Cultural perspectives on translation

Annie Brisset
The following study aims to show how the
relationship to otherness and cultural diversity
is manifested in discussions accompanying the
evolution of translation practices since the 1950s,
in other words since the point when, on the one
hand, translation became globalised and thus
industrialised and, on the other, the crisis of
representations emerging in the humanities as a
result of independence and postcolonialism, gave
rise a little later to what came to be known as
translations cultural turn.
An initial
ethnolinguistic
approach.
It is hard to locate precisely
when culture entered con-
temporary thinking on trans-
lation, in relation to either
the process or its result. In
the decade 19501960, when
translatology was starting to form into an
independent discipline, there was a strong
ethnocultural dimension, but this concerned
language rather than the human groups that
translation seeks to bring together, no doubt
because linguistics was the pilot discipline and
the period was dominated by structuralism.
During the period following the Second World
War, the creation of major international bodies
and developing exchanges led to the industria-
lisation of translation. Suddenly it became
necessary to translate documents relating to
every eld of human activity, in exponentially
increasing volumes, into one or several lan-
guages very quickly. Translation became part of
a productivity-based system requiring the opti-
misation of its procedures. In the eld of
specialised communications in which translation
operates, the most urgent need was for the
labelling of realities. Linguistics was called on to
identify the real or supposed problems presented
to translation by particular and diverse
cultures. Representative studies include Roman
Jakobsons (1959) article
On linguistic aspects of
translation and Georges
Mounins (1963) Proble`-
mes theoriques de la traduc-
tion. These two linguists
sought to circumscribe the
untranslatability emanat-
ing from the diversity of
languages and cultures.
How is it possible to estab-
lish equivalences of mean-
ing between languages
when they represent reality
differently and, furthermore, express anthropo-
logical and cosmological realities that are often
irreducible to each other? Let us recall how
Jakobson explains the principle of translatabil-
ity. The meaning of a sign, he says, is its
denition. A sign is thus translatable into any
language because it can also be expressed in
the same language in another way. If there
is no corresponding sign in the foreign language,
the sign of the original language can be
simply borrowed, calqued or paraphrased. In
other words, Jakobson concludes, languages
can express everything, but using different
Annie Brisset is Professor at the School of
Translation and Interpretation in the
Faculty of Arts of the University of
Ottawa and the author of A sociocritique
of translation (Ann Saddlemyer Prize) and
many articles on translation theory and
criticism. Founder member and current
President of (International Association
for Translation and Intercultural Studies,
she is also a consultant to UNESCO on
translation-related projects and a member
of the Royal Society of Canada.
Email: [email protected]
ISSJ 199
r
UNESCO2010. Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DK, UKand350 Main Street, Malden, MA02148, USA.
means. Translatability is equivalence in
difference (1959, p.80). The attention paid to
cultural diversity was primarily lexical in aim:
the sign reigned over translation as it did over
linguistics.
However, in the same period Eugene Nida
(1959, pp.14, 16) published a manual for translat-
ing the Bible in which he set out his ethnolin-
guistic model of communication and translation.
A semantician of the generative school and a
specialist in Amerindian languages, Nida pro-
posed a method for the translation of the sacred
texts undertaken by the Universal Biblical Alli-
ance, from an evangelist perspective. The criti-
cisms of this approach by Meschonnic (1973) and
then by the theorists of postcolonialism are well
known, but they have overshadowed the con-
tribution of Nidas ethnocultural thinking, which
was new for the time.
Nida proposes an approach to equivalence
based on a pragmatics of communication. His
work takes Jakobsons principle of equivalence
in difference out of the narrow eld of naming
reality and intothat of social practices and visions
of the world. Nida understands translation as
communicative equivalence, in other words,
that it must function in the target culture. To
render the Bible text intelligible and, most
importantly, pertinent in cultures very distant
from the Judeo-Christian world, the translation
must incorporate the symbolic representations
and usages of the group for which it is intended.
However this model has its limitations, relating in
the rst place to the proselytic approach and
secondly to the behaviourist framework sur-
rounding the pragmatics of communication. This
said, at the height of the structuralist period
Nidas ethnocultural concerns stand out as an
exception. At this time the thinking on transla-
tion that was developing primarily in the eld of
literary studies was subordinated to what Derrida
(1985) calls the Babelian model. Inherited from
German Romanticism and revisited by Walter
Benjamin, this model was reinforced by the
formalisms that developed in the early twentieth
century. It is centred on the letter and literary
aesthetics. Unlike Nidas functionalist model
which, in the Lutheran spirit of the Reform,
emphasises the users of translation, the Babelian
model emphasises the singularity of the original
work, its authors creativity and the act of
interpretation through which it is expressed.
