Sherpa

architecture

Centre de documentation
d'Information et a Rt cherche
pour

le

dveloppement

cnl'ur^l

Sherpa
architecture
Valerio Sestini and
Enzo Somigli

Translated from Italian

by Timothy Paterson

luresoo

The designations employed and the

presentation of the material in this
publication d o not imply the expression
of any opinion whatsoever on the part
of the Unesco Secretariat concerning
the legal status of any country,
territory, city or area or of its
authorities, or concerning the
delimitation of its frontiers or
boundaries.

Published in 1978 by the United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
7 Place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris
Printed by Journal de Genve S . A . ,
Geneva, Switzerland
I S B N 92-3-201612-5
Unesco 1978
Printed in Switzerland

Preface

For many years Nepal had been closed to visitors, except for rare
permission given to groups seeking to climb its towering peaks or to
small numbers of scientists carrying out research on thefloraand fauna
of the Himalayas. The resultant static situation, in which the art,
architecture, religion and w a y of life remained medieval in character
during much of the twentieth century, came to an abrupt end in the
1950s with the restoration of the monarchy to power and the opening
of the country to visitors.
The long period of isolation ensured the survival of m a n y
examples of traditional art and architecture. During the past twenty
years changes have been accelerating throughout Nepal and particularly in K a t m a n d u . T h e government, conscious of the need to
protect or to record its heritage before changes become too radical
has called upon Unesco, and in turn Unesco is mobilizing the support
of the international community, to aid it in carrying out a programme
of conservation.
This publication is one of the means through which one of the
architectural traditions of Nepal is being recorded for posterity and
the information widely diffused. The report, prepared by the Italian
architects Valerio Sestini and Enzo Somigli, has been illustrated
with their drawings and a selected number of their photographs. It
has been translated into English by Timothy Paterson of Florence,
Italy, and into French by R a y m o n d e Frin, of Paris, France.
The opinions and views expressed are those of the authors.

Acknowledgements

The survey of Sherpa architecture, the results of which are published

in the following pages, was m a d e in 1975 during the expedition to
Nepal organized by the Alpine Club of Italy and financed by the
National Research Council of Italy. Excerpts from the survey first
appeared in Lhotse 75, published in 1977 by the Alpine Club of
Italy in association with Tamari of Bologna.
Particular thanks are due to the Council of the Alpine Club of
Italy and its President, Senator Giovanni Spagnolli, for having
included us in the expedition, thus enabling us to carry out this
study, and to Professor Giuseppe Nangerini for help and advice
during the initial andfinalstages of the survey before and after the
expedition.
W e should like to express our appreciation to the following:
The National Research Council of Italy, for having financed the
survey, and the Chairman of its Technological Committee,
Professor Mario Silvestri.
Unesco, for publishing the results of the survey ; that they are published is also due to the kind assistance of H . E . the Italian
Ambassador and Permanent Delegate of Italy to Unesco,
Ambassador Ludovico Carducci Artenesio.
All those w h o have helped us with expert advice and suggestions:
H . E . Ambassador Gianfranco Pompei, the Italian National
Commission for Unesco and in particular Professor Aldo Sestini.
Our friend and translator, Timothy Paterson.

Florence, Italy
June 1978

VALERIO SESTINI
E N Z O SOMIGLI

Contents

Foreword, by Trailoka Nath Upraity

The environment and population of Khumbu

Essential g e o g r a p h y . . .
The Sherpas of K h u m b u .

11
11
14

Architecture in Khumbu

19
19
21

General characteristics .
The Sherpa house . . .
Religious architecture in Khumbu

31
Origin, form and symbolism
of the stupa . . . .
The chorten in Tibet . .
The chorten in K h u m b u
The gompa in K h u m b u

Building materials and building art in Khumbu

Environment and building
materials
Building materials and
construction details .
N e w trends in building
materials and methods .
Select bibliography

31
38
40
50
61
61
64
74
77

Foreword
by His Excellency
Trailoka Nath Upraity,
Nepalese Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
to France,
Permanent Delegate to Unesco

Nepal is a land of contrasts. T h e Terai along its southern border is

low and with little relief, covered with jungle and swamps in which
are found tigers, elephants, rhinoceroes and deer of different species
as well as h u m a n habitations and cultivated areas. T h e Terai soon
gives way to a mountainous central area 300-2,500 m high, dissected
by valleys, of which the largest is the K a t m a n d u Valley through which
the sacred Bagmati River flows. Its northern borders are formed
by the Himalayas, the world's highest mountain range, including
such world-renowned peaks as Sagarmatha (Mt Everest), Kanchenjunga Makalu and m a n y others.
The peoples w h o settled in Nepal over the course of centuries were
protected by the rugged terrain and isolation has contributed to the
survival of m a n y different traditions. This tendency was reinforced
during m u c h of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth
centuries, as a policy of isolation limited contacts with the rest of
the world. Thus, while elsewhere in Asia countries were influenced
by the spread of industrialization and the effects of colonization,
Nepalese society continued relatively unaffected. A s a result, its way
of life, religious practices and architectural styles continued with
little change until 1951, w h e n the monarchy was restored to power.
In the brief period of time which has followed, changes have
taken place with rapidity, as one of the most important results was
the decision to open the country to visitors and to stimulate commerce
with the outside world. T h e city of K a t m a n d u , for example, which
only a few years ago had m u d d y roads and no facilities for visitors,
n o w has paved highways and several hotels of international calibre.
Education has become widespread within the valley and making
marked progress elsewhere. N o t all aspects of change have been
desirable. While living standards have been improved, buildings of

outstanding beauty have been destroyed or marred by unsightly

'modern' additions.
The government, taking these factors into consideration, has
decided to adopt a master plan for the conservation of the cultural
heritage in K a t m a n d u Valley with the aid of Unesco and the United
Nations Development Programme. This is to ensure for our people
continued identification with their past and to bring to future generations knowledge of our traditions. This programme will also
preserve the harmonious relationship between m a n and his environment which has been the hallmark of our architectural heritage.
Inevitably, similar striking changes to those taking place in the
city of K a t m a n d u , n o w linked by air with m a n y other cities, by road
with neighbouring countries, are gradually occurring in the more
remote areas of the country. W h e n one takes into account the varied
origins of our people and the developments which have taken place
in isolation, it is obvious that w e are in urgent need of detailed
documentation before our ancient ways of life and traditions disappear. T h e Sherpas w h o have settled in the southern slopes of
Sagarmatha form one of the ethnic groups that are k n o w n to all
the world because of their role as guides and porters for m o u n taineering expeditions. It is difficult today to conceive of any expedition
to the higher peaks in Nepal without Sherpas. However, they also
work with m a n y tourists trekking through the mountainous areas of
Nepal and, as a result, m a n y are k n o w n personally to such visitors.
M u c h of the Sherpas' income today results from such work.
Old patterns of subsistence agriculture and animal husbandry are
being affected by the change to a money economy. Patterns of living
and resultant changes to the architectural traditions are n o w taking
place with increasing rapidity. Hence this study represents a very
useful and unique record of a style of architecture which m a y largely
disappear in a few generations. I wish, therefore, to express m y
appreciation to the two architects, Valerio Sestini and Enzo Somigli,
w h o have carried out this survey of Sherpa architecture. Their
documentation is an important contribution to the studies of traditional architecture of a people accustomed to living in a very challenging environment.
Finally, I would like to take this opportunity also to express m y
appreciation to the Director-General of Unesco and to the members
of his staff w h o have supported m y country in the work to record
and to conserve our cultural heritage.

11

The environment
and population
ofKhumbu

Essential geography
The Himalayan mountain ranges, the greatest mountain system in
the world, are parallel ranges extending from east to west in broad
belts, which vary as regards altitude, geomorphology, climate and
vegetation. In Nepal, three successive parallel belts extend from the
hot, steamy plains bordering on India in the south to the Tibetan
frontier in the north. These three belts are the southernmost outer belt,
the sub-Himalaya foothills; the central belt, the pre- or low Himalaya
range, with peaks rising to over 3,000 m ; and, with a difference in
altitude of 3,000 m , the northern belt or main range, the high H i m a layas, the character of which is distinctively Alpine. O f unequalled
majesty, the peaks of the high Himalayas soar as high as 6,000-8,000 m
and are dominated by M o u n t Everest (8,848 m ) , the highest mountain
in the world. In eastern Nepal, close to the main, northernmost
range of the high Himalayas, lies the K h u m b u region, the h o m e of
the Sherpas, a people of Mongoloid stock, Tibetan culture and
Lamaist religious beliefs.
The K h u m b u region (Fig. 1) spreads out fanwise to form a series
of deep, wide, convergent valleys, d o w n which rush torrential streams
to the confluence with the D u d h Kosi, the natural boundary of
K h u m b u , flowing through a narrow gorge in an outer range of the
northernmost Himalaya belt. At the head of the valleys, m a n y of
which branch out into smaller side-valleys, magnificent crests and
peaks varying in height from 6,500 m to 8,800 m , rise up above the
main divide separating Nepal from Tibet. In the Everest massif, in
addition to Everest (8,848 m ) , Lhotse (8,501 m ) and Lhotse Shar
(8,383 m ) , as well as C h o O y u (8,153 m ) farther to the west, all
exceed 8,000 m . The crests of the spurs separating the valleys and the
passes communicating with them exceed the 5,000 m mark. Such
high altitudes, which inevitably affect climate and vegetation, are

12

impressive chiefly on account of the great differences in height,

varying from 2,000 m to 4,000 m , between the beds of the valleys
and the peaks towering above them. T h e valleys, apart from being
deep, are wide, forming U-shaped cross profiles as a result of Pleistocene glaciation. This same characteristic is found in the valleys of
the Alps. T h e heads of these wide valleys are obstructed by glacier
tongues forming ice-streams, while the lower ends are covered with
moraine deposits alternating with short stretches of flat alluvial
terrain and the silted-up beds of old lakes. T h e gently sloping glaciers
overhang the steep sides of the valleys, either of bare rock or coated
with snow or ice with deep grooves cut by avalanches.
The mountains of K h u m b u are composed of granitic rock with
a prevalence of crystalline schists, that is, gneiss and other metamorphosed rock. Sedimentary rock is also found in the mountains
of the Everest massif dating from the Palaeozoic, interspersed with
yellow veins of crystalline limestone. T h e geological composition
of such rock gives rise to sharp outlines and crests as a result of the
effects of weathering, which here are particularly severe, mainly the
abrupt rise and fall in temperature, that is, intense cold followed

Fig.1
T h e Khum

t>u region,

by a sudden thaw; the mountain peaks are usually pyramidal in

shape. The mountainsides at the lower ends of the valleys, in contrast
to those at the upper ends overhanging the glaciers, tend to be less
steep, and therefore grassy, thus providing pasture for the Sherpas'
herds of cattle and yak.
Together with the mountains overhanging them, glaciers are
the outstanding feature of the K h u m b u region. The largest vary in
length from 5 to 19 k m , three of which are as long as 16-19 k m .
In length they are comparable with those of the Alps. But it must
be borne in mind that just as the average altitude of the mountains
in the region is considerable, so is that of the climatic snow-line,
which varies from 5,000 to 6,000 m , despite heavy rainfall during
the summer monsoon. Furthermore, there are few natural basins in
the area to catch melting snow, so that the glaciers are fed mainly
by avalanches, both large and small, sliding d o w n the steep mountainsides. The tongues of the glaciers are furrowed with crevasses and
strewn with moraine debris. S o m e of the smaller side-valleys are
blocked with moraine deposits carried d o w n by the glaciers, thus
forming embankments and, consequently, lakes.
There are few woods and forests in K h u m b u , though the treeline extends to as high as 4,000 m . Apart from there being little soil
below the 4,000-m line, the Sherpas, too, have played their part in
cutting d o w n trees to provide grazing grounds for their herds. W o o d s
in lower K h u m b u consist mainly offirsand rhododendrons, while
in those of upper K h u m b u birch and juniper predominate. At higher
altitudes, where no snow or ice, moraine deposits, bare rock or
rock falls exist, the lower slopes of the valleys tend to be grassy.
The quality and quantity of the grass depend on whether the side of
the valley is more often exposed to the sun or lies in the shade. If
the side of the valley is exposed to the sun, the growth of grass is
more abundant and the soil more humid. Curing the summer months
the Sherpas put out their herds to graze on these pastures which
extend to as high as 5,500 m .
The Sherpas practise high-altitude economy. At the end of
winter they leave their villages, to which they return in the autumn,
and lead their herds not only to the high pastures, but to the low
hills and slopes as well. Their livestock includes yak and sheep. The
former provide milk, meat, hides, hair for blankets and coarse cloth,
and even fuel; in addition to ploughing, they are used as packanimals and for riding. The Sherpas are also farmers, though the
land they can cultivate is exceedingly scarce on account of the geographical and geological nature of the country; the small plots of
land they succeed in cultivating are indeed scattered oases. Furthermore, the crops that can be grown at such high altitudes must of

necessity be meagre; above the 3,500-m line only potatoes and

buckwheat are planted. Winters are long and cold in K h u m b u with
moderate snowfalls. D a m p mists swirl up the valleys; during the
summer monsoon they envelop villages andfieldsfor days on end.
Whereas in the outer ranges thefieldsof the Sherpas lie on terraced
slopes, in K h u m b u , small plots of cultivated land are enclosed with
low stone walls.
The main villages in the wide valleys of K h u m b u 1 are built on
alluvial cones, on old moraine deposits, the beds of small silted-up
lakes, and on ledges on the lower mountain slopes. They tend to be
uniform in layout, though the dwelling-houses are scattered, isolated
or grouped together in short rows in the midst of land under cultivation. A gompa, (temple), usually stands in the centre of the village.
Subsidiary settlements used during the s u m m e r months, when the
herds are put out to graze, are similar in layout. O n the other hand, in
bigger villages where trade is carried out, as well as in religious centres
with monasteries, the houses are built dose together. Pangpoche,
the highest village inhabited all the year round, lies at an altitude of
nearly 4,000 m . Subsidiary settlements in the lower pastures, c o m prising groups of houses or scattered huts similar to those of herdsmen
in the Alps, are to be found as high as 4,750 m .
In northern Nepal, communications with Tibet by means of
paths are easier than with southern Nepal on account of the gorges
that have to be travelled through or by-passed. The same holds good
for K h u m b u , despite the high altitudes of the passes into Tibet
obstructed by perennial snows, the highest of which is the Nangpa
La standing at the head of a long glacier 5,716 m above sea-level.

