Suvarnadvipa by R. C. Majumdar Part 1.
Suvarnadvipa by R. C. Majumdar Part 1.
Suvarnadvipa by R. C. Majumdar Part 1.
ARCHJEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY
I,
393tt9
I!
CALL :'<o. 9 __
Df-:095
_____ ~~ _Naj~---
l1P-
ACCESSION NO.
n.a:A.-79 -
== - -
-- -
- .
.-----
)
I:
D
MADURA
G
Pr<irnbanall
Plau'),!fl
()
11
R..tt~
,_, B.~ka: v- C
JOGY4KERTA
I
()
FAR EAST
VOL. 11.
SUVAR.NADVIeA
__ .. :::--4-
'"------------------~----
..
...,.";{it
By
...
-:---
--~~
:~
---
;_~
~~
~~
\:-~ ,
1
'~. ; . . _ .......
~~--
..~ r ,;;
,,..
..
, l..J I ,. ,
~-
..
,' "'
t~
..
'
!
'
c'
D.ACC.A
1937-
......,
-~
- . . r-' . -
-.
--
Published by
WI:I\"~TRAL
t;
Ace..
Date.
..... _
\
To be had of the following book-sellers :
1. Chuckervertty Chatterji & Co.
15, College Square, Calcutta.
2. Book Company
4/4A, College Square, Calcutta.
3. Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot.
Saidmitha Street, Lahore.
4. Greater India Society
PRINTER
D~CCA
To
The Dutch Savants
whose labours have unfolded
a new and glorious chapter
of the
History of Ancient Culture and Civilisation
of India
this volume is dedicated
in token of
the respect, admiration, and gratitude
of the author.
PREFACE
The first volume of Ancient Indian Colonies in the
Fat East, dealing with the colony of Champa, was published
in 1937. Various causes h,tve delayed the publication of the
second volume. One of them is a change in the planning of
the different volumes. Originally I had intended to deal with
the history of Kamboja (Cambodia) in the second volume. As
the wonderful monuments of this kingdom were to constitute
an important part of the volume, I paid a visit to Cambodia
in order to obtain a first-hand knowledge of them. There,
in my conversation with the Archreological authorities, I came
to learn for the first time that many novel theories were being
advanced regarding the age and chronological sequence of
the monuments of Angkor Thom. I was advised to put off
the publication of my book until these had been fully explored.
Acting upon this advice I took up the history of Malayasia
which was to have formed the third volume. My knowledge
of Dutch being very poor at the time, I had to spend a long
time in mastering the contents of relevant books and Journals
which are mostly written in that language. Hence it has taken
me nearly nine years to prepare and bring this volume before the
public. The interval between the first and the second volume
has further been prolonged by several urgent pre-occupations.
PREFACE.
PREFACE.
Ramna, Dacca.
R. C.
~IAJU)ID.An
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
P!lga
Introduction
Abbreviations
Additions and Corrections
Maps 1. Malayasia
2. Central and Eastern Java
Book I.
i
xi
xvii
} facing p. 1.
Chapter
I. The Land
II. The People
Ill. Pre-Hindu Civilisation in l\Ialayasia
IV. Suyarr:mdvipa
V. Early Hindu Colonisation in Malay Peninsula
VI. Early Hindu Colonisation in Java
VII. Early Hindu Colonisation in Sumatra
VIII. Early Hindu Colonisation in Borneo
IX. Early Hindu Colonisation in Bali
X. Hindu Civilisation in Suvarl)advipa up to the
end of the Sewnth Century A.D.
Book II.
138
11
1
9
26
37
65
91
116
125
132
149
167
191
204
..
11
Book Ill.
Chapter
I. The Kingdom nf ~Iataram
II. Rise of Eai'>te)'n Jaya
III. The Kingllom of .h.a<Jiri
IV. The Dynasty of Siughasfiri
V. The Foundation of }Iajapahit
VI. The Jayane:'ie Empire
VII. Downfall of the Empire
VIII. SuJ.l<Ja
Book IY.
Page
~29
255
276
292
308
319
339
356
363
378
401
412
419
429
INTRODUCTION
I propose to deal in thi~ vulnme with the Hindu eolonisation
m :\Ialay Peninsula and tlw :\[:day Arehipelago. For this
entire region, now known a,.; ~Ialaya,ia. I han' used the name
SuvarJ.ladvipa. :\Iy authority fur the use of thi,; Indian name
in this wide sen,;;e ic;; set forth in Chapter IV.
In thit> volume I have followed the ;,ame plan as was adopted
in the case of the earlier volunw on Champii. I have tried
to bring together o-uch iufonnatinn a,.; we po,;,;es:o of the political
history of the dift'erent n'gions cnnstitnting Suvaq1adYipa,
and have ah:o dmlt ,yith tlw various a;;.;peds of civili,.;ation
of their people, ci ~ ., religion, literature, bw and administration,
social and economic condition;;, and art. I have not discn;;sed
such general themes as the nature of Indian civilisation,
the influence of the Pall:was or of South India. on the
civilisation of Snmatra and .Java, the origin uf art and alphabet
of the,e ngion~, :ual 'oilnilar otlwr qnc--tions which are
pertinent to the f-:ubjed. Thc:-e will be discu~sed m a
subsequent yolume.
Altbou~h SmarJ,Jalhipa i;; a mere geographical expression
and a congrries of "t<1tes, it came to be on two occasions,
at least, almo'-t a politie:ll entity. Fir~t. under the 8ailendra
kings from the end of thl' dghth to the beginning of the
elenmth e0ntury ~\.D .. and, seeondly, in the palmy day;; of
the Empire of ~fajapahit. Even in other period5, there has
almost always been a dose political rdation:;hip, be it friendly
or hostih'. between ih con;,titueut parts, sneh as we do not
meet with betwe<:n any of them and the oubide world.
Even now the pred minnnee of tlu' :\Lllay-'-'peaking people
all over the area -;pryp,.; a-; a bond of unity, which is also
artificially maintained to a larg<' extent by common :,;ubjection
to the Dutch. ThP,;e considerations would be a further
justification of the choice of Sn\'<trl,ladvipa as a historical unit.
11
IXTRODL"CTIOX
INTRODUCTIO::-<
iii
"T
lV
U\TRODl:CTION
I~'"TRObUCTIOX
Groeneveldt-Notes, p. \'11.
ISTRODL"CTIOS
4.
E.
IXTTIODUCTIO~
vii
2.
Fvr full discussion on this point cf. T'oung Pao. 193-4, pp. 303 ff.
Cf. Toung Pao, 1933, pp. 236 ff.
iii
viii
IXTHOTWCTIOX
I.
Translation.
la
IXTftODr<_'Tl\).\"
lX
XXXU,
fl.
P.
Pelli<>t-IP~
L<tt<rkundt'.
Gr.ml~ Yn:-,1_~,,~
:\Iaritimes
X. H., d.
('hinois
I::\nrRODt;'CTIOX
ABBREVIATIONS
A. B. I. A.=Annual Bibliography of Indi:1n Archaeology
(Published by Kern ln;:titnte, Ll'y<hn).
Ann. Rep. Arch. Surv.= Annual Report
Survey of India.
n{
the "\rchaeological
Archaeologique de
(1928)
Bib-Jav= Bibliotheca J avanica
B. K. I= Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en VolkPnkunde van
Ncdcrlandsch-Indie. uitgegeven door hetKoninklijk
Instituut voor df' Taal-, land- en Volkenkundc van
N ederlandsch In die
Cat. I.= Supplement op den Catalogus van de ,Javaansche en
Madoerpe:;ehe Hall(bchriften d~~r Lcidschc Universiteit.,-Bibliothef'k by Dr. H. H. Juynboll. Leiden,
Vol. I (1907>. Vol. II (1911).
xii
ABBREVIATIONS
ABBREYIA TIOXS
Fenand-Te~ie~=llrbtinns
"r
xiv
ABBf:E\"1.\TJO::-;f,
K. O.=Kawi Oorkonden in Facsimile Met Inleiding en Transcriptie by Dr. A. B. Cohen Stuart (Leiden, 1875}.
Krom-Geschiedcnis=Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis by Dr.
N. J. Krom (Martinus Nijhoff, Hague, 1926). The
second Edition ( 1931 ) is indicated by KromGeschiedenis'.
ADBRL\L.\.TIOXS
XV
VII-YHI1.
N. I. 0. N.=Nederlancl~ch Indi(_;, Oud en Sienw
Not. Bat. G<'n.=Notnlcn van de .\lgemcene f'n BefJtnnrsverg:adt>ringPn v:m het Bata\'inaseh Genootschap
van Kun~t!'n en ".eten8chappen.
0. Y.=Oudheidknndig: V f'r~l:Jg (R1pporten van den Oudheidknndig DiPnF.t in X ederlandsch Indie, Series I,
1H1:.?-1!11H ; Series II. 19:?0 etr.)
Par=P:1raraton of Het B()ek der Koningen van Tumapel en van
~Iajapahit door Brandes ; Tweede Druk door Dr.
X. J. Krom \Y. B. G. Deel LXII), 1920.
Poerbatjaraka-Agastya=Agastya in den Archipel by Poerbatjaraka (Lesya) (Leiden, Hl:?6).
Raffies-Java=The ITibtory of Java by Sir Thomas Stamford
RafHrs, :.?nd Edition (London, 1830).
Rapporten=Rapporten van de Commissie in Xedcrlandsch-Indie
voor Oudlwidkundig Onderzoek op Java en
:Madnra, 1901 etr.
Rum-Serams=DP Rum Serams op Xicuw-Guinea of Het
Hinduismc in het Oo~ten van onzen Archipel door
Dr. D. W. Hor>'t (Leiden, 1893).
iv
XYI
xvili
ADDITIOXS
A~"'"D
CORRECTIOXl:l
Book I
THE DA\VN OF HINDU COLONISATION
,,,
~OR
TH
..~
BAN 0 A
l<>
ANDAMAN
~ORTH
{/~ ISLANDS
I'
BAND A
0----~------_j-~------~
E
106
llO
SUVARNADVIPA or MALAYASIA
SUVAR~ADViPA
Chapter I.
~rHE
LAND
THE
LA.1~D
SUVAR~TADVIPA
THE LAND
(a)
SUVAR~ADVJPA
was a brisk trade rdation between the two.' A,; we shall see
later Chryse wa,; a vague name applied to .:\Ialaya,;ia.
The further statement in the Periplu,.;, that aftcr Chryse
'\mder the very north, the f'Ca onbide end-; in a land called
This," is of singular importanct, ina:,nmch as 'This' undoubtedly
stands for China. As Cl;ffonl has pointed out, this tends
to prove "that the :,ea-route to China rirt the Strait-; of .:\Ialaeca
even though it was not yet in general use, was no longer
unknown to the mariners of the ca:,t." This is continued by
the fact that not long afterwards the sailor ~\.lexandcr sailed
to the Malay Pcnim;ula and beyond ; for, to quote again
from Clifford, "it may safely be concluded that the feasibility
of this south-ca:-;tern passage had become knovm. to the
sea-farers of China long before an adventUTer from the west
was enabled to test the fact of its existence through the means
of an actual voyage.""
The author of the Periplus does not seem to h:r1;e possessed
any definite information or accmate knowledge of the :F'ar East.
The rea:>uu sftm:- to be that tlHn wa,.: no direct communication
bdweeu the Coromamld coa..:t and the Far East, but the voyage
was made fmm the Gang..tie rq.;ion eith(r dinct or along the
coa,;t of Bay uf Bengal. Thi,; follow,; from the fact that
whenenr Chry,.,e i;.. meutiuacd in the Periplu,; it is invariably
associated "ith thl; Ganges. ~-b this aspect of the question
has not been generally ncogni,cd I may quote below the
relevant pa~,ag(~S from Scholf',; translation.
2.
Ibid. p. 260.
W. H. Schoff
THE LAND
:?. "'j.fter these, the course turns towards the cast again,
and sailing V\'ith the ocean toward,; the right and the
shore rem:1ining beyond to the left, Ganges comes into
view, and near it the very last land towards the east,
Chryse." (p. 47)
3. "And just opposite this river (the Ganges) there IS an
bland in the ocean, the last part of the inhabited world
toward the east, lmder the rising sun itself ; it IS called
Chryse." (p. 48)
Thus there is hardly any doubt that to the author of the
Periplus Chrysc is closely associated with the Gangetic region.
The last sentence in the first passage may be taken to imply
a direct voyage to Chryse, but it is at least very doubtful.
Besides, it is to be remembered, that the author of the Periplus
himself says that the coasting voyage was the order of the day,
and he narrates the striking discovery by Hippalns of a direct
voyage to the west coast of India from African >.hore. 1 It is
difficult to believe that the author would not have referred to
a direct voyage from the Coromandel coast to the Far East, if
such a course was known in his time, at least in passage
No. 1. quoted above.
This view is confirmed by Ptolemy. He refers to the
apheteriwn, immediately to the south of Paloura, where the
vessels bound for the l\Ialay Peninsula "ceased to follow the
littDral and entered the high seas" t. S. Levi has shown that
the city of Palonra, which played such an important part
in the eastern ocean trade of India was the same as the
famous city of Dantapura, in Kalinga, which figures so
I.
Ibid. P -45
2.
SUVAR:tS"ADYiPA
For the probability of such voyage in pre-historic times cf. Chap. II.
THE
LAL~D
Chapter 11
rrHE PEOPLE
A detailed discussion of the people or people,;; that inhabited
l\Ialayasia before the mh"ent of the Hindus belongs to the
domain of anthropology. It is beyond the ;,eope of the present
work to dwell upon this quc,.;tiun at length and I propose,
therefore, merely to give in broad outline the salient facts
on which there is a general agreement among scholars.
It is usual to divide the popnlation into three main strata :
The primitive races (~) the Proto-l\Ialays and (3) the
Malays.'
(1)
10
THE PEOPLE
Sl:JV~ill~ADVIPA
11
2. Roland B. Dixon-The
Racial History of Man (Charles
Scribner's Sons, ~ew York, London, 1923) p. 275
12
THE PEOPLE
"The oldest str:ttmn of population wa:-< the X egrito PalaeAlpine which snn-ives to-day in c>mparatiH' purity only among
the Amlam:tnese. \\Tith this wa,.; lattr bkm1cd a taller X egroid
people, of mixed Pro to-Au;,;traloid and Pl'utu- X cgroid types,
to form the Semang. This X rgruid population is still
represented among some of the hill-folk in Burma, such as the
Chin, is more strongly present in ~b~am aml dominant in the
greater part of India. Subsequently to thr formation of Scmang
a strong immigration came into the Prninsula from the north,
of the normal Palac-Alpinc typP, of which perhaps some of
the Karen may be regarded as the la;;.:t snn-ivor,-. From the
fusion of these with the older Semang was deri,cd the Sakai
and some, perhaps, of the Jakun ; the later and less modified
portions of this wave forming the older "Malay group.~ of to-day.
Finally in recent time:> came the :\fenangkabau :Malays from
Sumatra who have onrlain the earlier group throughout the
south." The statement in the last sentence that the Malays
came from Sumatra, is, perhaps, no longer valid, as we shall see
later.
As regards language, it has been recognised for a long time
that the language of the Malays belongs to the same family
as that of Polynesia and the name Malayo-Polynesian
was applied to this group. Sine<' then, however, Mclanesian,
Polynesian, Microncsian and Indonesian (Malay) languages
have all been proved to belong to the same family to which
the new name Austro-nesian has been applied. The discovery
of human skulls and the pre-historic stone implements in
Indo-China and l\Ialay Archipelago has demonstrated the racial
and cultural affinity between many of the races speaking these
languages. 1
There is hardly any doubt that the primitive wild tribes of
l\Ialayasia belonged to the pal::eolithic age. Discoveries of human
skulls and other pre-historic finds establish a sort of racial and
1. For pre-historic finds cf. Tijdschr. Aardr. Gen. Vol. 45 (1928)
pp. 551-576; 0. V. 1924 (127-133), 1926 (174-193), 1929 (pp. 23 ff).
SUVAR~ADVIPA
13
pp.