Translation: a socially
governed action
With the decline of structuralism in the late 1970s
the socio-historical context moved to the centre of
thinking about translation. We owe this new
approach to the descriptive model of Gideon
Toury (1995), which was seen as a paradigm shift.
Centred on the product of translation, this model
was developed by literary theorists from small
countries where there was a lot of translation
(such as Belgium, Israel and The Netherlands).
These founders of translation studies (Holmes
et al. 1978; Toury 1980) established the journal
Target. The title evokes the translations target
audience and refers to the cultural, and more still,
literary context in which foreign works are
selected and integrated through translation. The
particular and at that time new characteristic
of the descriptive model is that it understands
translation as a behaviour, in other words, as a
social act and, as such, governed by norms. It is
derived from Itamar Even-Zohars polysystem
theory (1978), a cybernetic model that extends the
principle of self-regulating systems to the descrip-
tion and explanation of literary exchanges and,
more broadly, intercultural transfer. The idea of
the polysystem also draws on Russian formalism.
This heritage almost certainly explains why the
descriptive approach to which it gave rise stops on
the threshold of a sociology of translation since,
while it is indeed concerned to identify the norms
that govern the behaviour of literary translators in
any given society, this is not yet to shed light on
the question of the translating subject nor on the
social status of the translator, nor to reveal the
economic and political forms of logic underlying
international literary exchanges. Starting fromthe
principle that the target literature interacts with
the translated literature, the aim is to understand
the function of these exchanges in a particular
literature and the resulting textual transforma-
tions. The study of the role of translation in
shaping or restructuring a national literature or a
literary genre at a particular moment in its history
is based on the description of the writing practices
at work in translation strategies. Ultimately the
analogy between translation and social practice
that characterises this model makes it possible to
analyse the literary dynamic engendered or
undergone by translation (Lambert and Lefevere
1993). Translation norms act to reveal this
70 Annie Brisset
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dynamic. They can be seen in the regularity of
translation behaviour observed in large corpora
translations are initially compared to the original
works to which they correspond, then linked to
works in the same genre produced at the same
time in the same society. In total, if the norm is
social, this is primarily because it is statistical.
All the same, it would be inaccurate to regard
the descriptive model as purely textual. While it is
true that the core of the analyses remains the texts
rather than agents and socioeconomic constraints,
the search for preliminary norms that govern the
selection of foreign texts (preferred countries,
languages, genres, authors and translators) is, as
their designation suggests, a vital precondition
for understanding the value given to them in a
particular state of a literature and a society. We
should, however, recall that the descriptive model
suspends value judgements, starting with those
that essentialise the act of translation and its
result. Translation is now seen as encompassing
everything that a society delegates to this use at a
particular moment.
Translating cultures or the
question of context
Although the focus on translation behaviour
already touched on the ethos of translation,
study of its human effects was still some way off.
This was left to the postcolonial approaches,
feminism and civil rights movements. In the late
1980s and early 1990s, translation studies which
had until then been caught on questions of
language and literature, set off on a new path. It
is this that Susan Bassnett and Andre Lefevere
(1990) called the cultural turn. Following the
logic set in motion by the descriptive approach,
the new critique anchored translations more
deeply in the source and target cultures by
looking at the manipulations (Hermans 1985)
involved in the transfer from one to the other.
Here translation studies fell in step with its
fellow expanding interdisciplinary eld of cul-
tural studies.
The new critical current emerged in transla-
tion studies through the work of researchers such
as Vicente Rafael (1988), who studied transla-
tion practices linked to the evangelisation of
the Philippines, Eric Cheytz (1991), who
investigated western representations of the other-
ness of indigenous peoples in the Americas and,
most importantly, Tejaswini Niranjana (1992),
who examined the British colonisation of India
and the role played in this process by translation.
All three are theorists of postcolonialism who
took translation as their object of study. The
cultural turn that revolutionised translation stu-
dies occurred in the wake of the important
historical period of decolonisation. A little later,
translation studies adopted the epistemological
and critical ideas of the anthropologists, who had
earlier questioned their practices and resulting
effects. How can the meanings of Others be
translated? The anthropologists were concerned
to know what happened to the translation of
otherness when that otherness was little under-
stood. Talal Asad, Clifford Geertz, James Clif-
ford, George Marcus and Mary Pratt questioned
what the German cultural theorist Doris Bach-
mann-Medick calls the interpretative power of
western anthropology and the representations it
has produced. This anthropological critique
undermined the authority of the anthropologist
as translator (Bachmann-Medick 2006, p.34).
