Running head: MEDIATED COMMUNICATION & COMMUNICATION

PERSONAL MEDIATED COMMUNICATION

AND THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

Ronald E. Rice, James E. Katz, Sophia Acord, Kiku Dasgupta, and Kalpana David

Author contact:
James E. Katz
Professor of Communication
Department of Communication
School of Communication, Information & Library Science
Rutgers University
4 Huntington St., New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1071
[email protected]

Katz, J. E., Rice, R. E., Acord, S., Dasgupta, K., & David, K. (2004). Personal
mediated communication and the concept of community in theory and practice.
In P. Kalbfleisch (Ed.), Communication and community, communication
yearbook 28. (pp. 315-371.) Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

We thank Joshua Meyrowitz, Mark Poster and Robert Putnam for their extremely
helpful comments on earlier drafts. Errors and mis-interpretations are the
responsibility alone of James E. Katz.
 PERSONAL MEDIATED COMMUNICATION
AND THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

1. ABSTRACT
This chapter has three purposes: first, to review theoretical and practical
aspects of the concept of community that may be relevant to a better understanding
of relationships between mediated communication and community; second, to
explore how personal mediated communication may be affecting the creation,
processes, and fates of communities; and third, to consider how the power of
mediated communication technologies might alter traditional theories of
communities.
The chapter begins with a review of the concept of community, discussing
positive and negative perspectives on the relationship between mediated
communication and community. Then the chapter examines mediated
communications, especially the Internet and mobile phone technology, and their
potential impact on social relationships within communities. Next, the chapter
considers the prospect of virtual mobile communication-based communities
becoming an effective source of social capital. Interwoven with these
considerations are suggestions for modifications in traditional community theory-
building in light of these new technologies. Mobiles are a special focus because
already so much of the world’s population are using them, and the number of users
and the extent of their use are expected to continue to grow rapidly.

2. INTRODUCTION
Community as an intellectual construct and as a component of social life has
long commanded interest among social scientists and philosophers in general, and
communication scholars in particular, as the other chapters in this volume amply
demonstrate. Here we wish to highlight how mediated technologies have affected,
and are likely to affect, our notions and experiences of community. Our focus is not
mass media (such as radio, newspapers and TV) but rather mediated personal
communication technology. By mediated personal communication technology, we
refer especially to the mobile phone and the Internet, but also include in our
definition (though cannot say much about them in our analysis) PDAs and civilian
band (CB) and similar radio technology. All these are “individual-to-individual” or
“individual-to-group” technologies, as opposed to mass media, which can be
thought of as “organization-to-mass” communication technologies. The mediated
communication perspective has much to offer since, for instance, mobile phones
now outnumber TV sets, and Internet usage has become a major activity for
millions around the globe. Even those who are illiterate find themselves relying on
mobile phones for important communication, especially in developing countries
(Katz &Aakhus, 2002).
 Mobile phones have become ubiquitous in many societies especially among
the young, and in several areas such as Finland, Hong Kong and Taiwan, there are
more active handsets than there are people. Understandably, the mobile phone has
become an important part of many social networks, which are comprised of kin,
friends and workmates (Katz, 2001; Ling 2001). At the same time, conventional
communicative practices have been eroded due to the extensive use of mobile
phones. Use of public space and responses to others in one’s vicinity clearly seem
to have been affected by mobile phone usage. De Gournay (2002) claims that
conventional codes of conduct regarding communicative behavior in public spaces
are fast disappearing owing to the seemingly random use of mobile phones. On a
larger scale, Katz and Aakhus (2002) hold that the mobile phone reflects a broader
sociological effect involving aspirations to perpetual contact with family, friends,
people of potential interest and information sources. At the very least, as suggested
above, even mobiles are part of a larger set of new communication technologies
that interplay with various human communication needs generally and human
community in particular. With this perspective on the changing format of
interpersonal communication, we turn to the theoretical construct of community so
that we will then have a foundation upon which to examine mediated
communication’s potential consequences to community as praxis and as lived
experience.

3. THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY

A. Definitions of Community
Denotatively and connotatively, community has been used to characterize
participants in aboriginal villages (Morgan, 1942), tight-knit urban neighborhoods
(Gans, 1962), members of a specific industry such as butchers (Wenger, 1998), as
well as more exotic settings, such as string theory researchers, and even e-bay’s
global auctions and computer programming teams (Rheingold, 2000). Despite the
plethora of uses, some careful attention has been directed towards analyzing the
term’s meaning.
Arensberg (1965) identifies three elements to the concept: environment,
social form, and patterned behavior. Sanders (1966) argues for four: a place to live,
a spatial unit, a way of life, and a social system. Effrat (1974) says that
communities can be analyzed at the levels of distinct residential groups, solidarity
institutions, and interactions of interpersonal and informal relations. Looking at the
concept from an historical perspective, Poplin (1979) finds three phases: first, as a
territorial definition, second, as a unit of social organization, and, more recently, as
a set of psycho-cultural bonds. Several scholars have tried crosscutting analysis.
Hillery’s 1982 comprehensive analysis of 94 definitions of community yielded the
three most frequently invoked elements: social interaction, common ties, and
physical co-location. More recently, Jones (1995) found that the majority of
constructs rely on social involvement and interaction; in essence, community is a
social system.
Meyrowitz (1985; 1989) has argued that communities can be viewed in a
context that is both “upward” to institutions and “downward” to social roles. He
analyzes social roles and identities in terms of information-systems that are
comprised of patterns of access to social information, determined by the mix of
physical settings, media, and mental constructs. Regarding mental constructs, he
extends George Herbert Mead’s notion of the “generalized other” to the “mediated
generalized other.” He describes how people gain a sense of who they are in part
by imagining how others—both live and mediated— view them. Additionally, he
anticipates much discussion of virtual life by advancing the notion of the
“generalized elsewhere,” wherein one imagines how distant others imagine one’s
own city and general environment. In this way, he adds the important element of
media and mediation to the theoretical development of community.
Turning from the definitional to the analytical, in this section we would
argue that the construct might be usefully discussed along several dimensions or
axes. First, we will briefly review the idealized utopia of community, and then
present common theoretical conception of this utopian community as a lost or
unrealized entity. Theorists have often compared real communities -- those one
might actually have experienced -- to potentially realizable ones on either a
physical or a virtual plane. (To depict these elements, we will propose an analytic
matrix and suggest the extent to which various definitive characteristics overlap.)
Finally, we will juxtapose several authors’ analyses to compare potential aspects of
physical and virtual communities. In this context, as will be shown, those who see
community life as sadly diminished in the contemporary world often rely on social
capital (to be defined) to rejuvenate the idealized conception of community.
B. Idealized Visions of Community
Many theorists conceive of community as a moral entity that transforms the
individual through group pressure (Calhoun, 1980; Nisbet, 1966; Poplin, 1979;
Sclove, 1995). As Cobb (1996) notes, community allows the individual to
transcend himself and find partnership with humanity. Classical philosophers such
as Kant, June, Rousseau, Hegel, and Locke underscore the moral component of
community relative to the innate attributes of humankind. (As will be shown, these
idealized conceptions of community also inform current arguments about the
nature of community.)
Kant held that community, which he dubbed The Kingdom of Ends, was an
inherently moral force that would ultimately be able to save humankind from itself.
All would be treated with respect, and as worthy in their own right, rather than
means to selfish ends. Such a community would be based on dynamic reciprocity
and responsibility, and, though it was not conceived of such at the time, would be
the fountainhead of Social Capital, a concept that will be discussed later.
 Jung introduced the notion of the collective unconscious, namely that there
is a set of universal symbols, responses and mental conditions which all human
beings share. While we are unaware of any credible evidence that anything
approaching this complex but unseen innate world exists, the conceit of a joint
cultural inheritance, manifested through the psyche, remains a compelling one for
many scholars. This idea forms the basis for many definitions of physical
community, notably that physical community is based on intrinsic, natural
solidarity among men (Schmalenbach, 1977). This idea of community as being
hardwired, rather than created, is the essence of the spontaneous, natural, and
traditional community.
The French romantic philosopher Rousseau saw community deriving from
the vast interior reality of the human life cycle. In its natural primitive state,
community exuded great concern and altruism, and evil was only the result of the
corrupting influence of civilization. In contrast to community, Rousseau viewed
social life as the result of corrosive associations, the distorted views that arise
when social tools are provided for aggregations of individuals to pursue their
egocentric means. (This distinction between community and association will be
seen later in Tönnies’s often-invoked distinction between community and society,
which forms the basis of Morgan’s 1942 development of a community of
sentiment.) In fact, Rousseau’s conception of the general will expresses a
community’s common interests and values, which transcend the different wills of
individuality. In coming together to recognize their common will, a group of
individuals is revealed as a community. Many proponents of virtual community
argue that this common will is the basis of communities of interest that form online
(Stone, 1991; Rheingold, 2000; Slevin, 2000). Interestingly, some have earlier
claimed that prior mediated communication technologies – e.g., rural and party line
telephones, ham radio, and CB radio -- gave rise to communities (as discussed in
Katz, 1999). However, proponents of physical community argue that this common
will can only exist with reference to locality and face-to-face (f2f) interaction, and
must permanently subsume all other personal interests (Morgan, 1942; Tönnies,
1957).
For Locke, the power of community is in humanity, as a natural right or
state, and thus humans would pursue innately moral lives in natural justice without
the invasion of civil society. As with Rousseau, this distinction between natural
community and civil society prefigures Tönnies’s distinction between
Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. This distinction is often applied to physical
communities and virtual communities, as the former are viewed as whole, positive
entities (König, 1968), and the latter are seen as impersonal illusions of community
(Kolko, 1998). As with Rousseau’s general will, Locke introduces the social
contract to explain how men and women come together for the common good. The
social contract shows that people coming together in community can accomplish
far more than any aggregate of individual action. Again, this prefigures notions of
social capital through spontaneous and voluntary participation (Coleman, 1986).
Nevertheless, viewing the community as having a greater existence than the
individual lends substance to critics’ claims that social networks erode community
by elevating individuals’ interests above those of the community (Jacobs, 1961).
(Wellman & Hampton [2001a], however, asserts that the critics have it wrong.)
Hegel saw community as the basic cell from which society evolves, like
many others (Arensberg, 1965; Edwards, 1976; Jacobs, 1961; König, 1968;
Morgan, 1942; Park, 1952). Like Kant, Hegel views community as a necessarily
ethical environment, shaping a national culture (like Coleman, 1954; Etzioni, 2001;
Morgan, 1942; Schmalenbach, 1977; Tönnies, 1957). The most useful of Hegel’s
constructions for us here is his view of dialectics. For Hegel, each sociohistorical
situation can be seen as having its own internal logic as well as a dialectical
relationship with earlier periods. Building on Hegel, we may see communities in
the same light: modernity met physical needs but fractionated previously vital
social ties in the physical community; this brought about its antithesis in the virtual
community. While this may lead to its own antithesis, as suggested by Jacobs
(1961) and others in urban renewal movements, this may also lead to an ultimate
synthesis, such as is suggested by Katz and Rice, with their model of Syntopia
(Katz & Rice, 2002). (As to their neologism Syntopia, Katz & Rice hold that
people build multidimensional sets of relationships, and develop them online and
off, with smooth integration across relationships and media.) Other theorists are
also attempting to find a synthesis of the two worlds (Castells, 2000; Etzioni, 2001;
Giddens, 1994; Poster, 20011995; Sennett, 1971; Slevin, 2000; Walls, 1993).
Habermas (1989) has made repeated attempts to devise schemata that would
integrate the antipodal elements of the private and the public continuum, and mesh
these with an understanding of communication and political processes. To the
extent he achieves this, Habermas has been as cited widely as he has been difficult
to interpret, and his thoughts have evolved over the decades. Yet we can pin him
down here by saying that he conceives of the public sphere as a space independent
of government and partisan interests, and that is dedicated to rational, inclusive,
and general debate. To be more specific, the public sphere is intrinsically private,
as it is formed by private people coming together as a public. It is, in other words,
a vehicle for enhanced democracy, but of a form not yet experienced by mortals.
In essence, the intimacy and subjectivity emanating from the private sphere
has prevented public authority from taking control of the entire public sphere. As a
result, Habermas sees a separation between the sphere of the State and public
authority vis-à-vis the public sphere of Society. Thus, the true public sphere
remains private in the sense that it responds to the citizens and not to authority.
Within the public sphere then, there is the realm of letters, markets of culture, and
political realm; these of course are all public places where private citizens interact.
 Now, the political realm in the public sphere is pivotal because it represents
this appropriation of public authority by private citizens. Habermas finds that the
private citizens make authoritative/church/court matters topics of common (and
hence public) concern. In other words, the sociocultural product hence becomes a
private commodity and object of general and democratic discussion. The political
realm functions entirely through discourse, as people discuss these common
concerns and reach agreement. Thus, the necessity for this consensus is that the
public realm both be entirely inclusive and offer universal access (Habermas, 1989,
p. 85). Accordingly, the public sphere for political discourse finds a consensus over
what is necessary for the lives of all, a kind of “negotiated” general will. It is this
focus on consensus and necessity that constituted the very “publicity” of public
authority and State organs, that have to now answer to the public opinion of private
consensus.
Habermas further points out that this notion of the public was actually
generated through the same shift that produced political discourse. In other words,
the public sphere was created under conditions identical to those when the artistic
endeavor became democratized (previously patronized, in the original sense of the
word), and the concept of audience developed (where prior times the audience for
“professional” music was not public, but rather had consisted of the commissioned
musicians playing only for private courts and rich families). So, again, we see that
the public realm necessarily appropriates a limited commodity from the public
authority and turns it into a public (social) good. Habermas, in a bow to Hegel,
says that indeed the public sphere represents the subjection of domination to
reason, through a democratic appropriation, (and not revolution) (p. 117).
Originally, Habermas modeled the public sphere using two fictitious roles
played by private individuals: the role of the property owner and the role of the
human being. However, in this model, as the role of private property and the
bourgeois declined, people had autonomy only in their sense as human beings.
Therefore, they used the political realm of the public sphere to establish decency
and privacy based on simply being a human being.
At this point, Habermas bring to bear the notion of solidarity as an essential
ingredient in moral community formation. By solidarity, he refers to a general
concern on the part of each citizen for the well-being of others and the general
integrity of the community and sphere of shared life. Solidarity is created by the
political discourse in the public realm, as publicity is able to bridge politics and
morality (similarly to Kant) (Habermas, 1989, p. 102).
However, Habermas sees that the public sphere is increasingly separating
from the private realm. Consequently, political discourse -- so important to forming
solidarity and moral community -- is ceasing to be exclusively part of the private
domain. Thus, political discourses in the public realm, such as the press, have
become commercialized, and public consumer services/advertising have taken the
place of private men and women of letters who previously (supposedly) were
rationally debating the common good and forming a bulwark against excessive
public authority.
Although Habermas provides an excellent framework to view the separation
of community from authority, as well as visualize the ways in which community
forms spontaneously and self-regulates, Poster (2001) appropriately points out
some limitations. Poster maintains that Habermas sees the public sphere as an
idealized Greek agora; it is logocentric and not dependent on the space/time
deferrals of print. Rather, any mediation in the public sphere is unnatural and
precludes reasoned discussion. However, as we will see in the next section, the
national identity that brings people together in the public sphere is itself mediated.
Public authority must rely on the press to communicate with the public. There can
be no ideal agora. Hence, despite the fact that Habermas proposes that the Internet
can be a new source of solidarity, it remains incomplete and partial as a potential
proxy for the agora.
By way of summary, the idealized conceptions of community, drawn from
philosophical analysis, form the backdrop of contemporary views of technology
and modern social relations. However, despite their impressive historical
pedigrees, these visions of community as regimes of sentiment or as innately just
are idealized and utopian (Suttles, 1972). The resulting contradiction between the
ideal community as a sought-after but unattainable vision, and its sense that it
existed to some degree at a prior time, yields a continually re-emerging theme of
the “lost” community. “Paradise lost” remains as popular and pervasive in recent
contemporary social theory as it has been for prior generations of theoreticians
(and theologians).
C. Community or Society
The Oxford Dictionary of the Social Sciences observes that definitions of
community almost exclusively privilege localized attributes relative to universal or
cosmopolitan ones. They esteem aspects such as boundedness, affective ties, face-
to-face contact, openness to those who are inside the community (at the tacit cost
of excluding those who are outside) and other values typically associated with
traditional agrarian ways of life. These necessarily contrast the ideals of
community with other forms of social organization that encompass impersonal
relations and larger numbers of mobile and often unknown participants. This latter
form may be thought of as society, which can also stand in for modernism’s impact
and infringement upon the traditional community, or in brief, life under
industrialization. Since a global master trend has been to move away from
agrarianism and local isolation and towards industrialization and communication,
the ever-diminishing local world helps create the perception that community is an
endangered mode of social organization and interaction. An understandable
impulse for nostalgia and overseers’ selective recall can quickly give rise to a sense
that “real-life community” is fast disappearing. We will examine this notion before
exploring alternative (and positive) theories of postmodern prospect for
community.
In this context, a leading exponent of the perennial analytical/critical device
of a lost golden-pastoral age has been Tönnies (1957). He characterized the
transition from community to society as dynamism between Gemeinschaft and
Gesellschaft. Gemeinschaft represents real and organic life, intimate, private life,
folk beliefs, kinship and friendship relations; in a sense, it was the rural village.
Prominent processes were the common will, which created and enforced
consensus. In contrast, Gesellschaft is the immense instrumentalized structure, the
public world that one “goes out into” from the home and hearth. It encompasses
commodification, in the Marxist and Benthamite senses. Everything -- from social
ties to labor and from sentiment to body parts -- is treated as a means to an end
(Zwecksrationalitat), with little regard for the ends themselves (Veblen, 1934).
(This progression is often compared to Durkheim’s conception of mechanical and
organic solidarity, that is, association through sameness versus association through
difference – see his The Division of Labor in Society [1893] (1984). Society’s
exploitation of the individual is in both cases, detrimental to a sense of traditional
community or Gemeinschaft. The intimate, natural basis of human life is swept
away forever in the modernist rush of technology, which not only alienates
individuals from each other, but also from their species being. For Tönnies, there is
no community in or after society.
Although Marx is not examined in this analytical landscape, his influence on
Tönnies and other social philosophers is inescapable. According to Marx (in
Philosophical and Economic Manuscripts), “money is the alienated ability of
mankind.” Money, in having an exchange value, alienates workers from the goods
that they are producing. Additionally, the competitive sphere of wage-labor
alienates a person from other people. As humans are by nature social beings, whose
essence is that of production, their alienation from their work and peers alienates
each individual from herself or himself. Thus, all hope of community in society is
lost.
A conundrum: relatively few participants in modern life report feeling
isolated. Hence, the question naturally arises as to how critical theorists are able to
integrate inconvenient facts with their elegant efforts. A clever dodge has been that
people are really alienated, but they just do not know it. Different theories can
account for it, of course: in Marxian terms, it is called false consciousness; in
Freudian terms, repression. Anderson (1983), for his part, responds that current
social organizations are neither real nor communal, but rather are imagined
communities. That is, our traditional communities have become so large and
dispersed, that the collective social bond must be imagined and created in the mind
of each of its participants, rather than directly experienced through direct contact.
Our conceptions of a community must be imagined, because we conceive of them
as sovereign, limited, and having a horizontal equality among members. In real
life, however, communities are constantly challenged, have only arbitrarily chosen
boundaries, and hierarchical structures. Thus, real community grounded in
intimate, personal contact and concrete issues of integration has vanished, replaced
by a mental construct. Poster (2001) agrees that the nation is a historical construct,
but says that the sooner that we realize this, we will cease to be threatened by its
disappearance. It is important to realize, according to Poster, that all that is virtual
is actually real, once we understand the imaginary component inherent in all
psychic phenomena.
Nancy (1991), too, finds that all of the essential attributes of physical
community are merely mythical supports produced to create and sustain power in
the political community. In reality, there is no natural identity; the formation of a
community identity instead serves to obscure the real political powers that shape
community. For Nancy, the only thing we really share is being in common (1991,
p. 6). The mere existence of community is determined from our simply being in a
common place/space/time. Nancy’s real community is thus the absence of
community: a collection of fragmented identities that all point to one another
(Poster, 1995). In a similar theory, Suttles (1972) sees the formation of a master
identity as an illusion of sentiment that creates a defended community. For
Anderson, Nancy and Suttles, the common identity and “sameness” ties of the
community are social constructions, which obscure (or compensate for) our real,
physical co-existence.
Following Merton (1946), Beniger (1987), argues for a second way in which
what we think of as real community is in fact tromp d’oeil. Our social forms have
transformed from interpersonal communities to systems of mass communication.
From here, they have progressed to a further level: pseudo-community. Pseudo-
community provides an ersatz simulation of the high levels of intimacy that
supposedly mark real, physical communities. Sincerity, a strong indicator of
intimacy, is artificially constructed by the mass media or other propagandists, such
as governments and corporations, or mass mailing advertisers who can make the
most automated factory-produced entreaty exquisitely personalized, down to a
friendly cursive signature. As Habermas (1989) argues, the public sphere is
beginning to override private functions, the fabricated sincerity seen by Beniger
fools us into thinking that we are indeed in real communities. In reality, we are
living in pseudo-communities.
Beniger’s essay is of course derivative of Merton’s powerful work on
pseudo-Gemeinschaft (1946). By this term, Merton refers to “the feigning of
personal concern with the other fellow in order to manipulate him the better”
(1946, p. 142). This fooling effect is achieved by appeals to sincerity and
genuineness, and, through computerized databases and printing, representations of
individual creation. As a result, the acting out of rudimentary affectionate ties of
community, through for instance neighborhood pride or anti-litter campaigns, does
not produce real community. Rather, this produces a false sense of strong
traditional communality without any base of physical interaction to accompany the
subjective feeling.
The above critics portray a world that has exhausted the reservoirs required
for community, as defined by its local and sentimental existence. They also
reinforce the point that the communities that may be perceived as concrete ties and
structures, and thus physically real, are actually virtual, and immaterial, and
created by social “work” and technologies of communication, and thus constantly
subject to immediate negation or obliteration (Garfinkel, 1967).
D. Physical versus Virtual Communities
Just as Tönnies views community and society as distinct forms, it is also
easy to consider physical and virtual communities as mutually exclusive forms of
social organization. Yet, more analytical traction may be possible if, instead of
treating each social form as if it objectively and separately existed, the virtual
community and the physical community are considered ideal types (in a Weberian
understanding), each possessing certain general characteristics.
Physical community, as its name denotes, can exist only by virtue of
physical co-location in space. On the far end of this definition are the ecologists,
who, like Park (1952), view community as solely physical and not social at all.
Community thus has a biological definition: it is a “population group defined by
the space that it occupies” (Park, 1952, p. 182).
This emphasis on a physical basis for community has been prevalent
throughout the 20th century. As Arensberg (1965) asserts, every community
occupies its own physical setting and is spatially surrounded by others. Although
many consider the sense of belonging to be important to forming a community, the
basic physicality of community formation has only to do with a group of people
who exercise local autonomy in meeting their needs in a specific locality
(Edwards, 1976). Other theorists also include physical locality as necessary for
community (Jacobs, 1961; König, 1968; Park, 1952; Tönnies, 1957).
The members of the physical community live in mutual interdependence and
solidarity. Their social ties are thus marked by universal, residential solidarity,
unplanned stability (spontaneous creation), and sentiment ties (Suttles, 1972). Like
Gemeinschaft, physical community is based on people’s natural association
through sameness and by exclusion of otherness.
Therefore, drawing the discussion of physical community together, we can
cluster several lines of thought. Table 1 shows selected theorists and, in reference
to our discussion here, highlights in one quadrant the attributes they identify with
physical community.
[Insert Table 1 about here]
 A few millennia ago, thinkers such as Plato and social movements such as
the Essenes sought alternative forms of social organization. This search continues
today as both social organizational and technological conditions change. With the
rise of computer-mediated technology, there has been a concomitant desire to find
a new, fulfilling form within cyberspace, also known as the virtual community
(Baym, 1997; Stone, 1991). The term originally referred to communities that were
mediated through electronic communication technologies. Although Rheingold
(1993) and other popularizers of the term were speaking of virtual communities as
existing purely online, such as through MUDs, IRCs, BBS, or other online forums
and chat memberships, virtual communities are also sustained through personal
communication technologies such as mobile phones, text messaging, and email
devices. Virtual communities, although independent of geospatial location, merit
consideration as communities because of the term’s definition. That is, they have
been denoted as “large groups of individuals [who] may be linked together to share
information, ideas, feelings, and desires” (Calhoun, 2002).
The virtual community, in juxtaposition to the concept of physical
community, is represented by intimate secondary relationships, specialized
relationships, weaker ties, and homogeneity by interest (Wellman & Gulia, 1999).
Rather than being locally isolated from the seeming oppression of society, as is the
case of physical communities, the virtual community looks out to society as an
enhancement of affective and social ties. As Wellman observes, community
becomes “a metaphor for the primary ties outside of households that provide us
with larger social systems” (1988a, online). Gesellschaft and public society,
therefore, need not entail the end of community. The virtual community can create
and preserve ties among people who are physically separate (Stone, 1991).
The virtual community sees the physical community of proximity as
potentially repressive, as it ignores de-spatialized interests (Rice, 1987; Wellman,
1971). Instead, virtual communities attempt to break through some of the
boundaries of race, gender, ethnicity, and geographic location established in
physical communities (Katz & Rice, 2002). Depending on the politics of the
observer, virtual communities may be celebrated as ways that individuals can
express their identities and beliefs in a manner that is true to their internal self, or
condemned as systems through which individuals are cut adrift from cardinal
values that allow them to engage in unfortunate and even dangerous and evil
practices. Thus, the encouragement of White Power or homosexual teen dating
services may be seen as either community benefits or liabilities of the Internet
(Katz, 1998). Ultimately, virtual communities are based on shared social practices
and interests whereas physical communities are based on shared social and
physical boundaries.
Poster (2001) holds that the “salient trait of the virtual is community” (p.
131). He is not talking about “helmet-and-glove computer-generated worlds, but
rather IRCs, chatrooms, MUDDs, and other forms of communication over
electronic mediums.” Virtuality itself then refers simply to “all electronically
mediated exchanges of symbols, images, and sound, so that a second world is
constituted over and against the 'real' world of sensory proximity” (Poster, 2001, p.
131.). The only thing virtual about virtual community is that it provides
simultaneity without physical presence.
As a result of this point of view, most of the ways analysts distinguish virtual
communities from physical ones are merely reversed statements of physicality.
That is, they are communities without physical limitations. Yet, there are also some
novel aspects. Table Two is an inventory of claims about virtual community. Part A
are those which are the non-physical items of traditional community, and part B are
ones that to us appear as novel claims of virtual communities. Exponents of the
particular characteristic are also listed along side the items. Table Two implies that
physical and virtual communities are clearly distinguishable, and are treated so by
some theorists (Baym, 1995; Beniger, 1987; Carey, 1993); thus, we consider them
as ends of a continuum.

[Insert Table 2 about here]