119 ff ).
THE PEOPLE
14
J. A.
a. T. B. G. Vol. 64
(1924),
120-I2S ; 1919,
p.
6o+
201.
SlJYA.R~ADYIPA
15
'In the :oame way a::; I haYe vrc~entcd JJc'l'e the re::;ults of
in...-c:otigations on moYements of people::; ,vlw, starting
x. lJie .\lon-Khmcr-\'olher etc.
P VI.)
16
THE PEOPLE
SUYAR~_ADVIPA
17
..
18
THE PEOPLE
2.
Krom-Geschiedenis, p. 38.
SUVAR~ADVLPA
19
I
t
20
THE PEOPLE
SUYAR~ADVlPA
21
22
THE PEOPLE
2.
SUVAR~ADVlPA
23
J. A.
2.
Ferrand-Textes, p.
24
THE PEOPLE
2. Gajava, Magojava.
The tribe Malava-l\Ialaya has played great part in the history
of India. Its name is associated with an old language, the
most ancient era and two important provinces of India. The
Malaya tribe has played an equally dominant part in the Indian
seas. It has been the dominant race in the Indian Archipelago
and its name and language are spread over a wide region
extending almost from Australia to African coast. I have
shown above enough grounds for the presumption-and it must
not be regarded as anything more than a mere presumption-that
the Malava of India may be looked upon as the parent stock
of the Malays who played such a leading part in
Malayasia. It may be interesting to note here that Przyluski
has shown from linguistic data that Udumbara or Odumbara
was the name of an Austro-Asiatic people of the Punjab and
also designated their country. 1
The Odumbaras were
neighbours of the Malavas and the coins of the two peoples
belong approximately to the same period. Thus, prima
facie there is nothing inherently objectionable in the
assumption that the Malava-Malaya may also be the name of
an Austro-Asiatic people.
I, P. C. Bagchi-Pre-Aryan and
Pre-Dravidian
PP 1~9-r6o.
2. V. A. Smith-op. cit, pp. t6o ff., p. 166.
in
India,
SUVAR~ADVIPA
25
Cf. Ferrand in
J.
A. ll-X!I, p. 77
Chapter Ill.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
27
These
28
SUV.AR~ ADVIP A.
The pre-historic remains of the ~Ialay Peninsula have not
yet been studieu to the same extent as those of Java anu
Smuatra. But enough ha,; been discoyereu to show thcir
general natnre. 1
~\.. number of caves containing paheo lithic
implementl:l, some of them of Sumatran type,;, have come
to light. But the great majority of the stone implements
hitherto di,;cowreu are neolithic. ~Iost of them arc axe or
adze heaus, anu there is a total absence of kuin,;, :>pear-hcaus
or arrow-heads. Probably bamboo and hanlwou<.h were used for
these purposes. .Among implement,; of rare type may be
mentioned a hand-axe and quoit-shapcu object:-; figured in plates
X..\:XVI-VII of Evan\; book. Hough cord-markl'Ll pottery,
in imitation of ware made in a baslzct, and often with diamondshaped retieulations, has abo been founu with the "tone
implements.
Certain tools of bronze or copper have been discowred, but
they are distinctly rare, and it is doubtful whether there was any
.AnciPnt iron tools arP abo
bronze age in the Peninsula.
occasionally discovenu, anu We haYe ;..nmc "lWeimrn,.; of graves
built of large granitt -,lab:-; and 'cisb' el<l~ly r''f'lllllliug the
dolmen. On the whole the remain,: afford u,.; the pi<:>tnrP of a
very primitin civilisation.
~Iention may also be made of what arc popularly known as
Siamese mines. These arc circular pits, sonwtimes more than
hundred feet deep and about two feet apart, and conncctPd with
one another by galleries at the ba;;:e.
r
..
PP
ff.
30
PRE-ID~U CIVILISATIO~
IN )IALAYASIA
SUVAR~ADViPA
31
3:?
SuVAR~ ADVIP.A
33
formed the chief part, the Zamans became the medium through
whose month the spirits of the ancestors gave their blessings
to, and directed the undertakings of, their descendants. The
Zamans also '>Vcre, therefore, held in great veneration.
The Javanese also made distinct progress in astronomy.
They calculated a month of 30 days according to the phases of
the moon, and their year consisted of 12 months. The year
was again divided into two part8, ten months of work and two
of rest. Five dayf', or rather nights, formed a unit, and two
such units formed the week, of which there were thirty in the
working period of ten months or 300 days.
'Yhile admitting that the people of Java had attained to a
much higher grade of ci\ilisation than their neighbours, it is
difficult to accept the highly ex:1ggerated picture which is
sometimes drawn of it. ".e may, for example, refer to the
views of the great scholar Brandes who held that the pre-Hindu
Javanese had the knowledge of the following. 1
1. The Wajang,-a kind of shadow-play well-known in
modern Java.
2. Gamelan,-moden1 Javanese music accompanying
Wajang.
3. :Metre.
4. The art of weaving Batik cloth.
5. The metal industry.
6. :Monetary system.
7. Sea-'myage.
8. Astronomy.
9. Cultivation by means of artificial irrigation.
10. State-organisation of a high order.
34
PRE-HL~DG
CIVILISATIOX IX l\L\.LAYASIA
"T
35
the industry in Java belongs to a very late period, while from
a much earlier period India has been a well-known centre for
the mass-production and wholesale export of the commodity.
Here, again, the only argtm1ent for a Javanese origin seems to
be that the technical terms are Javanese. As Krom has
rightly pointed out, even to-day the Javanese give indigenous
names to new articles imported from America and Emope,
and hence no weight ~hould be attached to arguments based on
indigenous character of the name.
As to Javanese metric and system of coinage, Brandes
himself puts forward the claim with a great deal of hesitation,
and Krom has pointed out that there is absolutely no evidence
in support of it. 'Vhat Brandes claims as Javanese metre, and
Javanese coins proper, make their first appearance after the
Indian metre and Indian coins had remained in use for
centuries.
According to Brandes, these undoubtedly later
phenomena are developments of old pre-Hindu state of things.
We have, however, as yet had no evidence that there was any
metre or coin in the pre-Hindn period. Besides, ewn if there
were any, we are to suppilSe, that they ab~olntely went out of
use during the many eeuturies of Hindu inflnence, only
suddenly to come to light after an obscurity of ovf'r thousand
years. Nothing but the very strongest positive evidence would
induce us to believe in such an explanation, and such evidence
is lacking for the present. '
As regards the last two points, cultivation by means of
irrigation, and developed political organisation, Brandes bases
his conclusions on the use of indigenous technical terms. As
has been shown above, this is by no means a sati:;factory
evidence. On the other hand, the irrigation sy;;tem was not
unknown to the other Indo-nesinn tribes nnd. might well have
developed independently in J:wa even prior to the Hindu
I. Berg points out the close connection between the Javanese
metrics and Javanese phonetics, and regards it as an evidence of the high
antiquity of Javanese metre (Berg-Inleiding, pp. 67-69).
36
PRE-HDi'Dr
CIVILISATIO~
IX
~JALAYASIA
Chapter IV.
SUVAR~ADVfPA
Snvarl)abhumi {gold-land) and Suvar!)advipa (gold-island),
as names of over-sea countrieR, were familiar to the Indians
from a very early period. They occm in old popular stories
such as have been preserved in the Jatakas, Kathakosa and
Brhatkatha, as well as in more serious literary works, mainly
Buddhist.
Thus, according to a Jataka story, 1 prince Mahajanaka
sailed with some merchants in a ship bound for Snvaq1abhumi,
in order to get great riches there. Another Jataka story
refers to a sea-voyage from Bhamkaccha to Suval'l}abhumi.
The same journey is described in great detail in the SnpparakaJataka. 3
The original Brhatkatha is lo,t, but its stories have been
partially presernd in the Katha,::arit-sagara, Brhatkathamaujari and Brhatkatha-sloka-saillgraha. The Brhatkatha-slokasamgraha gin~,.; ns the :,tory of Sanndasa, who sails for
Suvarl)abhumi with a gang of adventurers, and undertakes a
perilous joumey by land after crossing the sea. The
Kathasarit-,.;agara contains a few more stories of the same type.
First, we have the adventurous story of the great merchant
1.
Jataka-Vol. VI. p. n.
2.
Jataka-Vol. Ill. p.
12-4.
...
SUVA~ADVIPA
38
Samudra~ura,
'V
1.
or 1867, p. 276).
p.
2.
lbid, Tarailga
6.
269.
123,
v.
IIO.
'
SUVAR~ADVIPA
3!1
Geiger-Mahavarilsa, p. 86.
Mahakarma-Vibhanga p. 62 ; Sasanavarilsa, p. 36.
S Sarat Chandra Das,-Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow,
p.so; Kern-Manual of Buddhism, p. 130.
6. Coedes-Textes, p. 12.
7 Schoff's Translation, pp, 4548.
8. Coedes-Textes, p. 15.
9 Coedes,-Textes, p. 71. The date of Dionysius is given as
,;econd century A.D. by Coedes. Tozer in his History of Ancient
Geography (p. 282) assigns him to the first century A.D.
Io. Coedes-Textes, p. 86.
4
STJYARi~~- ADYfP A
40
I bid, p. 116.
DUVAR~ADViPA
41
Elsewhere he says: "The i"lands of the Zabaj are called the Gold
Country becam-e you obtain much gold as deposit if you wash
only a little r.[ the earth of that country". 1 Although the
translator of Albcrnni has put, within brackets, Suvarz.mdvipa
after the exprc:-sion, 'Gold Country', the phrase used by Alberuni
is undoubtedly equivalent to SuvaTI}abhumi, rather than
Suvarl}advipa. In another place Alberuni has included
Suvarl}abhumi in the list of countries in the north-east, as
giYen in Brhat-S,unhita. 2 l\Iany other Arab writrs refer to
Zabaj as the 'Golden land' or 'land of gold'. Among them may
be mention\'d Hara~i (died 1138 A.D.)', Ya~ut (1179-1229)\
Sirazi ( died 1811 A. D. ) ", and Buzurg bin Sahriyar".
Nuwayri ((Ucd in 1332 A.D.) calls FaniUr (Pansur or Baros on
the western side of Sumatra) as the land of gold 7 It may
be noted also that Buzurg bin Sahriyar in one place calls
:Mankir the capital of the land of gold, though in other places
he evidently follows the Arab tradition of identifying it with
Zabaj".
The name Suyan,ladYipa was also not unknown to the
Chinc,c,c. I -t:-ing twice mentions Kin-tcheu (gold-island) in
his famous ''.Memoir on the pilgrimage of monks who visited
the wciotcrn <:ouutrie, in srarch of law", and uses it as a
/
synonym of Chc-li-fo-che or Sri-Vijaya."
Having thu:; rapidly surveyed the wide prevalence of the
knowledge of SuYan,mdvipa and Suvar!]abhumi in many
x.
SUVAR~ADVIP A
42
SUVAR~ADVIPA
43
I
f
44
StJVAR~ AD VIP.\.
SUVAR~ADVIP A
45
to explain the name as due to the strong rays of the sun which
makes the soil look like gold. 1
Among: the Arab writers al,;;o, Hara~i and Ya~ut take the
view that the soil L; golJ, while Alberuni attributes the name
to the fact that the country yields a large quantity of gold.
There is hardly any doubt that the old tradition of the golden
soil was dC'rivcfl from India. For the PuraJ.laS actually refer
to a country, oubiclc Bhamtavar~a, the mountain and soil of
which consist of gold , and Divyiivadana describe's in detail
the difficulties which one has to surmount in order to reach that
region of the earth where' the soil is goltP. There is equally
little doubt that the origin of the name Suvan)abhumi has to be
traced to this belief, though a rational explanation was substituted
afterwards. The word bhlimi in Sumr~wbhlimi, therefore,
originally stood for soil or land in general, and there was no
idea of contrasting it with 'dripa', island or peninsula.
It may be noted here, that we have also reference to cities called
Suvarnapura. In :m illu:5trated N"epalese manuscript, a picture
is entitled '"SuYarl)l)apurc Sd-Vijaya-pure L~kanatha." or (the
imago of) Lokaw1tha (Avalokit{sYara) in Sri-Yijaya-pura in
SuvaTI.Jl)apma. Sri-Vijaya is the old name of a capital city in
Sumatra. So Suvarl).apnra should be located there, and seems
to be used as a debignation for a region, rather than a town"'.
The Katha,;;arit-sagara also refers to Kaneanapura, a synonym
of Suvan)apura, where the merchant IsvaravaTillan stopped on
his way to Smarl).advipa 5 In Bal).a's Kadambari also we
get a reference to '"Suvarl).apura, not far from the eastern
OCf'an and the abode of the Kiratas.
Coedes-Textes, p. 157. pp. 7I73
Cf. e.g., Matsya Puratp. Ch. 113, vv. rz, 423 ~fahantarh Sauvarryabhumim prthivipradcsarh
-Cowell, p. 107).
4 J. A. u-XX, pp. 4243
5 Taranga 57, v, 76.
6. Kadamvari-Tr. by Ridding, pp. 90-91.
I.
2.
(Divyavadana
46
SUV~ADVIPA
Thus, in addition to the generic name Suvarr;tabhumi, or goldland, we have references to gold-island, gold-peninsula, and
gold-city. It seems to be quite clear, therefore, that Sumrr;tabhumi was used primarily as a vague general de~ignation of an
extensive region, but, in course of time, different parts of it came
to be designated by the additional epithets of island, peninsula
or city. The original name, however, never went out of use
altogether, for we definitely know that, even at a much later
period, it used to denote Sumatra and portions of Burma. In
order to have a general idea of the extent of the region to which
the name Suval'T)abhumi was applied, it is necessary to make a
list of territories which we know on definite grounds to have
borne that name in its primary or derivative form.
The Periplus makes it certain that the territories beyond the
Ganges were called Chryse. It does not give us any means to
define the boundaries more precisely, beyond drawing our
attention to the facts, that the region consisted both of a part of
mainland as well as an island, to the east of the Ganges, and
that it was the last part of the inhabited world. To the north
of this region it places This or China. In other words, Chryse,
according to this authority, has the same connotation as the
Trans-Gangetic India of Ptolemy, and would include Burma,
ludo-China, and Malay Archipelago, or rather such portions of
this vast region as were then known to the Indians.
Ptolemy's Chryse Chersonesus undoubtedly indicates the
Malay Peninsula, and his Chryse Chora must be a region to the
north of it.
Now, we have definite evidence that a portion of Burma was
known in later ages as Suvarl}abhumi. .According to the
Kalyar.ri inscriptions (1476 A.D.), Ramannadesa was also called
SuvaQI}abhumi 1 , which would then comprise the maritime
region between Cape Negrais and the mouth of the Salwin.
1. SuvaQQabhUmi-ratta-samkhata
Vol. :z:z. 1893, p. 151).
Rama&iadesa
( Ind Ant.
..
SUVARADVfPA
47
According to Po-"G-Daung Inscription (17i4 A.D.), 'Suval}I)iiparanta. a designation usually syncopated into Sunaparanta or
Sonnaparanta, included the country between the Lower Iravati
and Chindwin and the Arakan Y oma. Now, Aparanta means
'western end or extremity', and hence the region denoted as
Sm'al}J)aparanta may be taken to denote the western end or
extremity of Snvarl}abhumi. Thus these two place-names
would authorise us to apply the name Snvan~abhumi to a large
portion of Burma, both maritime and inland, and this would
also suit the location of Ptolemy's Chryse Chora 1
There can also be hardly any doubt, in view of the statement
of Arab and Chinese writers, and the inscription found in
Sumatra itself, that that island was also known as Suvarl}abhumi and Suvarr;mdvipa. Ferrand points out that even now
Sumatra is designated by the 1.\Ialays as Pulaw Emas or the
island of gold (Suvarl}advipa).