Considering the development of the disci-
pline since the 1950s, Bachmann-Medick shed
useful light on the anthropological basis of the
cultural turn that translation studies was to
make a little later. The problem for anthropol-
ogy is that the translation of other cultures is
always beset by the danger of distortion
posed by interpreting indigenous concepts in a
conceptual system that is foreign to them,
then re-expressing the modes of thought of
other cultures in the languages, categories and
conceptual system of a western audience (Bach-
mann-Medick 2006, p.35). The need to proble-
matise the cultural context of translation had
come from anthropology as far back as the work
of Malinowski. In the attention the latter
explicitly paid to context we can see the idea of
an interpretative practice that Ryle (1971) later
called a thick description, in other words, one
that is contextualised. Following Ryle, Appiah
(2004) proposed the concept of thick transla-
tion, the most immediate example of which is
provided by the anthology of translation the-
ories in China edited by Martha Cheung (2006,
2008) and, more precisely, by the strategy used
to highlight the specicity of notions such as xin,
da and ya, which are deeply rooted in Chinese
Cultural perspectives on translation 71
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thought and can be approximately rendered as
delity, intelligibility and elegance. To bring out
the dening features that distinguish Chinese
concepts from their western equivalents, the
texts on translation are accompanied by other
texts from the same period but different genres,
such as philosophy, in which the same concepts
appear. Each concept is illustrated by a dozen
contextualising texts, juxtaposed with the trans-
latological text from the period in question. As
the historical periods unfold, the Chinese con-
cept, transcribed and graphically highlighted, is
rendered in several different ways. Each new
translation of the term is accompanied by an
explanatory note to enable the reader to under-
stand the development of the concept and how it
differs from its western equivalent.
To explain how much translations cultural
turn owes to ethnography, Wolf (2002) and
Bachmann-Medick (2006) recall that the ana-
logy between the two practices dates back to the
1950s. Lienhardt (1954) was almost certainly the
rst to use the term translation to describe the
work of the ethnographer, while Evans-Pritch-
ard (1957) launched a debate on the linguistic
translatability of cultures with his study
of the Nuer religion. Thirty or so years later
the critique of representation crystallised around
the debate set in motion by Clifford and Marcus
(1986) in their book Writing culture. The poetics
and politics of ethnography. In addition to
questions of interpretation, the ethnographer
faces the problem of translating actions and
spoken words into a xed written form. At the
very least, writing, says Clifford, implies the
translation of experience into textual form. The
translation turn of anthropology is linked to
this realisation. All these ideas lead to the view
that, while anthropological translation is itself a
cultural practice, it is dependent on a particular
epistemological and discursive environment (for
example, orientalism or colonialism). Above all,
it became apparent that the translation of
cultures is bound up with power relations that
are asymmetrical by denition. Thus the crisis of
representation, which, alongside anthropology,
had affected disciplines including literary theory
and historiography, now extended to translation
studies. It also triggered a symmetrical critique
of the eurocentric authority of translation, as
reectedinthe rst postcolonialist studies (Rafael,
Cheytz, Niranjana) on translation itself.
The cultural turn of
translation: towards an ethics
of difference
Without leaving the eld of language (in fact the
development of information technologies and
language engineering bolstered the eld of transla-
tion and terminology) or abandoning the text,
translation studies introduced anthropos as an area
for study, paying new attention to the human,
social and geopolitical dimensions of translation.
At the same time it undertook a critical re-
examination of the history of translation practices,
the representations resulting fromthem, the powers
they serve or have served, the hierarchies they
construct, the marginalisations they give rise to and
the inequalities they consolidate. At the core of the
new cultural questioning of translation lay the
asymmetry in the weight given to languages and
cultures and in the relations of force and power
between human and social groups. This asymmetry
is based on an identical power relationship to that
denounced by the ethnographers, noting that they
had claimed the right to translate the rituals,
myths and customs of the primitive world into the
rational schemas of the civilized world, to represent
this world and to speak for it. The culturalist
approach to translation was manifested in studies
of different forms of manipulation and appropria-
tion in historical contexts where translation has
served in the conquest of peoples and the constitu-
tion of empires (Robinson 1997). The Americas,
Africa and, most importantly, India were the
preferred elds of study (Bassnett and Trivedi
1999; Dingwaney and Maier 1995; Ramakrishna
1997; Simon and St-Pierre 2000; Venuti 1992).
Reclaiming the right to speech gives rise to
translation practices that sometimes express resis-
tance, sometimes reparation. For example, they
may serve to construct identities of a national
(Bandia 2008 for Africa; Fenton 2003 for the
countries of the South Pacic; Tymoczko 1999 for
Ireland) or socio-sexual (Godard 1990; Harvey
2003; Santaemilia 2005) nature. Against the back-
ground of an approach that focuses on the power
relations between languages and cultures, the
workof Lawrence Venuti (1998) deserves mention,
as it involves subverting the hegemony of English
fromthe inside, using a strategy of minoritising.