Notions of space and place are important when considering virtual
community. Aakhus points out, “our sense of place is negotiated regardless of our
physical presence” (2003, p. 39). It is easy to fall prey to the assumptions of virtual
life so that one loses sight of the physical reality in which users must actually
operate (Wynn & Katz, 1997). This is perhaps a mistake that Turkle and Stone fall
prey to: analysts become so enraptured with the idea of virtual community that we
forget that the action is actually happening somewhere: someone typing on a
keyboard, someone talking on a phone, someone in a studio speaking into a
camera. Ultimately, as Terkenli (1995) argues, humans occupy a space and use
symbols to transform it into a place.
In essence, then, the differences between physical and virtual communities
cannot be based on constructions and place, but rather, must focus on the existence
of totally embodied, physical and social presence and simultaneous meeting in
space and time. This difference of interpretation is especially important when we
return to our notion of Syntopia as we integrate the effects of personal
communication technology into our models of community.
E. Relationship of Community Types and Theorists
To display the inter-relationships among ideal types and theorists, a matrix
may be a helpful analytical device. In Figure 1, the x-axis represents the virtual -
physical dimension of the community concept. The left end of the x-coordinate
represents the purely spatial, geographic, and locality-based conception of
community (physical proximity, small size, embodied individuals, face-to-face
communication, and kinship groups). The right end of the x-coordinate represents
the concept of community operating without physical location (by means of
technologically mediated communication devices). It is marked by lack of
necessary co-location or the immediate prospect of physical contact, and
membership that tends to be large and fragmented with unstructured social ties.
Those in the middle are a mix of the two types.
[Insert Figure 1 about here]
As commented above, the concept of physical place alone is insufficient to
distinguish between the theorists’ conceptions of physical and virtual communities.
Hence, Figure 1 adds a y-axis to represent the dimension of emotional commitment
that characterizes the ideal types. The upper y-axis includes the extreme
individually-centered attributes of the virtual community, such as personal
development, voluntary association, private relations, and association by interest.
The lower portion of the y-axis depicts public and group focus. These concern
issues such as community development, professional association, public relations,
political causes, social capital, or even virtual neighborhoods. They share an
emphasis on “belonging” in space. Again, mixed types appear toward the middle of
the axis.
This analytic tool exhibits the theorists in multi-dimensional relationships to
the objective and subjective aspects of community. It shows for instance the ways
in which a theorist may proclaim traditional, physical community to be the only
real community, but then associate the physical base with subjective attributes
common to virtual communities. In other words, by showing the spread of theorists
across this matrix we can argue that community need not be lost with technological
mediation, and may even be aided by it. Further, significant ties of community are
not necessarily bound to either physicality or technological mediation; and
physical community may be highly exclusionary and constrained.
Each quadrant allows one of four ideal types of community, each briefly
described, though the theorists relevant to social capital and distance issues are
discussed later, and not included on this matrix.
I. Traditional community. Those theorists in the lower left quadrant favor the
traditional conception of community, as represented by residential areas and
villages. This is perhaps what most people think of when they use the term
physical community. Community is strongly grounded in physical space, and
consists of conservative ties of sentiment, co-dependency, and a moral sense of
belonging. As König (1968) argues, community is the basic form of social life. It is
a complete whole, encompassing all social relationships, a pure totality of life.
Social critics fault advocates of virtual communities because they see such
communities as bleeding off commitment to the more important real life, physical
community. Indeed, they have argued that only physicality can produce the
interpersonal congruence, or sameness, through which members turn inwards to
the group to focus on each other and by necessity exclude outsiders (Jacobs, 1961).
Likewise, a community of people must have a common purpose, but this purpose
must also be founded in a local initiative. Ultimately, in this view, community
cannot be achieved without the co-located space in which to found and nourish this
connection.
The patterned behavior of traditional communities is often linked to a sense
of strong intimacy and sentimental ties. The sentimentality attached to the local
community is the reason why the small, traditional community remains the
idealized form of human social organization. Morgan argues that community is “an
association of individuals and families that, out of inclination, habit, custom, and
mutual interest, act in concert as a unit in meeting their needs” (1942, p. 20).
Nevertheless, these needs are common needs, of the community as a whole. The
traditionalist conception of community thus does not endorse the therapeutic
conception of community, which sees social life as an arrangement to fulfill the
needs of the individual (Bellah et al., 1985). (This distinction applies to later, social
networks). Rather, Morgan emphasizes that community must be spontaneously
created, requiring intimate firsthand acquaintance and community feeling in which
individual interests are subsumed.
For Bellah et al. (1985), this intimacy is fundamentally linked to a common
identity. Their development of the term community of memory represents the
common history and identity of a people. It is essential to the definition of
community as an all-inclusive whole of interdependence, participation, and shared
practices. Too much freedom yields not the personal fulfillment from which one
can re-enter the community, but instead creates a sense of arbitrariness,
tentativeness, and anomie (Slater, 1970). Rather, as Terkenli (1995) believes, one’s
identity can only be found by a return to the original community.
Similarly to Terkenli, Sclove sees the local community as the important base
for commonality, shared ethical principles, and moral agency required for
democratic foundations. In this regard, he says that local communities provide
“distinctive and inescapable physical and moral interdependencies that arise at the
local level, territorial grounding of political jurisdiction, and the distinctive quality
of mutual understanding, learning, and personal growth that can take place through
sustained, contextually situated, face to face discourse and interaction” (Sclove,
1995, p. 40). Sclove further holds that virtual communities cannot replace real
communities without a careful examination of their non-focal dimensions.
Electronically mediated communication results in the loss of human warmth,
stability, and coherence so necessary in community. In fact, it is impossible to
escape the fact that one’s body is locally situated, so any interaction in a virtual
community is necessarily also embodied.
With this ideal of traditional community, it is little wonder why many
scholars have been highly critical of technology and virtual communities, and see
them as inherently opposed to real community values and systems. Putnam argues
in Bowling Alone (2000), that TV draws people away from their initial
environment and alienates them from their co-present families and peers. Suburban
sprawl is seen as the real enemy here, as it causes people to leave their local
community for both work and leisure time, leading to a 40% reduction in-group
involvement on the local level. Nevertheless, as to the Internet, Putnam himself
says he is “agnostic,” that is, there is no prior necessity that the Internet (or any
other mediated technology, such as the telephone or TV) has these effects. He
holds that it is the way people use the technology, not the technology itself that is
the problem (Personal communication, 22 August 2003). Hence, the Internet could
be used to displace or erode social capital and networks, or strengthen and
reinforce the sense of community. The work of Katz & Rice (2002) bear this out, in
that they find that Internet use overall does not appear to have deleterious
consequences on social capital, and even appears beneficial to it.
II. Social network. In the upper right quadrant, theorists favor the
sociopersonal network conception of community. This conception is most similar
to the common definition of virtual community, as it sustained by personal
communication technologies and Cyberspace, and deviates widely in its social
implications from the traditional community.
Wellman claims that the definition of community has transformed from a
spatial basis to a base of social networks (1999). Community has never been the
pastoral myth or ideal type. Instead, as noted earlier, community ties have long
been geographically dispersed, specialized, and connected by telecommunications
and transportation technologies. As a result, we must cease to mourn for
community life, as the idealized version never existed, and begin to think of the
personal community, every individual’s social network. Only in this way can we
see computer-mediated technology as a panacea for, rather than an exacerbation of,
the loss of community. Thus, community describes relations that provide a sense of
belonging, not a group in physical proximity. In other words, “we haven’t lost
community . . . it is just liberated from the traditional boundaries of the
neighborhood and the kinship group” (Wellman, 1993, online).
With Wellman’s social network, community relations have been moved to
the private sphere, rather than the public sphere. (Mobile phones may contradict
Wellman’s social network ideas: Whereas the Internet might make us bring our
public communities to our homes, mobiles allow us to take our private
communities into the public sphere of action; but more on that later). The essence
of the community is one of “networked individualism,” in which we all choose our
own communities, rather than are fitted into them with others involuntarily (Rice,
1987; Wellman, 2001). This is similar to Ahlbrandt’s “community of limited
liability,” which also implies voluntary relations, weaker social ties, and an
individual-centered existence (1984, p. 2). Within the community of limited
liability, attachment is a function of residents' economic and social investments in a
community. Whereas the traditional community required the suppression of the
individual for the common good, the social network elevates the individual as the
peak and root of his own community. Community is no longer a localized
phenomenon of interpersonal links that all cross, but an individual network of
informal links that fits into a larger social structure (Wellman, 1988b). In other
words, we are social on a larger scale than the physical community allows (Hiltz &
Turoff, 1995; Rice, 1987).
Nonetheless, there do seem to be clear cognitive and social bounds as to how
large a community can grow. Moreover, there are paradoxes that stem from these
kinds of network growth. Meyrowitz (1997) emphasizes “there is a limit to the
number of people with whom one can feel truly connected. Electronic media,
therefore, foster a broader, but also a shallower sense of `us.’” (p. 66). In this
article, he also describes the resulting macro-level homogenization of identities
that is, ironically, accompanied by micro-level fragmentation within traditional
communities and families. Hence, he sees that the effects of personal mediated
communication as weakening senses of local belongingness and physical
community even as they increase de-localized levels of social capital (as defined
by Putnam).
Cellular, or more generally, mobile, communication is an important part of
the individual basis of the social network. In contrast to traditional societies which
exert morality through common will and purpose, the voluntary nature of cellular
communication places individual interest before that of the community (though, it
can also develop and activate communities much faster than can physical
communities; see Rheingold, 2002). As mobile phone users ignore their physical
peers and communicate with their distant social ties, mobile phones are typically
an impediment to society’s moral project as unified whole and totality. This is
precisely the point made by Gergen in his Project on “Technology, Self, and the
Moral” (Gergen, 2003). Fortunati (2002) likewise raises this concern regarding
intimacy. Instead of having intimate relations with our entire community, we have
intimate relations with our social network. Intimacy is not a general sentiment, but
rather a guarded function.
Whereas the traditional community requires a whole, embodied self, the
social network lends itself to fragmentation. (Mary Douglas’ Natural Symbols
[1970] unfolds the idea that the body is a model for bounded systems. If our social
networks are fragmented and boundless, then our bodies and selves must be as
well.) Turkle’s discursive analysis of the technological interface fosters a
conception of identity and the self as multiple. Just as Stone (1991) argues that
virtual communities create a duality of person, Turkle argues that they offer us
infinite divisions of the self. Wellman notes that our personal communities are
engaged in widespread social networks (1999), and Turkle points out that these
points of engagement can be accessed simultaneously through multiple windows
on a computer. Similarly, Fortunati observes that some Italian women carry
separate mobile phones for communicating with the husband and with the lover
(2002). Technology sustains a conception of community as multiple and personal,
in contrast to the stable identity and limited set of possibilities provided by face-to-
face, physical communities. Indeed, communication technologies in general, but
computer-based ones in particular, allow the “saturation of self”, whereby a person
can engage in all one’s various possible identities, rather than be bounded by the
traditional, single-location identity (Gergen, 1991).
For Stone, the virtual community is in cyberspace. It is a “passage point for
collections of common beliefs and practices that united those who were physically
separate” (1991, p. 85). Likewise, Baym believes that communities are based on
coming together to share a common interest (1997). In her research on the
USENET group r.a.t.s (threaded postings about soap operas), Baym concludes that
communities develop understood conventions, rather than objective patterns of
organization. While they might not bear ties of sentiment or intimacy, virtual
communities are fostered by forms of expression with group-specific meanings,
specific identities, interpersonal relationships, and behavioral norms linked to the
purpose of the group (Baym, 1995).
Early speculations concerning the way “life on line” were generally utopian
in the extreme. There was much discussion of “hacker ethos” and other ways in
which the social life in the virtual world would operate along new lines. And early
reports supported this notion, and many believed that a new dawn of utopian
egalitarianism was at hand, and many were persuaded by such a hopeful portrait
(Laurel, 2001). Such reports were premature, at best. Most evidence now points to
the striking parallels between the way norms are created and enforced online and
off. (See Sternberg, 2001 for an analysis of how virtual communities evolve toward
regulating behavior similarly to face-to-face ones. Particularly striking in her
analysis are the parallels in terms of how people govern transactions with
strangers.)
Still, an important difference between the two worlds is the degree of
latitude one has in choosing communication partners and venues. In contrast to the
involuntary nature of physical proximity, Steinmueller focuses on the importance
of voluntary association in defining virtual communities. He sees that virtual
communities exist when it is possible for a group of individuals to voluntarily
interact and meet in cyberspace (Steinmueller, 2002). These social networks could
be considered communities of intention.
Ultimately, Poster sees that there is too much pessimism in predictions about
the impact of the Internet and other electronic communications on community. It is
true, that the Internet will indeed determine the fate of groups in our world, but it
will only affect them as they are currently constituted (Poster, 2001). The Internet
is characterized as a threat to “general types of practice that are characterized as
human,” such as face-to-face communication, but everything that comes between
human presence does not detract from the human condition, and it is a mistake to
see it that way (Poster, 2001, p. 4). Rather, we must embrace the innovation of the
Internet. Although mediated life does not and well never equal “real” life, mediated
life is here to stay, and is thus real for us as social actors. In sum, Poster tells us
that “one can expect. . .the birth of a monster, of a human-machine assemblage
whose encounters may be feared as those of an alien but who surely will be yet
another incarnation of ourselves” (2001, p. 128).
III. Pseudo-community. The lower right quadrant represents those theorists
who view community by its subjectively traditional connotations, yet do not
require it to have a physical locality. These definitions of community resemble
Merton’s and Beniger’s Pseudo-Community. They might also represent the
communities of ethnic or interest groups dispersed in society (Effrat, 1994). In
other words, they imitate many of the mental, social, and interpersonal conceptions
of traditional community, but have no stable geographic base. These socially
constructed spaces are thus imitations (or, as their strong advocates claim,
instantiations) of Gemeinschaft, sustained through exterior means.
For Rheingold, there is no question that community can exist through the
use of Internet technologies. Albeit, this community has nothing to do with our
common conceptions of virtual communities. Rather, Rheingold’s community is
defined by the collective good and is indeed a matter of emotions (2000). The
collective good it fosters is information and knowledge sharing. It arises
spontaneously, actually creating itself (2002). In this regard, it has a group memory
preserved by computers. Virtual communities are not exclusive of relationships,
but rather entail a many-to-many communication. As he explains, mobile phones
create a self-conscious community (2002). They are based on everyone receiving
similar information through their personal communication technologies. However,
like Anderson’s definition of an imagined community, Rheingold finds that
“person-to-person” technologies of virtual communities result in a horizontal
community. If this is not true, which is what Poster finds, then Rheingold’s
democratic and glorious virtual community is a mere simulacra (2001). Rheingold
is positioned under the context of Pseudo-community, because he interprets virtual
communities in terms of his conceptions of real, physical ones.
Like Rheingold, Nisbet (1996) holds that the important concepts of
community transcend locality and physical boundaries. For him, community is an
innately moral concept, fused with intimacy. Community must conceive of the
wholeness of man, and not simply one of his many roles. Nisbet thus shares many
of the connotations of traditional community. However, whereas the traditional
theorists link these sentiments to geographic community, Nisbet says that they
come from elsewhere and are independent of this limitation.
 As with the pseudo-community, Dirksen (2002) remarks that virtual
communities engage in a great deal of the practices endorsed by idealists.
Community is formed mentally and not physically, like imagined communities, but
Dirksen emphasizes the sense of belonging and having something in common.
Community is created by people’s attachment to it and being in it. Like traditional
communities, the virtual community is spontaneous. Yet this spontaneity is really a
false sense of achievement, as it also requires sporadic and direct intervention to
sustain the community, or at least reduce somewhat its potential ephemerality
(Rice, 1987).
IV. Imagined community. The upper left quadrant deals with conceptions of
community that share many of the industrial, modern subjective characteristics of
virtual communities, yet still link community to a spatial location. These
definitions resemble Anderson’s imagined community, or perhaps modern
neighborhoods (Effrat, 1994). These communities have a local base, but ultimately
create their own reality through the autonomous and interest-laden ties common to
the virtual community. It is necessary to “unearth” the created identities and
essences in order to discover the root of the community in local life. Even in
postmodern relationships, distinguished by fragmented identities and multiplicity
(Gergen, 1991), geographical embedding is fundamental to forming a functional
community (Kolko, 1998). If we fragment space, we fragment ourselves, and thus
prevent effective, embodied community (Meyrowitz, 1985). Virtual expression “is
rooted in an embodied identity,” which requires geographical situation (Kolko,
1998).
Poster (2001), although not promoting a theory of community that is
imagined, does offer an excellent framework for understanding how it is easy to
fall into the trap of theorizing the imagined community. As he presents it, the
introduction of the nation state required people to change their local, kinship
identification and related instead to a less geographically immediate, but still
intensely identified nation state (p. 199). The media played a huge part in this
transition, and thus print was responsible for extracting the citizen from the face-
to-face community (p. 122). However, this transformation had a side-effect on the
individual; the individual necessarily had to emerge as an autonomous creature in
order to connect successfully with the nation, which then bonded itself to the
citizen through the text. With the decline of the nation-state in global importance,
due to the general cultural globalization supported by the Internet and
communication technologies, the citizen of the nation state has furthered this
individuation and become simply a person, who joins with others in “virtual”
communities. Thus, this is exactly why the imagined community is one in which
geography remains important, but it is inhabited by post-modern, disjointed
individuals who imagine their communion.
 Finally, in the wake of modernization, territorial groups struggle to build
neighborhoods and communities of locality in order to build their own collective
representations (Suttles, 1972). Yet, this local community is not naturally based on
sentimentality, but rather is a symbol of what its members want to be. In other
words, Suttles sees how the physical, face-to-face nature of the local community
works to create an imagined community of sentiment, based on its opposition to
outsiders (1972).
Having examined these various models of community using quadrants, it is
now time to explore how new, often mobile mediated communication technologies
affects community formation, development, and survival.