But the Arab writers definitely imply that SuvarJ;tadvipa
included a number of islands. Alberuni is quite clear on this
point. ''The islands of the Zabaj", says he, "are called by
the Hindus Suvarl)adv1pa, t'.e., the gold i;;lands". Ibn Said"
( 13th century A. D. ) definitely a&serts that Zabag is an
archipelago consisting of a large number of islands which
/
produce excellent gold, and says that Sribuza (Sri-Viyaya in
Sumatra) is the greatest of the islands of Zabag. The
same view is implied by other Arab writers both before and
after him. Thus, strictly speaking, the name Suvarl}advipa
1s applied by the Arabs, on the authority of the Hindus, to
I. Gerini-Researches pp. 64 ff. There does not seem to be any
adequate reason for excluding the maritime region, as Gerini has done,
in locating Chryse Chora. Of course we must always bear in mind
that it is a fruitless task to attempt to define the exact location of
Ptolemy's place.names beyond a general indication such as we have
given above.
2.
For the account of this and other Arab writers, cf. Ferrand ]. A.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
48
SUY.L\.R~ADVIPA
49
2.
r
50
StVAR~ADVIPJ.
India,
Edited
by
,
!
SUVAR~ADVIPA
51
Ka~ahasca
r
SrVAR~ADVIPA
52
2.
s7o-S73
SUVAR~ADVIPA
53
(395).
2.
Edrlsi, (194), lbn Said (346), D1maski (377 381) and Nuwayri
The figures within brackets refer to pages of Ferrand-Textes.
Sidi al-Celebi (Ferrand-Textes, p. 52J).
f
SUYAR~ADVIPA
54
in HariYari:t~a and the Budclhi,t Siitra callecl SadclharmaSmrt;yupasthana. For a critical "tlllly of the pasi'age in all
its bearings, we mu;,t refer the reaclPr to the original article of
that scholar 1 Here we ,..hall content ourselves with only a
few points, relevant to our present study, which emerge clearly
from his scholarly discussion.
The most important passage runs as follows :
Yatnavanto yayadviparh sapta-rajyopabobhit:un 1
SuvaTI_larupyakadvipam Suvan}akarama!)rJitam. 11
Unfortunately this passage appears in radically different
forms not only in the different texts of Ramaya!)a but also
in Harivamba, Ramaya:l)a-manjari of K~emenclra and the
Saddharma-Smrtyupasthana-Sutra which reproduce it. Thus
Yavadvipa appears only in the Bombay edition ; the
Bengali edition substitutes jaladclpmn, whereas the other
parallel passages omit it altogether. Similarly the first and
the third words in the first line, given above on the authority
of the Bombay version, are replaced respectively by
'mtnamntam' and 'phalablwjyopasobhitam'. The reading
'Yavadvipam' is undoubtedly to be preferred, but we are less
sure about the two others. Thus we cannot be quite certain
if 'Yavadvipa' was adorned with seven kingdoms as the
Bombay text informs us.
As to the second line, 'Sumn.wrupyal.rt' appears as the
name of a separate i:;,land in the Bengali ver:;;ion, but
Ramayal}a-manjari and Harivarhba sub;;titutc 8umr~ml.u(lyaka.
The latter reading is supported. by the Smrtyupasthana-Sutra,
as both the Chinese and the Tibetan translations of the
passage render the name as 'island called 'wall of gold', an
exact translation of Sumn.wkwJya-dtipa.
Now, Szwar~zakucJya is mentioned thrice as the name of
a country in Kauti]iya Arthasastra , and on this ground
Levi has preferred this reading. He takes as equivalent to this
1.
2.
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
55
1.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
56
S{JVARJ;rAD VIPA
57
Cf.
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
58
Translation by Tabard, p.
IJI.
SUVAR~ADVlPA
59
'
60
SUVAR~ADVfPA
SUVAR~ADVfPA
61
SUVAR~ADViPA
62
SUVAR~ ADVIPA
63
64
SGVARl;ii"ADVIPA
grew less and lrs", the native elements again a6scrted themselves.
All the,;c will be illn:otratcd by the detailed hi;.;tory of the Indian
colonies in the ~Ialay Peninsula, and the islands of Java,
Sumatra, Borneo, and Bali to which we now proceed.
Chapter V.
66
whole length, descending somewhat abruptly into a wider
plain on the east, and more gently into a narrower plain on
the west. In addition to smaller ranges running parallel to
the main chain, there are also isolated spurs and limestone
buffs. The highest peak in the main range, Gunong Kerbau,
has an altitude of 7,160 ft., but the highest motmtain is
Gunong Tahan (7, 186 ft.) on the eastem side .
.Almost the whole of the peninsula-both allm'ial plains
and mountain ranges-is covered by evergreen forests, mostly
dense jungles, the major part of which is yet untrodden by
human foot. The forests yield excellent timber, including
eaglewood, camphor tree, and ebony, and also less durable,
but more frequently used, materials of :Malayan architecture,
such as rattans, bamboos, the nibung, and the nipa palms.
Guttapercha, rubber, oils, and resins are also obtained from
the forests. The chief products of agriculture are rice, sugarcane, coffee, cotton, sago, pepper, spices, and rubber. There
are also some excellent fruit trees such as the mango-steen,
(lurian, pomegranate, jack-fruit, custard-apple, cocoa-nut, arecanut, sugar-palm, and banana.
The rivers are numerous, but small, and in most cases
navigable for large boats only upto a short distance from the
mouth. The more notable are the Pcrak, Bemam and :Muar
on the west, and Patani, Talukin, Kclantan, Besut, Trengganu,
Kuantan, Pahang and Rompin on the east. On account of
the impenetrable forests, the rivers have always formed
the chief highways of communication, and it is on the banks
of the rivers teat the main centres of civilisation have
grown.
The chief mineral products are tin, iron, gold, and coal.
The peninsula, with the islands adjacent to it, contains by
far the most extensive tin fields in the world, and supplies nearly
one-third of the world's output of that metal. Gold mines
exist in Pahang, Kelantan, a.n,.d Perak, and they are known
to have been worked even m. very ancient times. .Among
SUVAR~ADVlPA
67
68
MALA Y PESINSULA
SUVAR~ADVIPA
69
2.
70
1\'IALAY PENINSULA
SUVAR~ AD VIPA
71
72
Liang Dynasty, 'was 30 days' pacing from ea-;t to west and 20
days' pacing from north to south.' It may, therefore, be
regarded as having comprised the northern part of the Malay
Peninsula extending as far south as Keddah. Rouff.wr, however,
places both Lang-kia-su and Le1ikasuka in J ohore in the
southern part of the :Malay Peninsula. 1
On the other hand, Ferrand has traced the name in an
Axabic work, in the form Lang-Saka, and has identified it with
Marco Polo's Lochac. On the strength of these and fresh
Chinese evidences, he has located Lang-kia-su on the eastern
coast of the ~Ialay Peninsula, in the Isthmus of Ligor. 2 Indeed
the passage which Ferrand has quoted from Chavannes' 'Religi.eux Eminents' (pp. 78 and 100), seems to leave no doubt on
the point. If, therefore, Credes' identification of Leiikasuka
with Gunong Jerai be accepted as definitely proved, we must
hold that it was different from Lang-kia-sn.
Credes' view, however, rests almost solely on the Hikayat
Maron Mahawailsa, a late work of no authentic character. It
is also quite possible that the name of an old site was given
to a newly founded city. Credes has further relied upon the
popular traditions about Lenkasuka or Langkasuka, noted by
Blagden, and referred to hereafter. They may, however, be
equally explained by the supposition that an old site of
that name originally existed in the Isthmus of Ligor.
On the other hand, M. Sylvain Levi.'s identification of
Mevilimbangam, mentioned in Rajendra Cola's inscription, with
Kam.a-lailka 8 of Hiuen Tsang, differentiates the latter from
Leilkasuka, mentioned separately as Ilatiga~ogam in the same
inscription. This would support Credes' view. Thus, while it is
difficult to identify definitely Lang-kia-su with Ling-ya-sseu-kia,
the former may be placed in the Isthmus of Ligor.
In any case we are fully justified in regarding Lang-kia-su
as an old Indian colony in M:alay Peninsula, dating probably
1. B. K. I., 19ar, pp. 89 ff.
J. A. n-XII (1918), pp. 134ff.
:1.
J.
SUVAR~ADVlPA
73
10
74
1\L\LAY PENINSULA
!I
t
I
SUVAR~ADVfPA
75
a. Op. cit.,
P to6,
MALAY PENINSULA
76
SUVAR~ADVIPA
77
78
MALAY PENINSULA
.A.D.
There is, perhaps, reference to another old Hindu state in
Malay Peninsula, but the question is unfortunately not free
from doubt and difficulties. The Chinese annals of the Liang
and First Sung Dynasty refer to a kingdom called Kan-to-li or
Kin-to-li situated on an island in the southern sea 1 Neither
T'ang nor later Sung aiUlals refer to the kingdom, and it is not
till we come to the History of the ~ling Dynasty that we come
across the name again. There it is definitely asserted that
Kan-to-li was the old name of San-bo-tsai.
Now, on the basis of the identification of San-bo-tsai with
Sri-Vijaya and Palembang, Groeneveldt, Schlegel, and other
scholars took Kan-to-li of the Liang and First Sung annals as
equivalent to Palembang. This view has been strongly criticised
by Gerini. Referring to the identification of Kan-to-li with
San-bo-tsai by the late Ming historians, he remarks : "This
late identification looks, I need not say, exceedingly suspicious,
especially in view of the fact that we have more than once caught
Chinese authors at fault in this sort of game ; and last, but not
least, because there was and still exists a Khanthuli or Kanturi
district on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, which may
very well be the old Kan-to-li of First Sung and Liang periods."
The critici~m of Gerini appears to be a valid one, and neither
Pelliot nor Ferrand is willing to put much faith in the
identification proposed by later Chinese historians. But the
identification proposed by Gerini has not found general
1, For the Chinese references to Kan-to-li and discussions about
its identification et 1. Groeneveldt-Notes, pp. 6o6z. z. FerrandJ, A. u-XIV (1919), pp. 238-41. 3 Gerini-Researches, pp. 6or-604.
4- Pelliot-B. E. F. E. 0., Vol. IV, pp. 401-2. S Schlegel-T'oung
Pao, Serie II. Vol. 11, pp. 1224
SUVAR~ADVIPA
79
(op. cit),
l\IALAY PE~J:NSULA
80
2.
StJ\rAR:t_{ AD VIPA
SI
2.
11
82
MALAY PENINSULA
2.
2.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
83
192.
J. A. S.
..~
84
MALAY PENINSULA
'V
1.
lbid, p. 234
SUVAR~ADVfPA
85
86
MALAY PENINSl:JLA
SUVA.RADVIPA
87
APPENDIX
EARLY INSCRIPTIONS IN THE l\fALAY
PENINSULA ( UP TO THE FIFTH
CENTURY A.D. )
Nos. 1-7. "A group of seven inscriptions now extant on
the rather weather-worn and sloping side of a granite rock at
a place named Tokoon, lying near to the centre of the province
('Vellesley) or almost directly east of Penang Town."'
Mr. Laidlay's reading of these inscriptions need not be
seriously considered. But no attempt has since been made
to decipher them. It seems to be impossible to give a reading
of the whole inscription-assuming that the seven fragments
form a continuous inscription-but several letters are quite clear.
In No. 1, the first two letters are certainly sarrra and the next
three may be conjecturally read as lir(a)ma. In No. 2, the
first six letters are quite clear and may be read as "prathame
vayasi." The two letters that follow I doubtfully read as
srame. In the second line the word 'rajena' may be noted,
but the short strokl:l before '1.J is difficult to interpret. No. 4
is certainly "jayatu." Nos. 3,5,6, and 7 do dot yield much that
can be regarded as useful.
Now, although the inscription does not yield any definite
meaning, several important conclusions can be deduced from
I. The inscriptions Nos. 112 were discovered by Lieut. Col.
James Low, and a short account of them was published by
Mr. J. W. Laidlay in J. A. S. B., 18-48, Part 11, pp. 62 ff., pl. IV; 18-49,
Part I, p. 2-47, pl. X. Lt. Col. Low refers to another inscription on the
four sides of a brazen ornamented dish, but no facsimile is published.
Mr. Laidlay read it as Sa'Vita (Samvat ?) 1399. He also notices a
brick with two early letters (Jaya ?).
SUVAR~ ADViPA
89
it. In the first place, the language is Sanskrit and not Pali.
This is evident from 'sarvva' in No. 1 and "prathame vayasi"
in No. 2. Secondly, the few letters, that may be read with
certainty, place the inscription not later than the fourth
century A. D. It is to be noted in this connection that the
peculiar characteristics of South Indian alphabet are not very
conspicuous in this record. The lower end of the vertical in k
shows a slight bend to the left, but a, r, and medial1t do not
show any upward bend.
"r
The first of these, No. 8, may be definitely read as "l\lahanavika-Buddhaguptasya rakta-mrttika(a)vas[taryasya] (?)." No. 9
has been read by Kern as "Sarvver;m prakare~a sarvvasmat
sarvvatha sarvva ...... siddhayanasanna." Mr. Chhabra reads the
third word as 'sarvvasmin', and the last word as "Siddhayat (r)
a (1;1) santu." l\Ir. Chhabra thinks that No. 9 is a continuation
of No. 8, and the passage contains a prayer for the successful
voyage of Buddhagupta.
No.10. may be read as "ajnanacciyate karmma janmanal}.
karmma kara~a ... jnanan-na ciyate (?)"
As has been pointed out by Dr. Kern, this formula is also
found in the Keddah Ins. (No. 12 below).
No. 11 I read doubtfully as " ... sirasa pral)ipata".
Here, again, the s0nse of the inscription as a whole (assuming
the four to be parts of one inscription) is obscure ; but it
seems to record a gift by, and a prayer for the successful voyage
1. J.A.S.B., Vol. IV.
:z. J.A.S.B. Vol. XVJI, Part 11, p. 71.
3. V, G., Vol. III, pp. 255 ff.
4 J. A. S, B. L., VoL I, pp. 14 ff.
12
90
APPENDIX
Chapter VI
92
SUVAR~ADVIPA
93
ma~n divisions.
94
Ibid., p. 71.
History
of Java'.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
95
2.
Ibid., PP 734-
96
Ibid., p. 7S.
2. Ibid., p. 72.
f;ffiT.AR~.ADVlP.A
I.
2,
13
98
SUVAR~ADVIPA
99
hardly any gold at all, bnt Snmatra, which evrn now prodnccs
gold, wa,;; named Snvanp.dvipa for that very rrason.'
'
I
I
p. 118.
lOO
HINDU
SUVAR"l'.f ADVIP A
101
10~
H:rnDU
COLONISATIO~
IN JAVA
the 'History of the Fir.3t Sung Dynasty', that in 430 A. D., the
kingdom of Ho-lo-tan, which rukcl O';t'l' the i;;land of Java
(Cho-p'o), sent to the imperial court ambaf'sadors offering
diamond rings, red parrot:-:, white Indian rngs and cottons,
Ja>anese cottons, and &imilar articles. Four or fi\'C embassies
were sent from Ho-lo-tan between ..:\. D. 434: and 45:? ; one
authority places these embassies in 433, 436, 44:9, and 452 A. D.,
while another authority refers them to 433, 434, 437, 449, and
452 A.D. In addition to the embassies from Ho-lo-tan, Chinese
annals refer to two embassies from Chii-p'o in 433 and 435 A.D.
In the latter year, the king of this country, nflmcd Che-li-p'o-tat'o-a-la-pa-mo sent an envoy to the Chinese Pmperor to present
a letter and some presents. The Chinese nflme of the king has
been rendered as Sii-pada-dharii( or dhara )-varman by
Schlegel, Bhatara Dwaravflrman by Ferrand, and Sii-pada
Pul"l]avarman by Rouffi1er. Schlcgel points out that this
embassy came from Chi.i-p'o-p'o-ta and not Cho-p'o, and has
nothing to do with Java, but Pclliot believes that the Chinese
writers have erroneously combined the names of two countries,
ChO-p'o and P'o-ta, into one.'
/
SUVAR~ADVIPA
103
HI~DU
104
COLONISATIOX IX JAVA
105
2.