This initially involves selecting literary texts that
have a minor status in their social context of
origin, then translating them and inserting into
72 Annie Brisset
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them socio-ectal elements or fragments of dis-
courses from the margins of the receiving culture,
in this case that of the USA. The aim is
to destabilise, deterritorialise (Deleuze and
Guattari) or provincialise (Homi Bhabha) read-
ers by presenting them with a hybrid language
intended to decentre their identity. These few
examples show that the anthropological and
postcolonialist critique has led to an intervention-
ist, not to say militant conception of translation
(Gentzler and Tymoczko 2008, Munday 2008).
The ethics of translators and translation has
never been so present in critical commentaries
on the subversive practices of hybridising
identities. The focus on ethics reveals the role
played by the translating subject. In this debate
the translator is however understood as an
individual subject who can choose to escape
institutional and discursive constraints. The
ethics of difference (Venuti 1998) arising out
of the recognition of otherness was based on a
binary and highly loaded opposition between
translation practices: source/target-based,
foreignising/domesticating, domination/resistance,
etc. Questions were asked about the position of
translators in the (political, ideological, moral, etc.)
place from which they interpreted the otherness of
the foreign text. Subversive practices such as those
just mentioned, involving, for example, defamiliar-
isation or polyphony, were part of the postcoloni-
alist thinking that had produced this ethics of
difference for which translating subjects were said
to be alone responsible, independently of the
political, economic, institutional and discursive
circumstances weighing down on them. Discussion
of the ethics of translators and translation thus
remained speculative as long as these constraints
were not systematically studied. This would be the
function of the sociological turn which began
during the 1990s.
Sociological approaches to
translation
The new context of globalisation and the liberal-
isation of cultural exchange by the GATT
agreements of 1986 (Uruguay Round) intensied
the ow of translation, simultaneously expanding
the eld of investigation for translation studies.
It became apparent that translation was subject to
a plurality of agents and state or commercial
bodies for mediation, funding, publishing,
promotion, marketing which intervene in the
circuits of production and distribution for trans-
lated books. Postcolonial culturalism was taken
up by sociology (Simeoni 2002). This trend can be
seen in the sudden proliferation of studies drawing
on ethnohistory, socioeconomics and the sociol-
ogy of communication or of institutions. These
studies seek to change the vision of ordinary
criticism by crossing the boundaries between the
disciplines. In relation to literature and literary
translation, the aim was to
dissolve the antinomy . . . between internal criticism, which
nds the main meaning of texts only within the texts
themselves, and external criticism, which describes
the historical conditions in which texts were produced,
but is always denounced by literary critics as incapable
of recognising their literary qualities and singularity.
(Casanova 1999, p.15)
The new sociological thinking approaches trans-
lation and literature through the overall context
in which they occur (currents of ideas, political
movements, world literature, commercial cir-
cuits, publishing mechanisms and so on),
enabling them to be understood in a new way.
Monographs and collective works have prolif-
erated, with case studies in this vein from a wide
range of historical and, most importantly,
geographical (world, regional and national)
perspectives. The sociological orientation is also
apparent in the journals. In France two con-
secutive issues of Actes de la recherche en sciences
sociales (a journal founded by Bourdieu)
appeared in 2002, the rst on translation and
international exchange, the second on the
international circulation of ideas. In 2005, the
British journal The translator published a special
issue on Bourdieu and the sociology of translat-
ing and interpreting while, in 2007, Social
semiotics published a special issue on translation
and conict. The following year saw the creation
of the journal Translation studies, mainly focus-
ing on the sociology of translation. The same
interest in the sociological aspects of translation
can be seen to varying degrees in groups working
on interculturality (Hermans 2002, 2006; Kenny
2008; Wolf and Fukari 2007) or, more diffusely,
in journals on sociology, pragmatics, literary
criticism and philosophy, not forgetting the
Cultural perspectives on translation 73
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many doctoral theses exploring the ow of
translation and its function in particular periods
and societies. Europe has returned to the fore-
ground with a marked interest in the eastern
Europe (Popa 2004; Skibin ska 2006).