4. HOW MEDIATED COMMUNICATION INTERACTS WITH

COMMUNITY
Working upon the foundation that every community is mediated to some
extent, the central goal in this section is to examine how extreme forms of
virtuality and mediated communication, especially mobile phones, might affect
theoretical constructions of community.
A. Transformation of the Community Concept
The community matrix, and its subsequent breakdown into quadrants, was
meant to illustrate the overlapping theoretical tendencies of physical and virtual
communities. Now that we have offered a broad, theoretical grasp on the concept
of community, it is time to deflate the commonly perceived real/virtual dialectic of
community. Like Wellman (1999), Poster views what is currently perceived to be
the loss of local community due to computers to be instead the continuation of a
pre-existing process of liberating “the mind from the force of hierarchical relations.
. .” (Poster, 2001, p. 108). As he concludes, “we have a current tendency to bemoan
the loss of community” due to computers, but would we feel the same way about it
if the man were reading a book? (2001, p. 108). In order to overcome this
dichotomy, Poster says it is necessary to replace Anderson’s term “imagined” with
the term “mediated”. It is not that we are engaged in hyperreal, illusory
communities of our own creation, but rather, that our real communities are now
mediated through technology (per above, on a continuum from none to
completely). Ultimately, Poster argues that it is media and print which make
possible the public sphere; they do not detract from it as noted earlier by
Habermas. As a result, the idealization of Habermas's homogenous public sphere of
symmetrical relations and reason is denied by electronic mediation, and thus is not
of any service to further analysis (Poster, 2001, p. 181).
Other theorists believe that we need a concrete synthesis of virtual and
physical communities in order to truly inhabit our experiences. Castells (2000)
holds that experience is related to place, and we thus need a bridge between
physical and virtual places in order to unify our experience. Virtual communities
only deal in fragmented individuals when they are opposed to real life.
Still others believe that only in bridging the dialectic can we hope to
construct good communities in the present and future. For Etzioni (2001), the best
communities are hybrids of physical and virtual communities. Likewise, Walls
(1993), Etzioni (2001), and Katz and Rice (2002) see the ideal community as
virtual communities enhancing physical communities. In addition, Slevin (2000)
asks us to recognize that individuals are intelligent agents, and are consciously
looking to create meaning and new forms of human association online. The
importance here is to cease the divide of virtual and physical cultures, allowing for
a progression, rather than abandonment, of the notion of community. The concept
of social capital is, thus, fundamental in examining the ways in which mediated
communication, and cell phones in particular, provide this bridge.
B. Social Capital
Coleman, who originated the term “social capital,” defined it as a common
set of expectations, a set of shared values, and a sense of trust among people (1990,
p. 306). Social capital is based on the fact that trust will allow a community to
accomplish more with their physical and mental capacities than can individuals
alone. Coleman (1988) thus has a very individualistic interpretation of social
capital, as it is a social function that individuals can use to achieve their own
interests. In a more social interpretation, Bourdieu (1986) sees social capital as
provided to members of actual social systems.
Putnam has described social capital as “networks, norms, and social trust
that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (2000, p. 66). More
specifically, he has said:
Social capital is simply social networks plus the norms of reciprocity
and trustworthiness that arise from them. Period. There's nothing in
that definition that requires FTF [face-to-face], although as an
empirical matter FTF is probably correlated with density of ties and
with degree of reciprocity.” (Robert D. Putnam, personal
communication, 22 August 2003).
Colleagues of Putnam have inquired deeply into his definition to find that it
has two components: social contact and civic engagement (Wellman & Quan-
Haase, forthcoming). To this double definition, Quan-Haase et al. (2002) add a
third component: a "feeling of community," the attitudinal side of social capital. Its
essential yardstick is sentiment, which refers to an individual's emotional
attachment to a community (Bolan, 1997). Ultimately, social capital in this view is
best sustained by simple community involvement.
It is easy to see how this common definition of social capital favors the
traditional community. It promotes face-to-face contact, physical reciprocity, and
intimate social trust. However, we have seen that even virtual communities share in
social capital, as they celebrate their ability to promote widespread community
involvement and interaction in virtual space. So more fundamentally, Wellman’s
open social network integrates trust on a wider scale that is not limited to a
defended community. This conception of community allows trust, and social
capital, to be fostered on a larger scale, rather than as a private commodity. Thus,
large-scale communities of interest can be activated for specific events in ways
simply not possible through physical communities, limited in space and time, and
bound to known others (Rheingold, 2002).
Additionally, social capital can also explain the imagined community and
pseudo-community. Suttles (1972) believes that the local community is necessarily
a defended community in order to preserve its social capital. Albeit, the
sentimentality of the “natural” community may be simply a way to store and guard
social capital. But against whom is the community guarding itself? The answer:
people and other communities that it does not trust. Thus, people imagine
themselves as an intimate, physical community simply because they fear
interaction with a larger network.
In Beniger’s pseudo-community (1987), these ties of trust and intimacy are
not imagined, but rather are fostered by impersonal agents. Thus, social capital
itself is imitated. An example of this is seen when an Internet user provides their
email and cell number to a website, and thus receives spam mail and phone
solicitors, who cater their advertisements to a user's recorded interests and habits,
thus purporting to be helpful. The pseudo-community is “pseudo” because this
social capital is not present in interpersonal communion and active
involvement, but merely fabricated for its conversion into economic capital
(Merton, 1946).
Ultimately, those attributes of community that are shared by physical and
virtual communities (near the middle of the dimensional axis of Figure 2) tend to
involve the highest amounts of social capital. As a result, it is these attributes that
will come into play in the next section.
C. Areas of Interest: Community-Building and Community-Reducing
The concrete application of social capital to virtuality and mobile phones
explains the ways in which mediated communication can be said to both strengthen
and harm concepts of community. In this section, we will examine the ways in
which mediated communication affects community, as well as how community
considerations affect the use of mediated communication. In order to do so, we will
focus on various components of social capital, breaking them down into the
positive and negative role of mediated communication.
1. Interactions in the Physical Sphere:
Advantage: mediated communication extends real communities.
Wellman and Gulia (1999) criticize Rheingold’s glorification of virtual
community precisely because he views the Net as a separate reality (1999).
(Although Rheingold notes that his virtual community of interest, the WELL
(Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link), fosters relationships both online and offline, he sees
them as distinct environments.) In contrast, Wellman and Gulia (1999) seek to
transform the conception of community to unify these realities. Rather than
abandon the notion of community in today’s world, they choose to look at how it
has evolved into the social network. In Net surfers don’t ride alone (1999), they
note the important fact that community is not a zero sum game. An increase in
virtual social relations does not entail a decrease in real life relationships. Rather,
the Internet can supplement and extend community relations. For example, text
messaging can be used to coordinate face-to-face meetings. Overall, Katz & Rice
(2002) summarize this view asserting that individuals with a greater sense of
belonging are more likely to surf the Internet, according to a national survey
conducted in 1995, which has been followed up in subsequent years (p. 327).
Mediated communication thus allows us to reach out to more people, but
also to reinforce and reassemble community relations (Etzioni, 2001). Social
network theory provides the basis for Blanchard and Horan (2000), when they
conclude that social capital is enhanced when virtual communities develop around
and extend physical communities. The functions of virtual communities to foster
communities of interest, information spread, and equality of status all work to
enhance social capital, despite their lack of direct physical orientation.
If the Internet and other communication technologies actually do increase
social capital, then they will be accompanied by a rise in offline contact, civic
engagement, and a sense of community, and the other traditional forms of social
capital formulated by Coleman and Bordieu. Indeed, Katz & Rice (2002) found
exactly that – that Internet users (compared to non-users) were more likely to be
political involved (both offline and of course online), to be involved in community
organizations, and to communicate with friends and family. In a 1996 survey, they
found that while Internet use does not predict voting behavior, neither does it
diminish offline political behavior. Instead, between 10% and 25% of Internet
users participate in some political/civic activity online and the amount of use is
proportional with this activity (p. 145). In a later 2000 survey, they found that 28%
of Internet users belonged to a community organization, versus only 14.2% of non-
users (this distinction did not apply to religious or leisure organizations) (p. 154).
This position of Katz & Rice (2002) supports the transformists’ position that
the best communities combine physical proximity and mediated communication.
We may think, then, of mediated communities as a supplement to physical
communities rather than as complete substitutes. Figallo (1995), for example,
conceptualizes the Internet as a link between regionally based electronic
communities and as an information resource for those communities. Ultimately,
Katz & Rice (2002) see no decline in community involvement due to the Internet
(age, education, and income remain much stronger predictors of community
involvement). They believe instead that the Internet encourages the yearning for
information and association, evident in further examples, and thus social capital is
increased through Internet use (p. 155).
The San Francisco-based WELL (Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link), and the
New York ECHO (Horn, 1998) public conferencing and email systems are
exemplars of this integrated online and physical community. Horn’s (1998) account
of ECHO, the New York-based virtual salon, shows how online communities can
reinforce and complement, even create and foster, physical communities and
interest in local culture. As with the WELL in Berkeley, ECHO participants get
together at different New York settings for social gatherings, and conversation and
relations blend together their online and offline lives. Slack and Williams (2000)
studied the Craigmillar Community Information Service (CCIS), developed for a
town outside of Edinburgh where many civilians are poor and underemployed.
Before the CCIS, Craigmillar exhibited no sense of community feeling, no
motivation to socialize, and offered no social or cultural activities. By means of the
CCIS, however, “Craigmillar has…developed a strategy of self-presentation that
counters external representations and which works by being grounded in the highly
spatialized notion of a tightly knit community” (p. 322). Hampton and Wellman
(2000) found, in their study of a leading-edge, broadband wired suburb near
Toronto called “Netville”, that online users are more active neighbors (knowing
about 25 neighbors) than are non-users (about 8), and their contacts range more
widely throughout the neighborhood. Hampton (2000) found increased social
network, social capital, and local community involvement associated with the
Netville online infrastructure. From a community action perspective, the system
allowed Netville members to react to the local housing developer about housing
problem, though faster organizing, and a greater number of active members. This
allowed them to achieve greater concessions from the developer and blocked a
second development.
Similarly, the Big Sky Telegraph network in Montana, begun in 1988,
connected the teachers, students, families and communities of dispersed small
schools throughout Montana (Uncapher, 1999). The residents of the Jervay low-
income public housing development in Wilmington, NC (mostly African-American
women) used the Internet as a tool to support their collective action of resisting
proposed demolition and reconstruction of the development by housing authority
officials (Mele, 1999). Shapiro and Leone (1999) describe the effectiveness of a
supplemental community network in Blacksburg, Virginia, where over 60% of the
citizens participate. Parents and teachers communicate online and citizens
participate in surveys regarding municipal government. While much attention is
paid to the exotic and social aspects of online communities, they also represent
consequential social policy issues, such as supporting neighborhood and
community relations, local school systems, and public access to government
services and information (Doheny-Farina, 1998), especially health information and
services (Rice & Katz, 2001).
Despite the fact that mainstream communication scholars have, until
recently, generally ignored mobile phones, there has nonetheless now developed a
small but robust set of studies that suggest how mobile communication technology
has been modifying the web of social relations. The bulk of research seems to
support the notion that mobiles improve relationships. Although these conclusions
are plausible, numerous methodological questions that remain unanswered prevent
a firm conclusion in this regard. Among the studies are:
• A 2000 national random sample survey (Rice & Katz, 2003) found that
only about 1 in 7 respondents reported that mobiles had caused problems
in their primary relationship, and a much larger proportion thought that
mobile phones improved their relationships).
• Palen (2000) concluded that 19 new mobile phone users found
themselves more accessible to their social network; much communication
was affect-oriented and psychologically pleasurable.
• Oksman and colleagues at the Finnish University of Tampere have shown
that mobile communication practices have become central to the
construction and maintenance of the teen’s (and pre-teen’s) social
networks (Oksman & Ruatianen, 2002)
• Henderson, Taylor, and Thomson’s (2002) studies in the UK and
Northern Ireland demonstrated that mobile phones affect young people’s
sociality. They describe sociality as a practice that contributes to the
securing of social capital, or resources based on connections and group
membership. First, phones operated as commodities within a material
economy and second, phones operated as a medium for social capital.
• Blinkoff (2002) claims, based on ethnographic research of 160 mobile
users in six countries (US, Italy, Sweden, Brazil, Australia, and China),
that mobile devices are primarily a relationship tool. A consistent element
in the mobile user stories he collected was that people see the mobile as a
way to maintain relationships in a rewarding manner; this need was
particularly in important, he found, due to the perceived growing
complexity of daily life.
Studies such as the one by Katz (1999) suggest that the mobile phone
strengthens the user’s existing social ties. Elliott studied the use of mobile phones
by networks of New York cab drivers. Her overall discovery is that “days and
nights spent in dozens of cabs, where conversations were recorded and translated,
have revealed a spectacular alternate work of words beamed from cellphones to
invisible audiences around the city and planet” (2003, p. A1). The cab itself of
course is an interesting social convergence of the public and private, and now cab
drivers maintain and develop their professional, ethnic, and social networks while
driving strangers around town. One particularly interesting mediated community:
“the group of Sherpa drivers who went to the same high school in Nepal and now
debate – on a cellphone family plan – the Maoist guerrilla occupation of their
hometown” (A1). This invisible communication network also provides much more
immediate and practical social capital for the cabby community: where the
business is, traffic and weather conditions, and maintaining contact with the family
during long hours, sometimes simply to reassure the spouse that they have not been
robbed or attacked. The mediated community support seems to be more valuable
than in prior years, when, cabby lore has it, there was much more conversation
between driver and passenger (another possible indicator of the overall decline in
social capital).
Disadvantage: mediated communication disrupts real communities.
Although the above cab example showed how mediated communication has
the potential to correct and counteract the general decline in social capital, there is
evidence that it often works in an equally bad way. Mediated communication may
strengthen participation in one's community of choice, but often at the expense of
the physical community at hand. To continue the preceding example, Elliot notes
that cab drivers can become distracted, confused, or embarrassed when passengers
talk (often loudly) on their cell phones on topics ranging from business deals to
sexual exploits (2003, B8).
Thus, there is a general, dystopic concern that mediated communications,
especially Internet use, lead to a decline in physical involvement in community
(Turkle, 1996; Calhoun, 1986; Baudrillard, 1983; Beniger, 1987; Kiesler, 1984;
Gergen, 1991). Moreover, Stoll (1995), Noll (1997), and Nie (2000) see the
Internet specifically taking away interactions in real life communities, which are
necessarily more meaningful than virtual communities (cited in Katz & Rice,
2002). Likewise, Shapiro & Leone (1999) see online interactions as indirectly
proportional to offline interactions, working in the context of community as zero-
sum game. Katz & Rice (2002) further expound on additional disruptions caused
by the Internet, such as addiction, dependencies, violence, hate groups, and
stalking (p. 206).
As a result of this pessimistic perspective, many researchers have observed
how the relation of individuals and space has changed as a result of mobile
communication devices. Fortunati (2002) claims that individuals now have the
possibility of choosing more easily between the physical space and the
psychological space of the intimacy of their social network. One has the possibility
of choosing between public space (streets, bus stops) and private space (friends
one decides to call using mobile phone). She concludes that when an individual
uses the mobile phone in a public space, he or she is only “half-present.” The
individual is present in body but not in the attention, mind, and senses.
 Palen, Salzman and Young (2000) comment on the “conflict of social
spaces.” They were attempting to answer why the public use of a mobile phone is
so offensive to some people. They claim that talking on a mobile phone in a public
place is in part a matter of a conflict of social spaces in which people assume
different “faces.” When a call is received via the mobile, the individual needs to
figure out what face takes precedence. When a mobile phone user is on the phone,
the individual is simultaneously in two spaces: the physical space and the virtual
space of the mobile communication. Choosing to be behaviorally present in a
different space from one’s physical location may be perceived as inconsiderate by
those in the physical space. What is apparent to the public is that the face one
presents on the phone is different from the face assumed just before the phone call.
Fortunati (2000) argues that mobile phones have facilitated a preference for
interacting with those who are distant as opposed to those who are in the
immediate vicinity and hence leads to a withdrawal from experiencing public sites.
This can be observed in most public settings such as a train station or a bus stop in
which people engrossed in a mobile phone conversation are most often unmindful
of their surroundings. An effect of mobile phones is to privatize communication,
isolating the mobile user socially from the public world where he or she is
physically located, while also imposing that private communication (usually just
one-half of it, except in the increasingly distressing context of mobile walkie-
talkies) onto the public realm (Fortunati, 2002; Rice & Katz, 2003). Far from being
‘invisible’ connectors (Chayko, 2002), phones, especially mobile phones, are very
visible entities and can be extremely intrusive when used in a shared space.
The physical and sensory space of both mobile phone users, and others
within sight and hearing, is often violated by a mobile phone call (Rice & Katz,
2003). The user cannot continue with the task at hand when he or she receives a
call. Even if the individual chooses not to accept the call, the ringing still causes a
disruption of the current activity (such as in a classroom or movie theatre).
Outcomes such as these lead Morse (1998) to conclude that electronic
communications disrupt community and undermine face-to-face relations. Licoppe
and Heurtin (2002) found that people refrained from using their mobile phones in
bars and restaurants but didn’t think twice about using them on the street or at a
bus stop. This could be perhaps because in an enclosed setting, everything is
magnified and one tends to feel part of a smaller group engaged in similar
activities. However, on the street, there is a lot of space and each one is engaged in
different activities. Rice and Katz (2003) reported that a national survey showed
that by far the most unacceptable mobile discourtesy was when automobile drivers
were using their mobile phones – presumably because the consequences of this
may be highly significant and damaging to many others in public spaces.
People have devised many methods of dealing with these constant
interruptions. Most often people just turn off their mobile phones when they do not
wish to be disturbed. At other times, people hurry through a phone call, step out of
the setting, such as a queue, to take the call etc. (Licoppe & Heurtin, 2002). When
a mobile phone rings in a public setting, it gets everyone’s attention. People not
only check their own phones, but also look to see whose phone it is. When the call
is answered, people tend to look away or stare at nothing in particular. They look
anywhere except at the person who is engaged in a mobile phone call. When a
person chooses not to answer the phone, there are also reactions -- most often,
people offer an inquiring look. This discussion of conflicts of space is a perfect
illustration of how our considerations of community impact our attitudes towards
mediated communication, and mobile phones in particular.
2. Community Composition:
Advantage: mediated communication develops heterogeneous communities.
What Van Dijk (1999) calls an “organic community” (comprised of face-to-
face interactions) is made up of a relatively homogeneous group of people because
they have several interests in common, whereas a virtual community is relatively
heterogeneous since only one interest links the participants in that community
(though of course they may participate in multiple communities, each with its own
focused interest). What might appear as “online communities” are really people
who share some (usually single) category, whether it is a special interest or an
easily generalized identity, not people bound across multiple activities or social
differences (Jones, 1999; Schement in Bollier, 1995). Therefore, his reasoning
goes, a physical (organic) community has a better chance of building and
maintaining its own culture and identity than does a virtual community. However,
virtual and mediated communities also work to overcome exclusionary barriers of
race, gender, ethnicity, class, and sexual orientation, that are often pervasive in the
physical sphere. An analysis of the nearly 3,000 respondents to the 2000 General
Social Survey data by Robinson at the University of Maryland (Young, 2001)
found that Internet users are more likely to be socially tolerant and accept a wider
diversity of opinions and social identities. Mediated communication and virtuality
require one to exit a local “sphere of comfort” and engage in a wider scope of
community formation with many more variables at hand.
Although social conflicts in mediated communities are inescapable, they act
as physical communities do to enhance their social cohesion by responding to
controversies and differences in community-building ways. Only "all-powerful
love" and dedication keeps the virtual community together, just as in the idealized
physical community (Rheingold, 2000, p. 41).
As we recall, Morgan (1942) observed that real communities are based on
coming together for the common good, something greater than each individual, and
not on meeting individual needs through offering services in a heterogeneous
environment. Yet, Rheingold (2000) has shown that virtual communities indeed are
formed around the basis of a common good. For example, both Putnam (1993) and
Rheingold (2000) see the public/common good as a key expression and reservoir
of social capital. Thus, the common good, while not subsuming all other personal
interests, does indeed seem to drive community participants towards an organic
unity.
Social capital is marked by equality of community relations. Poster (2001)
notes that although new technology does not cancel out traces of face-to-face
power relations, virtual communities do exhibit a decrease in hierarchies of race,
class, age, status, and gender (p. 185). As a result, these more heterogeneous
communities exhibit social capital, resisting inequalities in modern society. They
thus function as Habermas' proposed public sphere, without actually being so or
intending it. (See Katz & Rice, 2001, pp. 110-112 for further statistics on Internet
use as increasing involvement and tolerance).
Although strong proponents of the traditional community, Sennett and
Giddens both see opportunities for the transformation of community, albeit in non-
technological ways. In The Fall of the Public Man, Sennett (1975) parallels
Tönnies in bemoaning the loss of Gemeinschaft and the true collective being. He
notes that community is inherently anti-city and is instead a reactive withdrawal
from society as a territorial barricade within the city. However, in The Uses of
Disorder, Sennett emphasizes that a community is “a social group in which men
believe that they share something together . . . a common identity” (1971, p. 31).
Community is thus an act of will and not experience. This draws obvious parallels
to the imagined community, discussed above. Although Sennett misses the “we”
feeling of community, he also realizes that in expelling deviants who vary from the
“sameness” of Gemeinschaft, we are alienating ourselves from our species being.
The solution instead is to find a community of otherness, much like Durkheim’s
organic solidarity. Likewise, Giddens (1994) calls for an inter-reliance and
communion through difference. (This acceptance of the community as a mixed
salad, rather than melting pot is threatening to many traditional identity-based
societies, such as France [Poster, 2001]). In doing so, it is important to create a new
sense of place where people can discover a purpose for their lives and cope with
the global economy (state of disorder). Neither Sennett nor Giddens is willing to
forgo space as a base for community, but they are willing to see community outside
of Gemeinschaft.
Disadvantage: mediated communication supports exclusionary, homogenous
communities.
Tepper (1997) notes that virtual communities can also apply exclusion in
order to enforce community standards and cohesions. Just like real communities,
boundary demarcation can be important to virtual community identity as well. One
way this happens is through Trolling, as a Usenet community’s information
managers and some members ostracize an outsider’s post by replying to it with
flaming or harsh language. Tepper sees that people also seek to maintain private
communities in public space. Rheingold (2002) notes that community is not a
conflict-free environment, and thus, that the occasional flaming, gossip, and
arguments that occur in virtual communities can enhance, rather than detract, from
the feeling of community. Indeed, some USENET groups specifically advocate and
practice the art of flaming as their main purpose. Although mediated
communication and virtuality can provide an outlet for certain repressed margins
of society, they also foster exclusionary tactics.
As a result of these claims, Gurak (1997) points out that virtual
communities work to squash opposing viewpoints and exaggerate their own
claims. Likewise, Sunstein (2001) points out that participation in virtual
communities online brings about the creation of a more egoistic individual, who
takes comfort in his ability to live without confronting opposing views. In addition,
Calhoun (1998, p. 389) believes that the compartmentalization of communities of
interest runs directly counter to Habermas' public sphere. These considerations lead
Katz & Rice (2002) to muse that unfettered communication may not necessarily
foster health and socially beneficial communities. Yet, even among these
homogeneous communities, these technologies’s ability to create easy
communication and shared information remains a vital common good and
ingredient of Putnam's (2000) social capital.