14
106
SuVAR~ADVlP.\
107
2.
108
HI~DU
COLONISATTOX IX Jj.V.\.
SUV ARl:TADVIPA
i
I
109
the Indian systems had superseded the older ones. Above all,
the adoption of geographical names, such as Candrabhaga
and Gomati, not only indicate a familiarity with Indian
geography, bnt clearly testify to the existence of an Indian
element in the settled population. Lastly, the king bears a
purely Indian name, without any additional Javanese element,
such as comes into vogue in later times. "re may add
to this, that thrrc is absolutely nothing that is non-Indian
in all these records. Now, can we explain all these by merely
supposing that the original pcoplr of JaYa were converted
to Hinduism by bands of missionaries ? Obviously not.
Something far more powerful was necessary than mere peaceful
propaganda by a band of missionaries. It will be difficult
to cite an instance, where similar changes were brought about
except by the political domination of the people from whom
the culture was borrowed. Now, the political domination of
India over 'Vestern Java could be exercised in two ways.
That region might have been conquered by an Indian king and
included in his empire, or a band of Indian adventurers
might have seized the political power and authority there by
some means or other. All that we know of the history of the
time tells against the first assmnption, and the latter view
alone seems to be probable. If, then, we are convinced that
nothing but the political domination of Indians over Java
can explain all the facts we know about its culture and
civilisation, we must presume the royal dynasty of Java,
at least at the beginning of the period when the Hindu culture
thoroughly established it"el there, to be of Indian origin.
It is not, of course, intended to maintain that such Hindu
dynasty kt>pt itself strictly aloof from the indigenous population.
On the other hand, the Hindu chiefs must ha\'e freely mixed
with the natiyes, and intcnnarricd with them, with the result
that there was a fusion of blood between the two races. But
that Pun}avarman's family was Indian in origin, seems to be
the most reasonable presumption, and nothing but the very
strongest evidence would rebut it.
110
SlJVAR~ADVlPA
111
112
HINDU COLONISATION IN
J~\. VA
which, for the time being, were in direct intercour;;e with the
imperial court. The name Ja,a, nmlcr yarious forms, occurs
throughout a;; a general appellation for the country, but
different specific names arc sometimes used, presumably to
denote different kingdoms ::,itnatcd in the i'Jland. "~e have
already come acro;;s one such name, n"~., Ho-lo-tan. The
annals of the T'ang period ( ~\.. D. 018-!!0ii) similarly mention
Ho-ling as the name of the kingdom of Java, and apparently
take the two terms as synonymous, although the form Java
again comes into use towards the close of the same period 1
Here, again, Ho-ling was presumably the name of the
most important kingdom in Java with which the Chinese
had intercourse during the T'ang period, and hence they applied
the name to the whole country, a large part of which was
subordinate to that kingdom.
Ho-ling has been generally admitted to be a Chinese
transcription of Kali!iga. It would thus appear that the leading
kingdom in Java was named after the well-known province of
India, and it may easily lead to the inference that colonists
from Kaliilga dominated in that quarter. It is generally held
that the name of Java was changed to Kali1iga about this time,
and that this was due to a fresh stream of immigration from
Kaliilga or the eastern part of India 2 It is, however, equally
likely that the kingdom of Kaliriga existed in Java from an
early period, but it only attained political importance, and
came to be the leading state in Java, during the T'ang period.
I we are to judge from the existing antiquarian remains
in Java, we may presume that the kingdom of Ho-lo-tan
represents the kingdom in Western Java ruled over by
PtirQavarman. For that is the only kingdom in Java of which
I.
SUYAR~ AD VIPA
113
2.
15
114
invests the story with an appearance of reality. It is intereoting to note that the story refers to the choice or selection
of the n1lcr by the people. Whether this may be taken to
indicate a regular system of election of the ruler by the people,
it is difficult to say. But considering the fact that such a
system was known in India, its presence in Java is not difficult
to account for. The Tazi in the story no doubt denotes the
Arabs. But whether the story-teller had in view the distant
.Arabia, or a colony of the .Arabs nearer home, say, in Sumatra,
it is difficult to say'.
SUVAR~ADV1PA
115
1.
Krom infers from the symbols that the preva1lmg religion was
the worship of Siva ( Geschiedenis, p. 100 ). But the four V~quite
symbols are quite clear, and cannot be ignored.
Chapter VII
EARLY
IIT~De
COLONISATION IN
SU:MATRA
117
118
The following
SGVAR~ADVlPA
119
it:;;
dominions in
j, ,-\,,
IlXX (19:.11),
120
HISDt::"
COLO~IS.ATIO~
IK SC:MATRA
J.
SUVAR~ADViPA
121
/
Hi
1:23
COLOXISATIO~
HL"l)t'"
IN SC\IATRA
SuVAR~ADVJPA
123
I'
Takakusu-I-tsing, p. XLI.
:t.
12--1
u~-5
Chapter VIII
1:?6
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
1~7
For that pious act this pillar (yGpa) has been set up by the
Brahmmps who came here.
4. As from king Sagara is born
1\Inlavarman ... (the rest is illegible).
Bhagiratha .............. .
Geschiedenis, p.
69.
128
2.
1~9
Book V.
17
Chapter IX.
EARLY
HI~DU COLONISATIO~
IN BALl
133
logical remains of a Yery early date, and it;, extant ruins belong
to a comparatively late period. W c are, therefore, forced to fall
back npon Chinl'"'e evideneP for the beginning of Balinese
history.
Here, again, there is an initial difficulty. The Chinese
refer to an i;;land callcJ. P'o-li, which etymologically corresponds to Bali, anJ. there are other indications in support of
this identification.
But some particulars about P'o-li are
iuapplicable to Bali. Thus there is a great d(:al of uuccrtainty
about it. Some sdwlars, notably Schlegd and Grocnevcldt, have
sought to identify P'o-li with the northern coa:>t of Sumatra, and
this view waa generally acccpteJ till Pdliot established the
identity of P'o-li and Bali, if not beyond all doubts, at least on
fairly satisfactory grounds.'
c aL.,;o propose to acc<>pt thi:;
iJ.entification, nt least ns a working hypothe,;is.
'r
III~'"DC C'OLO~TSATION
13-1
IX HALl
~.
St"V.AR~ADVIPA
13J
feathers. \Yhcn the king goef.. (lllt, his carriage, which i:s made
of different kinds of fragrant wood, is drawn by an elephant.
On the top of it i:o: a fiat canopy of feather:;, and it has
embroidered emiains on both :-,ides. People blowing conches
and beating drnms precede and follow him."
I
I'
I
and
51~
13G
IIIXDG
COLO~ISATIOX
IX BALl
137
"They pcrforatf' thl'ir e:1r~ and put ringt. into them. They
wind a picrr of rotton (Knp0i) around their loin-,. Ku-pei
i~ a plant, whn~e flowf'l'" are :o,pun to <:loth. The coar:-;er sorts
arc called Pci and the finer :;orts T'ieh".
There j,., no doubt that in Kupci we have a reference to
the cotton-plant, Kaq)iif,a, and rviucntly therr was abundant
cultivation of <'otton in the country.
Aft0r the emba~sy of G30 .\.. D. from Bali to China. 'w have
no knowledge of any fnrtlwr relation betWPf'n the two countries
for a long timr. Thcre i~. howevn', rcfrrfncf to a country
called Dva-pa-tan', in the Old Ili~tory of the T'ang Dynasty.
This country it; placed to the ea>-t of 'Kaling' or Java, and has,
therefore, been identified with Bali by somf' i>lcholart-. It is no
insuperable objection to this identification, that the island
is also known by a different name P'o-li, for the Chinese are in
the habit of calling the same island, or different parts of it,
by different names. But exeC'pt its grogmphical position,
which might indicate either eastern Ja\a or Bali. there is no
otlwr ground for the id<ntit1cation. The king of this country
f'.f'nt an emha,,y tn China in()!/,\. D., and the Chinei':!c hi~tory
give;; some detail:; of it~ mannrrs and eustom:-.
The Ilfxt rcfertHcr to Bali (P'o-li) i, in tlw records of
I-hing, who e11nmerate-. it a-. onC' of 'the island~; of the
Southern Sea where the )lula,..arv<btivacla-nikaya has been
almost nniwr~ally adoptrd". ''"e have already seen that the
prevalence of Buddhism in Bali is hinted at in the C'arliest
Chine;.;e record-; dating from the sixth century .A. D. It may
thu;;; be fairly infen-ed that Buddhism had a firm footing in
the i:,land in the early centuries of Hindu colonisation.
"'ith I-bing\ record the Chine"'e f'Onrceo; for the early
history of Bali conw to an f'nd. Although fragtu('ntary, they
fumish us intcre-.ting detail-: of its history and chilisation
during the ,.;ixth and ;..ryPnth centuries A. D., of eoursf', on the
assumption, that the Chinc,.;c P'o-li denotes that island.
I.
Groencvcldt-~ote~,
18
I'
s;;.
z. 1-bing-Records p.
10.
Chapter X
SUVAR~ADVIPA
139
2.
HI~"Dr
140
f'IYILIS.\.TIOX IX SFVAR0.\DVIP_\.
2.
141
t.
J. A.,
"
is adopted except in ~Ialayu (8ribhoja),
where there arc a few
who belong to the ~fah;1yilna (the Larger V ehiclc"J 1
"ye have already diseus,;ccl the identification of some of
these i.:;land::; and may refer to Takakusu's learned discussion for
the location of the re::;t. But whateYcr we may think of these
identifications, there is absolutely no doubt whatsoever that
these islands are all to be located in :Malayasia, and the statement
of I-tsing may be taken as generally true for thi::; region. It may
thus be regarded as certain that the Hinayana form of Buddhism
was fairly prevalent all over .Malaya:;ia, though ~Iahayanism
was not altogether unknown.
In addition to the general statement quoted above, I-tsing
has left some details of his own journey which throw interesting
light on the culture and civilisation in ~Ialayasia. On his way
"
to India, the pilgrim halted in Sri-Vijaya
for six months, and
learnt the Sabdavidya (Sanskrit Grammar). During his return
journey also he stopped at Sri-Vijaya, and, after a short stay
in China, he again returned to the same place. Here he was
engaged in copying and translating the voluminous Buddhist
texts which he had brought with him from India. 'Why he
chose this place for his work is best explained in his own
words:
"Many kings and chieftains in the islands of the Southern
Ocean admire and believe (Buddhism), and their hearts are set
on accumulating good actions. In the fortified city of Bhoja
(i.e., Sri-Vijaya) Buddhist pric::;t::; number more than 1,000,
whose minds are bent on leaming and good practices. They
investigate and study all the subjects that exist just as in the
Middle Kingdom (Madhya-desa, India) ; the rules and ceremonies
are not at all different. If a Chinese priest wishes to go to the
West in order to hear (lectures) and read (the original), he had
better stay here one or two years and practise the proper rules
and then proceed to Central India" .
,, ltsing-Record, pp.
1o-11,
Ibid, p. X)\XlV,
143
The Chinese accounts and stories like those 0 Gm.Javarman \ Dharmapiila, and V ajrabodhi clearly indicate that there
was a regular intercourse between India and Malayasia. A
r.
145
19
z. Groent:veldt-1'\otes, p. 1 Jg.
Ser. I, Vol. X, pp. ~6o-61 ; B. E. F. E. 0.,
Groeneveldt-Notes, p.
10.
SUVAR~ADVIP A
147
The use of Cakm (discus) as an offcnsiYc weapon zs mentioned in connection with P'o-1i, as we have seen above. This
weapon is peculiarly Indian, and the 1\Iahiibharab refers to it,
specially in connection with Kr~t.m or Vi~I).U That the Indian
system of warfare was prevalent in the colonies is e-vident
from the Chinese account in respect of Ka-la. 1 The description
given there might apply in toto to any Indian army.
The following customs of Ka-la, referred to by the Chinese,
are also Indian in origin 2 ""When they marry they give no
other presents than areca-nuts, sometimes as many as two
hundred trays. The wife enters the family of her husband.
Their musical instruments are a kind of guitar, a transversal
flute, copper cymbals, and iron drums. Their dead are burned,
the ashes put into a golden jar and sunk into the sea."
...
1.
:;a.
.r
'
Bookll
THE ~AILE~DHA E~IPIHE
BOOK 11
Chapter I.
150
srVAR~ AD VIPA
151
Praises of
153
who has conquered kings in all directions, and who has crushed
the most powerlul hero of the enemy ( Vairi-rara-zlral'imardana).
''By him, whose body has been purified by the dust of the
feet of the preceptor coming from Gauga ( Gauqi-drlpa-guru) ...
"This image of :Manju~ri has been set up for the welfare of
the world by the royal preceptor (raja-guru).
"In the Saka year 70, Kum:lraghosha [i.e., the preceptor
from Gauga mentioned above] set up this Manjughosha.
"This pillar of glory, an excellent landmark of religion
(dharmasetu), having the shape of an image of Manjusri,
is for the protection of all creatures.
"In this enemy of Mara (smararati-nisudana) exist Buddha,
Dharma, and Samgha.
"This wielder of Thunder, sung as Svami 1\Ianjuvak, contains
all the gods, Brahmii, Vi~I)U, and Mahesvara.
"I request the future kings to maintain this landmark of
religion (dharmasetn).
"The preceptor, who has obtained the reverent hospitality
(satkara) of king Sri-Sangramadhananjaya ...... "
/
153
:::on ( c:-~llecl) f'::J.m:-~riig;raYir:-~ ( nr "hn wa;; the foremn'-t warrior
in battle). Hi~ 'vife T~\ril. datl;_!:htfr nf kiu;2: ~ti-Yarma~etn' of
th0 lunar r:we, n>,f>mlJled the godcle'" Tara. By thi,.. 'vife he had
a son ~ri- Balapntra. who built a mona,tcr~ at ~alanda".
Tlw Lig;or In"eripti<~n B dcfinitdy proYrs the e,;.,tabJi-,hment
of tlw ~ail0ndr:t power in the :\[alay Prnin-.;nla. The in,..cription
on tlw ol.h0r face ~rf>m-; in ,.;how that the ~ailendra" mn;;;t ha\'e
wrested at lea'-t tlw Lig;or region from the kingdom nf
Hri-Yijaya f'ometinw after Ti.-1 ~\.D. The Kala;;.,an and
Kelnrak in,criptinn..; prnye that about the same time the
Sailendras f>-,t:tb]i,.,hecl their authority in ,faya,
Thn,; dnring thn last qtalicr of tlw eighth century .\.D. the
Hindu kingdom-;; of Snmatra, J:1\'a, and :\Iaby PPnin,;.nla had
all to succumb tn, or, at l<>a;;;t, feel the weight of, this new
power. The Sailendra,.; ushered in a nrw epoch in more senses
than mw. For tlw tir"'t time in its hbtory, :\lalayasia, or the
greater part of it, achieYed a political unity as integral parts
of an empire, and Wt' shall sec later, how this empire rose to a
height of glory and splendour unknown befor<'. But the
Sailendra" did mor<' th:1n thi..;. Th0y introclucccl a new type o
culture. The new Yigonr of the :\lahayana form of Buddhism,
and the highly d"nlopccl art which produced snch i'plendid
mo1mmcnts a"- Cn,HJi Kala<.:an and Barabu~lnr in JaYa, may be
mainly attribntd to tlwir patromgr. The introduction o a
new kind of alphabet, which ha-: been called the Pre-Xagari
script, aud the adoption of a new name Kali1'1ga for ;)lalayasia,
at least by the foreigner:>, may also be traced to the same
:-rmrce.
.,
I.
Pandit H. Sastri reads this name as Diwrmas<tu, uut
:\lr. N. G. ;\bjumdar's reading I"annasetu seems to n1e beyond doubt.
2. This is the view generally taken, but Dr. H. G. Quaritch \Vales
denies the suzeramty of Sri-Vijaya in :\!alay Peninsula. He takes
Sri-Vijaya a;; the mme of a kmgdom in i\lalay Peninsula ( (.A.L.,
Vol. IX, No. I, p. 4) and refers to the name of 'an ancient site called
Caiya lie. Jaya, a shortened form of \'ijaya ; and not far to the south
is situated Sri-\'1jaya Hill).'