Translations sociological turn draws exten-
sively on the work of Bourdieu. Among the
seminal studies of this current, Pascale Casano-
vas (1999, p.15) La republique mondiale des
lettres stands out for the scale of its subject,
which is world literature. This proves to be
unequal in nature and hence subject to invisible
violence. Translation appears as one of the
dominant phenomena acting on the international
market in literature. It is described as the great
consecrating authority . . . the major issue and
weapon in the universal rivalry between players, a
specic form of struggle within the international
literary space due to the unequal credit given to
the languages and the literatures dependent on
them (pp.188189). In relation to languages
themselves, study of the ow of translation leads
to the same observation (Calvet and Ose ki-Depre
2002; Heilbron 1999). Globalisation increases the
volume of translation, but paradoxically hinders
cultural diversity due to the hierarchy of lan-
guages to which attention is paid. According to
the study for UNESCOs global report on cultural
diversity (2009), 75 per cent of all books registered
in the Index translationum (19792007) have been
translated from only three languages (English,
French and German). As a source language
English alone covers 55 per cent of translated
books across all genres. Another revealing statis-
tic in relation to the asymmetry of exchanges is
that of some 800 languages identied in the Index,
20 including 16 European languages are the
source of 96 per cent of translated books. The
same imbalance can be seen in relation to the
target languages: half of the books identied were
translated into only ve languages (German,
Spanish, French, English and Japanese).
Sociological approaches to translation gen-
erally consider large sets of phenomena. On the
one hand, they are seeking to break with a
critical approach conned to the relationships
between an original text and its translation seen
in isolation, without considering the institu-
tional conditions (apparatus, agents, discourse)
that shed the most light on the nature and
function of these relationships. On the other
hand, they differ from the economic approach
to international transactions, which tends to
reduce the translated work to a product like any
other, with no concern for the asymmetry of
languages and the hierarchisation of symbolic
goods. Sociology has been brought in to explore
the external conditions of production and
circulation of translations and their function in
the cultural eld of which they are a part. It
reveals the role of the agents who act throughout
the process of their production and distribution,
the places in which they operate (publishing
houses, funding bodies, book fairs, cultural
broadcasts, literary prizes and so on) and, above
all, the power relations and agendas underlying
exchanges. It shows that the globalised space
works according to different and sometimes
competing kinds of logic, notably internal
political interests and relationships between the
countries involved, which determine the way
that translations are disseminated.
The situations analysed from this point of
view vary over time and space. We can cite as an
example the role of translations combining
Greek and Latin classics with founding myths
in the Nahuatl language in the emergence of the
Mexican identity under colonisation (Payas
2005) or, in the early nineteenth century, the
role of the press in the adaptation and diffusion
in Spanish of ideas imported from France and
the USA, which fostered the Latin American
revolutionary movements (Bastin 2004). In our
contemporary societies translation serves a
range of aims. For example, the translation of
foreign articles acts to regulate access to
information in the Arabic press of some
countries where there is restrictive and active
censorship. Another example is the subtle
function of political opposition in the rise of
translations into Farsi of works celebrating the
grandeur of ancient Persia, which act as a
counterweight to the Islamic identity of Iran.
Alongside the role of translation in the creation
and renewal of a literature, culture or national
identity, many sociological studies reveal that
the status of translators and translation varies
from one cultural space or historical moment to
the next. They highlight both the agonic condi-
tions structuring cultural elds or affecting
societies and the complexity of the networks
underlying the production of translations and
their distribution on a national or international
scale. Translation is shown to be a very sensitive
74 Annie Brisset
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index of current or past situations of conict.
Alongside economic issues (such as the presence
in a publishers catalogue of Nobel prizewinners
or successful authors) these studies reveal how
far translation activities are determined by
political and ideological conditions. This can
be seen in the case of the countries of central and
eastern Europe before and during the commu-
nist period, but we could also mention the very
different case of several Arab countries, such as
Egypt or Lebanon, in which there have been
translation programmes run by foreign coun-
tries concerned to consolidate their position in
the aftermath of decolonisation.
One sociological current, as yet represent-
ing a minority in translatology, draws on Bruno
Latours theory of the actor-network. Unlike
Bourdieu, who analyses social practices fromthe
point of viewof agents and their positions within
a eld, Latour examines the modes of (human
and non-human) interaction that enter into the
production of objects circulating in society.
Latour adopts an ethnographic approach to
analyse the production of scientic knowledge
(1989) and the development of law (2002). With
its emphasis on interaction, actor-network
theory makes it possible to study the agents
active in production processes from an angle
that is different from that of Bourdieu. Trans-
posed to the domain of translation studies, the
method of participatory observation enables the
direct monitoring of, for example, a chain of
individual and collective decisions made by a
publishing house in relation to the production of
a translation and its arrival on the book market
(Buzelin 2005). This sociological approach
modies responsibility for translation choices,
which were until recently attributed to the
translator. It obliges us to reframe the debate
on the ethics of translation.