The Sherpas of Khumbu

Since 1951, when systematic exploration of K h u m b u was first undertaken, m u c h has been written about the region. A m o n g writers of
note are Hagen, Frer-Haimendorf and Haffner, w h o have above all
dealt with the ethnographic, anthropological and geographical
aspects of the valleys of K h u m b u . Their writings are essential to an
understanding of the social and economic structure and customs of
the Sherpas w h o inhabit them, as well as their daily lives and religious
beliefs.
It is n o w generally agreed that the n a m e 'Sherpa' is derived
from the Tibetan shar-pa, which means 'people from the east' (shar,
1. These villages are Namche Bazar, Khumjung, K h u m d e , Phortse, Pangpoche
and Thami.

'east, pa, 'people'), to indicate their origin from eastern Tibet. 1

T h e n a m e 'Sherpa' is also used to indicate other peoples inhabiting
valleys a n d mountain slopes bordering o n K h u m b u such as Solu,
Pharak and the high Rolwaling valley, as well as regions farther
west, namely the upper reaches of the S u n Kosi river in Y e l m u , the
A r u n gorge and the southern slopes of the Himalayas. Sharing a
c o m m o n origin, the Sherpas of these regions have maintained
traditions a n d customs that distinguish t h e m from the Bhotias, the
other people of M o n g o l o i d stock inhabiting the higher H i m a l a y a n
valleys of Nepal, to the extent that a separate n a m e to identify t h e m
is justified.
A m o n g the Sherpas inhabiting these regions, those of K h u m b u
are the most representative. A s Fiirer-Haimendorf writes :
Although the population of K h u m b u represents only a fraction of the total
number of Sherpas, it is a group of vital importance for the understanding
of the characteristic features of the Sherpa w a y of life. For in the high
valleys of K h u m b u , remote from the influence of peoples inhabiting the
middle ranges of Nepal, Sherpa society and culture has developed on its
o w n lines : adaptation to an inclement habitat has led to intensive specialization in such economic activities as yak-breeding and trade with Tibet.2
Trade with Tibet, before the frontier w a s closed, provided the
Sherpas of K h u m b u with an assured livelihood. Concerning the
former trade with Tibet, Toni H a g e n writes:

1. O n the origin of the name 'Sherpa' C . von Fiirer-Haimendorf comments as

follows: 'The name Sherpa is said to be derived from the Tibetan shar-pa,
which means "easterner", but it is not clear in what manner this term came
to be associated with the particular group now known as Sherpa. From the
Tibetan point of view Sherpas are southerners rather than easterners, and
even within a purely Nepalese setting there is no real justification for the
term, as Bhotias {a term by which peoples of Mongoloid stock originating from
Tibet in the north are generally known) not described as Sherpas dwell to the
east as well as to the west of the Sherpa country. But whether justified or not,
the term has come to stay and is used by the Sherpas to distinguish themselves from other Bhotia groups.' ('The Sherpas of the K h u m b u Region',
Mount Everest : Formation, Population and Exploration of the Everest Region,
p. 124, London, Oxford University Press, 1963.)
Research carried out by M . Oppitz into the origin of the name 'Sherpa'
based on both Tibetan and Nepalese documents and Sherpa oral tradition, is
of particular significance. The Sherpas' place of origin could well account for
their being called the 'people from the East', since they emigrated to the
K h u m b u region between thefifteenthand sixteenth centuries A . D . through
the Nangpa La (5,716 m ) from the district of Salmo Gang in the province of
K h a m in eastern Tibet. ('Geschichte und Sozialordnung der Sherpa', Khumbu
Himal, Vol. VIII, Innsbruck/Munich, Universittsverlag Wagner, 1968.)
2. Frer-Haimendorf, op. cit., p. 126.

Of course the Sherpas had no goods of their o w n besides their cattle and
dairy produce with which to carry on trade. They were thereforefirstand
foremost middlemen, w h o traded in various products with Tibet, the
Nepal Midlands and India. From Tibet they imported principally salt,
which is not found in Nepal. Another important commodity was wool.
They exported, besides their o w n cattle and butter, above all rice, paper,
sugar, dyestuffs and kerosene. In former days, iron extracted in the Nepalese
mines at Those was also of importance; but for some time n o w the Sherpas'
once-profitable iron trade with Tibet has been at a complete standstill. The
reason for this is probably that the newly-opened route to Tibet via Kalimpong is considerably more convenient. Moreover, the salt trade with the
southern Midlands had already begun to fall off a long time before the
Tibetan frontier was closed, for since the improvement of the roads from the
south Indian salt has become cheaper.1
H o w e v e r , the Sherpas were soon to find another m e a n s of livelihood,
of greater importance perhaps than trade with Tibet, at a time w h e n
it had already begun to flag. O n c e the Himalayas of Nepal had been
opened u p to mountaineers, explorers and tourists, it w a s not long
before the Sherpas
proved themselves skilled porters in high mountains for the numerous
expeditions ever since the twenties. The former Himalaya Club in Darjeeling
set up an exemplary system of recruiting and registering the Sherpas, which
has been of invaluable service to mountaineers from all over the world.
Each Sherpa is given an official 'service book' in which all his achievements
and qualifications are entered with incorruptible objectivity, and m a n y of
these Sherpa books are today documents that bear eloquent witness to the
history of the opening up of the Himalayas. 2
It must be pointed out that this n e w m e a n s of livelihood, which
employs m a n y young Sherpas of both sexes, has proved successful
not only o n account of their natural resistance to fatigue, but also
because of their ability to live and w o r k at high altitudes without undue
effort. T o this must be added their cheerful nature enhanced by
innate qualities of goodness and willingness to d o almost anything
asked of them, m o r e of which will be said later. Sherpas working
as porters for mountaineering and trekking expeditions, ever o n the
increase, are recruited through several agencies in K a t m a n d u .
T h e layout of Sherpa villages and the kind of farming and breeding they engage in are conditioned by climate and environment. A s
regards the latter activity, the Sherpas cross-breed yak with Nepalese
cattle, as well as keeping flocks of sheep and goats. A s pastures are
scarce, they are forced to m o v e with their flocks and herds for most
of the s u m m e r months. During this seasonal n o m a d i s m , the herdsmen
1. T. Hagen, Nepal, p. 92, Bern, Kmmerly & Frey, 1971.
2. Hagen, op. cit., p. 89.

live in subsidiary settlements situated as high as 5,000 m , k n o w n as

yersa orphu; they stay in each of these settlements for only a few days.
Sherpa herdsmen also m o v e to another kind of subsidiary
settlement k n o w n as gunsa situated at lower altitudes below the
main villages. Here, in addition to there being richer pastures for
their herds, when the m e a d o w s round the main villages are closed to
all livestock to allow for recuperation, there are more opportunities
for planting potatoes which are lifted earlier than in thefieldsnear
the main villages.
A prominent feature of the Sherpa way of life concerns bureaucratic and administrative matters. The fact that State and district
administration affects the K h u m b u region only in part has led to
the villagers' organizing their daily life with a m i n i m u m of external
interference, and, consequently, to their appointing their o w n officials
from a m o n g themselves to administer their affairs and settle disputes.
Such a high degree of self-government is also found in Sherpa family
life, which is independent and self-sufficient without in any w a y
undermining the c o m m u n a l solidarity characteristic of Sherpa
villages.
Another prominent feature of the Sherpa way of life in K h u m b u
is the Sherpas' attitude towards religion, embodied in their profound
Lamaist beliefs, which is at once evident to anyone travelling through
the high valleys of the region. That religion plays a vital part in the
Sherpas' daily lives is reflected in the chorten, mani-walls and prayerflags fluttering on their houses. The mantras and other sacred
Buddhist inscriptions on the stones of the mani- or prayer-walls
impress on the traveller the fact that religion with the Sherpas is not
only deeply felt, but above all is to be lived with and practised in the
privacy of their domestic temples and in their dealings with their
fellows. Such an innate religious attitude is in character with the
serene, kindly nature of the Sherpas, w h o are humble and tolerant
of h u m a n failings.
Close contact in the near past with Tibetan Buddhism has
given rise to numerous temples and monasteries in K h u m b u , which
are the focal point of Sherpa religion; centres in which the eternal
spiritual principles underlying the phenomena of material existence
are ever kept alight.

19

Architecture in
Khumbu

General characteristics
The influence of Buddhist culture, above all from the Nepal midlands
and Tibet, reached the remote high valleys of the Himalayas in successive stages, having lost some of the initial intensity accompanying
its creation in an earlier age. If, on the one hand, the remoteness of
the high valleys, resulting from hazardous communications in inclement surroundings, has slowed d o w n the spreading of Buddhist
culture, and therefore any further progress in architecture and other
works, o n the other, it has tended to maintain intact ancestral
traditions. So m u c h so that the high valleys are veritable islands of
culture in which living artistic forms are condensed and preserved,
whereas elsewhere they are on the wane, or already belong to the past.
The tide of Buddhist culture reached K h u m b u in recent years
embodied in Lamaist philosophical thought from Tibet across the
border to the north, where it had its beginnings m a n y centuries earlier.
But that does not m e a n that architecture and other works created
under the influence of Buddhist culture have lost any of their original
integrityas opposed to intensityof thought and expression. O n
the contrary, such innate integrity in Sherpa architecture is not so
m u c h a matter of age or chronology, whereby its origins m a y be
traced, as of unchanged principles on which it is based.1
1. Religious architecture in K h u m b u is fairly recent despite the Sherpas' having
settled in the region at a m u c h earlier date. According to Oppitz, Sherpa
immigration into K h u m b u took place in four successive stages: the protoclans arrived between 1530 and 1600, followed by the newer clans between
1750 and 1850, the pseudo-clans between 1800 and 1850, and,finally,the
K h a m b a s after 1850.
T h efirstgompa was built at Pangpoche about 1860, a second at Thami
about 1870, and those at Khumjung and N a m c h e Bazar early in the present
century. T h e most important gompa in K h u m b u is at Tengpoche; built in
1921-1922, it was destroyed by an earthquake in 1933, and rebuilt shortly

In addition to Buddhism, the remoteness, ruggedness and overwhelming grandeur of the K h u m b u region are also important factors
that have left their mark on the culture and traditions of the Sherpas,
w h o over the years have adjusted themselves to an inhospitable
environment and learnt to live in balanced harmony with it.
Although religious architecture in K h u m b u i n particular, the
gompa or monastery,1 and the stupa-like chortenis not so imposing
and magnificent as that in neighbouring Tibet, above all in Lhasa, it
nevertheless repeats by and large the same forms and dimensions,
though with a definite style all its o w n .
Architecture in K h u m b u differs considerably from that in the
valleys of central Nepal, K a t m a n d u in particular, populated in the
main by Newars. A s regards the high valleys in northern Nepal
south of the Himalayas, this difference is all the more marked, even
though the various peoples inhabiting them are of Tibetan stock
with the same culture and traditions. A m o n g these peoples are the
Thakalis2 and other Sherpas w h o , settling in areas farther south,
have in due course been absorbed by the local population and lost
m a n y of their former customs and traditions. Other factors leading
to their gradually becoming readjusted and absorbed are climate and
environment.
In the valleys of K h u m b u , architecture, too, has been influenced
by climate and environment. The roofs of houses, for instance, are
different from those in Tibet. Whereas in Tibet roofs areflaton account
of light rainfall, in K h u m b u , as in other regions of central and southern
afterwards to the same plan, though with one or two modifications in the porch
before the entrance. (See M . Fantin, Sherpa, Himalaya, Nepal, Bologna (Italy),
Tamari Editore, 1971.)
1. In Tibet, Ladakh and other regions where Lamaist culture prevails, the term
'gompa' refers to a monastery, which m a y contain one or more lha-khang,
(temple(s)). In K h u m b u the word 'gompa* is used indiscriminately for a m o n astery, temple or chapel. Generally, a single lama resident in the village performs
seasonal and domestic ritual, as well as attending to the spiritual welfare of
the villagers. The monastery at Tengpoche and the nunnery at Devuche,
where the communities of m o n k s and nuns live in houses standing round the
temples, are quite exceptional.
Concerning the spelling of gompa, Fosco Maraini, reviewing Lhotse '75
in the Bollettino-Notiziario of the Alpine Club of Italy (Florence Branch),
Nos. 2-3, 1977, writes thus: 'Gompa, in Europe and America, is written in a
variety of ways: gonpa, gnpa, gomba, gonda. Such variety is due to travellers'
having transcribed different local pronunciations. W h e n written, gompa is
spelt gon-pa, and therefore should be pronounced gmpa or gompa.'
2. The layout of villages and grouping of houses in Thakali and the region north
of Mustang are similar to those in Tibet. Houses, in fact, are built close together
round an inner courtyard on to which the rooms open : the centring of rooms
round the courtyards has an important psychological effect in that it unites
the various members of the family.

