been adapted to
better reflect Inuit culture, language and values.
B onds B e t we e n Chi l dr e n and Adult s
The bonds between children and adults are quite fluid in
Inuit society in comparison to those in the larger Canadian
society. Children are commonly seen darting around town
visiting various households, staying for a quick visit, and
then dashing off to visit another home.
While their right to seek attention and favours from any
adult may seem like paradise for children, there is a down
side. It can also seem like being surrounded by babysitters,
as all adults can exercise authority over children in terms
of discipline, instruction and disapproval for inappropriate
behaviour. It can therefore be difficult for children to do
things unobserved by adults. While any member of the com-
munity can influence the behaviour of the child, members
of the immediate family continue to have the most respon-
sibility for and authority over their own children.
Adop t i on
This fluidity of bonds between adults and children extends
into adoption practices. A child who loses his natural par-
ents carries no stigma in Inuit society. Orphans are readily
accepted into another household, usually that of a close
relative. There are also other methods of adopting children.
For example, if a couple were unable to have children them-
selves, they could ask another couple who had several
children, if they could adopt the next child they had. This
request would usually be made via the elders of the adop-
tive parents. Generally, the elder would initially make such a
request to close relatives but if this avenue proved fruitless,
they could try more distant relatives or friends. Once
adopted into the new family, the child would know who
their biological parents were but their primary loyalty
would be to the adoptive parents. The biological mother
would often retain a special relationship with the child and
often play an active role in their lives. Traditional adoption
practices have now been legally recognized by northern
governments and usually require only that the government
be informed in writing when traditional adoptions occur.
Favour i t e Chi l dr e n
While all children are much loved and desired by Inuit, not
all children are loved equally. It is not uncommon for people
to have their favourite child or relative. Such special affec-
tion is usually stated in mild terms such as loving one child
a little bit more or that a child is particularly kissable.
In fact, traditionally such deep emotions were considered
to be difficult and possibly harmful because during periods
of separation from ones favourite child, one could fret and
worry about the child too much.
Modern Inuit childrearing practices continue to have a
strong basis in tradition. The main characteristics of these
practices include: a deep love of children; a great degree
of freedom for children relative to southern Canadian prac-
tices; a preference for indirect means of guiding a childs
behaviour; teaching by example and observation; patience;
consistency; and using humour to distract a child from poor
behaviour. These methods have long been effective means of
childrearing for Inuit. Their children developed self-reliance,
discipline and assumed adult-like tasks much earlier in their
development than children raised in many other cultures.
Child neglect is uncommon in Inuit society. The fluid nature
of the bonds between children and adults helps ensure that
all children are wanted and cared for properly.
c
h
i
l
d
r
e
a
r
i
n
g
e
g
3
z
c
D
5
Mrs. Heslop / LIBRARY AND ARCHIVES CANADA / e002213334 / detail
F A M I L Y
D Y N A M I C S
c
b
8
a
t
5
G
.
H
.

V
a
l
i
q
u
e
t
t
e

/
L
I
B
R
A
R
Y

A
N
D

A
R
C
H
I
V
E
S

C
A
N
A
D
A
/

P
A
-
1
0
2
4
4
7

/

d
e
t
a
i
l
The traditional family grouping of Inuit throughout the
Arctic included a father, mother, their children, and often
other relatives such as grandparents and possibly an un-
married uncle or aunt. The membership and size of the
family unit was flexible and could change quite rapidly.
Although Inuit spent much of their time in camps containing
various numbers of other related families, there was always
a distinction made between immediate family members
and others. Occasionally this distinction could become
blurred. For example, it was a practice among the Inuit of
the Central Arctic for two families who were very good
friends to build a double igloo in order to be closer together.
The amount of food sharing and general cooperation
between families could resemble the degree found in a
single extended family.
T r adi t i onal Mar r i age P r act i ce s
Marriages took place when a girl was approximately 14 years
of age (or sometimes younger) and when a man entered early
adulthood, around 20 years of age. Marriages were usually
arranged by the parents of the couple and often reflected a
desire to strengthen the bonds between the two families. It
was not uncommon for people to arrange marriages for their
babies, sometimes even before
they were born. Marriages
arranged this early were not as
binding as those arranged for
more mature people. In some
parts of the Arctic, it was tradi-
tional that a man would come
into camp and steal his new
wife away, sometimes throwing
her over his shoulder or onto
his komatiq (sled) and begin to
leave the camp. This was sym-
bolic of the fact that the wifes
family didnt want her to leave nor did she want to leave.
After much yelling and laughing, the newlywed couple
would leave her family and join her husbands family in his
home territory.
T he Hus b and
The basic family unit in Inuit society relied on tradition
and cooperation between husband and wife. The husband
had primary authority outside the home and had respon-
sibility for being the primary provider of food, making tools
and weapons, constructing shelters, tending to dogs, and
looking after the general welfare and safety of the family.
He made most decisions concerning when and where the
family would move and when would be the best time to
visit the trading post.
The husband took an active role in childrearing but was
overshadowed in his influence by his wife. If the couple had
a son, the father would begin to pay more attention to him
than his daughters and spend more time teaching him the
skills and knowledge he would need to survive. The husband
was considered a good man if he was a good provider, indus-
trious, modest, generous and generally behaved according
to the Inuit ideal of adult behaviour.
T he Wi f e
The wife had primary authority within the home where she
enjoyed considerable autonomy. She had the main respon-
sibility for childrearing although all members of the family,
particularly older girls, actively participated in raising the
children. The wife was also responsible for all domestic duties
including preparation of food, drinking water, cleaning and
making of clothes and boots. As well, she was responsible
for the making of tents, skin containers and the covering of
the boat or kayak. The ideal wife was considered to be hard
working, cheerful, generous and considerate of others, a
good mother, and one who did not gossip too much.
F
A
M
I
L
Y
D
Y
N
A
M
I
C
S