Translationassocial discourse
Sociological studies generally conne themselves
to the conditions that govern the production
and circulation of translations, leaving aside
discursive components, although these are sub-
ject to the same conditions. This is done in the
name of a bipolar and somewhat reductive
representation of translation criticism: on
the one part, the objectivist approach centred
on the interpretation of meanings and the
relationship between the original and its transla-
tion and, on the other, the subjectivist, relativist
approach introduced by postcolonialist thought
derived from anthropology, which concentrates
on the modes of appropriation of texts, their
permeability and hybridisation. To escape this
alternative, say the sociologists, we must aban-
don the intertextual problematics of a decontex-
tualised relationship between source text and
target text (Sapiro 2007). Seen in this light the
argument has validity, but it has a blind spot,
since it fails to recognise the intense and fertile
research that, for a good quarter century now,
has incorporated human and social factors into
the study of translations. Moreover the con-
textualisation proposed by sociology is too often
conned to apparatus and their agents (literary
movements and institutions, publishing, trade
and so on). Pierre Lassave asks
Is there no place for a sociology of translation that is not
only a sociography of translators . . . or a mere functional
annex of the theory of cultural elds and the inequality of
their exchanges? (2006, p. 137)
Limiting attention to agents and institutions tends
to mean leaving out any analysis of the discursive
context, in other words the interdiscourse at work
in the translated texts. Translation, rooted in the
logos in whatever medium, surely cannot conne
itself to the external kinds of logic that inuence
cultural exchanges, those of publishing, trade or
politics, without concerning itself with the logic of
discourse. In other words, the analysis of transla-
tion (and retranslation) phenomena surely cannot
do without a socio critique that considers the
relationships between translation and the sur-
rounding social discourse.
We should recall that the term socio-
critique was devised in 1971 by Claude Duchet
in the rst issue of the French journal Litterature,
which also introduced the principles of this socio-
historical approach to texts. Coming out of the
work of Luka cs and then Goldmann, it developed
into a social semantics of texts based on the
philosophy of the Frankfurt School and the
dialogism of Bakhtin, later updated in the notion
of intertextuality and extended more widely to
that of interdiscourse. In the 1980s work on social
discourse around Marc Angenot (1989) did much
to release socio-critical studies (initially orientated
Cultural perspectives on translation 75
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towards genetic criticism) from the concentration
on the textual for which sociology today so
criticises translation studies. The socio-discursive
current considers the text be it literary, scientic,
legal, journalistic, political or other in relation to
the rest of the social discourse, comparing it to
other discursive formations (Foucault) that are
produced and circulate in the same state of a
society. This comparison is based on two postu-
lates: the rst is a general interaction between
discourses, the second a hegemony governing
what can be opined, said or written in a given
society at a particular point in its history.
The aim of this socio-critical movement is to
identify the ideological congurations or ideolo-
gemes which, like rhizomes, link and unite the
very different discourses circulating in society in
equally recurrent and socially regulated forms
(objects of discourse, narratives, arguments,
concepts, models and paradigms). Translation
enters this analytical framework as discourse
(Brisset 1996). Hence, the importance of compar-
ing texts that have been translated or retranslated
whether as a corpus or individually with the
discourse of the target society and above all with
the discourse predominating in an institutional
subset (for example literature, law or science) in
order to uncover these transverse elements of
discourse, be they aesthetic, doxological (related
to public opinion), axiological or ideological.
An excellent example is provided by the
translations of Nietzsche and their function in
structuring philosophical and political thought in
the USA (Giroux 2003). To reveal the discursive
correspondences linking a translation or retransla-
tion to all the other intellectual or public produc-
tions of its environment, including those of the
(philosophical, literary, legal etc.) social system in
which it appears, is to highlight the necessary per-
spective of historical simultaneity (Gumbrecht
1997, p.427) that permits its internal logic to be
understood. This sociogrammatical (Duchet) or
ideosemic
1
(Cros 2003) contextualisation ties in
with translatologys current interest in pragmatics
and the revival of narratology in the Anglo-
American world, as shown by Mona Bakers study
(2006) on the circulation of narratives and their
reinforcement, reframing or subversion by trans-
lators and interpreters (here in the context of war
or conict).
Niklas Luhmanns (1984) sociology of
communication certainly offers the most fertile
model for developing a socio-critical approach
that will free the study of translations from the
agonic position in which the sociology of domina-
tion seems to hold it. Derived from Talcott
Parsons theory of social systems and George
Spencer Browns logic of distinction (law of
form), Luhmanns model seeks to understand
the complexity of human institutions. It borrows
the principle of autopoiesis or self-reproduction
from Maturana and Varelas cognitive biology
(Luhmann 1986). Every social system (literature,
science, law, economics, media and so on)
functions like a cell, whose survival and evolution
depend on its selective interaction with a complex
environment. Like a cell, every social system is a
system of meaning, functionally closed but
structurally open to its environment, with which
it constantly interacts through recursive retro-
action loops. Agents are assumed, but are absent
from the model on the principle that only
communication communicates.