20
154
155
z. R. G. \Vilkinson, A History of
(3rd. ed.), Singapore, 1923, p. I 5
the
Peninsular
Mal.ys'
1,
p.8.
Ferrand in ].A., II-XX (1922), pp. 58ff., 2rgff. The story is also
repeated by Mas'iidi (Ferrand-Textes I, p. 93).
SUVAR~ADVIPA
157
1.
THE
158
~AILE~DRA
EMPIRE
/
R. C. 1\lajumdar-Champa, Book Il I, p. 43
l.
Ibid., p. 7o.
J.
Ibid., p.
so.
sr_-;-yAR~ADVIPA
159
160
161
SUVAR:t:rADV:i:PA
3.
4.
s.
21
Ibid., p. SS
Ibid., p. 112.
162
SUVAR\{ ADViP A
163
THE
16-
SAILE~"'DRA
EMPIRE
ch-il wars, came and pillaged all the islands of the Archipelago
and all their towns.
"The islands of Zabag are numerous ; one of them, known
as Sribuza, has an area of 400 (square) Parsangs "'.
Alberuni (c. 1030 A. D.) says : "The eastem islands in
this ocean, which are nearer to China than to India, are the
islands of th() Zabaj, called by the Hindus Suwr~za-drzpa
i. e., the gold islands. . . . The islands of the Zabaj are called
the Gold Country (Surar~za-d1Ipa), because you obtain much
gold as deposit if you wash only a little of the earth of that
country.'
The accounts of the Arab writers quoted above leave no
doubt that a mighty empire, comprising a large part of the
l\Ialay Archipelago and :Malay Peninsula, flourished from the
middle of the ninth to at least the end of the tenth century A.D.
Thus we must hold that even after the loss of Java and
Cambodia, the Sailendra empire continued to flourish for more
than a century, and Sribuza or Sri-Vijaya formed an important
and integral part of it.
/
2.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
165
THE SAILENDRA
166
E~IPIRE
2.
Ibid., p. 19.
3.
Chapter 11.
'
.j
ll!S
-'
SUVAR~ ADViPA
169
2.
22
r
170
"
SAILEXDRAS
AND THE COLAS
SUVAR~ADVJPA
171
172
SUVAR~ADViPA
173
refer to him as ruling over Gai1ge (or Gai1gai), the East country,
and KaQ.amm. 1
4. An inscription at the temple of l\Ialur in the Bangalore
district, dated in the 13th year of Rajcndra Cola (A. D. 1024-5 ),
gives a detailed account of his oversea conquests.
5. These details are also repeated in many other
inscriptions dated from the 14th to 27th and 29th to 31st years
of Rajendra Coladeva.
6. These details, as given in the Tanjorc inscription
of Rajendra Cola, dated in his 19th year (A.D. 1030-31), are
quoted below : s
'And (who) ( Rajendra Cola ) having despatched many
ships in the midst of the rolling sea and having caught
Sailgrama-vijayottuiigavarman, the king of KaQ.ii.ram, along
with the rutting elephants of his army, (took) the large heap
of treasures, which (that king) had rightfully accumulated;
( captured ) the ( arch called ) Vidyadhara-torana
., at the
"war-gate" of the extensive city of the enemy ; Sri-Vijaya
with the "Jewel-gate," adorned with great splendour and the
"gate of large jewels;" Pa\)l)ai, watered by the river ; the
ancient Malaiyur (with) a fort situated on a high hill ;
MayiruQ.i.i1gam, surrounded by the deep sea (as) a moat;
Tiaiigasogam undaunted (in) fierce battles; Mappappa!am, having
On the whole, therefore, until more specific evidence is available,
we accept the clear deduction from the inscription that a naval expedition was sent to Kataha before the sixth year, and presumably the
same is referred to in the record of the 1 rth year. For reasons given
below, it has to be distinguished from the more elaborate and successful
expeditions of the 13th year, referred to in Malur and Tanjore
Inscriptions.
x. For these and other inscriptions of Rajendra Cola referred to
below, cf. the list of inscriptions, arranged according to regnal year, in
sastri-Colas,' pp. 53oll.
~. No. 84 of Channapatna Taluq (Ep. Carn . IX, pp. 148-50),
3. S. I. 1., Vol. II, pp. 105 ff. (Some corrections were made later,
iJ' Ep., lnd., Vol. IX, pp. 231-2); cf. also Sastri-Colas' pp. ~54-~
174
2.
SUVAR~ AD VIPA
175
Unh~'s
Gerini-Researches, p. 513.
s-.s.J
,
\
176
-/
SFVARl:{ADVIPA
177
23
I
/
SAILE~DRAS
178
2.
SUVAR~ ADVIP A
179
229
ff.
180
~AILL~DRAS
SUVAR~ ADV1PA
181
I. ('nla Inscriptiom
(a) The Perum her Ins. of Virarajeudradeva' dated in
his 7th year (A. D. 106~-70) stati's :"Having conquered (the country of) Ka<_laram, (he) was
pleased to give {it) (back) to (it:,) king who worshipped this)
feet (which bore) ankle-rings."
1. V. A. Smith, Early H1story of India (3rd. ed.), pp. 467-8. Some
of the dates are given on the authority of Prof. N. Sastri (~astri-Colas
p. 293)
2.
and another record of the seventh year (175 of 1894). These, according
182
SUVAR~ADViPA
183
"
SAILENDRAS
A:ND THE COL.\S
184:
Col(!
CIJIU(IS.SICS
to
nulla
2.
SDVAR~ADViPA
185
24
186
129.
proposed
by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar
I
SUVAR~ AD VIPA
Rajendra Cob's rdgn or under Virariijendra
reconqucred Ka1,laram "'.
187
when
he
>
188
his suzerainty o\er the latter. 1 The Chinese who got their
information from s~m-fo+;i were' thus misled into the belief
that Cola was a vassal of Sri-Vijaya (II-a). For, it is
difficult to belie\e, in the abseuce of any positive eddence,
that the king of Ka<.larmn could have established any sort of
political supremacy over the Colas.
~
3 0. V. 19I4, p. 113.
Not. Bat. Gen., 1892, p. So. The
Inscription has been translated into English by Prof. K. A. N. Sastri in
T.B. G., Vol. 72 (1932) pp. 3I4 ff.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
189
190
Chapter Ill.
{
l
'
193
Sl~VAR~ADVIPA
Hl3
Pi.'mg-fong ( = Pahang).
Tong-ya-n(ing ( =Trcngganau).
1.
lbid, p. IJ7
z. T'oung Pao, Scr, 11, Vol. Xlll, p. 449
3 B. K. I, 1927, p. 469
4 Op. cit., p. 37.
S Op. cit, pp 6o ff. The identllications of names given within
brackets are on the authority of Ferrand (op. cit. pp. 13-14), and Krom
(Geschiedenis, pp. 303-4). On Nos. 3, 6 and 9. see discussions above, pp.
78-79. According to S. Lcvi, Nos. 7 and 8 must be looked for in the
')
.. o
194
3.
Ling-ya-ssi-kia ( o= Lengkasuka).
4. Ki-lan-tan ( = Kclantan).
Fo-lo-an ( = Beranang on the Langat river, west
coast of Malay Peninsula). (S. Selangor '? )
6. Ji-lo-t'ing (=J eloting on the east ('?) coast of 1\Ialay
Peninsula).
Ts'ien-mai.
( In Semang ? )
7.
8. Pa-t'a. (Batak 1 )
9. Tan-ma-ling ( =Tamraliriga or Ligor in Malay
Peninsula).
10. Kia-lo-hi ( =Grahi=Jaya O!' Caiya, south of the
Bay of Bandon).
11. Pa-lin-fong (=Palembang).
1~. Sin-t'o (=Sm)<;la).
13. Kien-pi ( = Kampe or Kampar ).
14. Lan-wu-li ( = Lamuri = Atjeh.)
15. Si-lan ( =Ceylon).
In addition to the general list of countries subject to
San-fo-tsi, as given above, Chau Ju-kua has given separate
accounts of Ling-ya-ssi-kia, Tan-ma-ling, Fo-lo-an, Sin-to,
Kien-pi, Lan-wu-li, and Si-lan. 1 Among these, the first two
and the last had their own kings, but they sent tributes to
San-fo-tsi. No king is mentioned in connection with Fo-lo-an,
but the author remarks : ''It sends yearly tribute to San-fo-tsi.
Its neighbours Pong-fong, Tong-ya-nc>ng and Ki-lan-tan are
like it." According to Ling-wai-tai-ta, the chief of Fo-lo-an was
appointed from San-fo-tsi. This may be true of all the four
states. As regards Sin-to Chan Ju-kua says: 'As, however,
there is no regular government in this country, the people are
given to brigandage, on which account foreign traders rarely go
5.
Malay Peninsula (Etudes Asiatiques, Vol. IJ, pp. 108-9), but Schlegel
(T'oung Pao, Ser. ll, Vol. 11, p. 135 ) and Gerini (Researches, p. 627),
place them in Sumatra. The identification of No. 5 is on the authority
of Gerini (Researches, p. 82 5).
I,
2.
Ibid., p. 69, f, n. 1.
SUV AR~ADVIPA
195
there.' About Kien-pi we are told : "'Formerly it was a dependency of S:m-fo-tsi, but, after a fight, it set up a king of its
own." Nothing is said abnut the political status of Lan-wu-li in
the brief note which Chau Ju-kua gives more a:s an introduction
to his account uf Si-lan, than as an indcpemlent account of that
kingdom. It would thus appear that Kicu-pi had recently
shaken off the yoke of San-fo-t:,i, but the other fourteen states
were tributary to that power. In spite of a few uncertainties,
the identification of these vassal state,;, a,; given above, would
indicate that the empire of Sau-fo-bi included territories in
Snmatra, Jtwa, and l\Ialay Pcnimmla.
196
FALL OF
s~ULEXDR.\ E~IPIRE
197
2.
198
SUVAR~ADViPA
199
'
Candrabhanu who thus met with a tragic end was the last
great rulrr of the mighty kingdom fouuJed by the Sailendras.
The fact that he is f>tyled the SaYaka king, and, perhap, also, king
of Kn!}aram, and fdt powerful enough to S<'nd two military
expeditions to Ceyltln, diseounts tlH vi<'W uf Cudel', referred to
x.
2.
1937,
p 467.
200
FALL OF S.ULE:XDRA
E~IPIRE
abow, that :\Ialayu had rstabli,.;hcd its supremacy 0\-er the petty
states of ::\Ialay Pfnin;,ula. which one<' acknowledged the
suzerainty of San-fo-bi or z~1bag-. On the whole, the ayailable
eYidenee would justify us in regarding the last-named kingdom
as continuing in power and glory till the middle of the
thirteenth century A.D.
In the Caiya inscription, Candrabhanu is said to haYe been
bom in the family of lotus. He is also called Lord of
Tambrali1iga. It is almost certain, therefore, that he did not
belong to the family of the Sailendra.;;. Chau Ju-kua describes
Tambraliriga as a Yassal state of San-fo-h;i haYing a separate
ruler. It would thus appear that Candrabhanu had usurped
the authority of his overlord by a successful rebellion. We
have seen aboye that Kien-pi, another vassal state in Sumatra,
had also successfully rebelled against San-fo-tsi about the same
time. Thus the di:,;ruption of the empire of San-fo-tsi, both in
Sumatra as well as in ~Ialay Peninsula, set in at the beginning
of the thirteenth century A.D.
The catastrophic end of Candrabhanu completed the
disruption and gave a unique opportunity to the Javanese king
Krtanagara to exrend his authority over the dominions of the
/
Sailendras. He conquered Pahang in l\Ialay Peninsula which
was a vassal state of San-fo-tsi. He also sent an expedition
against Malayu (Jambi) in 1?75 A.D., and converted it into a
separate stat<:> under his own authority. The Padang Rocho
inscription of 128ti A.D., rrferred to above, clf.'arly shows that
the new kingdom extended far into the inte1ior, and its king
/
Srimat-Tribhuvanaraja-mauli-varma-deYa rf.'garded himself as a
vassal of Maharajadhiraja Krtanagara. Thus Java planted
important outposts in the very heart of the empire of San-fo-tsi,
from which it could gradually extend its power and authority
in all directions.
For the time being, however, the"e calculations were upset
by the tragic end of Krtanagara and the fall of his kingdom.
The Javanese army of occupation was withdrawn from Malayu,
srvAR~ ADVIP A
201
3
pp. 24 ff.
26
)'
202
FALL OF
SAILE~DRA E~IPIRE
2.
SUV AR~ADVIPA
203
went down, the whole country was disturbed and tho .Javanese
could not keep all the land. For this rcason, the local Chinese
residents stood up for them-;elve.,; and elected a.~ their chief
a man from ::s'an-hai in Canton, called Liang Tau-ming,
who had lhed there a long time and roamed over the sea,
and who h!td the support of seYeral thousand men from Fu-kien
and Canton.''
In other words, a Chinese pirate set himself up as a king
in a part
at least of what was once the flourishing kingdom
/
of the 8ailendras. This was no doubt due to the weakness of
Java. Java was able to destroy the old kingdom, but could not
build up a new one in its place. Krom even goes so far as
to suggest, that the destruction of San-fo-tsi wm; a deliberate act
on the part of Java. In order to wipe off from the face of the
earth a power that had been in the past, and might bl' in future,
a great rival in political and economic spheres, she intentionally
and systematically laid waste the country, which afterwards
became a stronghold of Chinese adventurl.'rs.
,.
p. 29.)
APPENDIX 1
I.
/
:M. Coed~s then naturally inferred from the Ligor Inscription that thf' authority of Sri-Vijaya had ext<'nded to the
northern part of l\Ialay Peninsula by the end of the eighth
century
A. D. He further assumed that the king of the
/
Sailendra dynasty, referred to in face B of the Ligor Ins., was
the same as king of Sri-Vijaya referred to in face A of that
inscription.
r. This Appendix forms the part of an article published in
B.E.F.E.O., Vol. xxxiii, pp. 121-r.p. On the publication of this and
another article ( corresponding to Chapter I, Bk. I! ) ~1. Coedes contributed an article 'On the origin of the Sailendras' in J. G. I. S., Vol. I,
pp. 6rff, Here he modified some of his old views which will be noted
in footnotes.
2.
SUVAR~ ADVIP A
205
A Sailendra empire, with Pale mbang as capital, 1 and including Sumatm and :Malay P0ninsula, was thus th0 logical
conclusion of ~L Coed~s' studie;;, H0 al;;o ngardcd as probable
the views of Ch:wanne,;; and Gerini. that this tmpire wa>~
identical with th0 one described by the Arabs as Zabag.
Ferrand went a step further, and declared this identity to be
~t.'yond all dtmbt, by 0quating Zabag with San-fo-tsi. The
8ailcndra dynasty of Palembang thus came to be regarded as
the ruler of a mighty empire in th0 Padtie, of which glowing
deseriptions have been preserved by bO many Arab writf'rs.
/
J. A.,
It
3 Krom-De Soematraansche periode in de Javaansche Geschiedenis, Leiden, 1919. A French summary of this article appeared in
B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XIX, ~o. S. p. 127.
4
626 ff.
206
APPE1\'DIX
207
therefore, we may not regard it as certain, we may hold for
the time being that the king of Sri-Vijaya was intended by
those expressions.