c
b
8
a
t
5
PHOTO 43332
SHOE FLYS WEDDING DAY
Grandmother of Veronica Dewar,
a past president of Pauktuutit.
Shown here as a young woman.
Part ne r s
The relationship between a husband and wife was one of
partnership and cooperation. The amount of effort and
knowledge required to raise a family in a harsh environment
made mutual dependence between man and wife essential.
While there was strict division of labour in traditional Inuit
households, in private there was a more relaxed attitude
towards this division. Men would on occasion do some
of their own sewing or brew some tea if their wife was too
preoccupied, as long as their actions did not threaten to
break any of a long list of taboos.
Men and women interacted differently with each other
in public. Publicly, people of the same gender tended to
interact more with each other. For example, women would
gather around the periphery of a group of men to listen
to, but generally not join, their conversation. If there were
enough women, they would form their own group to talk
and sew. The division of the sexes extended into the social
world and that of labour. In private, these barriers were
lowered and interaction between a husband and wife
would be much more open and relaxed. The strict lines
of authority were blurred, as both would discuss plans
and details of daily life. It was in these situations that
women could influence decisions that were supposed
to be out of their area of influence.
E l de r s
Elder members of the family held positions of high esteem
in the household and the community. Children were taught
from a very young age to respect their elders and to try and
anticipate their needs and wishes. While not as active in
their contribution to the feeding of the family as they
had once been, they were nonetheless respected for their
knowledge, wisdom and story-telling ability. They were
often sought for their advice on particular issues and took
an active role in childrearing.
Dai ly L i f e
Family life was characterized by a strong sense of security,
intimacy, warmth and less restrained displays of affection
than would be shown outside the home. In the evening,
family members would share events of the day and joke
with each other. Perhaps the most obvious indication of
the closeness of the family was the fact that the family
slept together on a common sleeping platform with the
youngest children being closest to the mother. Special
foods would be brought out on occasion for only the
immediate family to enjoy.
Daily life for the family centered on the chores for the day,
varying from season to season. For the men this would
entail fishing or hunting, attending to equipment or dis-
cussing hunting or trading plans. Women would usually
sew, gather and prepare food and raise the children. The
youngest children would play and try to imitate their par-
ents. There was much socializing in the camp, as people
would visit each other to gossip and drink tea.
F
A
M
I
L
Y
D
Y
N
A
M
I
C
S

c
b
8
a
t
5
Children were taught from a very young age to respect
their eldersto anticipate their needs and wishes.
M O D E R N
F A M I L Y
D Y N A M I C S
9
l
u
s
o
6
g
6

c
b
8
a
t
5
P
h
o
t
o
g
r
a
p
h

b
y

L
e
e

N
a
r
a
w
a
y
The circumstances of the modern Inuit family have
changed considerably from those experienced tradition-
ally. Large communities, access to health care, formal
education for children, wage employment, and many
other characteristics of modern life have irreversibly
affected Inuit family dynamics.
Despite these rapid changes, Inuit maintain a strong family
orientation. People feel that they can always depend upon
their families for assistance and support if it is needed.
Family loyalties generally outweigh any other obligation
a person may have, including those to the community
at large. Visitors to the north will likely notice that Inuit
seem to always be traveling to see family in other com-
munities despite the high cost of air travel.
The basic family unit continues to be the immediate family,
although other relatives often live with the family as well.
Because there is a serious shortage of housing in most com-
munities, it is not unusual to find members of several fami-
lies sharing the same often very cramped accommodation.
With access to modern health care, the structure of Inuit
families has altered. The mortality rate for children has
dropped off dramatically and adults generally live longer.
As a result, a higher percentage of children, young adults
and elders make up Inuit families today
5
.
Mode r n Mar r i age s
Arranged marriages are now a thing of the past. Couples now
marry for love rather than for economic or social reasons.
Spouses are often found outside the settlement. Inuit gen-
erally marry when they are in their late adolescence or early
adulthood. Parents and elders continue to have some influ-
ence on the marriage plans of young people but their advice
can be disregarded without fear of serious retribution.
Sexual activity before marriage is common and not con-
sidered by most Inuit to be wrong. If a woman becomes
pregnant during this period, there will likely be some pres-
sure applied by the local minister and the parents of the
couple for them to marry. No stigma is attached to children
who are born out of wedlock. In cases where the mother
is very young
6
or cannot look after the child, grandparents
often assume responsibility for looking after the child.
Marriages usually take place in the local church and are
joyous ceremonies and a time of celebration. The newly-
weds may live in their own home if there is sufficient
housing available in the community. However, the severe
shortage of housing in most Inuit communities means
that most new couples will live with relatives until accom-
modation becomes available.
The couple has the option to move to a community other
than that of the husbands. Although Inuit generally prefer
to remain close to their families, the fact that one of the
spouses may come from another community combined
with the scarcity of employment opportunities may affect
the couples decision about where to live. If they choose to
move away, frequent visiting keeps family bonds strong.
E l de r s
Elder family members continue to play an important role
in family life and are treated with great respect. They are
considered wise and essential sources of knowledge about
the past. They are often sought out for their story telling
and advice on many issues. Children are taught to be res-
pectful towards their elders, to greet them before anyone
else, to try and anticipate their needs, and not to express
knowledge towards elders unless they are asked.
It is unfortunate that many young Inuit have not retained
enough of their language skills to speak comfortably with
M
O
D
E
R
N