Here the question is not so much whether
translation constitutes a system of communica-
tion in itself, but a matter of observing, from this
heuristic position, the unnoticed socio-semantic
dimensions of translation in the communication
that is its very essence. Notably, how does it
contribute to the self-reproduction and trans-
formation of any social system that draws on it
at a given moment in its history and in what
form and for what use? Of the studies explicitly
based on this model we can cite that of Sergey
Tyulenev (2009) on the place given to translation
by Peter the Great and then Catherine the Great
in modernising Russia in the eighteenth century.
Other studies indirectly related to the model
include the analysis of the reception of semiotic
and structuralist theories in Turkish literary
criticism, or that of the importation of feminist
theories to the USA in the 1960s (Susam-
Sarajeva 2005). These studies remain isolated
(Hermans 2007); but then, Luhmanns many
complex studies have been comparatively little
translated and distributed.
Translations new cultural
objects
The sociology of translation that dominates
today focuses largely on a sociography of the
76 Annie Brisset
rUNESCO 2010.
agents of translation and their elds of opera-
tion. It proclaims loud and clear that we must
turn away from the text, which was formerly the
object of all attention. Clearly this perspective
sheds new and necessary light. But it is slightly
out of phase with current thinking, which has
already broadened to include intralinguistic and
intersemiotic forms of translation among
which we must include those introduced by the
new media and technological formats and,
most importantly, highlighting the space of these
practices and the many issues arising out of
them. If we observe the wide range of practices
with which translation studies is concerned
today, it would seem that the accusations
levelled against it by sociography, itself more-
over largely xated on literature (with a timid
incursion into the social sciences), are something
of an optical illusion. While multimedia tech-
nologies have undermined the notion of text,
we should recall that the analysis of textuality, or
what is today called discourse, has been largely
absent from thinking on non-literary translation
practices. Yet these are far greater in volume,
and are continually expanding as a result of the
globalisation of exchanges and information and
communications technologies.
Moreover, the many conicts and ensuing
migrations are at least as important as globalisa-
tion in increasing the diversication of forms of
interlinguistic and intercultural mediation,
which break down the traditional denition of
translation or at least cause it to shift (Tymoczko
2006). These require new theorisations and new
teaching focusing as much on social skills (savoir-
etre) as on technical capacities (savoir-faire).
Todays translation scholars are interested in
forms of language transaction whose importance
is much wider than that usually associated with
translation. Let us take, for example, the critique
of postmodern productions in African countries
that have undergone colonisation. Today dom-
ination is played out between governing elites and
populations, so that dichotomies such as coloni-
ser/colonised, centre/periphery, west/rest, etc.
have become inadequate. Resistance strategies
now seek to counter internal powers. Products of
an authoritarian, repressive environment, they are
embodied in processes of translation which, to
return to Jakobsons typology, move from the
interlinguistic mode (or translation proper) to
the intralinguistic (heteroglossic devices, linguistic
parodies, discursive subversion of traditional
genres such as the panegyric and epic narrative)
and intersemiotic (use of audiovisual, musical and
artistic forms). Without underestimating the
historical context, it remains the case that the
internal dynamics of the postcolony (Mbembe
2001) are better suited to the study of translation
practices seeking to subvert the discourses of
authority, power and repression (Bandia 2008).
More generally, translation studies is pay-
ing newattention to public language (Pratt 2002,
2003), contact zones (Apter 2005) and bilingual
aesthetics (Sommer 2004) through theories
whose effect is to give translation a clearer
position among cultural practices. The diverse
ethno-landscape of world cities invites an
examination of the language transactions under-
lying the everyday functioning of citizens, which
belie ideological discourses of nation or do not
necessarily reect the states policies on identity
and nationalism (Simon 2006). There are spaces
within these cosmopolitan cities where linguistic,
ethnic, religious and other differences are
negotiated. Simon observes that thinking about
cosmopolitanism, increasingly a feature of our
times, necessarily involves the study of these
places of cohabitation and exchange, from the
most harmonious to the least. Moreover, in
approaching the cosmopolitanism of the great
metropolises from the point of view of transla-
tion rather than multilingualism, we are obliged
to observe the dynamics of interactions between
groups and their various effects.