Nepal where rainfall is heavy, they are of the ridge or sloping type.
O n the other hand, roofs of houses in K h u m b u , though differing
from those in Tibet, resemble more closely those of houses across
the border in Bhutan, 1 south-east of the Himalayas. Roofs of houses
in Punakha D z o n g and Tsongsa Dzong, for instance, in addition to
affording ample shelter from heavy rainfall, are of interest, architecturally, both as regards style and the way they are built.
In order to better understand the architecture of K h u m b u , one
must look to the Sherpas that inhabit the region and consider their
great inner strength sustained by profound religious beliefs. Only
then will it be clear h o w they have succeeded in adjusting themselves
to the rugged country of K h u m b u and, by dint of sheer back-breaking
toil, built villages on the beds of old lakes in broader valleys or on
sizeable ledges between mountainside and river gorge.
Throughout K h u m b u , Sherpa villages are the inevitable result of
a conscious, co-ordinated choice of the sites on which they are built,
as well as of a deep respect for tradition and religious principles. A n
important feature of the villages, which does not strike the onlooker
at first sight, but which gradually emerges on further analysis, is
the invisible though definite link existing between the scattered groups
of houses. Here again the origin of the link is to be found in the
Sherpas' c o m m o n religious tradition; the link is so strongly forged
that it has given rise to social integration and firm spiritual unity,
which not only causes day-to-day village life to be lived to the full,
but also enables the villagers to endure the rigours of an exceptionally
harsh environment.
E m b e d d e d in the precepts of Tibetan Lamaist tradition and
civilization, the Sherpa villages of K h u m b u , despite recent social and
political upheavals, are still in the main unspoilt, though the danger
of their being spoilt by so-called innovation in the future is ever
present.

The Sherpa house

Architecturally, the style of Sherpa houses in the villages of K h u m b u
is more or less of three types, one of which is the prototype on which
the remaining two are based.
All three types of Sherpa house are elongated in shape, twostoreyed, with a ridge roof; the ground floor is partly built into the
1. A notable feature of monasteries in Bhutan is the variety of functions they
fulfil. O n occasion they become administrative centres, farms and even military
strongholds. It thus follows that they are solidly built and resemble fortresses.
W i n d o w s , roofs and carved w o o d w o r k are elaborately decorated in bright
colours which heighten and complete the overall architectural effect.

slope of the hill or mountain behind it. T h e simplest type, naturally

less socially evolved, consisting of a single block, is also the pattern
most used by Sherpas w h e n building their houses. Storage space and
a byre for cattle in cold weather are on the ground floor, while on the
upper floor is the living-room where the domestic and social life of
the family takes place.
A s regards the remaining two types of Sherpa house, two or
more blocks, conspicuous from the outside, are added to the single
block, thus elongating still further the basic linear pattern, or
else causing it to be jointed so as to form an L-shape. T h e upper
floor of the larger, modified pattern of house is used as a private
place of worship.
The jointed, L-shaped pattern of house is not found in all
villages. Exceptions to the rule are N a m c h e Bazar and K h u m j u n g .
Detailed examination of L-shaped houses reveals their having been
built earlier than the remaining two patterns, on account of the
condition and colour of the w o o d e n fixtures, which tend to be
considerably worn as a result of weathering, while the walls are
cracked owing to ground subsidence, and, like the wooden fixtures,
are worn by the weather. T o these must be added other factors
concerning form, style and building methods not found in houses
built more recently.
A s a rule, houses in the villages of K h u m b u stand singly or in
small groups, though at N a m c h e Bazar (Plate 1) they are built close
together on the slopes of a natural amphitheatre, and therefore in
a semicircle. In front of each house is a small open space or yard
(Plate 2) where rice, buckwheat and millet are spread to dry in the
sun. Here, too, weather permitting, newly harvested crops are sorted
and graded prior to storage, and firewood is piled up for the winter
months.
It is usual for all houses in a village to be built with the doors
and windows facing in the same direction, that is, south-east, in
order to be better exposed to the warmth of the sun. There are no
doors, windows or other openings in the backs of the houses, partly
because they are built into the slopes, and partly because they do
not face the sun.
The principle underlying the construction of Sherpa houses is
indeed remarkable. Atfirstsight they appear to be of simple, c o m m o n place build, whereas, on closer examination, various interesting
factors emerge concerning form, colour, building methods and the
purpose for which they are built. These houses, in fact, are solidly
built, with an outer protective wall enclosing an inner wooden frame,
the former separate from the latter.
A s for style, a prominent feature of Sherpa architecture is the

23

Plate 1
N a m c h e Bazar with
its chorten in the
foreground.

large windows (Plate 3) in the fronts of the houses facing the valleys ;
like the adjacent doors, they are m a d e of w o o d , and arefinelycarved
in keeping with honoured tradition. The geometrical designs carved
in the w o o d , though of exquisite workmanship and undoubtedly
enriching it, are occasionally over-decorative in detail. The vivid
colours in which the windows are painted lend a touch of brightness
to, and so offset, the sombre tones of the walls surrounding them.
Thus, architecturally, the vividly painted windows are of prime
importance as they greatly heighten the overall effect.
A s mentioned above, Sherpa houses are two-storeyed. O n the
ground floor, one or two rooms provide a byre for live-stock, while
others are used for storing fodder, firewood and farm implements.
A flight of wooden stairs, usually in the byre, leads to the upper
floor. A short passageway facing the stairs in turn leads to the large

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24
living-room.1 The same short passageway often gives on to a partly
roofed terrace (Plate 4) where the lavatory is housed in a small shed.
T h e choice and arrangement of furnishings in the living-room
are such as to afford the greatest possible comfort to the family
using it. The focal point is the open hearth for cooking and heating,
round which the various members of the family forgather. T h e seat
of the house-owner is beside the open hearth, and next to him is
the seat of honour: here, as elsewhere in Nepal, guests are held in
high esteem. Business, too, is transacted round the hearth as there
1. Variations in the customary pattern of Sherpa architecture are to be found
in a number of houses recently built or altered in N a m c h e Bazar. While the
living-room is in n o way modified, it is entered through a separate passageway
leading off to other rooms, generally bedrooms for travellers, traders and other
guests.

Plate 2
A dwelling-house
at T h a m i .

25

Plate 3
Window-frames with
geometrical patterns
in Sherpa dwellinghouses.

are no public buildings for this purpose in Sherpa villages. T h e

function of the hearth in gathering together the Sherpa family,
their relatives, friends and guests is all the more important during
the monsoon, when d a m p penetrates every corner of the house and
only heat from the open fire can counteract the general feeling of
discomfort.
O n festive occasions the living-room becomes a dance hall.
Relatives, friends and guests of the family, when not dancing, sit
on a broad bench running under the windows to the open hearth
behind a long, low table. Both bench and table are low in keeping
with Eastern tradition and religious principles whereby the greater
part of family and social life takes place at floor level. Family life
at floor level accounts for the careful choice of w o o d for the floorboards and the widespread use of carpets. At night members of the

26
family and their guests sleep on soft carpets and brightly coloured
blankets spread on the bench and floor.
O n the opposite side of the living-room, between the hearth
and the staircase, is a kind of alcove containing the bedstead of the
house-owner's wife, w h o sleeps o n it with the younger children. O n
shelves by the hearth stand the family's cooking-pots, teapots, crockery, butter churn, a wooden jug or cask filled with chang, and,
abreast of modern times, a pressure-cooker. All food is cooked on
the open hearth. The high open hearth is m a d e of slabs of stone. A s
there is no chimney, smoke from thefireescapes through an opening
in the roof. Strips of yak meat are smoked o n wooden slats suspended from the roof above the hearth.
T o complete the furnishings of the living-room, the wall opposite
the windows is lined with long, dark wooden shelves. O n these stand
rows of shining brass and copper vessels for holding water, as well
as wooden bottles and other ornamentsfinelycarved in unmistakable Plate 4
Tibetan style. Beside, and in sharp contrast to them are shiny plastic P a r t o f th f l o 8S' a
knick-knacks and the inevitable thermosflaskm a d e in China, which, N J ^ . , " ! 5
at Namche Bazar.
as with the pressure-cooker, has already found its way into Sherpa
homes.
The wall opposite the shelves of brass and copper vessels is
well lit on account of the two or three windows let into it; the play
of light and shadow on the wall between the windows is seen to
better advantage from the middle of the room.
In addition to a dance hall, the living-room of a Sherpa house
is used as a private place of worship. In a house without a small
gompa containing plaster or wooden figures of tutelary saints and
deities of the Buddhist pantheon, propitiatory rites are performed
in the living-room to protect the house and its occupants against
the forces of evil and to invoke prosperity and well-being. O n such
occasions, a m o n k assisted by a disciple take their seats on the long
bench under the windows, o n which the house-owner's wife has
spread soft carpets, and begin to say prayers and read sacred texts.
During the performance of the propitiatory rites, both the m o n k and his
disciple are shown numerous little attentions by the house-owner and
his wife w h o serves them Tibetan tea in silver cups. Meanwhile other
m o n k s go u p o n to the roof and terraces where they give blessings
and hang out coloured prayer-flags on long b a m b o o canes. Thus a
Tibetan tradition of venerable standing is perpetuated whereby the
house is protected against evil by the powers of light. The combined
living-room and private chapel is indicative of family unity and religious beliefs alike, which are further reflected in the mentality and
daily life of the villagers.
Well-to-do Sherpa families have a small private temple in their

27
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28

Fig. 2
Dwelling-house at Phortse. The ground floor of the house at Phortse has
a r o o m at the far end of the upperfloorwhich is used as a private place of
worship. Similar though smaller than the lha-khang in a gompa, the main wall
of the private temple is lined with shrines containing tutelary deities of the
Buddhist pantheon, and shelves holding sacred texts and other liturgical vessels.
The remaining walls are panelled and decorated with geometrical patterns.
The double wooden ceiling, too, is decorated with geometrical patterns in the
shape of squares in which are inscribed circles representing the mndala.
Viewed from the outside the conspicuous features are the particular shape
of the roof and the large window which illuminates the shrines containing
the deities.
The living-room of the house at Phortse is bigger than in some houses
and betterfinished.It is lit by three windows and has a store-room at the
head of the stairs.

houses where all rites and services are performed in accordance

with the Tibetan calendar (Fig. 2). The temple is usually a square room
with a large window and panelled walls decorated with vividly coloured
religious paintings. The ceiling is divided into squares in which are
inscribed circles representing various types of mndala. Opposite the
window stands the altar with tutelary deities of the Buddhist pantheon.
O n either side of the altar are shelves holding a small collection of
sacred books printed on rough paper from wooden blocks and other
liturgical vessels, such as cups for water and offerings, and butter
lamps; a number of tankha or thang-ka (painted scrolls), hang from
the ceiling.
M a n y differences in constructionfor example, layoutemerge
from a comparison between Sherpa and Tibetan houses. T h e layout
of Tibetan villages, too, is quite different from that of their Sherpa
counterparts. Houses in a Tibetan village are built closely together
with windows facing an inner courtyard and small streets in between.
Tibetan houses to be built round a courtyard, on to which open the
in the high Kali Gandaki valley from Lete onwards, and also in
Mustang.
A s in K h u m b u , the layout of Tibetan villages and houses has
been shaped by climate and environment. T o a certain extent Tibetan
domestic life takes place on the roofs of houses which areflaton
account of low rainfall. Severe cold and icy winds have caused
Tibetan houses to be built round a courtyard, on to which open the
windows; even in spells of very cold weather, sunshine is trapped in
the courtyard, thus affording a little heat which is reflected into the
house through the windows.
Tibetan houses m a y consist of several rooms on one or more
floors; the combined kitchen and living-room, k n o w n as chakang or
thapang, together with the hearth, is the focal point of family life.
A s in the Sherpa houses of K h u m b u , it brings together and unites
the various members of the family. T h e kitchen leads to the other
rooms of the house, usually bedrooms, which are occasionally used
as store-rooms, as well as the main store-room, in which the family's
more valuable property is kept, and the private temple or place of
worship. T h e temple is often situated on the flat roof, in keeping
with religious principles whereby the rooms used for daily domestic
life are built in successive, ascending grades and culminate in the
temple on the roof.