F
A
M
I
L
Y
D
Y
N
A
M
I
C
S
9
l
u
s
o
6
g
6

c
b
8
a
t
5
their elders in Inuktitut. The problem exists largely because
many children prefer to speak English they have learned
in school, from television and videos. While most Inuit
children can speak Inuktitut, the language has changed
over time to the point where elders use traditional terms
and phrases that many young people cannot understand.
Chi l dr e n
The lives of modern children have altered extensively com-
pared to the period when Inuit lived on the land. They
are now exposed to a world that is vastly different from
the one their parents experienced. As they attend modern
schools and become involved with technologies and enter-
tainment from around the global village, children spend
much less time with their parents than they did traditionally.
This has placed limits on the effectiveness of traditional
methods of childrearing, as these relied heavily upon main-
taining close and more exclusive contact between parents
and children.
Adol e s ce nt s
Teenaged Inuit, once they are out of school, spend their
time working when work is available, traveling to other
settlements to visit relatives and friends, hunting and fish-
ing, and socializing with other young people within their
communities. There is generally little pressure put on them
TOP
PHOTO 39726
BOTTOM
Rachel Uyarasuk from Igloolik.
Born 1905. Photo 2006.
PAUKTUUTIT ARCHIVES
Because there is a serious shortage of housing in
most communities, it is not unusual to find members
of several families sharing the same often very
cramped accommodation.
by their families to find a full-time job or to continue their
formal education. They are left to develop at their own pace
and to decide what they want to do with their lives. Limited
recreational facilities in the smaller communities, very high
unemployment rates, combined with high expectations
picked up from television and other telecommunications,
lead many Inuit teenagers to view their communities as
boring and many express a desire to leave for larger settle-
ments or to go down south.
T he R ol e of Me n and Wome n
Although there continues to be cooperation between
many husbands and wives, with the introduction of the
wage economy and social assistance, the survival value
of this partnership has faded. The partners sphere of in-
fluence still usually reflects traditional practices, with men
generally having more authority on matters outside the
home and women retaining primary authority within the
confines of the home.
With unemployment a serious problem in most arctic com-
munities, many Inuit men participate in a mixed economy.
There is often a limited supply of permanent jobs and sea-
sonal or part-time jobs are quickly snapped up. To supple-
ment these wages and family incomes, hunting and fishing
bring in a major source of food and the occasional extra
cash. Further activities include handicraft/art production
and working as guides for tourists. Many men now take an
active role in childrearing but women continue to be pre-
dominant in this area.
As well as being the primary childrearer, women run the
home. This includes cleaning the house and the familys
clothing, cooking, babysitting and making and repairing
clothing. Since women have much greater access to wage
labour jobs, many are also now the primary income earners
in their families. With the high unemployment rates in
many communities, however, many women are unable to
acquire full-time employment so they add to the family
income by taking part-time jobs or making arts/handicrafts
at home. Women continue to actively participate in hunt-
ing, fishing and gathering activities to feed their families.
While many women maintain their traditional duties, an
increasing number are choosing a different route. Inuit
women have become active in the formation and operation
of economic and political organizations ranging from local
to international levels. Her traditional primary authority
within the home has helped give Inuit women the confi-
dence and tenacity necessary to take such an active and
productive role in these organizations.
5. In 2004, Inuit had an average age of just 20 years, compared to non-
Aboriginal Canadians, whose average age was 38.
6. In 2000, the pregnancy rate for young women aged 1519 years was 161.3 per
thousand in Nunavut and 103.7 for Inuvialuit, compared with 38.2 for Canada.
M
O
D
E
R
N

F
A
M
I
L
Y
D
Y
N
A
M
I
C
S
9
l
u
s
o
6
g
6

c
b
8
a
t
5
L
.
D
.