3. Size:
Advantage: mediated communication increases contacts in the social network.
As social capital is proportional to the quality or effectiveness of a
community, a corollary would be that size ipso facto exerts a powerful influence on
its creation and use. Indeed, the concept of positive network externality posits that
social capital, such as the value of belonging to a network or community, grows
much more rapidly than the number of participants (N), because it is the total
number of possible relationships (N times N-1) that generates potential resources
(see Katz & Rice, 2002; Rice, 1982, 1990).
Disadvantage: mediated communication increases social distance, reducing social
capital.
On the other hand, Coleman (1984) claims that social capital decreases when
communities become quite large because, due to the permutation of interaction
partners, individuals can “defect” from a group (in game-theoretic terms) capturing
for themselves the benefits without having to bear the cost of reciprocation. (The
story appears different with mediated social networks –see Rice, 1982; Katz &
Rice, 2002.) Small communities that exert high social pressure are rich in social
capital. In addition, Calhoun (1980) holds that community cannot be defined purely
by members’ location in a common locality or members’ abstract sense of
belonging together. Rather, his concept of community examines the ways in which
members actually change their actions based on their relations to their community.
 Commenting on social capital and education, Coleman & Hoffer (1987)
recognized that community more strongly influences educational success than do
variations in schools. Thus, the wholeness and integrity of the local community
must be preserved in order to enhance the social capital of its members – a greater
public good.

4. Spontaneous, Voluntary & Frequent Communication:

Advantage: mediated communication creates local, spontaneous bulwark of
community association.
Putnam (1993; 2000) notes that social capital fosters spontaneous, voluntary
cooperation, due to the forms of reciprocity norms and networks of civil
engagement inherent in social capital. Putnam observes:

Some technologies (e.g. the telephone) seem in practice to be used

primarily to reinforce close, FTF ties. (Except for phone sex, people
don't normally make new friends on the telephone.) The internet can
certainly be used to reinforce close ties. . . . However, some aspects of
internet technology can also be used in principle to reinforce weak ties
(e.g., among long-lost school classmates). What I'm most skeptical
about is the idea (now less common, of course) that the internet would
create "virtual communities" entirely untethered from any FTF links.

E-mail seems to me an unmitigated positive for social capital in the

sense I defined it, and is probably very good for both strong ties and
weak ties. . . . I don't know about instant messaging, although a
student of mine did a preliminary study that suggested it was much
better for maintaining strong ties (and ties that were rooted in FTF
ties) than for creating new weak ties. (He tried using instant
messaging to contact strangers and found that far fewer than one
percent responded favorably.) I'm less sure about internet-based
gaming or chat rooms. I don't see any reason in principle to think that
mobile phones will have a different sort of impact than immobile
phones, which was (I take it from Claude Fisher's work) mostly
positive, but not transformative. I'm skeptical about broad
generalizations about technology's impact, since different
technologies are likely to have different effects. However, one broad
trend over the last 100 years . . . has been the use of technology to
privatize and individualize entertainment (TV, of course, but also
recorded music and all the other elements in the modern "home
entertainment center"). I would not argue that all the effects of that
master trend have been evil--I definitely do not like being or being
 thought to be a cultural grouch--but I do think that the privatization of
leisure time is a very real and powerful trend that has thinned our
social connections with other people (Personal communication, 22
August 22, 2003).