31

Religious architecture
in K h u m b u

Origin, form and

symbolism of the stupa
In order to understand the symbolical and religious significance of
the stupa-like chorten of K h u m b u , the origin and early developments
of the Indian stupa, dating back to the beginnings of Buddhism,
must be traced.
Over the years following the founding of Buddhism by Gautama,
the All-Enlightened O n e , in northern India in thefifthcentury B . C . ,
the building of stupasreliquary m o u n d s usually d o m e d or shaped
like a beehivecame to be associated with places considered sacred
by the great majority of converts to the new religion and later visited
by pilgrims.
A m o n g converts to Buddhism the Emperor Asoka of the Maurya
dynasty,1 which thrived in India from the fourth to the second centuries B . C . , is worthy of note. A s Asoka intended Buddhism to
spread throughout his vast kingdom and become its official religion,
he c o m m a n d e d that religious monuments be built in large numbers.
The earliest monuments built by Asoka were stone pillars with
capitals in the form of a stylized lotus similar to those at Persepolis.
A high, circular stone railing or screen was placed round the pillar
to separate it from the outside world; in the intervening space the
rite of circumambulation was performed.2
The significance of these early monuments cannot be overlooked
as, from the standpoint of architecture, they m a y represent an intermediate stage between a mndala, or cosmic circle, and the stupa

1. For a historical account of Buddhism during the Maurya dynasty, see C . Eliot,
Hinduism and Buddhism, N e w York, Barnes & Noble, 1971 (first published 1921).
2. For the symbolic significance of the pillars, see: Nelson I. W u , Chinese and
Indian Architecture, N e w York, George Braziller, 1963.

32
proper1 (Fig. 3). F r o m the stand-point of religion, the stone pillar
is the very core of Buddhism: the central, vertical axis is the spiritual
heart of divine law as represented by Buddhism, from which springs
the material body of Buddhism, and, in turn, the unpersonified
rupa or image of the B u d d h a himself. Again from the standpoint
of architecture, the placing of the circular railing or screen round the
stone pillar to separate it from the outer material world, though of
religious significance, suffices to give both pillar and railing strictly
architectural value by creating a definite space between the two.
Further analysis of the significance of the stone pillar and
surrounding railing reveals a spatial triad: the non-existence of inner
1. The significance of the mndala is dealt with succinctly by Madanjeet Singh
in Himalayan An, London, Macmillan, 1968; and at length by G . Tucci in
Teora e Pratica del Mndala, R o m e , 1969.

space in the solid stone pillar; an intervening space between the foot
of the pillar and the railing; and the space beyond the railing. All
later architectural developments of the stupa are based on this spatial
triad.
F e w traces of early reliquary m o u n d s built over the sacred
relics of the Lord Buddha, or else in his m e m o r y , are to be found
today. The reason for this is that the material used to build them was
either clay or w o o d . O n the other hand, early monuments built of
stone have survived the passage of time. Architecturally, Buddhist
monuments of this kind are of great importance, for it is from them
that the stupa as w e k n o w it today eventually developed. Unfortunately, of the large number of stupas erected by the Emperor
Asoka very few still stand; a few of these were later incorporated
into bigger stupas built in successive stages.
Early monuments such as these consisted of a large, solid
hemisphere or d o m e , inside which four or so intersecting, supporting
stone walls were built to offset the thrust caused by the earth used
tofillthe d o m e . A s a rule, the inner supporting walls were arranged
so as to form a square within a circle, the ends of the walls coinciding
with the four cardinal points; the resultant invisible pattern resembled
a mndala or cosmic circle.
A stone cube, or kiosk, k n o w n as harmika, was placed on top
of the d o m e in line with the central vertical axis. A circular balustrade
was in turn built on the cube, from the centre of which rose a shaft
supporting a number of rings or 'umbrellas',1 that is, a stylized
version of canopied umbrellas used to provide cover for royalty or
other important personages; the rings or 'umbrellas' were later considerably modified. A high stone railing or screen w a s built round
the foot of the d o m e to separate it from the outside; the rite of
circumambulation w a s performed in the intervening space. Four
monumental gateways, k n o w n as torana, representing the four
cardinal points were built in the circular railing.2
These early reliquary m o u n d s or stupas were greatly transformed
over the centuries that followed, mainly as a result of the evolution
and spread of Buddhism throughout East AsiaChina, Tibet,
Nepal, Sri Lanka, Japan and Korea in particular, which more than
other Asiatic countries came directly under the influence of Indian
culture. Stupas in Tibet were strongly influenced by those built in
Nepal. A s with the early stupas erected over the relics of Buddha,
1. Concerning the symbolism of the canopied 'umbrellas', cf. A . Volwahsen,
Indian Architecture, Fribourg, Office du Livre, 1968.
2. A description of the torana in the stupa at Sanchi is given by H . Goetz in
India, p. 54, Milan, II Saggiatore, 1959.

34
or in his m e m o r y , the later stupas were built as monuments to
commemorate the dead or to hold relics.
The most representative of Indian stupas built to the above
plan is the great one erected at Sanchi over an earlier m o n u m e n t
dating from the second century B . C . (Fig. 4). T h e stupa stands on a
hill overlooking the surrounding plain, and can be seen from a
considerable distance: the magnificence and majesty of the Lord
Buddha and the religion he spread are expressed in its massive dimensions. Aligned with the four cardinal points, it is built in accordance
with the principles of Buddhist cosmology, as, for example, the
basic symbols of circle and sphere. Fortunately, the stupa was not
destroyed during the M o g u l invasion of India in the sixteenth century
A . D . as the Buddhist m o n k s had already abandoned it three centuries
earlier. Buried in dense jungle undergrowth, it was eventually discovFig. 4
The Indian stupa
at Sanchi.

35

The Buddhist stupa

at Borobudur.

ered by General Taylor in 1818. The ruined stupa was partly restored
at the turn of the present century, though with little respect for
traditional Buddhist architectural style.
Another Buddhist stupa worthy of note is the one at Borobudur,
in the island of Java, built a thousand years later (Fig. 5). Compared
with the stupa at Sanchi, from an architectural standpoint it is
considerably more evolved. It stands on a low hill in a wide valley;
its contours repeat those of the chain of mountains in the background.
The mass of the stupa is built on a polygonal base aligned with the
four cardinal points. F r o m the latter rise fourflightsof steps leading
up to a wide terrace, on which stand five high, polygonal steps surmounted by three circular steps. A succession of seventy-two small
stupas built o n the circular steps winds its w a y round the central
d o m e which symbolizes the 'supreme truth'. Between each of the

five polygonal steps are interminable galleries of bas-reliefs representing Jataka (or birth-) stories said to illustrate the Laiita Vistara, a
celebrated biography of the Lord Buddha by Dharmarakcha. Carved
with marked realism, the ascending succession of bas-reliefs personifies
the Buddhist concept of 'plurality that perishes' before 'eternal unity'
and the 'supreme truth'.
Mention of the stupa at Borobudur is incomplete without
reference to the gigantic chorten or kumbum (literally, 'the hundred
thousand images'), at Gyantse, in Tibet.1 T h e final effect of the
realistically carved reliefs of the former and the vivid colouring of
the paintings inside the seventy-three chapels of the latter is similar
in that both blend with the spatial dimensions and architectural
style of the monuments they adorn.
Mention must also be m a d e here of the stupa at Bodhnath,
the centre of Tantric Buddhism in Nepal (Figs. 6 and 7). The ground
plan of the stupa is clearly inspired by a mndala. Three flights of
high, wide step-like terraces form the base of the big anda (literally
'egg') or circular d o m e . O n the d o m e stands a dado supporting the
stupa tower which tapers up to the circular top crown in a succession
of low, square step-like 'umbrellas'. The monumental effect of the
stupa is enhanced by the alternation of squares and circles ascending
from the base to the crown round the central vertical axis. The overall
effect is in turn enhanced by the simple houses of the pilgrim m o n k s
clustered in sharp contrast round the stupa.
A s with the succession of seventy-two small stupas winding
round the central d o m e of the Borobudur stupa, the alternating
squares and circles at Bodhnath are suggestive of a rotatory cosmic
movement round a central vertical axis or centre of far-reaching
symbolical and religious significance. Four small stupas stand at the
corners of thefirststep-like terrace, whileflightsof steps aligned with
the four cardinal points lead u p to the main d o m e . T h e four cardinal
points together with the vertical axis of the tower cause the m o n u m e n t
to be projected in five directions.
A s explained above, the ground plan of the stupa is circular
round a central vertical axis. It is thus not only visible from all
directions, but also sheds its religious message in all directions. In
other words, the stupa, as has been written, is 'all-seeing and is
projected in all directions at the same time'.2
A similar spatial concept, two-dimensional as opposed to threedimensional, is to be found in the Buddhist mndala. Assuming the
pattern of the mndala, though two-dimensional, to be a three1. For an exhaustive study of the kumbum at Gyantse, see G . Tucci, Indo-Tibetica,
Vol. IV, p. 168-300, R o m e , Reale Accademia d'ltalia, 1941.
2. The symbolism of the stupa is dealt with at length by Nelson I. W u , op. cit.

37

Figs. 6 and 7
The stupa at
Bodhnath.

dimensional projection seen from above, the figures represented in

it appear to be reversed, facing the onlooker, as it were. This reversed
effect coincides with the belief that Buddha always faces his followers
wherever they m a y be. That is to say, he faces them in all directions,
and therefore can be seen by them from all directions. This same
effect is found in the architecture of all those religions which have
as their keynote the circular ground plan.
A further aspect of the stupa is that it symbolizes 'the knowledge
of G o d , the abode of G o d , and the body of G o d ' . 1 It is also indicative
of m a n w h o succeeds in transmuting matter into the likeness of G o d .
It m a y therefore be assumed that the architectural and religious basis
of the stupa is vastu purusha mndala, that is, 'place' (vastu), 'essence'
(purusha) and 'form' (mndala), bearing in mind that the basic
geometrical pattern is always that of the circle in a square.

The chorten in Tibet

After its introduction into Tibet, the shape and dimensions of the
Indian stupa were somewhat transformed, as was the n a m e by which
it was later k n o w n , that is, mChhod-rten, pronounced 'chorten'
(literally, 'a receptacle of offerings'). Despite this transformation,
the symbolism of the Tibetan chorten is still that of the Indian stupa.
Just h o w the transformation came about is open to conjecture;
suffice it to say that the Tibetan chorten has retained the spiritual
and religious, as well as the symbolical, significance of the Indian
stupa, as proof of its having originated in the latter. In fact, it is
certain that modified versions of the Indian stupa were built in G a n d hara, bordering on India in the north-west, as early as 100 A . D . , and
successively in Kashmir to the east, andfinallyin Tibet.
That the Tibetan chorten originated in the Indian stupa is borne
out by comparison with the stupas at Sanchi, in India, and at Bodhnath and Carumati in Nepal, though the transformed shape and
dimensions characteristic of the former, in contrast to the latter,
are evident. The Tibetan chorten is less ponderous, and more slender
and elegant than its Indian counterpart, especially as regards the
anda or d o m e . In the Indian stupa the d o m e raised on a square base
is spherical in shape, whereas in the Tibetan chorten it is oval and more
elongated on account of its reduced diameter. The lighter, oval
effect is heightened by the tapering shaft or spire supporting a greater
number of ring-shaped 'umbrellas', surmounted in turn by a crescent
cradling a disc.
1. Concerning vastu purusha mndala, see Volwahsen, op. cit., and W u , op. cit.

Although the transformation of shape and dimensions undergone

by the Tibetan chorten was paralleled by a gradual transformation
of Buddhism as it spread from India to Tibet, the essential spirit
and symbolism of the religion are ever present. In fact, tangible
manifestations of Buddhism embodied in Lamaist tradition are to
be seen everywhere in Tibet in the large number of chorten, which
in turn are a manifestation of the profound Buddhist faith of the
Tibetans w h o built them.
Structurally, the Tibetan chorten is highly complex; sacred books
translated and studied so far describe eight or so basic models and
instructions as to h o w they are to be built. These eight models correspond to the eight major events in the life of Gautama the Buddha :
tradition, in fact, has it that eight stupas were built in the eight
places where these events occurred.1
The models from which chorten in Tibet are most frequently
built are those which symbolize 'the supreme Enlightenment', 'the
descent from Heaven', andby far the most monumental of all
eightthat of 'the m a n y gates'.
The chorten symbolizing 'the supreme Enlightenment' consists
of a square base surmounted by several steps, on which stands the
d o m e or principal part of the shrine. The d o m e is not a plain hemisphere in the strict sense of the word, but rather an inverted, truncated
cone k n o w n as a bumpa. A tapering shaft or spire supporting thirteen
'wheels' or 'umbrellas' rises from the centre of the d o m e and terminates in an ornate crown or ring topped by a crescent m o o n and
the disc of the sun. This last emblem with the other parts of the
chorten m a k e up a complex symbolic structure or scheme of the
Buddhist universe in its Lamaist version.2
The chorten symbolizing 'the descent from Heaven' differs from
that of 'the supreme Enlightenment' in that fourflightsof steps are
placed at the four sides of the shrine. Besides representing the descent
1. For a description of the eight models of Tibetan chorten, see G . Tucci, IndoTibetica, Vol. I, R o m e , Reale Accademia d'ltalia, 1932. The eight stupas
upon which the Tibetan chorten are based are as follows: stupa of 'the descent
from Heaven' at Kapilavastu, the Buddha's birthplace; stupa of 'the supreme
Enlightenment' at Magadha, where the Buddha attained supreme Enlightenment; stupa of 'the great miracle' at Kusinagara, where the Buddha entered
Nirvana; stupa of the 'proclamation' of Buddhism at Benares, where the
Buddha began proclaiming or preaching Buddhism; the 'Kanika' stupa at
Vaisali, where the Buddha meditated on his life-span; stupa of 'the m a n y
gates', also called 'victorious', at Sravasti; the 'noble* or 'shining' stupa at
Ts'adge; the 'lotus' stupa at Tikacasi.
2. Lamaism is dealt with at length by D . Seckel in / / Buddhismo, p. 49, 70,
Milan, II Saggiatore, 1963; by L . A . Waddell in The Buddhism of Tibet,
Cambridge, W . Heffer, 1934; and by D . Snellgrove & H . Richardson in A
Cultural History of Tibet, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968.