But when this king of Sri-Vijaya is identified with the king
of l:;ailendra,arbsa mentioned in the inscription on face B, we
must express a serious doubt. The word 'Sra.ijfi' at the
beginning of the second inscription shows that it was an entirely
new record, and not a part of the first. .A comparison of the
alphabets of the two records certainly indicates that they were
contemporary or nearly so, but were not iuci,.,ed by the same
hand, at one and the same time. Then, in the long eulogy of the
king of Sri-Vijaya in the first inscription, he ill nowhere
referred to as belonging to the Sailendra dynasty. On the other
hand, Sri-Vijaya is not mentioned in the second inscription,
which not only refers to a Rajadldraja and Prablw (Lord) of
the Sailendra dynasty, but gives us two of his appellations,
Vi~t;tu and Maharaja. It is thus legitimate to hold that the two
inscriptions must be pegarded as emanating from different
persons until we find proof to the contrary 1 , the face B being
obviously later in point of time. Thus the only reasonable
conclusions that we can draw from the Ligor inscriptions are
that the locality was included in the kingdom of Sri-Yijaya in
775 A. D., and that it acknowledged the suzerainty of a king
of the Sailendra dynasty at a ~;ubsequent period. There is
nothing to prove that the king of Sri-Vijaya belonged to the
/
Sailendra dynasty.
It has been argued by Dr. Coedes that kings Cu<JamaQivarman and Mara-v:ijayottungavarman, belonging to the
Sailendra dynasty, are referred to ,in Cola records as rulers of
Sri-V:ijaya, and that, therefore, the Sailcndra king of Face B
of Ligor Ins. may also be regarded as king of Sri-Vijaya.
On examining the Cola records it appears that the two kings
were regarded rather as kings of Ka<Jara (or Kataha=Kedda
in l\lalay Peninsula), also ruling over Sri-Vijaya, than kings of
/
1.
208
APPEXDIX
209
SVVARI:l ADVIPA
Zabag and the Sailendra rmpire are one and the same. But, on
general grounds, it is rea8onable to hold, that there was only
one such empire, rather than two, in the Pacific in the ninth
and subsequent centuries, as is described by the Arab writers.
/
As the Sail0ndras undoubtedly ruled over an extensive empire
in Malayasia during this period, a prima facie case is established for the hypothe:;is that thr Sailendra empire is referred
to by the Arabs as the empire of the :Maharaja of Zabag. But
before this question eau be further dicussed we have to
consider the identity of Zabag.
3.
27
APPE~"DIX
~10
tr.
SUVAR~ADViPA
211
212
APPE~DIX
i:;
SUVAR~ADV.iPA
213
214
APPENDIX
1.
Ibid., p. 64.
Ibid., P 65.
6.
Ferrand-Textes, p.
2.
~oS.
StJVAR:rjADViP A
215
Ibid., p. 313.
2.
Ibid., p 64.
3 Ibid., pp. 92, 205. From these two instances we may conclude
that although Zabag was in the borderland between India and China, it
was technically included in the former. But an earlier writer, Ibn
Rosteh ( c. 903 A. D ), definitely says that 'behind l\lultan are many
kings as far as Djawaga, The king of Djawaga is not included among
Indian kings because he lives in the island' ( lbid p. 78.)
4
Gerini-Researches, p.
131.
216
APPENDIX:
Op. cit., p.
172.
See ante,
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
217
...
I
1.
28
2,
APPENDIX
218
SUV AR~ADVIPA
lI
..,
I
219
3 p. 62.
.APPENDIX
220
1. Cf. B.K.I., 1931, pp. 5o8 ff. j.G.I.S., Vol. I, P 63, f,n. 7
~
,
l
t
l
SUVAR~ ADViP A
221
4.
222
APPE:NDIX
/
5.
As a result of the preceding discussions we can now
/
consider briefly the relations of the Sailend.ras with Sumatra
and Java.
1.
a.
Ferrand, op. cit., pp. 173 ff. See ante, pp. 98 If.
223
..
Indeed, the case for Java is much stronger. 'Ye find here
two records, definitely referring to the Sailcndra kings, and
belonging to the earliest period of their history known to us.
At lt'ast one of these kings, Rakai Paryamkaral)a, appears in the
famous Kcdu inscriptions among the predecessors of the
JaYanese kings of Mataram. It i-: also possible to identify
Samarottunga, mentioned in a Kedu record dated 847 A.D., with
SamaragraYira of the Xalanda Inscription. 1
These facts,
added to the existence of Barabu9ur and other famous temples,
may tempt us to the view that Java was the original home of
the Sailendras. The temptation is increased if we remember
how easy and natural it would be to dcri ve Zabag from Yava,
and how certain statements of Arab writers would admirably
suit Java. \V e may refer, for example, to three characteristics
1.
APPENDIX
224
by Arab
beginning.
The Malay Peninsula is indeed poor in antiquities as
compared with Java, but not poorer in this respect than Sumatra,
where Zabag is usually located. 'Vilkinson goes even further.
Referring to the antiquities and some other characteristic
features of the northern part of the Peninsula he remarks :
".All these facts point to the past existence of powerful states
SUVAR0ADVfPA
225
29
226
APPENDIX
2.
SUVAR~ AD VIPA
227
Book Ill
RISE AND FALL OF THE INDO-JAVANESE
EMPIRE
;
BOOK Ill
Chapter I.
230
SUVAR~ ADViPA
231
...
"
1.
232
SCVAR~ AD VIPA
233
...
30
234
seVAR~ADVlPA
235
Krom-Geschiedenis 2, p. 16g.
J.
Krom-Geschiedenis 2 , p.
170.
:?36
SUVAR~ADVIPA
237
and that the new capital wa-> eight days' journey to the east
of the then capital, JaYa. 1
There are good grllnncb to belie\'e that the information
given in the Xew History of the T'ang Dynasty is true of
the last part of the ninth century ~LD.
Thus the Chinese
account almo,;t ineYibbly leads to the conclusion that when
the dynasty
ruling' in central Jaya was ousted thercfrom
/
by the Sailcndras, about the middle of the eighth century A.D.,
it was forced to shift its headquarters to another town, about
100 or 1:'50 miles ( 8 days' journey ) to the cast ; but that
before the end of the ninth century A.D. the dynasty had
recovered its old capital.
'Ve may thus cone! ude that the Sailendra supremacy in
Java extended from the middle of the eighth to the middle or
end of the ninth century A. D., and that during this period, the
indigenous dynasty mling in central Java had to shift its headquarters to the east.
In the present state of our knowledge we cannot be sure
of anything except this broad outline of events. The few
records of the period from central Java. that are known to us,
do not enable us to lift the thick veil of obscurity that surrounds
the whole period.
A copper-plate from Pengging in Surakarta contains an order
issued by rakarayan i Garung, who is probably the same as
rakai Garung, the fifth king of the Kedu list. The date
of the record, either Saka 751 or 761 (A. D. 8:?9 or 839), is also
not in conflict with the proposed identification. But then the
1.
Pelliot, ibid. The Chinese name of the new capital of Java
has been rendered by Ferrand as Ba-ru-ja-sik=(Kawi) \Varuh Gresik.
According to Ferrand this place is still well-known under its abridged
form Gresik, being the port popularly known as Grisse, within the
Residency of Surabaya (J. A. n-XIII, (1919), pp. 304-6). The name
seems to correspond to Sansl<rit Bharukaccha.
2. lt was evidently later than the embassy that was sent from
Java between SQo and 873 A. D. See below : also Krom-Geschiedenis,
p.
160.
THE
238
KL~GDOM
OF
~IATARll\I
2,
I.
.I
SUVAR~ ADVIP A
that the official name of the king was Sajjanotsavatungga.
He may be identified with Sviimi Kayuwangi, with the proper
name Sukri, mentioned in a record dated 861 A. D. 1
Kaynwangi appears as the name of a locality near Dieng in
another record dated tHiG A. D. 2
With the exccptiun of the first king Sanjaya, all the
predece;-.;c;ors of Sajj:motf'avatungga arc known to us only by
their Indonesian titles, which were evidently deri\ed from
place-names'.
Their Sanskrit names, probably the names
adopted at the time of coronation, are unknown to us.
,.
2.
4,
Krom-Geschiedenis
~.
pp. 179181,
THE
240
KINGDO~I
OF MATAR1.l\I
~Watuhtmlalang
is known from an
J.
3 0. ]. 0., No. Cl V.
4.
SUV AR~LtDVfPA
241
reeonh,
Serial :Xo.
1.1
Date
S0S
Find-,pot.
~~LD.
2.'
Pcnampihan
(Kediri)
!101 A.D. Pannraga
3.'
!102 A.D.
Gnknown.
(probably
E. Java)
4-Fi!
!103 A.D.
Vanagiri
907 A.D.
Blitar.
(.~Iadiun)
7-9. 6
1n
G."
arranged
ga.
As in
}\To.
J.
of theKedu
Inscription.
907 .A.D. (at present in
Do.
Amsterdam)
\Vatu Kura
Do
\HO A.D. Surabaya
Sri
Maharaja Kegalu
(rake Galu or rake
Halu) dyah Gnrucjamuka Sri Dharmodaya l\Iahasama (Mahasambhu).
10. 7
11.
12."
.4
31
242
SUVARJS" ADVIP A
243
..
1.
244
SUVAR~ ADVIPA
245
pp. 18-19,
24:6
3 K. 0., No. I.
4 0. V., 1924, p.
5 Krom-Geschiedenis, p. 188, f. n.
0. J. 0., No. XXXIV.
6. 0. V., 1918, pp. 66-6g.
1.
0. V.,
110.
1919, p. 67,
SUVAR~ADVIPA
247
"T
r
248
'
249
2. Poerbatjaraka-Agastya, pp.
pp. 141-.p.
32
109 110.
Krom-Geschiedenis,
250
THE KIXGDOM OF
~L\TARAM
SUVAR~ AD VIPA
251
2.
lbid, PP IJ-IS.
)_
SUVAR1S'ADV!PA
253
2.
Groeneveldt-Notes, p, 15.
2,
Ibid.
254
Chapter 11.
p. S
Brandes-Enc.
256
srVAR~ADYIPA
33
258
But whatc,er may be> the reason,:, the broad fact rrmains
that from the middle of thr tenth ce11tnry A. D. the Hindu
culture and dYilisation hegan to lusc its holu in crntral Java,
as was the case in '"r~tcrn Jaya about fiye hundred years
before. Henreforth the political centre ,:,hiftcd to eastern Java,
which remained, for anothcr ptriod of five hundred years,
the only t-:tronghold of Hindu culture and ciYilisation.
SiQc}.ok, the first ruler in eastern Java, seems to haYe left
an impression upon posterity which was not shared by any
of his immediate predecessors or successors. A century later
Airlangga claims rclationE<hip 'vith this king, although the
genealogy had to be traced twice through thP female line 1
In the twelfth century, the nuthor of Smaradahana-kaYya says,
with regard to the reigning king K:!mc.;.-arn, that he owed his
life to Sri I~anaclharma i.e. Sil,l~lok 2 Yet Sil)<Jok cnn hardly
be regarded as the founder of a new dynasty, and seems to haYe
gained the throne by ordinary rules of succession. In the
reign of Tulo~long we find him mentioned as rakai Halu Sri
Sil)c}.ok, occupying the position of the second high official 3
When Tuloc}.ong was succeeded by -wawa, SiQc}.ok occupied the
highest rank in the kingdom, next only tD the king, and, is
referred to as rakryan mapatih i Hino dyah SiQc}.ok Sri
Hanavikrama
According to all prcctdents he was thus
designated as the future king, and there is no reason to suppose
that his accession marked any new departure in any respect.
There must, thereforr, haYe been some special rea5on why his
name was singled out by poste-rity, and he was rPgarded as the
remote ancestor of a long line of Javane.~e kings which came
to an end with the rise of Singhasari. For the time being we
can only suggest that probably he was not the son of his
predecessor, but belonged to a different family, and was hence
regarded ns the founder o a long line of JaYanese kings.
4
I.
2.
SUVAR~A.DV1PA
259
"r
2.
260
2.
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
261
262
StJVAR~ AD VIP A
A" rrgards ::\[ahendradatti:i. alias Gm)apriyadharmapatni,
we learn from the pro{;osti of Airlangga that her name was
popular ontsidc JaYa. Now a few inscription", discovered
264
King
pm.~rtlifi
2.
SUVAR~ADVlPA
260
had come many times to hi,; country and that he now availcd
himself of hi;; gnidance to come to court and bring tribute.
He abo tohl that his king was called Aji Ma-ra-ya
( Maharaja ).
"The envoy was treated well, and remained for some time
in China. \\'hen he left, he was presented with large quantities
of gold and :;ilk and also with good horses and military arms,
according to what be had asked."
This description clearly :;howii that Java was not in touch
with China for a long period. The embaso;y to China may,
therefore, be taken to indicate a new epoch in the foreign
policy of J:wa, when after a long life of isolation, she was
again renewing her intercourse with her neighbours. The
imposition of political supremacy over Bali, referred to above,
shows that she had begun to pursue a policy of aggressive
imperialism. After the conquest of Bali she evidently turned
her attention to her neighbours, the Sailendras. The Javanese
envoy, ,:;ent to China in 99J A.D., related "that his country
was in enmity with San-fo-tsi and that they were always
fighting together". This shows that the :<trnggle with the
Sailendras had probably begun a long time before 993 A.D.
But, as we have seen in a preceding chapter, the struggle
assumed a ;:,erious turn about this time, and about 990 A.D.
the kingdom of San-fo-tsi itself was invaded by Java. Indeed
that kingdom was reduced to such straits that its envoy
even sought the aid of the Chinese emperor against Java.
Possibly the Javanese embassy of 992 A.D. was sent to
counteract the activity of the enemy in that direction. In
any case there can be hardly any doubt that Java took the
offensive and gained great success at about 990 A.D. Thus
under king Dharmavam~a the international glory and prestige
of Java were revived t~nvards the close of the tenth
century A.D.
Bnt
the succes,; of the king was shortlived. By 1003 A.D.
/
the Sailendra king had evidently hurled back the invasion of
34
2.
Sl.JVAR~ AD VIPA
267
~68
RISE OF
EASTER~
JAVA
SUV ARADVIPA
269
cNemonv
. of/ hi:;; consecration bv. the reverend priests of
Buddhi,.;t, t:laiva, and Brahmanic faith was held in 1019 A. D.
pbcc at Halu, he assumrd the royal name of ''rake
As it took
/
Halu ~ri Lokesvara Dharmayalli~a Airlangga
AnantaYikramottungade\'a''. After his consecration the king offered
worship to his great-great-grandfather who was buried at
lsnnabajra, ri :., king Si\H;lok to whom, in the Sanskrit portion
of the inscription, Airlangga carried back his genealogy. \Ve
learn from Nagralqtngama that Isrtnabajra was situated a
little to the south of Pasuruhan. This identification makes
it certain that by lOHl A. D. Airlangga made himself
master of the territory in the neighbourhood of Pasuruhan.
The earliest record of Airlangga,' dated 1023 A. D., refers
to places on the Surabaya river, and thus his kingdom at this
time may be regarded as having extended on the sea-coast
from Surabaya to Pasuruhan with a belt of inland region
corresponding to it. It could not have been a very large
kingdom, Indeed it appears from the subsequent story of
Airlangga's expeditions that Java was at that tin1e divided
into a large number of small independent states. 'Vhether
this was the natural consequence of the destruction of the
central authority, or whether it was due to deliberate policy
of ,Jaya's foreign enemy in order to keep that land hopelessly
weak, it is difficult to ::oay. It may be mentioned, however,
that Airlangga seems to have kept hill hold on Bali all
along (Sec Bk. IY, Chap. Y).
By 1028 A. D. Airlangga felt powerful enough to make a
bold bid for the lost kingdom.
He had to fight with a
number of petty kings during the first four years. Some of
them submitted to his authority and thos<> that refused to do
so were either killed or expell<>d. In 10:?9 a king Bhi~mapra
bhava was defeated at Ynratan. During the two following
years a somewhat SC\'erc contest ensued with the king
Adhamapannda. Airlangga aehie>ed a complete victory and
1.
K. 0 .. :-.lo. V.
270
SGVAR~ADVIPA
211
272
2.
273
35
274
2.
SUYAR~ADYIPA
:!75
the
Chapter Ill.
2.
SUVAR~ADViPA
271
278
279
2.
p. 282).
PP 6-4,70.
3 Groeneveldt, Catalogus Batavia, (1887), p. 376.
280
2.
SCVARJ;\ADYfP.\.
~81
I.
( 1 915),
2.
3
4
5
6.
8.
p.
Handsch.
I.j.O.