L
i
v
i
n
g
s
t
o
n
e

/

L
I
B
R
A
R
Y

A
N
D

A
R
C
H
I
V
E
S

C
A
N
A
D
A
/

P
A
-
1
2
6
8
9
4

/
d
e
t
a
i
l
C O M M U N I T Y
D Y N A M I C S
k
N
6
v
t
5
Traditionally there was a seasonal rhythm to community
life among the Inuit. During the summer months in the
central and eastern Arctic, small groups composed pri-
marily of one or two families would gather at a location
considered to be good for fishing or caribou hunting.
In winter, there tended to be larger groupings involving
several extended families whose primary activity during
this period was seal hunting. This was also a time of
intense social interaction.
In Nunavik (northern Quebec) and Nunatsiavut (northern
Labrador), groups would travel inland in the fall to follow
caribou herds to their wintering grounds. The Caribou Inuit
in the central Arctic would live inland year round to pursue
caribou herds. Beyond these differences, these groups fol-
lowed a seasonal rhythm similar to other Inuit groups.
Membership was flexible and changed frequently to reflect
changing alliances and tensions within the groups. The lay-
out of the camps reflected where the strongest alliances
and animosities lay. Families that were particularly friendly
camped close to each other, even sharing a large igloo in
the winter or placing their tents facing each other in the
summer. Families who did not get along would either not
move to the same camp together or would inhabit oppo-
site sides of the camp.
Ki ns hi p
Kinship played an integral role in the structure of Inuit
camps. Kinship bonds were established by birth, marriage,
adoption, and by sharing a name with someone. There were
also a variety of fictive kinship relations that would further
bind people together who were not otherwise related.
These bonds ensured that virtually all the people in the
camp were related to each other in some way. Combined
with an intricate system of reciprocal obligations and
responsibilities, the community was tightly knit and inter-
dependent.
De ci s i on Maki ng
Inuit society was largely egalitarian, without hierarchy or
formal authority. Individuals were largely free to do as they
wished as long as their actions did not disturb others. The
basic system of making group decisions was consensus.
Major decisions affecting the group would be discussed
among the adults. People would voice their views, discuss
the issues and compromise until the final decision was one
everyone could accept. People with special skills, talents or
knowledge such as a respected hunter, elder or a shaman
7
,
could be solicited for their opinion on a particular issue but
their advice was not binding. Their ability to influence oth-
ers was limited by the degree to which people chose to fol-
low their advice.
Coop e r at i on
Cooperation among camp members was essential for the
survival of the group. Seal hunting, a staple for many Inuit
families, required a large number of hunters to participate
if the hunt was to succeed. There was greater security in
having a network of people to contribute food and other
supplies when ones own supply was depleted. Competition
was considered inappropriate behaviour as it could cause
tensions within the group and threaten the vitality of
the group.
This form of community organization required a great
degree of harmony to operate effectively. Discord and ten-
sion could disrupt the entire group, affect its welfare and
even survival. To ensure that the society encountered mini-
mal disruption, certain values were held to be essential.
C
O
M
M
U
N
I
T
Y
D
Y
N
A
M
I
C
S
k
N
6
v
t
5
7. Spiritual leader.
T R A D I T I O N A L
I N U I T V A L U E S
w
k
1
k
5
y
K
9
o
s
t
b
g
c
5
N
A
T
I
O
N
A
L

M
U
S
E
U
M

O
F

C
A
N
A
D
A
/

1
8
6
9
1
To understand the dynamics of the traditional Inuit
community, it helps to have an appreciation of the
characteristics held in esteem by its members and the
values that Inuit were expected to live by. In the follow-
ing section, there is a description of what the ideal
characteristics of Inuit are according to traditional val-
ues. As the Inuit came under the increasing influence
of modern culture, some of these ideals have changed.
However, the basic values of modern Inuit society find
their origin in the past and continue to play an impor-
tant role in sculpting the unique culture of the Inuit.
Regret for the passing of the old ways and dissatisfaction
with aspects of modern community life continue to keep
alive the desire to maintain traditional values for many
Inuit. This does not mean that Inuit want to return to their
old way of living. They still recall the privations and harsh-
ness of that life and have no wish to give up the relative
comforts of modern community living. However many
Inuit maintain close ties to the land. They wish to preserve
the traditional skills and knowledge necessary to live off
the land and sea while embracing core cultural values that
defined who Inuit are.
I nde p e nde nce , I nnovat i on
and Pat i e nce
In Inuit society, one of the
most important and respected
characteristics of a successful
person is their capacity for
self-reliance and their ability to
meet lifes challenges with
innovation, resourcefulness
and perseverance.
Traditionally, these traits
would greatly increase the
chance of survival for the indi-
vidual and the group.
Patience and the ability to accept those realities that are
beyond ones control are two other valued character traits.
These attitudes were essential to maintaining subsistence
in the Arctic, be it waiting patiently for hours at a time by
a seals breathing hole or being unable to travel or hunt for
days and weeks due to violent and lengthy storms.
These two sets of traits were critical to survival in tradition-
al Arctic life. However, looked at from a different perspec-
tive, there is an important dichotomy between the two. On
the one hand, Inuit tend to admire people who encounter
a problem, work out a solution and then solve the problem.
Yet, on the other hand, submission in the face of problems
one cant do anything about is also an acceptable response.
Resignation and fatalism can often be their response when
they are dealing with a public servant or nurse, where they
feel their input is unwelcome or irrelevant, or they are at
the mercy of the official they are dealing with. As a result,
they may not volunteer necessary information or ask ques-
tions that might clarify a situation.
To show frustration or anger is considered a childish
response. An adult would be expected to either solve the
problem, or, if the problem seems insolvable, accept it as
such. Of course this can lead to frustration on the part of
both the Inuk seeking help and the official or health pro-
fessional attempting to help
them. By understanding some
of the cultural background
of Inuit, the person trying to
help may be better able to
find new ways to deliver the
assistance needed.
Inuit also feel that tact and
humility are important quali-
ties of an independent adult.
Competitive behaviour and
T
R
A
D
I
T
I
O
N
A
L
I
N
U
I
T
V
A
L
U
E
S
w
k
1
k
5