40
of Buddha from the Tushita Heaven, the steps lead up to the base
of the d o m e ; by ascending them and walking round the d o m e ,
pilgrims perform the rite of circumambulation.
The chorten symbolizing 'the m a n y gates', in addition to being
by far the most monumental of the eight types built in Tibet, differs
from those of 'the supreme Enlightenment' and 'the descent from
Heaven' on account of its great size. The most representative chorten
of 'the m a n y gates' stands by the monastery at Gyantse ; as already
mentioned, it is a gigantic structure known as a kumbum, meaning
'the hundred thousand (images)' and refers to the paintings and
statues to be seen in the seventy-three chapels of the building. While
ascending the steps during the rite of circumambulation, pilgrims
pass by each of the chapels which m a y be considered, architecturally
and symbolically, an integral part of the whole.

The chorten in K h u m b u
The various chorten in K h u m b u , in the villages of N a m c h e Bazar,
Pangpoche, Thami, Phortse and Khumjung (Fig. 8), are all based
on the two stupas at Carumati and Bodhnath. A n exception, however,
is the chorten standing by the monastery at Tengpoche, which is
clearly of Tibetan origin.
The chorten at Tengpoche (Plate 5) symbolizes 'the supreme
Enlightenment', that is, the type of chorten most frequently found
in Tibet, as, for instance, on the outskirts of Lhasa, Gyantse and
Shigatse.
The pedestal of this chorten consists of a plinth or base on which
stands a large, square dado surmounted by two cornices above
painted wooden dentils (small square wooden blocks). Four symbolical
steps rise from the pedestal to the d o m e or chorten proper. The base
of the d o m e is circular and symbolizes thefivepowers; in wooden
models and paintings the circular base is, as a rule, decorated with
stylized lotus blooms. Rather than a plain hemisphere, the d o m e is
an inverted, truncated cone symbolizing the 'seven concomitants of
Enlightenment'.1 O n the sides of the d o m e facing north and south
are two large medallions bearing the rupa or image of the seated
Buddha. T h e d o m e is surmounted by a circular drum capped with
moulded lotus blooms, from which rises a shaft or spire adorned
with thirteen ceremonial 'umbrellas'. The spire is in turn topped by
a circular, fretted crown, an inverted crescent, a disc, and a small
1. For an explanation of the symbolism of the Tibetan chorten, see Tucci, IndoTibetica, Vol. I, op. cit.

Plate 5
The chorten at
Tengpoche.

41

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42

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Various types of chorten surveyed in K h u m b u . Chorten are best described as
abstract Buddhist concepts m a d e visibly concrete: as in neighbouring Tibet,
so in K h u m b u they are symbolical of the presence of m a n throughout the
region, as well of his devout religious faith.
The various types of chorten surveyed in K h u m b u are shown here.
Type (a) based on Nepalese stupas, those at Carumati and Bodhnath in
particular, is found in nearly all the villages of K h u m b u .
Type (b), the only chorten of its kind, stands near the monastery at
Tengpoche; it symbolizes 'the supreme Enlightenment', a type frequently found
in Tibet, as, for example, at Gyantse. Apart from slight differences in form
and dimensions, similar types of chorten are found in Mustang and m a n y parts
of Ladakh. The numerous paintings of stylized chorten, usually on tankha,
symbolizing 'the supreme Enlightenment', are further evidence that this type
is frequently found in regions where the Lamaist faith prevails, and is therefore
the model on which others are based.
Type (c) is somewhat of a rarity as regards form and dimensions.
Undoubtedly of Indo-Nepalese origin, it is possible that the five kenjira flanking
the four sides of the d o m e and on top of the spire respectively, symbolize the
five Dhyani (or Jina) Buddhas.
The small chorten, as represented in (d) and (e), were found near the big
chorten at Tengpoche. Clearly of Tibetan origin, they are, however, limited
as far as symbolic expression is concerned, often being found near bigger, more
important chorten.

spherical pinnacle: the crescent with the disc and the spherical
pinnacle symbolize air and the ether respectively.
The d o m e of the chorten in particular is in a poor state of preservation since it is some considerable time since it was last plastered
with clay. Despite the eroded surface of the d o m e and the crumbling
steps and cornices, the lines of the chorten are still reasonably
pronounced.
That the chorten was built in accordance with Tibetan canon
is borne out by comparing it with the description, dimensions and
interpretation of its various parts given by Tucci in his great work
Indo-Tibetica. Unfortunately, this could not be done with the chorten
in the villages of N a m c h e Bazar, Pangpoche, Thami, Phortse and
K h u m j u n g , which are all of Indo-Nepalese origin. However, a
comparative architectural study of several w o o d e n models kept in
the Tengpoche monastery was possible.
These models are of undoubted interest as they are representative
of the chorten most frequently built in K h u m b u , as well as of others
less frequently built. A m o n g the models is one which seems to have
been used for building the chorten outside the monastery. Another
model of interest is that of the chorten symbolizing 'the descent from

Heaven', of which the d o m e and dado in the pedestal are decorated

in bright colours. A rare model of particular interest is one with a
diminishing succession of steps built on an eight-sided ground plan.
Its origin is undoubtedly Tibetan, as is borne out by the chorten
standing outside the monastery of Tashigang, in western Tibet.
O f particular interest, too, is the model in which the base of the
d o m e , instead of the usual ascending succession of steps, is a gentle
curve adorned with stylized lotus blooms carved in relief. This model
symbolizes, appropriately, the 'garland of lotus blooms'.
Models of chorten are also kept in Buddhist monasteries outside
K h u m b u , as, for example, Lamayuru, in Ladakh, and Pemiangtse,
in Sikkim. A s with the models in the Tengpoche monastery, these,
too, are of great help when carrying out a survey of chorten; the
detail and accuracy of their dimensions makes easier the task of
comparing them with the large chorten. O n e can only hope that these
precious models will continue to be preserved.
Concerning models, mention must be m a d e of the small votive
chorten symbolizing 'the great Enlightenment' in the middle shrine
of the upper lha-khang, 'God's house' or 'temple', at the Tengpoche
monastery. T h e chorten is m a d e of silver and brass studded with
precious stones; despite the profusely decorative, embossed silver
base and d o m e , it is clearly a copy of the wooden model in the
monastery. A similar votive chorten is represented in a wood-engraving
at Tengpoche (Fig. 9) ; in it an explanation is given of the symbolical
significance of its various parts, including the ritual flags hanging
from the crown of the spire above the d o m e . T h e correspondence
between the silver and brass votive chorten and the one represented
in the wood-engraving is all the more evident in that the frame of
the shrine holding the chorten is a repetition of its stylized counterpart
surrounding the wood-engraving.
In the survey of chorten m a d e in the villages of K h u m b u , only
the larger of these were examined, and a mere list was compiled of
the smaller ones along paths, usually near maw-walls and sacred
inscriptions on rock faces. These chorten were obviously built by
devout Sherpas w h o had no guidelines to work from, let alone
wooden models. Their value, architecturally, is therefore limited,
especially when it comes to making comparative studies with wooden
models, though it cannot be denied that these simple chorten are an
overt expression of the Sherpas' Lamaist faith.
Concerning the chorten at N a m c h e Bazar, its simple lines are
such that one is led to place it in the class symbolizing 'the m a n y
gates', the most representative of which is at Gyantse, in Tibet.
Although there is a close similarity between the two, the chorten
at N a m c h e , from the standpoint of architecture, is not strictly of

45

Fig. 9
Wood-engraving of
a votive chorten
at Tengpoche.

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um

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46
Tibetan origin, but rather is derived from the two older stupas at
Carumati and Bodhnath in the K a t m a n d u Valley, in Nepal. Evidence
for this is to be found in the innumerable photographs of Tibet n o w
available: careful examination of them shows that the most frequent
chorten are those symbolizing 'the great Enlightenment' and 'the
descent from Heaven', whereas those of 'the m a n y gates', apart
from the one at Gyantse and several others elsewhere, are u n c o m m o n .
The chorten in the village of N a m c h e Bazar (Plate 1) is situated
in a natural amphitheatre and is visible on all sides. Built of inferiorquality material, its base consists of three diminishing polygonal
steps which symbolize earth. O n the plinth above the top step stands
the d o m e , which isflattenedas opposed to hemispherical, as if overburdened by the weight of the tower above ; in shape it resembles the
ancient Indian stupa or reliquary mound. O n the flattened d o m e
stands a cubic kiosk or harmika, from which rises the pyramidshaped tower or spire supporting thirteen 'umbrellas', capped by a
circular metal crown, to which are attached ritual curtain-like flags.
The umbrella-tower is topped by a kenjiraa stylized architectural
ornament m a d e of gold-lacquered wood and shaped like a pinnacle.
Unfortunately, the chorten at N a m c h e Bazar is in a poor state
of preservation. M o r e than on other parts of the shrine, the outer
layer of clay on the d o m e has all but worn away through long
exposure to the elements. A s a result, the underlying brickwork has
been damaged.
Lying on the steps of the base of the chorten are slabs of stone
bearing sacred symbols and mantras, mostly the ubiquitous formula
Om Mani Padme Hum. The outer meaning of this mantra is 'Hail
to the Jewel in the Lotus Flower', referring both to the Bodhisattva
Avalokiteswara and to his incarnation, the Dalai L a m a , though
other mystic, exoteric readings are possible.
Similar to the chorten at N a m c h e Bazar, both as regards shape
and dimensions, are the two at Khumjung, the two at Dingpoche,
and the single one at K h u m d e . Their various parts are illustrated in
detail in the figures.
With regard to the chorten at Pangpoche, it is almost impossible
to explain the symbolical significance of its various parts on account
of its particular shape, which makes it difficult to compare with the
wooden models. O n the other hand, it is possible that thefivekenjira
flanking the four sides of the d o m e and on top of the spire respectively,
symbolize thefiveDhyani (or Jina) Buddhas.
A form of architecture in K h u m b u inspired by the chorten is
the free-standing gateway. Three of them are to be found near the
villages of N a m c h e Bazar (Plate 6) and K h u m j u n g , and the monastery of Tengpoche. The gateways are clearly of Tibetan origin, as

Plate 6
The chorten and
free-standing
gateway at N a m c h e
Bazar.

47

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they are not u n c o m m o n there, though they differ from those m

K h u m b u in that they are surmounted by a chorten proper. A s a
rule, the mndala and deities of the Buddhist pantheon are represented
on the underside of the lintel. In addition to those near Gyantse and
Lhasa, in Tibet, Tibetan-style gateways surmounted by a chorten
are occasionally found in Nepal, as, for instance, at Tsarang, south
of L o Mantang, in the Mustang region bordering on Tibet. Simplified
versions of the gate-chorten are, however, found in Nepal: of the
original chorten, only the harmika or cubic kiosk surmounted by the
kenjira remain. A typical gateway of this kind stands on the road to
the monastery of Garphu, in northern Mustang.
A s to gate-chorten in K h u m b u , both their shape and dimensions
are even more simplified: instead of the characteristic d o m e and
spire, the gateway is surmounted by a sloping ridge roof topped by
a kenjira.
A n architectural survey of chorten is incomplete without the
stylized representations of these shrines on slabs of stone and tsa-tsa,
that is, votive medallions of moulded clayey earth, found throughout
K h u m b u (Plate 7 and Fig. 10). Chorten, Buddhist deities and sacred
inscriptions on stone slabs are basically different from those found
in the central Himalayan belt, which, instead of being engraved, are
painted. In regions farther north where the Sherpas have been
absorbed by the local population, techniques used to engrave chorten
and other symbols on the slabs vary from simple graffiti to basreliefs on a coloured ground. In K h u m b u , the latter technique is
predominant.
The religious concept behind these engraved stone slabs is to
reckon day-to-day actions, whether good or evil, with a view to the
acquisition of snam (religious merit), or, quite simply, as a m a r k
of devotion. In all meritorious actions adding to each Sherpa's
individual store of snam, what really counts is the thought behind
the deed; even a simple slab of stone m a y express deep religious
commitment.
O n e such votive slab near Pangpoche is engraved with a chorten
of 'the m a n y gates'; its lines clearly indicate that it is of Nepalese
origin.
Other votive slabs were examined and catalogued in the course
of the survey on the basis of theirfigurativeand plastic qualities.
The lines of some of the chorten represented on them are engraved
with bare simplicity, while on others they are more fanciful. In both
cases, the stone engravings conform to Lamaist iconographical
models.
Tsa-tsa, or votive medallions of moulded, clayey earth baked in
the sun, fall into two main categories: in the first are represented

49

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Plate 7
Deity representing
G u r u Rimpoche
carved on a slab
of stone.

t,'""-;^' , #

Stylized representation of a chorten

on a stone slab.

stylized chorten in relief, in the second deities of the Buddhist pantheon.