Similarly, the role of translators and inter-
preters is seen in the geopolitical context and,
most importantly, in the social space where
mediation takes place, from the hospitals of
diasporic metropolises, where translation and
interpretation are sometimes a civil right, to the
paralegal bodies that grant refugee status, not
forgetting military units where interpreters are
involved in the interrogation of prisoners
(Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib), the post-apartheid
tribunals and those set up to hear war crimes
cases (Rwanda, ex-Yugoslavia, Cambodia).
These translation practices are the object of
socio-discursive analyses (the intermediation of
refugee stories, the truths constructed by these
narratives differently interpreted by the western
authorities and so on). Each case study shows
the inadequacy of the linguistic and cultural
frameworks in which the relationship between
Cultural perspectives on translation 77
rUNESCO 2010.
translation and otherness is usually placed. The
spatialised study of translation radically leads to
questions of an ethical, legal and political nature
(Inghilleri 2003).
Versions of culture in
translation studies
The overview provided above shows the evolu-
tion of the status of culture in studies on
translation since these began to coalesce into
an independent discipline. Initially culture was
seen as an obstacle to the transfer of the meaning
to be expressed. Never dened, it appeared
implicitly as a monolithic whole, coextensive with
the use of a language that was assumed to reect
the beliefs, world view and life style of the place
where it was spoken. Translation was understood
ina context at once nominalist anduniversalist: the
principle of equivalence in difference permitted
the permutation of signs while its primary
postulate was the equality of languages and
cultures. Did this mean any comparison of cultures
was circumscribed within the symbolic domain
and purely verbal? Not really, since the otherness
that resists translation was an exotic otherness,
notably in the Biblical domain, an important
foundation for the emerging translation studies.
The superiority of the western message
was implicit here. If translation was part of a
civilizing mission, it was at the price of the
acculturation of the translation users, but some-
times also a two-way acculturation. With post-
structuralism and the postcolonialist critique,
the linguistic approach to culture gave way to a
humanist approach that destroyed the egalitar-
ian beliefs of the preceding period: it became
apparent that translation is a duciary operation
carrying with it a danger of conscation and
instrumentalisation, particularly if, as is often
the case, it takes place between partners in
an asymmetrical relationship. While all lan-
guages may have the same capacity to express
reality, they do not carry the same weight on the
world stage, and the same is true of cultures.
Translation practices were re-examined in a
political and axiological framework that
revealed the relations of power and domination
between translated and translating cultures. The
table of values according to which good transla-
tions were separatedfrombad has found a natural
continuation in an agent-centred sociology setting
up an opposition between dominated and domi-
nant. The durability of this dualist schema in
translation criticismis doubtless related to the fact
that the western tradition was already organised
in terms of the double paradigm of source and
target, contrasting respect for the letter with
practices that are adaptive and ethnocentric in
other words, condemnable.
This said, sociology has replaced an often
over-speculative discourse with models providing
concrete data on the intercultural transactions of
translation, notably onthe agents andapparatus at
the origin of imbalances that sociology would also
quantify. Moreover, the sociological current has
transformedthe translationstudies idea of culture.
Instead of a homogeneous whole coextensive with
a particular language, culture was henceforth
represented as a plural entity, whose endlessly
interacting components are themselves subject to
interests and power relations. The notion of
culture has been replaced by that of society as
translation practices are now considered closer to
home, either in terms of emancipation related to
identity (translation being mobilised to promote
repressed identities) or from the perspective of the
citizen (translation as a trigger of intercultural
rapprochement, interethnic reconciliation and so
on.) within a society. Again thanks to sociology,
and more precisely social system theory, the
communication element or materiality of transla-
tion itself has been recently reasserted. At the same
time the dubious opposition of centre and
periphery, the latter designating a geographically
distant and, crucially, minoritised other space, was
strongly challenged. The internationalisation of
translation was a major component of this new
exploration. Based until recently on entirely
eurocentric data, western conceptions of transla-
tion are now being tested against theories devel-
oped in other cultures. In a reciprocal way, there
has been a recognition of the need to move away
from a tendency to borrow models made in the
west and superimpose them on to ones own
history, traditions and practices (Liu 2008). The
increasing number of intercontinental research
conferences on translation and interculturality,
monographs, anthologies and journal issues on
non-western traditions, particularly from Asia
(Cheung 2009; Hung and Wakabashi 2005; Luo
and He 2009), offer tangible signs of this new
cultural expansion of translatology.
78 Annie Brisset
rUNESCO 2010.
Note
1. Cross work around the notion
of the ideoseme illustrates the
coupling of literature and social
discourse. It is related to that of
Kantorowicz (1984) in the eld of
law. In both cases we can see how
the meaning of an ideoseme or a
maxim (for example To die for
ones country) is regenerated in a
functional way at different
moments in the history of a
society or social system.
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