y
K
9
o
s
t
b
g
c
5
PHOTO 43272
boasting about ones accomplishments
is considered ill mannered because in
effect, the person would be calling
attention to the relative successes or
failures of others. Traditionally, brag-
ging about hunting was believed to
tempt animals to avoid that hunter
and anyone who hunts with him thus
potentially deprive the family and
community of food.
Today, competitive games that test a
persons skill and strength act to direct
competitive and aggressive feelings
into acceptable behaviour. However,
bragging about ones success in these
games is still considered to be inappro-
priate behaviour.
T r adi t i onal S har i ng
In addition to a strong value being
placed on individual independence, the practice of sharing
was held to be of utmost importance to Inuit. Within the
complex network of kinship bonds present in traditional
camps, there were strict rules governing the sharing of many
things, including food, natural resources, ones labour, and
on occasion, spouses. Hospitality was considered an essen-
tial trait and could rarely be refused without the host losing
face. People who were thought to be taking advantage
of other peoples generosity or not reciprocating that gener-
osity, were gossiped about.
Mode r n S har i ng P r act i ce s
The strong tradition of sharing continues into the modern
era although it has changed considerably since Inuit began to
work in the wage economy. While Inuit have been involved
in the fur trade for a long time, direct bartering of skins for
supplies was the regular practice. As
money became a more common feature in
Inuit communities, people were not sure
how that money, or the things that it pur-
chased, was to be shared. Within a house-
hold, food, natural resources and social
assistance are generally shared by mem-
bers of the household. Money from labour
or trapping remains with the earner to
spend as they see fit, although some con-
tribution to the household is expected.
Large items purchased with earned money,
other cash or significant amounts of
replaceable goods, such as gasoline or
dog food, have increasingly been lent
(as opposed to given) with specific agree-
ments being made as to when they will be
returned. People making such requests are
now more likely to be close relatives or
good friends.
These gradual changes in sharing practices have led to some
degree of confusion. Take, for example, the case of an Inuk
who has a relatively well-paying job. He is not required to
necessarily share the money he earns nor the goods pur-
chased with these earnings. However, according to tradi-
tional values, people should share their goods with others.
Thus, it would appear that the person who seems to be
better off in terms of their access to money and the material
goods it affords, arrived at that state because they did not
share enough of their goods. Despite the fact that people
may admire their hard work and relative success, they may
be the target of social criticism due to the perception that
they were not generous enough. Inuit can thus become
torn between the values of the broader society and those
of Inuit traditional values.
PHOTO 43351
Non- I nt e r f e r e nce
Inuit place a high regard on the right of individuals to lead
their lives free from interference from others. This belief
strongly affects the way Inuit interact with each other. Basi-
cally, this belief causes Inuit to often feel a certain degree of
discomfort when exercising authority over other Inuit, even
if the position they hold necessitates such authority. Inuit
are also unlikely to welcome someone trying to dictate
their actions to them or to speak for them without their
consent. This can obviously affect how employers interact
with Inuit employees.
This emphasis on the non-interference in the affairs of oth-
ers is taught early in life. When children begin to show signs
of maturity, they are encouraged to be considerate towards
other people and to not impose themselves on others. In
school, this may place Inuit children in awkward situations.
For example, a teacher may ask two children to choose
teams in order to play a game. The children will likely feel
uncomfortable because they are placed in a position of
power where they have to rank their classmates according
to their ability to play the game. While all the children are
likely to have an idea about their classmates abilities, it is
not considered polite to bring public attention to the fact
that some are more skilled that others. In a situation like
this, it would be more appropriate for the children to
decide amongst themselves how the selection will take
place. The teams will still be formed but without anyone
being placed in an uncomfortable position.
L e ade r s hi p
The practice of non-interference influences the way leader-
ship occurs during hunting parties. An experienced and res-
pected hunter may be seen as a leader in certain situations
or for certain tasks, but he leads more by example and by
taking the initiative rather than delegating people to cer-
tain tasks. When the event is over, so is his leadership. People
TOP
Two sisters. Photograph by Lee Naroway.
BOTTOM
Charles Gimpel / LIBRARY AND ARCHIVES CANADA / e004923412 / detail
T
R
A
D
I
T
I
O
N
A
L
I
N
U
I
T
V
A
L
U
E
S
w
k
1
k
5