The chorten medallions are by far the older of the two categories
and, as a rule, bear passages from the Buddhist creed. The types of
chorten represented on the medallions are those symbolizing 'the
descent from Heaven', 'the supreme Enlightenment' and 'the m a n y
gates', which again goes to prove that these three types are the most
frequently built.
O n e such votive medallion was found in the village of Khumjung,
though it is almost certain that it was brought there from some
other place or monastery. Symbolizing 'the descent from Heaven',
it bears a formula from the prajnaparamita, embodying the various
stages of spiritual perfection leading to Supreme W i s d o m , as attained
by, a m o n g others, the sramana Vairocana: ' O f all things which
proceed from a cause the Tathagata has explained the cause, and
has also explained their ceasing.'1
It would appear that votive medallions bearing prajnaparamita
texts were those most frequently used w h e n consecrating a chorten,
by being placed inside the d o m e . Thenceforth the chorten was a
sacred shrine set apart from other works created by the hand of m a n :
the votive medallions placed inside the d o m e in fact symbolize the
body of the Buddha and the Wheel of the L a w .
While making the survey of chorten in K h u m b u , it was soon
evident h o w all abstract religious concepts can be duly transformed
and m a d e visibly concrete through the m e d i u m of painting, sculpture
and engravings, thus causing the supreme truths expressed by the
Buddhist faith to shine forth in a welter of sacred images and symbols.

The gompa in Khumbu

The survey of the numerous chorten in K h u m b u showed that they
are for the most part of Nepalese origin, especially as regards form
and dimensions. A n exception, however, is the chorten at Tengpoche
which is undoubtedly of Tibetan origin.
Concerning the survey m a d e of gompa or monasteries in K h u m b u ,
there is no doubt as to their being of Tibetan origin. It is therefore
appropriate that in order to better understand the architectural and
religious significance of the monasteries in the region, they should
be compared with their Tibetan counterparts.
The earliest monasteries of importance in Tibet were built from
the eighth century A . D . onwards, Buddhism having been introduced
into the country about the middle of the seventh century following
1. The significance of the prajnaparamita is dealt with by Tucci in Indo-Tibetica,
Vol. I, op. cit.

its decime in India, mainly through the efforts of Padmasambhava

(in Tibet, G u r u Rimpoche).
Before the advent of Buddhism, Tibetans followed the B n
religion ; in due course Buddhism absorbed m u c h of the indigenous
practices of Bonism, to the extent that the former was considered a
natural offshoot of the latter. Buddhism, however, soon predominated
and became better organized as the power of the lamas gradually
increased. In fact, once the monasteries had been turned into centres
of power, their principal purpose being to act as a symbolic link
between religion and the day-to-day life of m a n , the lamas set about
transforming the country.
Early Tibetan monasteries were virtually religious strongholds.
A s the word 'gompa' signifies, the monasteries were 'solitary places',
the earliest of them being built far from the noisy activity and oppressive influences of villages and towns, which enabled the m o n k s
to apply themselves to their devotions undisturbed. Nevertheless,
most monasteries were later built within easy reach of villages and
towns; others were placed on the more important trade routes and
soon acquired fame and prestige.
In order to provide monastic communities with a living, the
monasteries in due course c a m e into possession of land extending
for m a n y miles around; peasants and shepherds inhabiting monastic
income-producing property paid tribute to the monasteries in kind,
mainly agricultural produce.
It was in these monasteries that the great task of translating
sacred Buddhist texts was undertaken. Innumerable volumes of
canonical commentaries, as well as liturgical treatises and other
philosophical and scientific works, thus saw the light and became
vehicles for Buddhist culture which spread far and wide, even to
China, among other countries, during the Mongol dynasty in the
thirteenth century.
In thefifteenthcentury Tsong-kha-pa (1357-1419) brought about
a great reformation of the Buddhist church: his followers, w h o
were called Gelug-pa (the virtuous), or, more popularly, 'Yellow
Caps', soon became the leading sect in the country, and subsequently
developed into a real 'established church'. Under Gelug-pa influence
the number of monasteries steadily increased. Besides the magnificent
Ptala, at Lhasa, monasteries such as Sera, Depung, Galden and
Rechemg were built near by. Mention must also be m a d e of Samie,
dating from the eighth century; Tashilumpo, the former seat of the
Panchen or Tashi L a m a ; and Sakya, dating from the eleventh century.
For the most part, Tibetan gompa or monasteries resemble one
another in shape and dimensions : two-storeyed buildings are c o m m o n ,
those with a third storey less so. A s a rule, the ground plan conforms

to a mndala. A s is known, the mndala is the visible representation

of the s u m total of natural and spiritual forces: it encloses, as it
were, consecrated spacein this instance, the monastery. Based as
it is upon the pattern of the sacred mandata, the ground plan is
divided into separate segments or comportments, each of which, in
the monastery rising above it, has a liturgical or spiritual function
as, for example, the cham-ra or stone-paved forecourt of the Tengpoche monastery in K h u m b u , in which the ritual M a n i R i m d u
dances are held. A s with the ancient Indian stupa, so with the Tibetan
monastery the rite of circumambulation is performed before the
consecrated space within is entered. Prayer-wheels or cylinders, about
30 c m high, stand in rows around the monastery walls and are turned
by pilgrims before entering, as, for instance, at the monastery of
L o Gekar, in the Mustang region.
M o n k s , novices, pilgrims and other visitors are n o w ready to
pass through the atrium or porch before the entrance of the Ihakhang, adorned with a welter of symbolic frescoes painted in vivid
colours. Flanking the entrance are the four gyal-chen-de-shi (Guardians
of the Four Quarters), whose task is to project the monastery against
evil spirits. The Wheel of Life, too, depicting the cycle of death and
rebirth, and the Eight Glorious E m b l e m s are ever present.
Within the monastery proper, separated from the material
world outside, is the main hall or lha-khang, literally 'God's house'
or 'temple',filledwith images and deities of the Buddhist pantheon;
the centre of the hall or temple is reserved, in theory, for the principal
deity. In some Tibetan monasteries the centre reserved for the principal deity is surrounded on four sides by a painted wall; in the
space in between the rite of circumambulation is performed.
The earliest monasteries in Tibet consisted of a single hall or
lha-khang described above, from which all others evolved over the
centuries. In due course an atrium or porch, also described above,
was added before the entrance. A square forecourt enclosed on three
sides with a portico, k n o w n as yab-rin in Tibet and cham-ra in
K h u m b u , was built on to the more important Tibetan monasteries;
in it monks and pilgrims forgathered to perform liturgical and collective rites. In Tibetan villages a monastery with a single hall or
lha-khang, and one or two outhouses, was the basic pattern, and
soon became the focal point of religious and community life.
All gompa in the K h u m b u valley are in the main based on
Tibetan models, as, for example, those at Tengpoche (Plate 8),
K h u m j u n g and Pangpoche (Plate 9), as well as at N a m c h e Bazar
and Thami, though the sites on which the last two stand differ from
the others.
The most important monastery in K h u m b u is at Tengpoche

Plate 8
The gompa at
Tengpoche.

Plate 9
Dwelling-houses
and gompa at
Pangpoche.

53

(Fig. 11). The main building stands on the upper part of a broad,
grassy, gently sloping spur and is surrounded by the smaller houses of
the m o n k s and L a m a or abbot; a few houses on the lower part of the
spur are used by pilgrims and other visitors. By the path near the
monastery leading d o w n to Khumjung and N a m c h e Bazar are
situated a big chorten symbolizing 'the supreme Enlightenment' and
two smaller ones close by. A few yards away is the free-standing
gateway, of which the underside of the lintel is decorated with vivid
frescoes.
As in earlier monasteries in Tibet and later ones in K h u m b u ,
the key to the religious and symbolical significance of the ground
plan is to be found in the main hall or lha-khang. At Tengpoche as
elsewhere, the lha-khang is in the shape of a square and represents
the mndala, the two-dimensional spatial effect of which has already

Fig. 11
The plane surfaces and inner space are seen to better advantage in the
axonometric projection of the gompa, as are the supporting wooden framework
and massive walls enclosing it.

been described in the chapter on the origin and symbolism of the

stupa. The circumference of the mndala and the squares within it
are repeated in the lha-khang by the thick walls encircling it and
the inner supporting structure of pillars and beams. A s the focal
point of the mndala is its centre, so the principal deity to which
the lha-khang is dedicated occupies, in theory, the central square,
though, in practice, its carved figure is kept in a shrine standing
against the wall opposite the main entrance. T h e axis round which
the two storeys of the lha-khang are built projects up through the
squat, four-sided tower and culminates in the kenjira, a stylized
architectural ornament of gold-lacquered w o o d shaped like a pinnacle.
The arrangement of the four pillars supporting the inner structure
of the lha-khang is such that there is plenty of room for the rite of
circumambulation to be performed, and wind and percussion instruments to be played during religious ceremonies.
The walls opposite the main entrance and on the right as one
enters are lined with shelves holding sacred texts and shrines containing deities of the Buddhist pantheon. In the remaining two walls
that is, opposite the shelves and shrines, and on the left as one
entersare three windows and the main entrance.
The four pillars are surmounted by shelf-like capitals on which
rest four wooden beams supporting the floor above. T h e immediate
effect of the inner structure of pillars and beams is one of extreme
lightness. The effect of lightness is enhanced by the brightly coloured
decorative elements and the graceful lines of thefinelycarved shelfcapitals supporting the beams. Indeed the lha-khang appears to be
dematerialized as if devoid of physical weightof the spirit, as it
were, rather than of matter. A profound sense of harmony c o m pounded of space and architecture, as well as of spirit and matter,
pervades the place, to the extent that it seems not of this world but
of the divine spheres. O n the other hand, the lha-khang is wholly
functional, as is evident during religious ceremonies, when m a n ,
space, architecture, the vivid colouring and ritual music are at one
with each other.
During religious ceremonies music is provided by m o n k s playing
wind and percussion instruments. A m o n g the former are long horns,
flageolets and a white conch rimmed with silver; a m o n g the latter
are big and small drums, and cymbals of various kinds which m a k e
a violent clash when struck together. While playing their instruments,
the m o n k s sit between the pillars on low benches covered with
carpets and cushions. Before the m o n k s are small, narrow wooden
stands on which their instruments rest, as, for example, the long
horns.
A number of tankha or painted scrolls hang from the ceiling

of the lha-khang, while ka-pan or shot silk banners are attached to

the shelf-capitals of the pillars.
The atrium or porch, built into the main body of the lha-khang,
is both symbolical and functional. F r o m the standpoint of architecture, the contrast of the front of the building and the dark interior
of the porch glimpsed through the entrance, and consequent distribution of light and shadow between the two, immediately attracts
attention. Furthermore, the effect caused by thefinecolumns flanking
the entrance, painted with stylized lotus blooms and surmounted by
carved shelf-capitals decorated with concentric circles, as they emerge
from the shadows, is indeed impressive. T h e basic pattern of elaborately ornamented columnsflankingthe door of the porch, enhanced
by the beautiful, long window on thefirstfloor,is repeated in other
gompa in K h u m b u , for instance, Khumjung and Pangpoche, though
in a minor key. The walls on the inside of the porch are entirely
lined with w o o d and decorated with symbols and deities of the
Buddhist pantheon, a m o n g which, as already mentioned, are the
Guardians of the Four Quarters, the Wheel of Life and the Eight
Glorious Emblems. 1
The jambs and lintel of the main door of the lha-khang are
moulded in relief. The red-lacquered door is adorned with brass
bosses and above it there is a projecting cornice decorated with zoomorphousfigureswhose monkey heads are painted yellow and dark
blue.
A flight of wooden stairs against the right wall inside the porch
1. The Guardians of the Four Quarters, representing the four cardinal points,
are tutelary deities living on M o u n t Sumeru, the 'world-mountain'. In the
Buddhist hierarchy they occupy the lowest levels, their task being to guard
the monasteries against evil spirits. It is for this purpose that theyflankthe
main entrance in pairs.
The Wheel of Life, painted on the left wall of the atrium or porch, illustrates
the cycle of death and rebirth. In it are depicted the six spheres of Samshara,
connected with K a r m a and its working. In Nepal, Samshara assumes the
significance of illusion and the separative self; in each of the six spheres is a
sacred image of Buddha that indicates the way to liberation and transmutation
of the separative self. In the centre of the wheel is a circle enclosing a red cock,
a green serpent and a black pig symbolizing lust, anger and stupiditythe
three main obstacles to Enlightenment in the whirling fray of h u m a n existence.
The wheel is held by a monster symbolizing Samshara.
Also depicted in the atrium or porch are the Eight Glorious Emblems,
symbols of fortune. T o the left are the two Goldfish, the Victorious Standard,
the Conch and the Lotus Flower of Immortality. T o the right are the Royal
Baldaquin, the M o n o g r a m of Fortune, the C u p of Ambrosia and the Wheel
of the L a w . (See A . Getty, The Gods of Northern Buddhism, Oxford, Clarendon
Press, 1928; A . K . Gordon, The Iconography of Tibetan Lamaism, Tokyo,
Charles E . Tuttle, 1959; L . A . Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet, Cambridge,
W . Heffer, 1934.)