As these remarks suggest, Putnam’s theorizing about social capital is readily

applicable to mobile phones, as reciprocity norms are found in peoples’ tendency
to return calls and text messages, as well as informal dinner invitations over the
mobile. We can also see networks of voluntary, spontaneous civil engagement in
the ever-evolving field of mobile phone etiquette. At the same time, concerns about
the loss of public civility in the pursuit of private pleasures, as implied in Putnam’s
comment above, certainly seem to hold true concerning mobile phone use (Rice &
Katz, 2003; Katz 2003).
Shareware also exemplifies reciprocity in virtual communities (Stone, 1998),
as does participation within and across computer-mediated conference groups
(Rice, 1982). Further, Turkle claims that MOOs and MUDs “honor people’s
desires to connect and not to be lonely, and to form community” (in Bollier, 1995,
p. 27). Overall, Poster (2001) notes that the Internet is a general economy of
sharing, that is not specific to barter or commodity exchange, but rather returns to
the primordial social act (p. 58).
Coleman (1986) notes that frequent, informal communication is the basis of
affectual community. This is exactly the essence of the cellular, virtual community.
Mobile phones provide an ideal case for this region of overlap, because the mobile
phone call is less disembodied than other forms of computer-mediated
communication technologies. The mobile phone includes the voice (and, just
recently, a video image and/or personal ring tones). This added sense of personality
allows the mobile phone to connect different social networks and create a sense of
belonging (Johnsen, 2003). The informal and perpetual nature of the mobile phone,
its perpetual presence (Gergen, 2003; Katz & Aakhus, 2002), allows constant gift
reciprocity and gossip that nurture social ties. Johnsen (2003) and Kollock (1999)
see the Internet, at least the non-commercial sites, as primarily a “gift economy”
involving participants in ongoing relations, rather than a site for commodity
transactions among self-interested, independent actors. Givers gain self-efficacy in
online relationships and prestige as informed sources, the information gifts become
public goods shared by (cannot be kept from) all other members of the distribution
list, newsgroup or web forum, and the economies of scale derived from having
many participants typically generate positive network externalities. We can see that
mobile phones are not stand-alone technologies, but rather are integrated in the
larger domain of social networks.
In fact, some argue that it is the frequency and continuity of conversation
flow via mobile phones, not the content itself, that guarantees strength of relation
(Licoppe, 2003). Likewise, Rheingold (2002) states that text messaging is often
more effective than a phone call in coordinating people and maintaining regular,
daily contact. Perhaps, text messaging also avoids all the tricky boundary work
that happens when you are in a public place and having a private mobile phone
conversation. One can text message in front of the world without disclosing any
one-sided conversations or imposing one’s privacy on the public. Thus, it is a more
private technology, potentially, than the mobile phone (Rice & Katz, 2003).
Likewise, Fortunati (2002) describes mobile phones as a device that lets one
contact somebody of his or her intimate circle in order to activate the feeling of
familiarity when in an environment perceived to be extraneous. She explains that
mobile is used by people to strengthen “communicative immediacy” with their
social networks when faced with the lack of “informative immediacy” of the place.
She concludes that people are more interested in “chosen sociality” rather than
“chance sociality”.
The frequency of mediated communication also helps to retain important
social ties of community. Fischer (1983, p. 176) also found that local ties were not
more intimate or crucial than distant ones; people kept distant associates in their
networks because they were crucial or intimate. Frequency of contact as a cause
for intimacy was not supported clearly and it could indeed be, as suggested by
Fischer (1983), that frequency of contact is a consequence as opposed to a cause of
closeness.
Disadvantage: mediated communication relies on voluntary participation,
neglecting involuntary association.
Although voluntary and spontaneous cooperation are tied together by the
notion of social capital, they do imply an inherent contradiction. Many theorists
hold that communities cannot be ordered into existence; they must arise on their
own, spontaneously. This makes it especially problematic to determine the basis
for community feeling online, as it is, in some sense, self-created. Mediated
communication offers few possibilities to become involuntarily involved in
community formation. In fact, in those few cases in which mediated
communication does surpass our intentions, perhaps when a mobile phone picks up
another's wavelength, or we mistakenly subscribe to an online newsletter, we
become frustrated by our involvement in another community.
The intentionality inherent in mediated communication allows for the
relaxed form of non-task-based communication that fosters face-to-face feelings of
intimacy. However, Fortunati (2002) notes that mobile phones can at the same time
frustrate communication, as people use them for short, information-eliciting
conversations, or conversely, as an occupational mechanism while bored. Do we
perhaps construct our feelings of spontaneous intimacy and attempts at informal
conversation based on our desire to have a voluntary choice in our community
formation?
 Unfortunately, the information overload that results from mediated
communication, as well as the general feeling that we are isolated when not
plugged in, leads to what has been called the New Economy Depression Syndrome
or NEDS (Soto, 2003). While this is a variant on an old theme, the problem seems
to be growing as gadgetry proliferates.
5. Interpersonal Bonds and Network Formation:
Advantage: mediated communication creates strong and widespread interpersonal
ties.
Wellman & Quan-Haase (forthcoming) support this idea as they see
social capital increased through the use of information technologies, which connect
distant and local communities and thus increase interpersonal bonds. Wellman sees
the Internet as very different from the television; it is less individually immersive
and more actively and socially engaging. (Likewise, Poster [2001] sees broadcast
media as rigidly determined, while the Internet offers avenues for action and
interpretation). In increasing social interaction and civic involvement, Wellman (as
do Katz & Rice, 2002) sees the Internet and other virtual communities as
increasing social capital. Ultimately, for Wellman, “our fears of virtual community
demonstrate the strength, not weakness, in our online ties” (1999). Turkle disputes
the argument that Internet communities promote only secondary relationships. For
example, she gives the example of one SeniorNet member who received dozens of
calls and cards from her cyber friends as she lay dying in the hospital (in Bollier,
1995). Overall, there is a considerable body of scholars who, like Shapiro & Leone
(1999), believe that the existence of virtual communities online reflect the desire
for a more connected way of living.
Cyberspace involvement can create alternative communities that are as
valuable and useful as our familiar, physically located communities (Pool, 1983;
Preece, 2000; Rheingold, 1993; Sudweeks et al., 1998). The “weak ties” that online
communities enable may provide better and different kinds of resources than
strong, familial ties. For example, online communities of patients with various
kinds of terminal or serious illnesses can supply both the anonymity and
objectivity that patients cannot or may not receive from family and friends, who
may try to protect the patient by not providing complete feedback, or who may not
feel either comfortable, or experienced enough, to provide insight about the
patient’s condition (Rice & Katz, 2001). The Internet’s potential to support such
communities is largely due to a combination of several factors: increased
bandwidth, continuous access, wireless portability, anonymity globalized
connectivity, and personalization (such as collaborative filtering and content
associated by shared users, individual email profiles and web portals, and online
communities of interests).
Calhoun (1998) takes the position that the Internet encourages indirect
relations with people, which although less meaningful, are nonetheless productive
and work to enhance real life relations. Granovetter (1973) argues that an
innovation to be diffused can reach a larger number of people and traverse greater
social distance when passed through weak ties as opposed to strong ties. Fischer
(1983) argues that local ties, which are viewed as being superior to spatially
dispersed ties, are in fact superior only by virtue of the fact that they are ‘cheaper’.
He contends that distance is a cost of a social interaction like any other cost.
Alternative ties are becoming cheaper through rapid transportation and new
technologies such as mobile phones and the Internet. People are forming
relationships across great distances for relevant purposes based on the type of
community they belong to. It is not contended in this paper however that one has to
be the member of only one community. The more communities one is a part of, the
more time is invested in keeping the ties alive.
A study conducted by Kim (2002) in Korea showed that Korean youth felt
the need to be a part of the social network and felt that this could be achieved by
being in touch with one another any time and any place. Since these groups are
formed on selective basis such as hometown, family name or school attended,
people must be members of multiple groups. If being the member of one such
group demands time and energy (Kim, 2002), it would be fair to say that multiple
groups would take up greater involvement via the mobile phone. This is in
agreement with Granovetter’s (1973) hypothesis that if the tie between two
individuals is strong, then the likelihood of these individuals knowing an
overlapping number of people in a larger social milieu is more likely than if they
had a weak tie.
The effect that a mobile phone will have on ties depends also on what kind
of tie is being studied. Weak ties between women may have different
characteristics as opposed to weak ties between men or adults vs. adolescents. The
tie could be between a superior and a subordinate at work, between extroverts vs.
introverts, etc. It is not merely involvement with a group or a set of groups but also
the fact that the mobile phone helps to establish bonds over space and time. It
could be argued that long-lasting, bond-nurturing home phone calls could establish
strong ties and that short goal-oriented phone calls establish weak ties. However, it
is not the length of the phone call alone that has an impact on the nature of the
bond. A series of brief phone calls could also strengthen weak ties and establish
and strengthen strong ties. For example, a mother who calls her teenager to find
out where he or she is, makes a brief, goal-oriented call, and yet this strengthens
the trust that she shares with her child.
Disadvantage: mediated communication ignores local ties and interactions.
How does this newfound mobility affect social capital? Magdol and Bessel
(2003) note that social capital theory requires physical proximity and residential
stability as prerequisites to a good community. In their study, they found that the
availability of emotional and financial support was not affected by mobility
distance, but that tangible favors and companionship were. As kin exchanges are
affected by distance, non-kin exchanges increase, suggesting the replacement of
kin by closer, non-kin in the social network. Social capital thus decreases as weak
ties replace former strong, kinship-based ones (Magdol & Bessel, 2003). In
contrast, Wellman and Hampton (2001b) note that distance affects friend ties much
more than kin ties. One's friends tend to be localized, which enhances the physical
proximity requirement of social capital, but not the residential stability requirement
that involves maintaining the same close ties with one’s relatives through one’s
life. Likewise, online ties are likely to be more ephemeral, less sustainable, and
easily excitable, compared to physical community relations (Jones, 1999; Rice,
1987; Shapiro & Leone, 1999).
Although mobile devices assist in strengthening the individual’s social
network, some researchers claim that mobile devices are not used by individuals to
expand their networks. Geser (2002), for example, claims that mobile phones may
support tendencies towards “social closure” rather than tendencies to “open up.” In
other words, mobile phones can easily be used to shield oneself from making new
acquaintances. People can escape into the narrower realm of highly familiar,
predictable, and self-controlled social relationships. As a result, while the chances
of interacting with strangers can be reduced, circles of established friendships can
be deepened.
This is supported further by the fact that mobile phone numbers are
usually communicated to a narrow circle of self-chosen friends and acquaintances
so that no calls from unpredictable new sources have to be expected. People do not
generally divulge their mobile telephone number except to people with whom they
have very close relationships or ‘strong ties’ as Granovetter defined it. The mobile
phone thus creates a message to other people, who are accepted members of a
particular individual’s close circle of friends or family (Licoppe & Heurtin, 2002).
This is not just a matter of trust but also of exclusivity. As Fortunati (2002) says,
“chance socialness” is reduced. This theme is explored at length in Ling
(forthcoming), who describes the process as “walled gardens.” Ling sees the net
effect of strengthening the emotional content and thus the robustness of within-
group social linkages, at the expense of more far-flung and cross-group or out-
group networks.
Ling (2003) talks about how mobile phones can affect social capital at
various levels. He states that mobile phones can be used in a particular social
network such as a circle of friends, to maintain a sense of ‘connectedness’ in terms
of location, current news, etc. He makes a distinction between this and
emotionally-based interaction in which coordination is not the focus as much as
interaction. The distinction could then be stretched to mobile conversations that
strengthen weak ties and strong ties. He also states that the coordinating talk can
result in distancing one’s self from people in the immediate vicinity or, as it was
earlier defined, people who share a public space. Thus it can be hypothesized that
strengthening weak ties through mobile phone usage almost eliminates possible
ties with those in one’s shared physical space. If one starts ignoring members of
society who are co-present, due to the fact that one is a member of another virtual
community connected through the mobile phone, there could be some extensive
negative ramifications, including the reduction in feelings of social integration, if
not necessarily any reduction in social capital (Katz, 2003).
Mediated communication can thus work to promote exclusion on a physical
basis. For Wellman (1999), the effect of distance on community produces
geographically dispersed, specialized ties that are connected by
telecommunications. Community becomes transformed into a personal-based,
social network. Actual local communities then become loosely bounded and
sparsely knit (2001). Thus, neighborhoods have not disappeared. However,
Wellman notes that we have responded to the loose social network by engaging in
selective neighboring, much like the community of limited liability. In response to
this perceived social and physical distance, local neighborhoods work to increase
services and reinforce security and a general sense of belonging (Wellman, 1988a).
6. Meaningful Communication, Trust, and Intimacy:
Advantage: mediated communication supports the effectual base of community.
Here, the role of communication in sustaining any kind of community plays
a pivotal role. As Poster (2001) comments, we imagine our virtual communities as
real. The inverse must also be true. Thus, the role of communication as meaningful
and value-based in virtual communities also works to construct real communities
as well. Sanders goes even farther in stating that community is “a system of social
interaction and communication,” and the two are interchangeable (1966, p. 347).
What physical communities do through face-to-face communication to maintain
their identity, virtual communities do through mediated communication. They are
one in the same.
Strong community ties are linked to intimacy, voluntary involvement,
frequency of communication, feelings of companionship, knowing each other in
multiple contexts, enduring ties, mutual ties, having one’s needs met, and shared
social characteristics (Wellman & Gulia, 1999). Virtual communities and online
environments deliver all of these, some argue, except emotional expression,
intimacy and multiple contexts. Ultimately, however, people base intimacy on
shared interests and not shared social characteristics, such as in real-life
communities. Wellman and Gulia go on to note that relational development takes
longer online due to the lower bandwidth, its asychronicity, and the lack of
physical cues; however, intimacy is not precluded. Walther (1996) indeed showed
that mediated relational development could achieve levels of face-to-face relational
development given sufficient time. Straus (1997) and Walther (1996) go so far as to
claim that computer-mediated communication is as, or more personal than face-to-
face interactions. In addition, A. D. Smith (1999) notes that the physical distance
and anonymity actually gives users support for intimacy in their relations. Unlike
physical communities, the anonymity of online communities actually makes people
more willing to help each other (Wellman & Gulia, 1999). This leads Uslaner
(2001) to claim that the Internet use does gradually produce environs of trust for its
users.
Yet, Steinmueller (2002) claims that virtual communities exhibit the
full range of human emotion. One way that this seeming paradox is possible is
through the employment of emoticons and emoting. Emoticons are an important
way that the emotional embodied individual feels a sense of online community,
despite narrow broadband (Baym, 1997; Curtis, 1997). Likewise, emoting is a
replacement for real-life nonverbal behavior (Curtis, 1997; Kollock & Smith, 1999;
Rheingold, 2000). High bandwidth also allows the addition of avatars and real-time
video and audio streaming, which enhances community in realistic ways (Kollock
& Smith, 1999). Kodama (2001) holds that VideoNet technology actually provides
the empathy and solidarity necessary for community formation, and found in face-
to-face communication. These emotional expressions on the Internet make it
possible to understand the development of affectual communities online. The
affectual community is also often linked to a common memory and identity. Just as
Bellah et al. (1985) spoke of the community of memory as being key to community
identity and sentiment formation, personal webpages are allowing people to share
in their own communities of memory (Hozic, 2001). And online (health) support
communities can exhibit high and consistent degrees of empathy for others (Preece
& Ghozati, 2001). In the importance of virtual communication as substituting for
physical social interaction, we can see the fundamental element of how virtual
communities resemble physical communities in their formations of sentiment and
community feeling.
For Wilbur (2000), a sense of virtual community requires a space of
communication shared with others, and an immersive connection with others
(through which we create our own simulation of community in our heads – similar
to the imagined community). Likewise, Baym (1995) sees the shared norms of
communicative practice as being the resource that brings everyone together to
share in the meaning-making of a community. For example, online senses of social
or shared interest distance can be measured in what Kendall (2003) calls e-
distance. Here, the distance from one place or one personal webpage to another is
the number of clicks that it takes to get to them. One and two-click e-distance
implies a strong sense of community and cooperation among the actors creating
and using those web pages, just as Wellman’s social network functions in real life.
The vastly increased ability to share information and reduce e-distance is a
crucial factor in community formation. Jones (1999) emphasizes that new media
facilitate increased choice: The ‘information highway’ will allow us to “forge our
own places from among the many that exist, not by creating new places but by
simply choosing from the menu of those available” (p. 220). For example, the
Cultural Access Group’s (2001) study of ethnic differences among online users
reported that 59% of their African-American and 73% of their Hispanic
respondents reported that the Internet keeps them connected to their ethnic
community, and find that the content on African-American (79%) or Hispanic
(69%) web sites is meaningful to them. The link between online involvement and
diversity may go even deeper than manifestations of particular groups of users.
Community is not built into residential life, but rather into the value-laden
access of other people, the ability of moral and trustworthy communication
(Etzioni, 2001). This expression of social capital as meaningful communication
parallels Rheingold (2002), for whom knowledge-sharing is a form and resource of
social capital. Developments of trust are essential to determining meaningful
communication, and trust is also a key component of social capital (Giddens,
1994). An example of trust building in a virtual community is the reputation system
critiqued by Baym (1997). Members of online soap opera communities, as well as
other virtual communities such as eBay, have the ability to rate other members and
their posts according to their work and value, thus providing a “trustworthiness”
database for all to see.
Cerulo (1997), somewhat rejecting Beniger's (1987) critique of the pseudo-
community created by digital mass media, argues that we need to reconceptualize
community due to the rise of new communication technologies, based on evidence
about social interaction and social bonding (see also Rice, 1987) in settings such as
parasocial interaction with mediated personalities, call-in radio shows, and
emotional support in online discussion groups. Systems such as the Internet can
“sustain forms of ongoing and improvisational group life where interactions cannot
easily or routinely be face-to-face – including among members of discredited
groups marginalized from public spheres” (Mukerji & Simon, 1998, p. 261).
Disadvantage: mediated communication builds pseudo-communities.
The idea of distance and physical community can also work to explain the
pseudo-community. As noted earlier, virtual communities still work around
references to real-life images of space (Kollock & Smith, 1999; Stone, 1991). We
require these images to create our affectual and emotional attachments to virtual
communities. However, Rice (1987) and Shapiro & Lenone (1999) point out that
virtual communities and the ties found within them are ephemeral, less sustainable,
and much more easily excitable than in physical communities.
Just as with the pseudo-community, Jeffres et al. (2002) note that the
distance of small communities from the center city is proportional to their
dependence on the media versus their interpersonal influence in the political arena.
Thus, the pseudo-community is shown again to be one created by the media, which
exploits the distance of its members and their yearning for small community. This
is problematic, as Wright (2000) notes that city populations are dropping due to the
resurgence of the suburban, "small town;” in 1970, 25% of Americans lived in
cities, versus 21% in 1990.
In Bowling Alone (2000), Putnam maintains, as seen above, that social
capital is the glue that holds a livable society together. Without it, communities
suffer, crime rates balloon, social services wither and people become depressed,
sick and even die. Because of its ability to provide both one-way information and
two-way communication, the Internet and mobile communication technologies
provide an interesting potential. Though he is equivocal and allows for future
improvements, he concludes that mediated communication inhibits interpersonal
collaboration and trust (Putnam, 2000, p. 176).
Even though our communities are no longer our neighborhoods or our
geographic locations, we create them instead in the social circles we come to
inhabit (Fuentes, 2000). Perhaps, this all comes down to the fact that the farther
one gets away from the traditional community and home, the more one misses it
(Fuentes, 2000; Terkenli, 1995). As Rathge (1980) argues, the distance of
immigrants from their community of origin is proportional to their seeking similar
destinations. Mediated communities are thus not seen as real communities, but
rather our imagined ways to deal with the social consequences of our chosen life
paths. Yet, if we tend to imagine our virtual communities in terms of our idealized
physical communities, those few aspects of virtual community that deviate from
this mold may show the potential for a real transformation and synthesis of the
community concept.