y
K
9
o
s
t
b
g
c
5
who stress their views too strongly or who attempt to direct
the actions of other people are considered bossy or pushy
and may be the subject of gossip or social ostracism.
Inuit leaders at every level of political involvement are still
bound by traditional values and can see their public sup-
port dwindle it they go against these values too often. This
is discussed in greater detail below.
T he Maki ng of R e que s t s
The value placed upon a persons independence affects the
way requests are made between Inuit, even in social situa-
tions. Since direct requests are considered rude and aggres-
sive, a guest may make their wishes known only by making
indirect hints about what they would like. A direct request
would be seen as placing the guest in the lesser social posi-
tion and would insult the host for not having had the
insight or consideration to perceive the wishes of his guest.
It also risks placing the host in an awkward position if he is
not able to fulfill the desire of his guest or did not feel
comfortable in granting him his request. This oblique way
of making requests allows the host to refuse a request indi-
rectly by pretending not to get the hint or to simply ignore
it. Direct refusals are also considered aggressive and rude.
R e s p ons e to Que s t i ons
Ab out Ot he r P e op l e
Inuit often find it uncomfortable to respond to direct ques-
tions concerning other people and their motives. It is con-
sidered a violation of that persons privacy to speak about
them in their absence. People feel no obligation to explain
their behaviour or to inform others of their plans as this
would be considered compromising their independence.
Asking about anothers actions implies that there is some-
thing suspect about the persons motives. When an Inuk is
asked a question about another person, they are likely to
respond with I dont know which probably indicates more
about their willingness to speak about another person than
how much they actually know about them.
Some anthropologists have felt that one reason that Inuit
camps were so peaceful and orderly was the importance
attached to non-interference by the members of the com-
munity. Children that were playing loudly were encouraged
to play out of earshot. Quarrels and fights between adults
were rare in camps and settlements unless alcohol was
involved. Pushy, noisy behaviour was considered to be an
infringement on other peoples right to have peace and
quiet. In a situation where people were forced to live very
close to each other, at times for extended periods, attempts
were made to minimize points of conflict and abuses of
others rights.
In modern Inuit society, people have the right to do what
they like without feeling the need to inform others of
their actions. For example, two people may be planning to
go fishing. One party may change their mind at the last
minute and not inform the other person of this change in
In modern Inuit society, people have the right to do
what they like without feeling the need to inform
others of their actions.
plans. The person who altered their plans would usually
not be criticized because to do so would be to interfere
with their decision and would imply that they may be
responsible to the other person.
This practice can lead to difficulties when Inuit interact with
formal agreements such as rental leases or the re-payment
of debts. An Inuk may fully intend to comply with the origi-
nal agreement, but according to traditional Inuit values,
either person maintains the right to change their mind
without consulting with or gaining the consent of the other
party. Some Inuit feel that this attribute means that they
may make decisions as problems arise without being hin-
dered by previous agreements.
This can be an obvious source of misunderstanding and
frustration when appointments arent kept or people dont
show up for work because something more important to
them came up, and it can be highly disruptive to the com-
mitments of other people. Some Inuit feel uncomfortable
with work schedules and punctuality. Not feeling free to
change their mind, and feeling that theyre obliged to inform
others when they do, means that for them a significant
degree of self-determination is felt to be lost. If an Inuk
feels like spending the day hunting, and he is willing to
forgo his wages, he may feel that no one should complain.
Here, then, lies an important cultural challengethe con-
trast between traditional and modern life, between individ-
ual independence and communal commitment, between
shorter and longer-term decision-making.
According to traditional Inuit culture, the individual may
(in some cases must, for survival) make independent deci-
sions regardless of previous circumstances; whereas aspects
of modern Canadian culture emphasize commitment to
work schedules, time clocks and signed agreements. Some
Inuit may react to such conflict by withdrawing from active
participation in the workplace, providing a minimum of
effort or enthusiasm for the work, or by simply quitting to
go enjoy a less complicated life of hunting and fishing for
awhile.
Aut hor i t y
Inuit who achieve positions of some authority can be
caught between fulfilling the requirements of their job and
honouring the traditions of their culture. For example, take
the plight of a young Inuit employee working at the local
co-operative store. A senior relative who happens to owe
the co-op a sum of money comes into the store to purchase
some goods on credit. The employee is obliged to carry out
the wishes of the co-opto serve its customers and cut
down on people who have a bad credit history. On the
other hand, by his familial relationship with the customer,
he must respect and obey the elders wishes. If he extends
credit, he could be criticized by his superiors at the co-op.
If he doesnt, he could be criticized by his relatives for
being disrespectful.
To further complicate the matter of authority, Inuit tend to
feel that people in positions of power make decisions based
on personal feelings. For example, if two people apply for
social assistance and only one application is approved, the
people involved may feel that the decision was based on
the personal reasons of the official, that the official does
not like one of the applicants. In this particular example,
some Inuit can feel that they should receive social assis-
tance if they decide they need it and feel that conditions
attached to eligibility intrude upon their lives and sense
of independence.
Many Inuit have adapted well to being in authority positions.
However, even among this group, a significant number report
that they occasionally feel uncomfortable making decisions
T
R
A
D
I
T
I
O
N
A
L
I
N
U
I
T
V
A
L
U
E
S
w
k
1
k
5

y
K
9
o
s
t
b
g
c
5
that exert authority over others. They may describe their
positions in terms that downplay the authority and influence
of the position. Certain positions that require a lot of decision-
making are likely to have a high turnover of personnel or be
staffed by non-Inuit. While increasing numbers of Inuit are
assuming senior positions in government, businesses and
non-governmental agencies, many will attest to the pres-
sures placed on them by attempting to maintain a foot in
two cultures.
P ol i t i cs and De b at e
The sense of individualism and independence affects peoples
participation in political events and other decision-making
meetings. During public meetings when a vote is being held
on an issue, it is not uncommon to see only those in favour
of the motion indicating their choice. If these people are
particularly earnest in voicing their opinions, they may be
privately criticized for stating their opinions too strongly.
Rather than voting against something, those who are
against the motion will often discuss the issue privately in
order to avoid a direct confrontation with those who dis-
agree with them. Furthermore, these abstainers may not
feel bound by a majority vote and may continue to act as
they choose in spite of the motion. To do otherwise would
be considered an infringement on their independence.
S t r ange r s and F r i e nds
Inuit differ in many ways from people from other cultures
in their interactions with strangers. Although Inuit women,
when embarrassed or feeling shy, may lower their eyes and
grin, the usual greeting for both men and women is a smile
and a handshake.
PHOTO 39641
Visitors who are friendly, sympathetic, who are not aggressive
in the pursuit of information, and who develop some sort
of rapport will find Inuit helpful, friendly and hospitable.
On the other hand, people who arrive (literally) out of
the blue to Inuit communities, dont explain what they
are doing in the community, ask personal questions, and
stay for only a short period of time, may find themselves
considered aggressive, somewhat rude and the subject
of speculation among the locals. If the visitor isnt clear
in stating their intentions, they will find that Inuit tend
to be cautious about interacting with them.
Visitors may find the way Inuit visit people rather unusual.
According to urban Canadian customs, it is good manners
to arrange in advance to visit others, to share an event, a
meal, or exchange information. One rarely drops in on
anyone other than very close friends or immediate family
members. Inuit, particularly in smaller communities, are
not generally restrained by these social rules and may
simply enter a friends or neighbours house without any
advance notice. As well, rather than talk, a visiting Inuit
friend may simply wish to literally see how you are and
sit quietly sipping tea and observing what is going on in
the household. In these situations, conversation is possible
but not essential for a successful visit.
Di s p l ay of E mot i ons
Inuit tend not to display strong emotions publicly as this
is considered immature and may place others in the poten-
tially awkward position of being forced to react to a situa-
tion they consider to be a very private matter. So a stranger
may see a smiling and attentive Inuk but their underlying
emotions may be quite different. Emotions are expressed
more freely in small, more intimate groups. If the person
feels he must express himself emotionally, it is felt that this
expression should involve only those that he feels are
responsible for his emotional state.
Inuit often express their emotions very subtly, in the tone
of voice or the lifting of eyebrows. While appearing to be
almost imperceptible to the stranger, Inuit are adept at pick-
ing up the slight intonations and facial expressions from
each other that reflect emotional states. Inuit perceived by
friends and family to be depressed or lonely may be treated
with particular attention by others, although it would be
considered ill-mannered to make a specific reference to the
emotional state of another person.
Although the values of Inuit culture emphasize the impor-
tance of the individual and the right to run ones life without
interference, the Inuit are a very socially oriented people.
Someone who withdraws from the social world will likely
be considered anxious or troubled and will be the object of
According to urban Canadian customs, it is good
manners to arrange in advance to visit others, to
share an event, a meal, or exchange information.
T
R
A
D
I
T
I
O
N
A
L
I
N
U
I
T
V
A
L
U
E
S
w
k
1
k
5