57
leads up to the floor above the lha-khang or main hall. Four stone
steps lead d o w n from the door of the porch to the wide, stonepaved base of the main front of the lha-khang. Although it closely
resembles Tengpoche in other respects, the stone-paved base is not
to be found in the gompa at Pangpoche.
At the bottom of the porticoes, on either side of the main front
of the lha-khang, are two small doors through which pilgrims enter
and leave the forecourt while circumambulating the monastery. A s
in former monasteries in Tibet, rows of prayer-wheels are set in a
long niche in the massive right wall of the main building; these are
turned by pilgrims while performing the rite of circumambulation.
Unlike Tengpoche, there are no prayer-wheels at the monasteries of
Pangpoche and Khumjung, though they are to be found along the
wall by the path leading to the monastery at N a m c h e Bazar.
O n the upper floor of the lha-khang or monastery proper is a
large room with a long window overlooking the forecourt, where
monks, a m o n g other things, m a k e wood-engravings. At Tengpoche
and Pangpoche, a further two rooms, reserved for the abbots of the
two monasteries, lead off from the main room overlooking the
forecourt.
The walls of the rooms on the upper floor, like those on the
ground floor, are entirely panelled with w o o d and elaborately
decorated with deities and sacred symbols. Decoration of this kind
is so widespread in Buddhist architecture because, in accordance
with Buddhist principles, to paint the deities and sacred symbols in
this way is to take an active part in religionto be at one with the
Lord Buddha, as it were. A steep stairway on the upper floor leads
up to the treasury in the squat, four-sided tower above, in which
relics, vestments, and miniature wooden models of chorten are kept.
The square forecourt, enclosed on three sides with a two-storeyed
portico m a d e entirely of wood, is built on a lower level than that
of the lha-khang or main hall. T h e area of the forecourt without
the portico is the same as that of the inner hall of the lha-khang. In
the middle of the forecourt stands a high pole called tarchen or
tar-shing, on which is placed a cylindrical canopy of coloured cloth.
The forecourt is entered through a door in the thick walls enclosing it.
The cham-ra or forecourt has m a n y uses. These range from
gatherings held by m o n k s to religious ceremonies such as the Mani
R i m d u dances. That the forecourt is used for such ceremonies at
other monasteries as well is borne out by a drawing m a d e in 1902
by Sven Hedin at Tashilumpo, in Tibet.1
1. For a description of Tibetan monasteries at the turn of the century, see Sven
Hedin, Trans-Himalaya, London, Macmillan, 1910.

The portico enclosing the forecourt at Tengpoche was demolished and rebuilt in 1975. The survey made of it since it was rebuilt
is therefore of documentary value. However, photographs of the
monastery taken by Tilman in 1950 1 show that the portico had been
considerably altered prior to being demolished in 1975. Unfortunately,
nothing is k n o w n about the shape and dimensions of the monastery
before it was totally destroyed by the great earthquake of 1933. O n e
can only suppose that the shape and dimensions of the present
monastery are the same as those of the earlier building.
The walls of the lha-khang or main hall of the monastery overlooking the forecourt are painted reddish brown, with broad black
bands under the eaves; below the black bands are a white band and
dentil-like reliefs forming a frieze in between. The brightly painted
window-frames on the upper floor of the lha-khang stand out in
sharp contrast to the reddish-brown walls surrounding them; the
contrast is heightened by the subdued white walls of the forecourt
below.
The gompa at Pangpoche resembles in m a n y respects that at
Tengpoche in ground plan, shape and dimensions, though it was
built earlier: as at Tengpoche, a square forecourt was added on to
the lha-khang or main hall at a lower level. It also has an upper
floor, although unlike Tengpoche, there is a recess under the roof
as a substitute for the squat, four-sided tower. A similar recess is
found in the monastery at K h u m j u n g . T w o mani-lha-khang, that is,
temples containing a big prayer-cylinder, flank the lha-khang, and
were built at the same time, whereas the portico enclosing the forecourt was added on later. The building is in a poor state of preservation, as is the rest of the village.
The gompa at Khumjung, the first to be built in K h u m b u , is
different from others in the region in that there is no upper floor
and it has one or two peculiarities in the atrium and lha-khang. A n
atrium or porch, barely visible from the outside, is built on to the
lha-khang; the upper part of it, in which is set a long window, opens
on to the interior of the lha-khang like a gallery. Consequently, the
lha-khang is well lit, and the bright colouring of its decorations are
thus seen to better advantage.
A peculiarity of the lha-khang is the central square of the ceiling,
the four corners of which correspond to the four supporting pillars.
The square is in fact raised so as to form a recess under the roof
as a substitute for the squat, four-sided tower of the kind surmounting
the monastery at Tengpoche. T h e shelf-capitals of the rectangular
pillars represent elephant heads carved in bold relief. In the middle
1. H . W . Tilman, Nepal Himalaya, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1952.

of the central square or recess under the roof, enframed by beams

painted in shades varying from dark green to blue and yellow, is a
large mndala. The colouring of the walls on the outside is the same
as at Tengpoche.
T w o less important gompa are at N a m c h e Bazar and Thami.
The former differs from others in K h u m b u in that it was built in
successive stages, with the result that the various parts of the m o n astery, standing at different levels, lack harmony. Nevertheless, the
way the gompa at N a m c h e is built gives one a good idea of h o w
monasteries and other buildings in K h u m b u were enlarged or the
general plan modified.
The gompa at Thami is a two-storeyed, rectangular building
standing against a rock face which in part projects over it. T h e
monastery must have formerly been of small dimensions, or else
consisted of a single mani-lha-khang. A n important feature of the
building is the numerous windows in the main front. A wide stone
terrace was recently built to provide more space before the monastery,
thus considerably improving the general appearance of both the
building and its immediate surroundings.
F r o m the survey made of monasteries, it is clear that symbolism
is one of the highlights of religious architecture in K h u m b u , further
intensified by the vivid colouring of innumerable images, demons
and deities of Buddhist mythology. A s the role of architecture in
this instance is to give concrete form to this rich symbolism, it must
of necessity conform to its intricate norms, so that in turn it assumes
forms that are highly symbolical.

61

Building materials and

building art
in K h u m b u
Environment and
building materials
Building materials used in Nepalese architecture are few and simple.
In K a t m a n d u , the principal materials used to build temples, dwellinghouses and other edifices over the centuries are w o o d , brick and
stone. Simple though these three materials m a y be, the use to which
they are skilfully put offsets this apparent drawback; the addition
of relief work, and tasteful if vivid colouring, never fails to enhance
the effect of the whole. Artistically wrought metals, such as gilded
bronze, are also often used as ornamentation. T h e use of baked
clay in friezes and other embellishments, overlaid with graceful
images moulded in delicate relief, is also widespread.
In the remote, high valleys of K h u m b u , the availability of
building materials is even more limited on account of climatic and
physical conditions, such as hazardous communications which have
tended to isolate the region from the rest of Nepal. This has naturally
given rise to a primitive building economy confined to the valleys
of the region, and moreover c o m m o n to all mountain folk w h o , independent of one another and as a result of an inhospitable environment,
all end up by using the same building materials for the same purposes.
Despite these seemingly overwhelming obstacles, the tide of
Buddhist culture embodied in Lamaist religious thought, on reaching
K h u m b u , has contributed considerably to the development of architecture. Like other mountain folk, the Sherpas have had to m a k e
do with what scant building materials are to be found in their inclement habitat, exploiting them to the full with specific techniques and
appropriate building methods. The result has indeed been satisfactory
and practical in that dwelling-houses, as well as religious and other
buildings, in addition to being well suited to the rugged surroundings,
are weather-resistant, yet not without graceful lines and vivid colouring peculiarly their own.

62

5- 3. ^ . _ H

Section A - A

Section B - B

Structural
details
of porch

Building materials most c o m m o n l y used in Sherpa architecture,

because few others are readily available in K h u m b u , are w o o d and
stone. A factor that has contributed noticeably to the harmony and
balance in the architecture of the region is the specific use of a
particular building material such as w o o d or stone, and the way it is
exploited. If at times w o o d is used more than stone, or vice versa,
or one building method is preferred to another, it is because a particular edifice, whether dwelling-house, monastery or hut in a subsidiary settlement, must be specifically built using more w o o d or stone
as the case m a y be, in order to better suit the needs of its occupants,
and also to be at one with the environment.
Such simple, elementary architecture as this, compounded of
w o o d and stone, must of necessity appear poor and humble. Yet
through the clever use of vivid colour on window-frames for instance,
in contrast to the subdued, uniform tones of the walls surrounding
them, it immediately acquires strength and character.
Roughly dressed stone is used as a building material in the
walls of Sherpa houses, in walls enclosing fields, in maw-walls, and
in chorten; cut into slabs it is used in roofing and paving. W o o d ,
on the other hand, is used in building the supporting framework of
pillars and beams in dwelling-houses and monasteries, as well as in
roofing in the form of shingles, carved ornamentation and other
Fig. 12
The gompa is built in successive, ascending grades round a central axis,
in keeping with Lamaist principles, as shown in the drawing of the main front
and cross-section. The axis round which the two storeys of the lha-khang are
built projects up through the squat, four-sided tower and culminates in the
kenjira, a stylized architectural ornament of gold-lacquered wood shaped like
a pinnacle.
In the square forecourt, enclosed on three sides with a portico, m o n k s
and pilgrims from villages throughout K h u m b u forgather to perform religious
and collective rites, the most, important of which are the Mani R i m d u dances
held for three days at the end of November. The forecourt, separated from the
outer material world by the portico enclosing it on three sides, spiritually faces
the main front of the gompa proper.
The tarchen, or high b a m b o o pole bearing a long cylindricalflagwith
prayers written on it, stands in the middle of the square forecourt: the square,
in fact, is the architectural and religious basis of the monastery at Tengpoche
and of others elsewhere in K h u m b u . The main front of the gompa is built
on a stone base at a level higher than that of the portico. The twofold pattern
of the main front consists of the porch and the beautiful, long window on the
floor above, rising to below the eaves. The criss-cross patterns of squares and
oblongs into which the long window is subdivided is, again, based on the
square. The window itself is enframed with painted stylized leaves and flowers
on a brightly coloured ground in sharp contrast to the solid, reddish-brown
walls surrounding ita characteristic that distinguishes religious from lay
architecture in K h u m b u .

trimmings. Metals, gilded bronze in particular, m u c h used to adorn

buildings in K a t m a n d u , are an exception rather than the rule in
K h u m b u . W h e n not of gold-lacquered w o o d , kenjirapinnacles
surmounting gompaare m a d e of gilded bronze, as are the thirteen
'umbrellas' on the spire of the chorten at Tengpoche.

Building materials and

constructional details
Used separately, w o o d and stone, the materials most readily available
in K h u m b u , are not sufficient to build an edifice, whether dwellinghouse or gompa, in its entirety. Used separately, however, they d o
have distinct functions. W o o d is used to build the inner framework
or supporting structure of pillars and beams, and stone the thick
outer walls enclosing it, the former being separate from the latter.1
In simple, straightforward terms, the wooden supporting structure
consists of vertical pillars on which rest horizontal beams, often
repeated in upper floors, as, for instance, in gompa (Fig. 12). Unlike
conventional structural methods in which the various parts of a
c o m p o u n d steel structure, for instance, are welded or riveted together,
in K h u m b u beams are not fastened to pillars, but merely rest on the
large shelf-capitals surmounting them, the role of the shelf-capitals
being static. A n inner wooden framework or structure of this kind,
suitable for supporting vertical loads, and, consequently, vertical
thrust, is wholly unsuitable for absorbing horizontal thrust, as
caused by earthquakes and the force of the wind. Such horizontal
thrust is absorbed by the thick, outer protective walls enclosing the
inner w o o d e n framework.
The origins of an inner wooden framework consistirg of upright
pillars and horizontal beams resting o n shelf-capital;,, and outer
stone walls, are indeed ancient and are c o m m o n in Chinese architecture. A framework of this kind is functional in that there is
ample space between the pillars for such activities as religious
ceremonies.
The Sherpas, a people of Tibetan origin and culture, after
settling in K h u m b u , have preserved their traditional building methods,
adapting them to the n e w environment wherever necessary and
exploiting the natural resources of the country to the full.
1. The same method is used in Langtang, though the architecture of this region
is totally different from that of K h u m b u , both as regard form and style. (See
B . Franceschetti, Womo
e VAmbiente nelle alte Valli del Trisuli e del Langtang
(Nepal Centrale), Turin, 1966.)

Construction using stone

In K h u m b u , stone is more readily available than w o o d and therefore
widely used, especially in buildings in which equilibrium is dependent
upon the force of gravity, that is to say, in solid vertical structures
in which compressive stress is caused by the weight of the material
used to build them.
The use of stone in simple horizontal structures such as an
architrave or b e a m resting o n the capitals of pillars, or else in more
complex structures such as arches and vaults, is totally u n k n o w n
not only in the K h u m b u valley, but in the whole of the Himalayan
region as well. This also holds good for other regions and towns
of Nepal, as, for instance, K a t m a n d u , where the basic structure is
still that of vertical pillars supporting horizontal beams, as m a y be
seen in the m a n y fine temples there.
In K h u m b u , the widespread use of stone varies from small,
undressed blocks in the walls of buildings to slabs for roofing and
paving; the shape of the slabs is more or less natural, as they are
easily quarried from stratified rock. Stone obtained from fluvioglacial deposits during land reclamation, often combined with turf
sods, is also used to build walls enclosing fields.1
Stonework is either dry or bound together with rudimentary
mortar m a d e of soft, clayey earth. T h e reduced resistance arising
from a building method of this kind is amply compensated for by
the considerable thickness of some walls which are often as m u c h
as 1 m . Moreover, stonework is reinforced with large, square, dressed
blocks of stone built into edges and corners, as well as round doorand window-spaces.
Stoneworkthe interior and exterior of walls in particularis
rarely left uncoated, but is plastered with clayey earth. The layer of
clayey earth, besides giving finish to stonework byfillingin cracks
between stones in dry walls, is excellent weatherproofing material.
In religious buildings the layer of clayey-earth plaster provides a
first-rate ground for colour decorations.
Cornices and other simple, projecting, repeated ornamentation,
w h e n not of stone, are m a d e of w o o d which is more easily shaped
and carved with primitive tools (Fig. 13).
A s mentioned above, stone is often used in roofing with good
results. Cut into slabs, by sheer force of weight it resists strong m o n soon winds which would easily blow off lighter material.
1. Turf sods are often used to build huts and other simple dwellings in seasonal
settlements, as, for example, the shelter affectionately known as the 'Sherpa
Hotel' at Periche, or as roofing material.