36
282
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
283
2.
THE
KINGDO~I
OF K.AI)illl
(~Ialayasia)
SUV AR~ADVfPA
285
A. D., 1 with
Ibid.
286
THE
KINGDO~I
OF KA:QIRI
SUVAR~ AD VIPA
287
2.
L~XVII.
0. V. 1921, p. 70.
0. V. 1929, p. 2'79
288
THE
KIXGDO~I
OF KAI)ffil
289
37
290
THE
KI~GDO~I
OF KAI)IRT
I.
B. K. 1,, Vol. 77 (
2.
1921 ),
136.
ScVAR~ ~-iDYIPA
291
Chapter IV
Par., p. 62.
293
Nag, Kr,
40: 1-3,
2.
Par., p. 63.
294
in the king's attitude towarJs him and hi;; other brothers and
sisters. On enquiry he learnt from his mother that he was
really the son of the former king who wa,; killrd by Rajasa.
He, therefore, employed a Pangala;;an (probably a high official)
to murder the king, and as soon as the deed was done,
he himself killed the assassin, as if to revenge the death of
the king.
The year of Rajasa's death is given as A.D. 1227 in
Nagaralqiagama, and as 127 in Pararaton. The earlier date
is to be preferred, in view of the greater authenticity of the
source, and in view of some details gi \'CH in Pararaton 1
Rajasa had four children by queen J)e<.les, the eldest of whom
was l\lahi!?a \Vong Ateleng. By a second wife he had four
more children the eldest of whom was Pa:Uji Tohjaya. The
king was buried in a Saint and a Buddhist Temple at
Kagenengan. The place was visited by Hayam \Yuruk and
the temples are described in Nagarakrtagama (37). The place
was to the south of Singhasari, but its exact location
cannot be determined. The Saiva temple in which the king
was represented as Siva is praised for its beauty, but the
Buddhist temple was in ruins. Both have now disappeared.
The queen J)e<.J.es was perhaps more fortunate. The famous
figure of Prajilaparamita, fmmd at Singha;;ari and now
preserved at Leyden, is locally known as 'putri l;>e<;les'.
Krom suggests on this ground that it might be a representation
of the famous queen l)e<;les.
Anu~apati (Anu~?anatha, according to ~ ag. Kr.) who is
officially regarded simply as the eldest son of Rajasa, succeeded
the latter. He maintained his hold on the whole kingdom
and died in 1248". According to Pararaton he was killed
by his half-brother Tohjaya while watching a cock-fight and
thus atoned for the foul crime by which he came to the throne.
The king was cremated in the famous Cal}gi Kidal to the
I.
:~.
295
296
p. 322.)
2. This date occurs in an inscription (0. V. 1918, p. 169). It
proves that the dates given in Pararaton viz. 1249 A. D. for the death
of Anil!?apati, and 1249-50 for the reign of Tohjaya, are all wrong.
3 Versl. Med. Kon. Akad. V. Wet. Afd. Lett. 5: 2 (1917), pp.
3157. Poerbatjaraka restored the true meaning in B. K. I., Vol. 78
(1922), pp. 44oft,
St:VAR~ AD VIP A
297
38
298
The titles in the record of l:.?llD A.D. 1 are '~ri Sakalajagatnatht>~a Xara,ing;hamurttyaiJinclitaparakrama a~<:~arajanyacilqamal)i ...... :1rpitacarar,l:1ra Y inch ~oka:-o:mtnpita" nj anahrdayambujavarodhana-s\abhaYa.'' The title Xara,;:inghamurtti, assumed
by the king after the drath of his uncle and father's co-smereign
1\Iahi~a Campaka 2 , t:hows that that post of ratu angabhaya no
longer existed and was merged in the king.
niya'.
J.
1.
0.
2.
Mahi~a Camraka died soon after his royal cousin (Nag. Kr.
STJVAR~ADVJPA
::?99
2 ( 1917 ),
300
THE
DY~ ASTY
OF
SL~GHASARI
220,
SUVAR~ADVIPA
301
302
SUVAR~ADViPA
303
304
SUVAR~ADVlPA
305
Krom-Geschiedenis, p. 340.
39
306
SUVARlS"ADVlPA
307
2.
Chapter V.
THE FOUNDATION OF
~IAJAPAHIT
129-4.
SUVAR~ ADVIP A
309
310
~arge
SUVAR~ADViPA
311
312
THE FOCNDATION OF
~LUAPAHIT
SUVAR~ADVIPA
313
1.~6
VII,
10,
pp.
ff.
40
314
THE FOFNDATIOX OF
~IAJAP AHIT
harmony with it, but that they han latdy cut the face of
the imrwrial envoy :\Ieng-chi and that you haw' come to
punish them for that."
The emperor further gave them the following instructions:
'\Vhen you haYe arri\ed in .Java, you must send a messenger
to inform me of it. If yon occupy that country, the other
smaller states will submit of themsclw:;;, you will have only
to send envoys to receive their allegiance. \Yhen those
countries are reduced to submission your work will be
finished."
In the 12th month of 1292 ~\.D. the expedition sailed from
Ch'i.ian-chou and reached the port of Tuban on the northern
coast of E. Java. There the Chin8se army was divided into
two parts. Half the army marched overland.
\Eth the
other half, Che-pi went by sea to the mouth of the river
Sugalu (Solo riwr) and from there to the riwr Pa-tsieh-kan. 1
(Surabaya river).
Some Chinese officers who were sent in advance to the
interior now came back and reported the intemal affairs of
that country which are described as follows :
"At that time Java carried on an old fend with the neighbouring country Kalang (Kagiri) and the king of .Java Hadji
Ka-ta-na-ka-la- (Krtanagara) had already been killed by the
prince of Kalang, called Hadji Katang (Jayakatvang). The
son-in-law of the former, Tuhan Pidjaya (Vijaya) had attacked
Hadji Katang but could not mcrcomc him ; he had, therefore,
retired to Madjopait C~Iajapahit) and when he heard that
I. The name of the last river is gi\en as "the small river Pa-tsieh",
the syllable 'kan' being taken as a separate word meaning 'small'. But
Krom takes Pa-tsieh-kan as the Chinese equivalent of Pacekan, and
identifies this and the Sugalu river (Ferrand transcribes it as Su-ya-lu)
respectively with the Surabaya and Solo rivers. But on the basis of the
interpretation 'small river Pa-tsieh', it is possible to identify the two
rivers respectively \\ith the Prom and Surabaya rivers. KromGeschiedenis2, p. 358 and foot-notes.
l
SUVAR~ADViPA
315
316
I
Sli'V AR~ ADVIP A
317
JayakatY~mg's
son' had fled to the mountains, but
Kau Hsing went into the interior with a thousand men and
brought him back a pri:ooncl'.
puhhah.
318
THE
FOt~!H.TIO~
OF
nL-\.J~\.P A.HIT
Chapter VI
320
death, by the youngest of his queens, who ruled not as dowagerqueen or queen-mother, but on hfT own right a,; danghter of
Krtanagara. The name of this queen was Gayatri, though tihe
is usually referred to as R1japatni, the queen par e.i'rclle11re.
By her the king had two daughter:', but the three other queens
had no issue.
Krtarajasa had a fifth <JUeen, a princess of .Malayu. This
kingdom in Sumatra had been already conquered by Krtanagara,
and it may be recalled that the despatch of a military expedition to it is put forward in Pararaton as the cause of the
downfall of that king. As soon as the Javanese army of
occupation at l\lalayu heard of the catastrophic end of their
king they must ha,e naturally made preparations to rettrrn.
We leam from Paiiji Vijayakrama that they brought rich
tributes paid by the vanquished princes and their leader got
the title l\lahi~a Anabrang. 1 According to Pararaton, they
reached Java ten days after Vijaya had finally triumphed over
the Chinese army and brought with them two princesses of
Malayu. The younger, Dara-Petak, also known as Indresvari
was married by Krtarajasa. The elder princess, Dara Jingga,
was married to a 'Deva' and became the mother of the king of
/
Malayu, Tuhan Janaka, called also Sri Marmadeva and Haji
Mantrolot. In view of the growing importance of Malayu,
which evidently became an independent state after the withdrawal of Javanese troops, the marriage relation between the
royal houses of Java and .Jlalayu wa"l undoubtedly a fact of
great political impOtiance. It was ::-pceially so, because Dara
Petak bore a son to Krtarajasa, and the boy was heir-presumptive to the throne. In 1295 Krtarajasa anointed the son, named
Jayanagara and Kala Gemet, as the prince of KaQiri.
'ye do not know of any event in the reign of Krtariijasa.
We indeed meet with Viraraja a;, the highe::-t dignitary in the
court, enjoying large grants of land in the eastem corner of
Java, but this was a poor compensation for half the kingdom of
t.
SGVAR~ADVlPA
321
Java \vhich the kin~ had promised him in his dark days of
exile aml p(tmry. On t h<:' whole Krtaraja;.,a ruled in peace and
prosperity and died in 1309. 1 He had two memorial temples,
a Buddhi::;t ;.:anctnary within his palace at l\Iajapahit, and
/
the Saiva temple of Simping, the present Ca1,1Q.i Sumberjati
to the south of Blitar. Nothing remains of the latter
except the funndations, but it has furnished a beautiful
portrait of the king, as Harihara, which is now preserved
in the l\Iuseum at Batavia. A figure of Panati, in the temple
of Rimbi, south-we,t of l\Iajakerta, offers so striking a
similarity in style to the Harihara image, that it has been
regarded as portraying the figure of one of the queens,
probably the ::;cniormost one, named Tribhuvanii.
Krtarajasa was c,ucceeded by his son Jayanagara. His
two half-si;:,ters received the titles of the princess of Kahuripan
(or in Sanskrit Jivana) and princess of Daha or KaQ.iri.
These two titles were evidently derived from the two kingdoms
into which Ja\'a was once divided.
The reign of Jayanagara was full of troubles. I we are
to believe in Pararaton, the troubles are due to the dissatisfaction of the companions of Krtariija:,a who stood
by him in weal and woe but did not think themsel\'es
sufficiently rewarded by the king. So long as the strong hands
of Krtaraja8a wrre there, they remained quiet, but as soon as
a young inexperienced king came to the throne they rose
against him. In this connection prominence is given to one
l\Iahapati, who o,tood by king Jayanagara in all his troubles.
It has been suggested that the discontent was mainly directed
against ~Iahapati rather than the king, but it is not quite clear
whether the former's haughty conduct was re,;ponsible for the
outbreak of troubles, or whether the rebels were furious at him
because he stood between them and the young king whom they
wanted to bring to grief.
I. T. B. G, Vol. 56 (1914), p. !..17
2. 0. V., 1916, pp. SI-SS
41
I
SUVAR~ AD V IPA
323
THE J AYAXESE
324
E~IPIRE
I
SlTV AR~ AD VIP A
325
326
THE JAVANESE
E~IPIRE
formidable rival, and the king wanted to prevent this complication by marrying the :;ister himself.
But before thi:-; qne>Otion eonld be finally decided the king
met with a tragic end in a quite nnexpeeted way. The king
had outraged the mode::;ty of the wife of Tanea, another
Dharmaputra of the type of Kuti, and the latter naturally bore
a grudge against the king. .Now the king was suffering from
a boil, and Tanca, who was evidently al;.;o the cnnrt-physician,
was asked to treat the king. "rhile operating npon the king,
Tanca killed him by the surgical instruments and was himself
killed by Gajah Mada. Thus died Jayanagara in 13:!8 A.D.'
According to Par. the king was cremated at Kapopongan,
also called Srngapnra. The site has not yet been identified.
According to Nag. Kr. two figures of the king as Vi:;;1_1u were
set up at Sila Petak and Bubat and one as Amoghasiddhi
at Sukalila. All these places were probably in the neighbourhood of Majapahit. It may be noted that some temples were
erected near Panataran during the reign of Jayanagara.
As Jayanagara left no male heir, the nearest female heiress
was 'Rlijapatni', mentioned above, viz. the daughter of
Krtanagara, and the widow of Krtarajasa. As she had adopted
the life of a Buddhist nun, her eldest daughter TribhuYanottunggadevi Jayavi?IJ.UVardhani" acted as regent for her mother.
She was known to po,;terity a-; the princess of Jivana or
Kahuripan tBhre Kahuripan), a title which she bore probably
before, and certainly after her period of regency. During
the regentship ::.he was called the queen o ~Iajapahit while
her son, the hcir-presnmptin to the throne, bore the title,
'prince of Jivana.' Her personal name appears to be Gitarjja.
I, According to traditions preserved in Bali, the king outraged
the modesty of Gajah Mada's wife, and the latter plotted his assassina
tion (0, V. 1924, pp. 146ff. ; Mid. Jav. Trad., p. 76).
'2. In an
inscription of I 330 A.D. the name is given as
'Tribhuvanottunggaraja Anantavikramottunggadevi', and she is referred
to as incarnation of Lak~mi (KromGeschiedenis 2 p. 387. fn. 1).
3 0. V. 1917, p. 48, and 1918, p. 108,
I
SlTV AR~ AD VIPA
327
328
E~IPIRE
SUYAR~ADVlPA
42
330
THE .L\YXXESE
E~lPIRE
I
I
SUYAR~ADYfPA
331
Atjeh) (:'lX ~< 03). (10) Lwa-; (P:lLhtl'!; L na-; <r Gaju Lua'3)
(4.5 X !18). (:.?O) Sammkl (The i -hmi( king<l>tn ',f thi,.: name
was ft)tmded oy :::\Ialik-al--alh in the northern part of Sumatra
some time bcforc 1:2.36 A. D.) (.)X... 01';)). (:211 Lmmri (in
Great Ajteh) ~.3 X.'< GG 1 (:2~) Babn (I'3land to the ::;onth of
Singapore? or m Snm:<tr:tl, (~:3) Lrtmpung (oS.:< lO::i).
(24) Barns (2~. X ~18<:>).
Group 11.
I
!
I
Tanjungnagara (Borneo ).
THE
333
JAVA~ESE E~IPIRE
I
SL"'V AR~ AD VIP A
333
"T
I. An
extract from this book is given by Dulaurier in J. A.
IV-VII, 1846, p. H4 !'he list of countries is given by Ferrand (Textes,
pp. 666-66g).
334
THE JAVANESE
E~IPIRE
p.
13.
I
St~V}.. ll~ADVfPA
335
and was ,;ucccrll;od Ly hi~ snn. N cxt ~ear the latter sent
emoy:> with tribute' to the imperial court. '"The envoys
<;aiel that the ,-nn llarrcl not a~ccnd the throne on his own
authority, and thudnrc a"kC'd the 11crmission of the imperial
court. The rmperor praiioed his sen;;,e of duty and ordered
emoy;; to bring him a seal and a commission as king of
San-fo-tsi. At that time, however, San-fo-tsi had already
been conquered by .Jaya, and the king of this country, hearing
that the emperor had appointed a king over San-fo-tsi,
became wry angry and sent men ,vho waylaid and killed
the imperial myoys. Tllf' emperor did not think it right to
puni;;,h him on this account. After thi;; occurrence San-fo-tsi
became gradually poorer and no tribute was brought from
this country any more ''. 1
This very frank statement of the Chinese historian is a
singular proof o( the political greatnrss of Java. It not only
admits the ,;,upremacy of Java over San-fo-tsi, but also proves
its will and ability to exelude other powers, including China,
from interfering in the political affair;; of what 5he rightly
considered as her own sphrre of influence. Further Chinese
testimony of the complete eonquet-t of S:m-fo-tsi by Java has
been given before, in connection with the hi"'tory of that
kingdom.
In addition to the;;p po,itivc testimonies furnished by the
Chinese hi:-.torians, WP may refer to indirect evidences, furnished
by two inscription,.;. The rock-inscription of Palama in
Sumbawa island i:-; written in later Kavi alphabet, and its
language contains all sorb of old-Javanese forms. An inscription at Singapore:>
aiRo similarly exhibits the Javanese
alphabet and language. \\-hile no positive inference can be
made from these factors, they may be presumed to indicate the
political supremacy of Ja\a over the~c two islands.