y
K
9
o
s
t
b
g
c
5
concern. The ideal adult behaviour is considered to be main-
taining ones individuality and independence while being
a fully responsible and participating member of society.
P hy s i cal Contact
Physical contact among Inuit differs from that found among
many others. It closely reflects the social attachment among
the people involved. For example, within certain intimate
groups, be it a family at their fishing/hunting camp or a
group of young men spending the night together, sleeping
arrangements may be communal, with everyone sleeping
together under an assortment of coverings. Families may
also sleep together in settlements if the housing conditions
limit other possibilities. Traditionally, this communal sleep-
ing was an essential sharing of warmth in frigid conditions
and a human need for emotional and physical comfort
from others.
Public expression of affection is reserved primarily for chil-
dren. Kissing or hugging between adults in public is not
generally considered to be proper adult behaviour. Younger
people generally follow the examples set by the adults in
the community but are more likely to show affection
openly than their parents.
Wi t hdr awal i n Unfami l i ar S i t uat i ons
According to custom, Inuit in an unfamiliar social or pro-
fessional milieu will likely react by withdrawing socially
while observing the situation carefully until they figure out
what the situation is and how they should behave. Hence,
when an Inuk is in a dentist/doctors office, or applying
for a job, or for social assistance for the first time, they may
seem rather withdrawn and un-communicative because
the situation may be new to them and they are unsure of
what is expected of them. Add the fact that they likely
perceive the official as having incredible resources at their
command to be distributed solely at their discretion, and
one can begin to understand why they may be feeling
uncomfortable.
I nui t P e r ce p t i ons of Non- I nui t
8
Some Inuit feel that non-Inuit are aggressive, prying, domi-
neering and too free with unsolicited opinions. While people
in public positions elsewhere may be valued for their ability
to manage people and situations in order to improve pro-
duction or solve problems, these traits run contrary to
Inuit values and can make some interactions tense and
unpleasant. To compound the difficulty, the cultural value of
non-interference prevents Inuit from openly telling others
how they feel. It takes a very perceptive, experienced person
to pick up the subtle signs of disapproval from Inuit. As a
result, some Inuit may find constant contact with non-Inuit
a strain and withdraw from regular close contact with them
for a period.
Inuit have become increasingly confident and sophisticated
in their dealings with non-Inuit and with institutions. Inuit
society is growing increasingly complex and multi-faceted as
people follow the many new and diverse options becoming
available in the Arctic. However, even the most successful
Inuit express the need to get back to their home communi-
ties and spend time on the land with other Inuit where they
can truly relax and recharge their own cultural batteries.
8. For a humourous perspective on Inuit views of non-Inuit, readers are referred
to the article in the bibliography written by Zebedee Nungak, a respected
Inuit leader from Nunavik.
PHOTO 43271
T
R
A
D
I
T
I
O
N
A
L
I
N
U
I
T
V
A
L
U
E
S
w
k
1
k
5