66
Construction using wood
In Sherpa architecture of K h u m b u w o o d is of primary importance.
A s already mentioned, it is used to make the inner supporting framework of buildings, as well as to embellish andfinishthem.
Structurally, w o o d is used on account of its excellent physical
and mechanical qualities, for example, its resistance to bending and
shearing stress. It is also used to m a k e pillars because of its resistance
to compressive stress. Another quality of w o o d is that long beams,
joists, rafters, planks and boards are easily sawn from timber obtained
from high forest trees such as pines andfirs.It is also easily planed,
shaped and carved with primitive tools such as are used by the
Sherpas.
Timber for building material is found in large quantities in the
D u d h Kosi valley between Phakding and N a m c h e Bazar, where the
mountain slopes are covered with fir and pine forests. Timber is
also obtained from forests in the Bothe Kosi valley north of N a m c h e
Bazar, as well as from the forests of Punki near the confluence of
the D u d h Kosi and the Imja Khola.
W o o d w o r k in monasteries, the inner supporting framework in
particular, is better finished than that in dwelling-houses. W o o d
surfaces, in fact, are planed with greater care to m a k e them smooth,
mortise-and-tenon joints are betterfitting,cross-sections more symmetrical. In the overall ground plan of monasteries which conform
to the pattern of the mndala, the arrangement of the four main
supporting pillars is such that they rise u p through the floor above
and culminate in the squat, four-sided tower. The framework of Fig 3
four basic pillars is reinforced by secondary pillars standing parallel Wooden cornice.

67

Fig. 14
Framework of a
Sherpa dwellinghouse.

68
to them and to the outer stone walls enclosing the framework. T h e
vertical supporting framework of the porticoes, which consists of
pillars standing in two parallel rows, and which encloses the forecourt
in front of monasteries on three sides, is built separately from that
of the main building.
A s has already been explained in an earlier chapter, Sherpa
dwelling-houses are nearly always rectangular in shape, two-storeyed,
with a ridge roof. The horizontal part of the inner supporting framework consists of three beams running lengthwise, that is, parallel to
the longest sides of the rectangle (Fig. 14). T h e beams supporting
the upper floor rest on pillars which vary in number according to the
length and width of the beams. The shape and arrangement of both
beams and pillars in n o w a y detracts from the overall appearance
of the house as the rooms on the ground floor are always used as a
Figs. 15 and 16
Position of main
beams and shelfcapitals in a gompa.
Main beam
Shelf-capital

Lower shelf-capital
Secondary beam

Pillar

Secondary beam

Main b e a m
Shelf-capital
Lower shelf-capital

Pillar

byre for cattle and as storage space. T h e arrangement of three beams

supporting the rafters of the ridge or sloping roof is similar to that
supporting the upper floor, with the exception of the central ridge
b e a m or purlin which is naturally raised above the other two on either
side. Compared with that in the rooms on the upper and ground
floors below, roofing timber is better finished and carefully joined
together.
In the inner framework of gompa, the supporting pillars do not
stand o n the bare ground, but on large square slabs of stone which
function as a base or plinth. A s a rule, pillars are uniform in shape,
though occasionally the head or upper part is carved so as to vaguely
resemble a capital. Main beams are never placed on top of the
pillars, but rest o n double shelf-capitals which, in addition to facilitating the positioning of beams, increase the resistance between

70
beams and upper shelf-capitals, and diminish the clear span or space
in between capitals (Figs. 15 and 16). These three elementspillar,
shelf-capital and beamare not fastened together, but rest upon one
another, though dowels or headless pegs arefittedinto them to
facilitate positioning and alignment. Geometrical patterns such as a
series of tapering roundels, or animals such as elephants and monkeys,
are often carved on shelf-capitals in monasteries.
A secondary framework of joists, the cross-section of each of
which is rectangular in shape, is placed on top of the main framework
of beams, its purpose being to support the floor above. T h e joists
are placed on the beams edgewise, that is, with the widest face vertical.
Although, statically, the resistance between beams and joists is
noticeably diminished, there is a definite increase in long-term stability. Boards, placed tofillin the space between the joists, function
Fig. 17
Method of building
floors in dwellinghouses and gompa.

-+

71
as the ceiling of rooms on the ground floor below, and not as the
floor of the rooms above. This method is mainly used in religious
buildings such as monasteries. In dwelling-houses, since the ground
floor is generally used as a byre for cattle and as storage space, and
there is consequently little need for a proper ceiling, the secondary
framework of joists with boards in between supporting the floor
above is far more rudimentary and barelyfinished: instead of boards
being placed in between them, the joists are in fact covered with
rough pieces of wood. In huts at s u m m e r pastures on higher-lying
ground, where afinishedboard floor is unnecessary, and, moreover,
where timber is hard to c o m e by, saplings or bushes found o n the
spot are used instead of boards.
The method of building floors in both dwelling-houses and
gompa is ingenious. In both cases a number of long battens, approxiFig. 18
In gompa, eaves are
built independently
from the supporting
framework of rafters.

72

Fig. 19
Window-frames are
secured in the walls
by tenons or projecting tongues of
wood.

mately 20 c m broad and 10 c m thick, arefittedinto the framework

of joists, the distance between battens varying from 1.50 to 2 m . A
groove is cut in either edge of each batten, into which the floorboards
are inserted to hold them in place (Fig. 17).
The supporting framework of the roof, which is always of the
ridge or sloping type, consists of numerous rafters laid close together
on the main beams without projecting beyond the walls to form
eaves. In dwelling-houses, eaves are simple and are formed by
causing the roofing material to project beyond the walls. O n the
other hand, in gompa or monasteries, eaves are an independent
structure built separately from the supporting framework of rafters
(Fig. 18). >
1. Rafters in the supporting framework of eaves in gompa or monasteries are
arranged like radii. Several of the rafters, usually the thicker ones, are fastened
to the beams in the main structure supporting the roof with big wooden dowels
or headless pegs, so as to prevent thrust from the eaves being concentrated on
the walls of the building.

W o o d is m u c h used as roofing material. Square or oblong

roofing-tiles, similar in shape to shingles on the roofs of houses in
the Italian Alps and Dolomites, are laid on the rafters in line with
the hip or slope of the roof. Heavy stones are placed o n top to prevent
them from being blown off.1
W o o d is also m u c h used to m a k e partitions between rooms in
dwelling-houses and monasteries. Allegorical scenes or geometrical
patterns are painted in vivid colours on partitions in the latter.
Partitions consist of a number of battens forming a stout framework
able to withstand stress in such areas as doorways and corners.
Boards are placed in between the battens and are held in place by
being inserted into grooves cut in the edges of the latter. D o o r frames
in partitions are also m a d e of w o o d . 2
Mention must be made of methods of building window-frames
and doorways in the walls of houses. Both of these consist of a large,
stout frame which isfittedinto the walls during the building of the
latter. A n interesting feature of window-frame construction is that
the various partslintel, jambs and the sillare joined together
without nails. In order to secure the frames firmly in the windowopenings in the walls, tenons or projecting tongues of w o o d are
attached to the upper and lower edges of the jambs, which fit into
slots in the reveals or internal side surfaces of the window-openings
(Fig. 19). The upper horizontal piece of w o o d in the window-frame,
whenfittedinto the opening, becomes the lintel, the lower horizontal
piece the sill. Projecting shoulders or overhangs are often built in
the wall above window-openings and doorways, their purpose being
both decorative and to provide protection against the weather. A
counter-frame, varying in size according to the opening, and consisting
of battens or a grille subdivided into squares and oblongs which
form decorative geometrical patterns,fitsinto the main frame.
Doorways, too, are m a d e of w o o d in the same w a y as windowframes, that is, with a counter-frame fitted into a main frame. A s
with windows, so shoulders or overhangs are often built in the wall
above doorways; m a d e partly of wood, the shoulders support one
or more layers of stone slabs. T h e door itself turns on pins fitted
in holes in the door-frame.
1. Flexible b a m b o o matting weighted d o w n with heavy stones is frequently used
as a cap to cover the ridge of roofs.
2. W o o d is often used to panel the interior of rooms and so provide a base for
brightly painted decorations. A s regards simple exterior decoration on a clay
plaster base in the monasteries of K h u m b u , only broad surfaces such as walls
and bands and friezes under eaves are painted in subdued shades of reddish
brown, white and black, whereas more elaborate exterior decorations are
always painted in bright colours o n a w o o d base.

N e w trends in building
materials and methods
A budding tourist industry and improved educational facilities in the
villages of K h u m b u have brought about changes in building materials
and methods in recent years. Such changes have been boosted further
by modern^ means of transportationas, for example, the transport
of building materials by air in light aircraft and helicopterswhich
n o w link u p the remote, high valleys of the region, isolated for
centuries, with technologically advanced centres of supply in the
south.
A m o n g new building materials imported from the south, glass
is n o w m u c h used to glaze windows, having to a great extent replaced
traditional white rice-paper, which however still occasionally continues to be used.
Another innovation in building materials is corrugated zincplated sheeting as roofing for gompa instead of stone or wood.
Rather than a new trend in building materials, the use of zinc sheeting
arises from a practical need to provide temporary roofing for more
important buildings such as monasteries until proper restoration
with materials in greater harmony with the environment can be
carried out.
In addition to n e w building materials replacing traditional
materials in renovated houses, n e w trends in building methods
emerge from a survey of houses of recent construction. It must
however be pointed out that traditional building materials and
methods have not entirely been replaced by new trends, and that they
still continue to be used.
In thefirstplace, far greater care is taken to build houses than
in the past. Whereas previously walls were built with stones obtained
during land reclamation or else gathered from screes or by rivers,
they are n o w built with quarried stone. Slabs and blocks cut from
quarried stone are partly dressed before being laid so as to fit more
perfectly, the joins between them having been reduced to a m i n i m u m .
A s in houses built earlier, so the inner supporting framework of
pillars, beams, joists and other elements in new houses is still m a d e
of w o o d as a structure separate from the outer protective walls.
Window-frames and doorways tend to be less decorative, though
are still m a d e and fitted using traditional methods.
As for n e w roofing methods, boards have to a large extent
replaced slabs and wooden shingles; simple timber joints between
the boards m a k e the roof weatherproof.
A m o n g buildings m a d e with methods foreign to Sherpa tradition
recently introduced into the K h u m b u region, prefabricated houses are

worthy of mention. Apart from the foundations which are built on

the spot with local material, all parts of the housesupporting
framework of pillars and beams, walls, roof and fitmentsare
transported by helicopter and then assembled. The role of the local
population is secondary, being limited to such simple operations as
gathering stone for the foundations and carrying building materials
from helicopters to the building site.
A number of prefabricated schools have recently been built in
the more important villages of K h u m b u . 1 Thefirstvillage school was
built at K h u m j u n g in 1954 by an English party led by Sir E d m u n d
Hillary.2 The school was donated by the Indian Aluminium C o m p a n y
and the various parts transported by air with the help of the International Red Cross.
A new trend is to m a k e better use of local materials and combine
modern building methods with traditional Sherpa methods, and so
keep them within a strictly local economy. 3 The local population,
by not being relegated to a role of secondary importance, thus takes
an active part in building operations. Results are twofold: traditional
building methods are kept alive and local resources are exploited to
the full. This enables the local population to remain more or less
independent of large-scale external aid.
In conclusion, mention must be m a d e of the hospital at K h u m d e
and the Everest View Hotel at K h u m j u n g , both of which were built
recently. Entirely foreign to Sherpa culture, these two new buildings
have in a sense upset the age-long equilibrium of traditional Sherpa
architecture.
Both the hospital and the hotel were built using to a great
extend imported modern methods. Nevertheless, credit must be given
to the architects for having tried to adapt the buildings to the immediate surroundings by employing wherever possible local building
materials and methods. Despite attempts to respect the environment,
it cannot be denied that these two buildings have created a dangerous
precedent, and that others will soon follow suit unchecked, in total
defiance of the noble culture and traditions of the Sherpa people.

1. From an architectural point of view, schools are new to Sherpa tradition. It

is perhaps for this reason that they are built some distance from villages in
order not to break up the harmony of layout.
2. E . Hillary, ' W e Build a School for Sherpa Children', National Geographic
Magazine (Washington), October 1962.
3. 'Constructions Scolaires', Architecture d'Aujourd'hui (Unesco, Paris), MarchJune 1973.

77

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