7. Distance:
Advantage: mediated communication keeps communities alive over distances.
Communication technologies and the Internet are lauded for their ability to
make distance irrelevant (Fuentes, 2000; Smith, M.J., 1999; Walmsley, 2000). It is
in fact the virtual reduction of the friction of distance that Walmsley (2000) views
as helping strengthen physical communities. In this context, Katz & Rice (2002)
found that the social communities of Internet users are more dispersed than those
of nonusers. In addition, Internet users are more likely to make long-distance
telephone calls, according to their 1995 survey (p. 237). The Internet is thus
correlated, rather than causal, of breakdowns in physical community.
The mobile phone may be central in re-establishing the norms of
community. Deriving from the works of Aronson (1971), Poole (1981), Fischer
(1992) and Katz (1999), one can argue that the wireline telephone is an ideal tool
because it counteracts social distance and reinforces local ties. Yet the work of
Fischer and Katz are but the tip of a substantial body of literature on the telephone
that, in all cases with which we are familiar, show that the telephone is indeed a
tremendously powerful stimulant, preserver and enhancer of community. Pertinent
examples beyond those just mentioned above include Dimmick, Sikand &
Patterson (1994), Fortunati (1993), Rakow (1991) and Umble (1992). It is
plausible to anticipate that the mobile phone would extend these communal
benefits.
Disadvantage: mediated communication inflames the negative effects of distance
on community.
The traditionalists would presumably argue that distance (included mediated
interaction) leads to community fragmentation and dissolution. Distance constrains
communication, something necessary and important for all communities (Wellman
& Hampton, 2001b). Communities dominated by mediated technology cannot be a
source of real community (Baudrillard, 1983; Beniger, 1987; Gergen, 1991; Turkle,
1996). The use of online systems to communicate with more distant others may
reduce the vitality and integration of physical communities (Calhoun, 1986).
Proponents of physical communities note that physical and social distance
ruptures community fabric (Crow et al., 2002). There are also positive relationships
between emotional closeness and physical proximity, duration and emotional
closeness, and face-to-face interaction and proximity (Adams, 1985). Physical
distance determines our passive contacts, and thus proximity is a major
determinant for relations in homogenous, high-interaction communities (Darke,
1969). The good physical neighbor is thus one who is warm and inviting, but can
respect your privacy: one who maintains "friendly distance" (Crow et al., 2002).
As a result, Putnam (2000) sees suburban sprawl and the resulting increased
distance from centralized foci of interaction as problematic for social capital and
community formation. One might argue from this that all forms of mobility in fact
undermines civic engagement and social capital, as communities that experience
rapid turnover are overall less integrated.
So, if physical distance negatively affects the traditional community by
turning it into a social network, what effect does distance have on the latter?
Mobility distance is a predictor of network distance, according to Magdol (2000).
People who move longer distances from their community have more dispersed
networks, while local movers have more proximate networks. In his study of
sentiment and moving, Bolan (1997) found that people who devoted more time to a
move, moved for "housing needs", or who stayed in the same census level,
experienced higher levels of community attachment. (In other words, these people
experienced duration, necessity, and commonality in their local community. . .all
components of the traditional community). Moreover, one measure of the social
distance between any two people is the minimum number of steps in the network
needed to go from one to the other (White, 2003). Clusters of one-to-one ties thus
illustrate a strong sense of community. As we noted above, mediated
communication involves building widespread and diverse networks, not
associating only with common or nearby groups of people.
8. Speed:
Advantage: choices between synchronous and asynchronous interactions allow
mediated communication to imitate face-to-face communities.
The face-to-face norm of constant, informal interaction contributes to the
sense of community among online groups. Haase et al. (2002) note that frequent
email users have a greater sense of online community. In fact, rapid-delivery email
directly enhances community according to Nie (2001). Likewise, LaRose et al
(2001) claim that Internet use, especially email, create more social support for its
users leading to a reduction in stress and feelings of isolation.
Real time chatting is likewise strongly associated with a feeling of
community, much more so than asynchronous forms of communication (Haase et
al., 2002). Haase et al. additionally note that frequent online communication with
friends gives people a strong sense of online community, whereas online
communication with kin is thought of as merely a good device to maintain ties.
Real-time chatting is also lauded by Rheingold (2002) in his treatment of text-
messaging. MUDDs, IRCs, and other chatrooms, which are predominant in the
literature of virtual community, are marked by real-time chat (Curtis, 1997;
Kollock & Smith, 1999; Stone, 1998). As Turkle (1995) agrees, virtual
communities only exist among their members when they are logged in; the real-
time nature of community ceases at the point of logging off. Absent the
development of social capital as an enduring potential resource, the same could be
argued for physical communities. Proponents of real-life communities argue that
the random encounter is a key step in community building. Likewise, the turnover
of players in a MUDD during the day allows for a freshness of encounter and a
similar phenomenon (Curtis, 2002). Informal communication, real-time interaction,
speed, emotion, exclusion, conflict, and randomness represent ways in which the
community-building components of virtual community reflect those in the physical
community.
Speed indeed seems to influence sentiments of community feeling.
Broadband is the single most powerful statistical predictor of the time devoted to
Internet use ("Broadband"). Broadband users are also more likely than dial-up
users to feel that the Internet has had a positive connection on their community of
family (71% vs. 58%) and friends (76% vs. 68%). Wellman and Hampton (2001b)
also note that high-speed networks allow people to enhance their social relations,
especially their distant ones. According to Rheingold (2002), broadband will see its
ultimate achievement in wireless technology, as physical locality is completely
eliminated – i.e., one doesn’t even need to be in a particular physical location to
access connectivity to online resources and communities.
In his list of requirements for community, Etzioni (2001) finds that, among
other things, communities require interactive broadcasting, access, and cooling-of
mechanisms. Computer-mediated communication approximates this well through
its ability to reach more people, availability of email and bulletin-board style
feedback, and the small delays built into email programs and other “are you sure
now?” messages that precede information dissemination online. Other theorists
note that asynchronous communication does not disrupt community, but rather
enhances it in different ways (Baym, 1997; M. J. Smith, 1999). Curtis (1997) notes
that the delays in conversation due to bandwidth and typing allow multiple,
overlapping threads of discourse in any one conversation, as well as the ability to
talk with many people simultaneously.
Disadvantage: speed issues cause mediated communication to frustrate face-to-face
community.
Noll (1997) and Stoll (1995) hold that face-to-face communication provides
a depth of communication and speed of feedback that is basic to forming
community and sentiment ties. In contrast, they see computer-mediated
communication as task-focused, depersonalized, filled with psychological distance,
and lacking social cues. Additionally, as Wellman and Gulia (1999) state, there is a
constant worry that the reduced bandwidth of the Internet and communication
technologies will undermine the supportive community, because it can lead to
misinterpretations of words and actions, as well as impedes immediate
conversational repair.
9. Constructions of Time and the Self:
Advantage: mediated communication contributes to a new construction of the self.
Wellman maintains that the adoption of a distributed social network is one
way to counteract the loss of community idea. Turkle and Stone have earlier
pointed out that mediated communications and virtual communities lead to
fractured and fragmented selves, which they as positive, because it opens up many
new groups in which to participate. The saturated self concept Gergen (1991) is
another way in which we deal with the fragmentation of self idea.
Maffesoli (1996) adopts the term “neo-tribes” to explain the relationship
between the individual and mass communication/society. In the face of the
unification of authority in mass society, our individualism is defined by our
individual interactions with different groups. So, neo-tribes are defined as
“instantaneous conversions” (p. 76). They are unstable, self-defined communities
marked by fluidity and dispersal. The neo-tribe is an excellent metaphor to show
how our selves can be multifaceted, without being accompanied by social isolation.
Another useful metaphor is the “invisible mouse” developed by Katz & Rice
(2002). Just as Adam Smith's invisible hand explained the way that self-motivated
individualistic action contributed the well-being of the common good, the invisible
mouse explains how individuals acting in self-interest online and using mediated
communications actually produce notions of social altruism and community. They
cite self help groups, mentoring programs, genealogy services, class reunion cites,
affirmation groups, ethic and political groups, charitable activities, and other
virtual networks as examples of this phenomenon. Thus, the Internet “neither
directly creates nor diminishes social capital. . .but social capital is created as a
byproduct of people motivated by their own interests” (p. 199). Collective
interaction far outweighs the development of introspection resulting from
individual information seeking.
Mobile phones also can help users create identity. Sending text messages
and talking on the mobile phone gives users an opportunity to be a part of a social
network and this communication becomes a part of a daily routine in which the
user is continually sending a stream of signals to the surroundings (Johnsen, 2003).
In his ethnographic study of Norwegian teenagers, Johnsen (2003) found that the
mobile phone gave a young user the ability to confirm her social status, and be a
part of a social network. He states that she indulges in small talk and feeds the
network gossip as and when the situation arises and stresses the fact that the
content is not as important as the fact that communication occurs. His study found
that even a third person who was mentioned in a mobile phone conversation was
part of the same social network and inferred that the phone worked to strengthen
these existent ties instead of isolating certain members of the group (see also work
by Skog, 2002 on identify formation and mobile phones).
Many researchers have attempted to examine how the relation of individuals
and time has changed with the spread of the mobile. With respect to social
coordination with others, researchers Ling and Yttri (2002) note that mobile
phones “soften time.” In other words, mobile users tend to feel comfortable about
refining schedules via mobile phones when coordinating to meet up with others as
they approach an agreed upon time. Schedules are constantly negotiable according
to the changing situation, thereby causing the prearranged structure of everyday
life to become more obscure. Brinkoff (2003) also comments on how being late is
becoming more acceptable than it used to be. After interviewing numerous mobile
using teenagers in Tokyo, Rheingold (2002) concluded that for this group, as long
as everybody is reachable by SMS (short messaging service – text messaging),
being late is not an issue.
Disadvantage: mediated communication works to fragment and isolate the self.
Some researchers have focused on how mobiles reduce people’s self-
reliance, which in turn erodes their ability to react adaptively to unpredictable
encounters. Geser (2002) for instance claims that mobile phones can cause
individuals to become less prone to develop certain “social competencies.” This is
because of the constant availability of external communication partners (as sources
of opinion and advice) as mobile phones enable people to retain primary social
relationships over distance. This affects people’s self-reliance, making them unable
to operate alone and leaving them dependent on the mobile as a source of
assistance and advice. Witness, for example, increasing numbers of people using
their cell phones while shopping in grocery stores or video rental shops, asking
their family or partners what they should get.
In terms of the mobile phone as the device for filling unoccupied stretches of
time, some people in Tokyo interviewed by Plant (2000) expressed concerns about
how the mobile phone is used to avoid being alone with one’s thoughts. In Japan,
the traditional ways of killing time (i.e., reading books, comics, newspapers, etc.)
are losing out to mobile phones. Fortunati (2002) shows how the use of mobile has
encouraged more productive use of time. For example, time spent in traffic, in
waiting lines at the post office, and other situations where we usually consider time
to be wasted, is used to communicate with others via the mobile phone. Overall,
our dependence on the cell phone leads us to consider time without the phone as
time in social isolation.
As a result, Peters and Hulme (2002) state that people consider the mobile
phone to be an extension of their self. The loss of a mobile phone would be
comparable to physical disintegration. Sadie Plant (Newsweek, 2002) comments
on how when people go out without their mobile phones they feel as if there is
something missing: “A human with a mobile in the pocket is appreciably different
from the human without one” (Plant, 2002, p. 37). Although people are
“increasingly developing skills they wouldn’t have had before—for example, the
ability to operate in two contexts at once” (Plant, 2002, p. 37), each individual may
be losing the skills to interact with his or her own self.
Similar to these complaints pertaining to cell phones, Kraut et al (1998)
reported that Internet use actually reduced personal network size and strength, as
well as caused overall depression in its users. They found that the Internet worked
to replace strong social ties with weak online ties, thus reducing meaningful
relations. However, his research has been criticized sharply as being based on
modest effects being found in a few elements of a small convenience sample.
Apropos of these criticisms, his subsequent analysis of additional data from the
sample (Kraut et al. 2002) found that to whatever extent these effects may have
existed in the first place, they were no longer present in the original sample.
10. Social Control:
Advantage: mediated communication allows flexible forms of social control.
Poster (2001) maintains that one of the most important attributes of
mediated communication is that it is underdetermined, versus fixed forms of print
and broadcast media. We saw above with Merton and Beniger's pseudo-
community, that fixed media have the ability to exert high forms of social control
over the individual. However, Poster notes that with mediated technologies, such
as the Internet, individuals become real agents who are capable of resisting the
world around them. Mediated communications are open to practice and are not
closed to interpretation, thus allowing flexibility in identity, presence, and
avoidance of strict social control.
 Palen et al. (2001) came up with a list of factors that may impact the usage
of a mobile phone such as the mobility of one’s profession, the availability of other
communications media at home or at the workplace, the number of roles one
assumes (e.g., wife, mother, manager), the degree of integration across roles,
degree of personal responsibility, schedules of other people in the home, degree of
resource-sharing and additional factors such as agility. Taking note these factors,
Fortunati (2002) asserts that the mobile phone strengthens social control over
others. She observes that women are more likely than men to phone to give her
location and hypothesizes that this could stem from factors such as a woman being
compliant with the need of men and children to know where she is and making
herself reachable. Based on in-depth interviews, Fortunati (2002) found that some
people chose to call others on their mobile phone, although they knew their home
or office number, as a means of exercising a form of control by shifting the center
of communications gravity in their favor. Similarly, parents often give cell phones
to their teenagers in order to keep track of them.
However, the counterargument is that people have the choice of answering
the phone based on who is calling. A person may call one’s mobile phone, but one
does not have to take the call. That is an exercise of power and being in control of
the situation. This is at an individual level. Likewise, Katz (1999) and Wynn and
Katz (2000) argued that use of the mobile phone for intimate calls helps defend and
develop young people’s sense of autonomy and identity and allow them to escape
the social control of others.
In addition, the greater incursions of freedom through mediated
communication are reminiscent of the ideal community. The ideal community, as
noted, is symbolized by the horizontal nature of social ties. Likewise, online
interactions and their feeling of community are amplified by their ability to bypass
authority and experience horizontal equality, as well as devise their own rules
(Rheingold, 2002). This perception is related to the notion that people feel that they
are in a community when they perceive total freedom to set up their own things
and way of life within it (Rheingold, 2002). This is in tune with Jones's (1995)
definition of community in which its members are totally free to act within them
(Cf. Wynn & Katz, 1997). Similarly, Curtis (1997) says that the ability to interact
with many people, or simply one person, in a MUDD, as well as move around
within it, is key to its sense of community. Finally, M. J. Smith (1999) states that
the potential audience existing online, as well as the all of the ways of reaching
them in a many-to-many form of communication, allows every person to access the
larger community.
Disadvantage: mediated communication can be easily manipulated, allowing for
deceit.
However, studies have shown that parental control over telecommunication
resources becomes a process of constant negotiation between the parents and
children (Ling & Helmerson, 2000). Ling and Yttri (2002) found that youth devise
various strategies to avoid being monitored by parents through mobile phones.
Palen et al. (2001) found that the duration of incoming calls was longer than
outgoing calls although the average number of outgoing calls was larger than
incoming calls. They hypothesized that this could be due to the user’s lack of
control over an incoming call or the user may not have revealed that he or she was
using a mobile device wanting to remain ambiguous about the location. This is
something that teenagers are likely to do especially when the mobile phone is used
as a device for exercising parental control.
Mobile phone usage affects users’ perceptions of time and space, as noted
above. The person who places a call or receives one on their mobile phone may not
be able to assign either a social or a geographical identity to the other (Licoppe &
Heurtin, 2002). This offers room for deception at various levels and the location of
the individual, especially in the case of teenagers trying to avoid detection by their
parents, is likely to be common.
So bring closure to this section, we have weighted the prospective
advantages and disadvantages of mediated communication across ten topical areas.
The above detailed examination leaves us ready to make summary judgments
about the longer-term prospects of community in an age of mediated personal
communication.