y
K
9
o
s
t
b
g
c
5
d i e t
N
A
T
I
O
N
A
L

M
U
S
E
U
M

O
F

C
A
N
A
D
A
/

3
8
5
5
4
i
E
0
J
y
5
Another aspect of Inuit life that a newcomer to the
Arctic is sure to notice is their diet. The traditional Inuit
diet centered upon the meat and fat from a variety of
hunted species, including seals, whales, caribou, and
fish. Inuit also depended to a lesser extent on arctic
hare, ptarmigan, polar bear, arctic fox, musk oxen,
and various other species of birds, mammals and fish.
Large amounts of blubber, oil and fat were consumed to
provide a good source of heat-producing energy. Berries
and a few herbs were included in the diet but made up a
very small proportion of it. The Inuit also had an intimate
knowledge of medicinal plants that served to help keep
them in good health.
Due to the fact that the main fuel available for heating,
lighting, and cooking was seal oil, most of these traditional
or country foods were consumed raw, either frozen or
aged. This provided Inuit with a healthy diet, since the
meat contained all the essential nutrients needed to main-
tain a healthy existence. Aged meat and fat also provided
a welcome change in flavour, texture, as well as adding
important nutritional elements to their diet. If done
correctly, foods can be aged in the Arctic for much longer
than in the south without going bad.
The modern Inuit diet has changed considerably, as a wide
variety of food is now available in every arctic community.
However, modern foods bring their own challenges. Fresh,
nutritious food is very expensive in northern communities
when compared to the same items in southern Canada
because of high transportation and storage costs. Heavily
processed and junk food is more affordable but since it is
full of sugar and other unhealthy additives, dental and
some health problems including diabetes have increased.
On balance, traditional country food continues to form an
essential nutritious and culturally valued staple for most
Inuit families.
d
i
e
t
i
E
0
J
y
5
PHOTO 43321
Concl us i on
Inuit have undergone incredible changes in a very short period
of time. A brief fifty years ago, the vast majority of Inuit were liv-
ing a traditional lifestyle centered upon nomadic hunting, fishing
and trapping. While they were in regular contact with white people
and modern institutions, traditional Inuit culture remained largely
intact.
When they lived on the land, Inuit survived by working together,
by having an intimate knowledge of their environment and by being
able to adapt to that environment. These skills are proving to be no
less valuable today in modern settlements.
Inuit presently maintain a foothold in two worldsthe traditional
world of their ancestors and the modern world where they live. They
watch soap operas on television, ride skidoos, travel internationally,
operate successful corporations and argue fine legal details in courts
of law. At the same time, Inuit continue to live their lives largely
according to traditional values, cherish the time they spend on the
land, enjoy visiting relatives and friends, and eat country food.
The commitment to maintaining traditional values while living
in the modern world is difficult for any culture. Traditional
answers to modern problems may no longer be effective.
Alcohol and drug abuse, high unemployment, family vio-
lence, high suicide rates and a large gap in understanding
between generations of Inuit, are all part of the high price
Inuit have paid for their rapid transformation.
Inuit traditional culture has been in peril of being over-
whelmed or undermined for decades. But Inuit ideals
are strong and have served Inuit well for millennia.
These values have and will continue to play a significant
role in the way Inuit define themselves and in the ways
they build their society in Canadas vast Arctic. It is
hoped that the information presented in this booklet
assists the reader in gaining a greater knowledge and
insight into Inuit culture, and thus be better able to
understand and appreciate Inuit as they work towards a
creating a successful future of their own choosing.
P
h
o
t
o
g
r
a
p
h

b
y

D
o
n

R
u
n
g
e
w
h
m
o
x
5
B I B L I OGR AP HY / S E L E CT E D R E ADI NGS
Briggs, Jean
1970 Never in Anger. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Brody, Hugh
Peoples Land. Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd.
The other side of Eden: hunters, farmers, and the shaping
of the world. Douglas and MacIntyre.
Finkler, Harold
1976 Inuit and the Administration of Criminal Justice in
the Northwest Territories: The Case of Frobisher Bay.
Ottawa: DIAND.
Graburn, Nelson H.
1969 Eskimos Without Igloos: Social and Economic
Development in Sugluk. Boston: Little Brown and Co.
Honigman, John J. and Irma Honigman
1965 Eskimo Townsmen. Ottawa: University of Ottawa.
Inuit Cultural Institute
1988 Recollections of Levi Iqalujjuaq. Inuit Autobiography
Series Number 3. Eskimo Point: Inuit Cultural Institute.
Jenness, Diamond
1964 Eskimo Administration: Canada. Montreal: Arctic
Institute of North America.
Paine, Robert (ed.)
1971 Patrons and Brokers in the Eastern Arctic.
Newfoundland Social and Economic Papers #2 Memorial
University: University of Toronto Press.
Pitseolak, Peter and Dorothy Harley Eber
1993 People from our side: a life story with photographs
and oral biography. McGill-Queens University Press,
(reprint ed.)
Prattis, J.I.
1974 Developmental Constraints in a case of Eskimo
Entrepreneurship in Arctic Quebec. Arctic Anthropology 9
(1): 6167
Riches, David
1977 An Inuit Cooperative: The Contradiction. pp: 222231
in R. Paine (ed.) The White Arctic. Newfoundland Social
and Economic Papers #7. Memorial University: University
of Toronto Press.
Smith, Derek G.
1971 Natives and Outsiders: Pluralism in the Mackenzie
River Delta, Northwest Territories. Unpublished PhD thesis,
Harvard University.
Kabloona and the Eskimo of the Central Keewatin. Ottawa:
St. Paul University.
Other recommended sources
Atanarjuat (The Fast Runner). This film by Igloolik Isuma
Productions Inc. won international acclaim including the
Cannes 2001Winner Camera dor for Best First Feature Film.
The film is a brilliant portrayal of an Inuit legend and pro-
vides an intimate glimpse into traditional Inuit life.
Inuktititut Magazine. This fascinating magazine is produced
by the national Inuit organization, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami.
The magazine provides Inuit writers the opportunity to
describe their thoughts and insights regarding Inuit history
and culture (www.itk.ca).
Nunatsiaq Newswww.nunatsiaq.com. This is a very
good source for current news and issues in Nunavut. A
number of good resources are found at the web site as
well as access to the latest edition of the paper.
Nungak, Zebedee
2004 Qallunaat 101Inuits Study White Folks in This
New Academic Field. This Magazine March/April.
B
I
B
L
I
O
G
R
A
P
H
Y
s
c
o
Z
5

c
s
p
Q
x
3
F
s
y
m
J
5

The Inuit Way: A Guide To Inuitculture

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Inuit Way: A Guide To Inuitculture

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Inuit Way: A Guide To Inuitculture

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

P R O D U C E D B Y PA U K T U U T I T I N U I T WO M E N O F CA N A D A

You might also like