5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

In this chapter, the concept of community has been analyzed along two
dimensions, yielding four ideal types. Each of these types has implications for the
way in which people are expected to perceive themselves, and interact with group
members and outsiders. Each type suggests the consequences for the viability and
quality of community in light of the proliferation of new personal mediated
technology, such as the Internet and the mobile phone.
After this analysis, we highlighted studies of virtuality and the mobile phone
that showed how these devices are being used, and how they might be expected to
affect community and social capital formation. We commented that in earlier eras,
social ties were based on what Durkheim (1984) termed mechanical solidarity and
were contingent on spatial proximity. More recently, relationships have become
organic (again, in Durkheim’s term), since ties are based more on common ideas,
interests and occupations. With the popularization of mediated technologies such
as the Internet and mobile phones, the trend seems to be accelerating. Finally, we
considered plausible impacts on community from a variety of points of view. Most
of these potential impacts were based on empirical studies of the mobile phone.
In light of this discussion, we advance here some the prerequisites for
establishing ties in the putative mediated communities. These are: (a) the existence
of mobile phones and internet functions (or their equivalent) as mediators of (b)
people who have similar psychological or value orientations, or at a minimum a
resonance of common ideas, and (c) a real or virtual place in which the interaction
can occur.
Our analyses have implications for communication praxis. One of them is
that the pessimists have overlooked many positives conferred by mediated
communication. So rather than indulging in self-serving hand-wringing over the
seemingly continual eroding of physical community and social capital, it may be
more useful to look at how the fundamental attributes of social capital are alive and
well in virtual communities, and what might be done to foster them. Moreover,
theorists of virtuality might benefit from a broader understanding of what is termed
social capital. This might necessitate a conceptual transformation in their work.
The new mediated communication technologies, especially the mobile
phone, it could be argued, will advance the dream of fulfilled individuals operating
within their respective communities, which in turn tolerate other communities. This
latter development would help bring about the millenarian ideal of community, so
often praised in the works of writers discussed above. The evidence is scant in
support of this view.
More plausibly, it seems that the new mediated communication technologies
will mean that it is no longer feasible to set as a social objective the pursuit of the
hoary and oft-praised physically-based utopia. Instead we should turn to examine
ways in which mediated communication can itself be part of a positive social
environment. Although we have used the term “real life” in contrast to “virtual
communities” to illustrate differences of theoretical interpretation throughout this
chapter, it is in a growing portion of the world – developed and developing – a
distinction without a difference. That is, it is no longer a necessarily meaningful
distinction in the conduct of one’s life or in the way one perceives the world.
Mediated communication is inherently part of real life in today's world. This trend
shows only signs of growing. Still, ultimately, we need an operational synthesis of
virtual and physical communities in order to have fulfilling, embodied experiences
all of the time. It may well be that mobile phones embody this synthesis. In this
way, they would be a link to the virtual and though mobile, located in a physical
setting.
Our overall conclusion is that there are some plausible reasons why
mediated personal technology, such as the mobile phone, can help support and
even create the smaller, more intimate communities assumed to have existed in the
pastoral world of our ancestors. Mobile phones could as well offer wider, more
quickly assembled if shorter-lasting, communities of activism. Too, they could
conduce richer interior lives, and provide a bulwark against the homogenizing and
commoditized mass societies that have for so long been critiqued by scholars.
Yet such communities might come at substantial cost. Ling (2003) uses the
term walled garden, to denote the rich interior world available only to members of
the mobile phone user’s social network. The obvious implication of course is that
the wall, while protecting those on the inside, seals out others. This would be the
privatization of the social sphere. This analogy, if applied to the physical plane,
suggests the experience of traversing a middle class area of a city in a traditional
society. There are the faceless, hostile streets for the public with lush, protected
atriums for those with the right keys. If his analogy is correct, the lesson is
apparent.
There is also the necessity of considering the question of the extent these
technologies can sustain and enrich the social experience of using public space.
Part of the answer is that, like the real-life venue of Putnam’s bowling leagues
(Putnam, 2000) or the meeting halls of Lipset’s labor unions (Lipset et al, 1977),
the mobile phone can give groups the setting needed to promote casual social
contact, democracy, and social capital.
At the same time, and perhaps even as a necessity, these devices will also
make our public places a colder, more hostile environment, with many more
intrusions of other people’s community interactions into our own public and
private communities. The centrally planned, centrally implemented vision of a
broad national communities which were the hallmarks of the Progressive Era seem
even more distant than they were a half century ago when, in the depth of the Great
Depression, they exercised so much appeal over public intellectuals.
Nevertheless, before we become too consumed with the promised benefits of
community, it is also prudent to consider the benefits of the opposite, namely
privacy and private life for the cultivation of individuality and liberty. That is, we
must pause to consider the benefits of isolation and independence even if
purchased at the price of loneliness and anomie. This counterpoint is an important
consideration. As those who have lived under Communism know, privacy is an
important element in protecting the individual from the State, which is precisely
why the State so viciously attacks it. The tight-knit community offers a warm berth
to those who conform. Yet it can also destroy those who are perceived to violate
the will of the collective, however that will is determined.
Perhaps then the liberating power given to the individual by the copper-
wired telephone and the Internet will be further advanced by the mobile phone.
This would probably come at the further expense of community. Yet ultimately it is
the values of people within social networks – what they want and how they wish to
live -- not the preordained technological capabilities of electronic networks, that
will determine just how communal our future lives will be. While value formations
are not independent of the ambient technology, we would be ill-advised to expect
those technologies to achieve for us the desirable world that we moderns have thus
far, unaided, not been able to achieve for ourselves.
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Table 1.
Characteristics of Physical Communities, with Representative Authors.
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Borders/wholeness/exclusion of others (Kolko, 1998; Meyrowitz, 1997; Sanders,
1966)/(König, 1968)/(Etzioni, 2001; Jacobs, 1961)
Background and memory (Bellah et al., 1985; Dirksen & Smit, 2002; Morgan,
1942)
Crisscrossing, interpersonal bonds, (Morgan, 1942; Poplin, 1979; Tönnies, 1957;
Walls, 1993)
Equality (Nisbet, 1966)
Face-to-face communication (Beniger, 1987)
High social influence on human action (Beniger, 1987; Calhoun, 1980)
Identity in common (Cobb, 1996; Etzioni, 2001; Sennett, 1971; Suttles 1972;
Wenger, 1998)
Information driven (Meyrowitz, 1985; 1989)
Intimacy ties/sentiment (Etzioni, 2001; Kolko, 1998; Maffesoli, 1996a; Merton,
1946; Morgan, 1942; Sclove, 1995; Tönnies, 1957)
Involuntary participation of members (Ahlbrandt, 1984)
Needs in common (Edwards & Jones, 1976; Morgan, 1942)
Organization/civic engagement (Calhoun, 1980; Cobb, 1996; Edwards & Jones,
1976; Etzioni, 2001; König, 1968; Putnam, 2000)
Requires embodied selves (Kolko, 1998; Nisbet, 1966)
Sameness (Jacobs, 1961; Sennett, 1971)
Small in size (Beniger, 1987, Coleman, 1954; Morgan, 1942)
Stability/sustained interaction among members (Coleman, 1986; Sclove, 1995)
Trust/sincerity (Giddens, 1994; Merton, 1946)
Values (Morgan, 1942; Schmalenbach, 1977; Tönnies, 1957)
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Table 2.
Characteristics of Community, When Also or Only Online.
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A. Additional characteristics of communities when they exist online
Absence of institutional authority (Steinmueller, 2002; Sternberg, 2001)
Based in information exchange (Carey, 1993; Steinmueller, 2002; Walls, 1993)
Characterized by links more so than relationships (Steinmueller, 2002
Common interest (Wellman, 1971, 1999)
Emerge from technology (Rheingold, 2000)
Reconfiguring the nature of physical communities (Meyrowitz, 1985, 1989, 1997)
Self-organized (Dirksen & Smit, 2002; Katz & Rice, 2002)
Voluntary participation by members (Ahlbrandt, 1984; Steinmueller, 2002)
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----------------
B. Novel characteristics of virtual community a
Beliefs and practices in common (Coleman, 1954; Etzioni, 2001; Morgan, 1942) -
(Stone, 1991)
Group-specific meanings/norms (Putnam, 1993) - (Baym, 1995)
Informal conversation (Coleman, 1986) - (Rheingold, 2000)
Interpersonal bonds (Etzioni, 2001) - (Baym, 1995)
Mediated “generalized other” (Meyrowitz, 1985, 1994)
Purpose in common (Putnam, 1993; Slevin, 2000; Tönnies, 1957; Wenger, 1998) -
(Baym, 1995; Rheingold, 2000)
Reciprocity (Giddens, 1994; Putnam, 1993) - (Wellman & Gulia, 1999)
Sense of belonging/community feeling (Anderson, 1983; Morgan, 1942; Tönnies,
1957) - (Dirksen & Smit, 2002; Wellman, 2001)
Spontaneous formation (Morgan, 1942; Suttles, 1972) - (Rheingold, 2000; Katz &
Rice, 2002)
Supported by meaningful communication (Poster, 2001; Sanders, 1966) – (Rice,
1987; Turkle, 1995; Walls, 1993; Wenger, 1998)
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----------------
a
The first analyst(s) after each characteristic emphasized that characteristic in
physical community; analyst(s) after a dash emphasized the characteristic in the
virtual context.
Figure One.
Two dimensions and four conceptualizations, with associated researchers, of
community
Tech. Mediated

Imaginary Social
y-axis: subjective Network
Community

- Person Oriented Jones

Ahlbrandt
- Private Fortunati
Suttles Meyrowitz - Impersonal Links
Turkle
- Common Interest
- Voluntary Steinmueller
Kolko - No Authority
Synthesis - Self-Organized Kiesler
and Social - Organic
Capital

- Informal Conversation
Physical Proximity

Carey Castells - Group Meanings Etzioni

x-axis: objective

Sanders Stone
- Interpersonal Relations
Wellman
- Meaningful Communication
Poster
- Spontaneous
Putnam - Common Beliefs/Practices
Wall Wenger
s - Common Purpose Slevin
Coleman Baym
Sennett - Reciprocity
- Sense of Belonging
Cobb Calhoun
König Giddens - Moral Poplin Nisbet
- Trust
Sclove - Intimacy/Sentiment Maffesoli Katz &
Putnam Rice
Hillery - Civic Involvement
Bella - Interpersonal Bonds
h Rheingold
Arensberg - Commonness Dirksen
Jacobs - Patterned Behavior
Park - Exclusion
Schmalenba - Small
ch - Involuntary
 Tönnies - Mechanical
Morgan - Community Oriented
Nancy
Traditional Pseudo
Community
Community