I.
z.
3
336
VII. 279).
2.
3
4.
I
SGVAR~ADVlPA
337
embn~"ie" from .J:n-:1 in 1:;u:l. 1370. 1372, 1375, 1377, 137!1, 1380,
L3Sl, and 1:::0:?. \\'( have already seen abow, how Jaya gave
a ~criuns pr< )YfL:ltit)Jl to th(' Chinese emperor in 137!1 or 1380
by the murder of Chin(:oc emoys. The ewnt is thus referred
to in tlw hi:-tory uf the ::\Iing Dynasty in connectiou with the
Jav:mese c.mhn>-~y of 13~0: "Some time before, imperial envoys
had been :-,l'nt to earry a seal to the king of San-fo-tsi, and those
of Jan dPludcd and killed them ; the emperor was highly
incc1;-;l'd and dPtaincd their em-oys more than a month, with
the iutl'ntiou to pnni:oh them, but ultimately they were sent back
with a letter to thir king in which he was reproved for what
he had dune." E,idcntly the matter was amicably settled, for
we hear of PnYoys being sent from Java in the two following
year;;.
It tlm,; appears from all accounts that the reign of Rajasanagara witne,.::,cd the high-water mark of the power and glory
of Ja...-a. In Yicw of the increase in power and responsibility
of the empire we find a thorough organisation of the administrative machinery to cope with the new and heavy task.
There i'i hardly any doubt that the credit for this to a large
extent belongs to Gajah Mada. He had risen from an humble
po;;ition to be the ehid minister of the empire and brought to
hi:o bt"k an nmr:-nal dtgrce of devotion and skill. X ext to him
we slwnld mention the father and the maternal uncle of the
king, both of whom took an active and important part in the
admini~tration. \\~hen Gajah .l\Iada died in 136 no other chief
minister was appointed as hit:l successor. The king, his father,
mothrr, uncle, aunt, and his two sisters (Bhatara Sapta Prabhu)
with their hn~bamls formed a sort of inner royal council which
kept the chief du0ction of affairs in its hands. This was an
indilwt tribut<' to the grf.'at qualities of Gajah Macla in whichever way we look at it, whether it was difficult to get a worthy
succe;,;.or < Gajah ~Iada, or whether it was thought too risky
to leave ~n large powers in the hands of one officer. .Accordingly his wnrk was cntrmted to four (or si.x) di.Jfcrent persons.
Gajah l\lada's name is also a&sociated with a book on polity
43
338
Chapter VII.
DO~WNFALL
OF THE EMPIRE
Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 35
340
DO\V~FALL
OF THE E:\IPIRE
I
SUV AR~ADVlPA
341
of the period. Br:1mles held the view that after the abdication
of Vikramayardllham Sllhit::t ruled from 1400 to 14:?9 A. D.,
prohalJly jointly \vith hi-; father for a part of this period.
After the death of both in 14:?D A.D., there was an interregnum
from 14:?9 to 1-137, and thereafter a queen, Bhre Daha, ruled
from t:37 to 1-4 7 A.D. Krom h:-ts pointed out several defects
in thi;;, interpretation. In the fir:St place, there is no reference
to any interregnum, and secondly, the title 'prabhu' is applied
to the ruler of ).Iajapahit whereas Bhre D:-tha is called only a
'ratn.' Krom himself has given a new interpretation. He
begin,; by pointing out th:1t Singhajaya, the cremation place of
'Prabhn i,tri' in 1"1-17, i;;: abo, according to Par., the cremation
pbce of Snhitii',.: lm:'band who died a year before (Chap. XII).
From this fact he concludes that this 'Prabhu i'ltri' who died
in 117 is no other than Suhita herself.
Starting from this basis Krom offers a simple explanation.
He assume,; that Vikramavarddhana continued to rule till 1429,
when, after hi,; death, his daughter Suhita ascended the throne
and ruled till her death in 1-!7 A.D. Bhre Daha is regarded
by Krom as merely a ruler of Daha having no connection with
l\Iajapahit. 1
Krom's recomtrnction is open to serious objection, as it
ignores two clPar st:ltemcnts in Chap. XII of the Pararaton,
n':., (1} Bhat:lra i,;;tri became ruler in 1-!00 A.D., and (2) Prabhu
istri died in 14:?~1 A.D.
Fortunately, we have got two statements by the Chinese
authoritiPs whi<'l1 enable us to check the accounts of Pararaton,
and, perhap:", to under,.;tand it aright. The History of the
l\ling Dyn:-tsty says that in 1415 A.D. the king of Java gave
up his old name and adopted the new name Yang 'Vi-si-sa,
and from another Chinese source we come to know that this
king was ruling in Java in 1436 A. D. 2 There is no doubt that
I.
For
PP 42Sff.
~.
DO\YNF.ALL OF THE
E~IPIRE
Vi~e~a,
the second
A. Bhra Hyang
Vi~esa
. became bhagaran i.e.
withdrew from state-affairs in Saka 1322.
Chap. XII. B. Bhatara istri became ruler (prabhu).
c. Bhra Hyang Vi~e'}a died ...
D. Prabhu istri died in 1351.
/
Chap. XIII. E. Bhre Daha became ruler (ratu) in Saka 1359.
F. Bhre Prabhn istri died in Saka 1369.
Chap. XIV. G. Thereupon Bhre Tumapel became king in
her place.
Chap. XI.
V. 1918, p. 171.
33
infonn ns. Thi.~ i~ in a way corroborated by the bbtement in
Pararaton that Bhrc Daha becanw ruler in 137 .\.. D. !E)
Evidently that was the ~ear whrn Hyang Yi~e~a died. Bhre
Daha probably ruled from 1:37 to 144 7 when on her death
Bhre Tumapel became king.
The sentence G immediately follows F, and consequently
the expres"ion 'thereupon' E-hould be taken to indicate that
the accession of Tumapel was contingent upon the death of
Bhre Prabhu istri, or, in other wordo:, the former succeeded
the latter. On the other hand, the only per:,on whose acces~ion
is referred to after 1:56 A. D. is Bhre Daha, and not
Bhre Prabhu istri. Thu" the three sentences E. F. G., read
together, might lead us to believe that Bhre Daha and
Prabhu i:,tri probably referred to the same person, rix.,
Suhita, the daughter of Hyang Yi~ei;ia, but of this we are
not certain. It is equally possible to hold with Krom,
that Bhre Daha was a local ruler, and in that case Suhita
ascended the throne after her father's death in 1436 A. D.,
though neither this incident nor the date thereof is mentioned
in Pararaton. Bhrc Daha might abo be a rebel or a rival to
Suhita, and there is nothing surprising in it, as the reign of
Vikramavarddhana is marked by the great Civil \V ar which
led to the disruption of the empire and ultimately to the
downfall of the kingdom of l\Iajapahit.
It has already been mentioned that prince Yirabhami was
ruling like an independent prince in Eastern Java ewn during
the lifetime of Rajasanagara. The following passage appears
in the History of the ::-.ling Dynasty between the accounts of
the embassies in the years 1377 and 1379 A. D. "In this
country there is a western and an eastern king, the latter is
called Bogindo Bongkit, and the former Bu-la-po-bu (Bhatara
Prabhu). Both of them sent envoys with tribute'"
This account refers apparently to about 1378 A. D.,
when Rajasanagam was still living. It may be easily presumed
1.
DOWNFALL OF THE
344
E~IPIRE
that the relation between the two sbtes did not improve after
the death of that king. The Chinese history tdl;; us that in
1403 both the kings sent tribute and obtained royal seals
from the Chinese emperor ; and thenceforward both the
kings regularly sent tribute' . Thi ~ "hows that both of them
tried to get recognition from the Chinese emperor. The
Chinese history informs us that in 140G the eastern king was
2
defeated and his kingdom destroyed.
" 'e get a more detailed
account of the struggle in Pararaton (Chap. XII). It appears
that as early as 1401 A. D. king VikramaYarddhana was
involved in a fight with prince Yirabhumi, but the result was
indecisive. 'Var broke out again in 140! or shortly before that.
At first the fortune of war turned againo,t Vikramavarddhana,
and he decided to retire. But then the two powerful chiefs
of Java, Bhre Tumapel, and Bhra Parame~vara, son and sonin-law respectively of the king, came to his aid, though they
had at first stood aloof. This proved decisiw. Prince Virabhumi
was defeated and fled during night in a ;;,hip. He was, howeyer,
caught and put to death, and his head was brought to Majapahit
in 1406 A. D.
A side-issue of this episode brought the conquering Javanese
king into troubles with the Chinese Court. The incident is thus
described in the History of the l\Iing Dynasty. 3
"In the year 140.) the eunueh Cheng Ho was sPnt as a meto this country, and in the next year the two kings
made war upon each other ; the eao,tcrn king was defeated and
hi.~ kingdom destroyed. At that time the imperial envoys
were just in the country of the eastern king, and when the
soldiers of the western king entered the market place, 170 of
their followers were killed by these ; on this the western king
became afraid and sent envoys to a"k pardon. The Emperor
gave them an edict reproving him seyerely and ordered him to
pay sixty thousand taels of gold as a fine. In the year 1408
Cheng Ho was sent again to this country and the western
~senger
1.
Ibid, p.
31),
l.
Ibid, p. 36.
SUVAR~ADVJPA
345
}bid, pp.
44
III3
346
DOWNFALL OF THE
E~IPIRE
but ewn went with hi:> whole fnmily to China to pay respects
to the emperor. The next king reported to the emperor that
'his country had to give ,Jaya forty catic:-> camphor baros
enry year and begged an imprrial order to Java that this
annual tribute o,hould be "topped in order that it might be sent
instead to the imperial court'. The emperor accordingly
"gave an order to Java telling them not to a:->k any more the
annual tribute of this country". "'e further read that the
late king of Pn-ni represented to the emperor in 1405 .A.D.,
that his country was now altogether subject to the imperial
government. Henceforth the kings of Pu-ni sent regular
tributes to the imperial court, and some time even personally
attended the court with their family. (Sec infra Bk. IV.,
Chap. IV).
2. San-fo-tsi
The same Chinese history tells us 1 that although Java had
completely conquered San-fo-tsi he could not keep all the
lands. Two states were established there with two Chinese
adventurers at their head. .Although they nominally admitted
the suzerainty of Java, they sent regular tributes and envoys
to the imperial court. Then they ceased to care either for
Java or for China. It is interesting to note that in 1397 the
Chinese emperor dared not send em'oys direct to Java for fear
that they will bP waylaid by San-fo-bi, and hence he approached
Siam ns an intermediary to carry his message to Java so that she
might warn San-fo-tsi. Thus China recognised at least the
nominal :;,uzerainty of .Java over San-fo-tsi. In 1405 and
succeeding years, however, there were regular changes of
embassies between China and San-fo-tsi, without any reference
to Java. In 14:?4 a king of San-fo-tsi ewn asked permission
of the emperor to succeed his father. It is evident that from
the beginning of the fifteenth century .A.D. Java exercised
but little real authority in that country.
I,
lbid, p. 71.
SUVAR~ADVlPA
347
3. Sumatra
Samudra, one of thr ya,;,,al states of Jaya, brcamc a strong
Islamic power, and a powerful crntre of trade and commerce.
Its Sultan ;;.cnt envoys and tribute to the imperial court in
1405 and was named by the emperor 'king of Samndra.' 1 In 1413
the :Muhammadan king of Lambri, another vassal state of
Java. sent cnyoys with tribute to China. "The envoys were
presented with court dre.~ses, and the king got a seal, a
commission and silks, whibt Cheng Ho was sent to carry the
instructions of the emperor to that country. Till 1434, they
sent tribute every year."
4. Malay Peninsula
Various states in }Ialay Peninsula such as Pahang and
Kelantan now sent tributes to China (infra, Bk. IV. Chap. II).
But the most important of them was the l\fuhanunadan king
dom of Malacca. This powerful state sought the protection
of China against Siam, and in 1105 its king received investiture
from the Chinese emperor. 3 Gradually this state grew to be
a great rival of Java as would appear from the following
passage in the History of the Ming Dynasty.
"At that time Palembang was under the domination of Java
and the king of ~Ialacca fabely pretended that he had an order
from the fmperor to claim this possession. "~hen the emperor
heard this, he gave an cuict saying : "\Yhen lately the eunuch
Wu-pin came back he reported that you (king of Java) had
treated the imperial erwoys in the most respectful way ; now
I have heard lately that the king of Malacca has claimed the
country Palembang from you and that you have been very much
astonished, hearing tlut this was my will : but I treat people
in the most upright way and if I had allowed him to do so, I
certainly would haYe sent an open order, therefore you have no
reason to be afraid and if bad men make use of false pretences,
you must not lightly believe them". 4
4 I bid, p. 37.
l lbid, p. 89.
:.~. lbid, p. 99.
3 !bid, p. 129.
348
lbid, p. 37
l.
lbid, p. 37
!
SUVA.R~ AD VIP A
349
350
DO"\\TXFALL OF THE
E~IPIRE
I
SUV AR~ADViPA
351
"T
2.
352
"T
SuVAR~ADVlPA
353
45
354
I
SUVAR~ ADVIPA
355
I.
Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 39
Chapter VIII
SU~QA
SUVARJ:S" AD VIP A
357
I 16.
358
PP 141 ff.
z. Pleyte, op. cit., pp. 166 ff.
SUVAR~ AD VIP A
359
Pleyte, op.
pp.
389-392
360
date should be interpreted as 1333, and assuming this to be
true, we can refer the reign of the family at Galuh to
have commenced not later than the beginning of the 14th
century A.D.
Some traditions of thi,; family are contained in a book
called 'Carita Parahyangan'. The passage runs a,; follows 1 : "He who died at Kikis reigned for ~2 years. He who
died at Keding reigned for 7 years ; he begot Aji Kolot.
He reigned for 10 years and had a son Prebu Maharaja.
When the latter had reigned for 7 years he fell victim to a
trap on the occasion of the marriage of his daughter, crown
princess Tohaan. Many people went to Java as the Javanese
did not wish to celebrate the marriage in Sm,1~a. There was
a fight at Majapahit.
"There was a son of Prebu \rangi named Prebu Niskalavastu Kancana who died on the island of Larang, on the
hill V anakusuma.
SUVAR~ADViPA
361
46
363
SU~I)A
Book IV
DOWNFALL OF HINDU KINGDOMS
IN SUVAR~ADViPA
BOOK IV
Chapter I.
364
SU:\IATRA
SL'VAR~ADYIPA
365
pp.
194201'
1921 ),
366
SUVAR~ADVIPA
367
368
EXD OF HINDU
Rl~LE IN SC~IATRA
2. Rise of Islam.
/
2.
SUV AR~ADVIPA
369
The fir::.t definite information of this changed political condition is obtained from the account of ~Iarco Polo 1 :Marco
Polo calls the island "Java the less", and says that it had eight
kingdom;;; and eig;ht kings. Of these he gives detailed
account of six kingdoms "that lie at this side of the land"
and were visited by him. These kingdoms were Ferlec,
Ba;:,ma, Samara, Dagroian, Lambri and Fansur. Marco Polo
says nothing of the two other kingdoms "at the other ~:~ide of
the island" as he never visited them.
Of the six kingdoms, Ferlec is undoubtedly Perlak on
the north-east, and Lambri the same as L::unuri or Great Atjch
(Acheh), on the north-west. The three kingdoms named between
these two were apparently situated in the intervening region.
Thus Basma may be identified with Pase, and Samara with
Samuclra. Dagroian cannot be identified with certainty. Fansur,
the sixth kingdom, is undoubtedly Barns. Most of the details
given by Marco Polo are concerned with peculiar manners and
customs of the people, but he throws valuable hints on the
political and religious condition of the kingdoms he describes.
The kingdoms had their own kings, but all, except Ferlec,
called themselves subjects of the Great Khan i.e. the Chinese
emperor Kublai Khan. The subjection, however, was more
nominal than real, as would appear from the following statement
of Marco Polo : "They call themselves subjects of the Great
Khan but they pay him no tribute ; indeed they are so far
away that his men could not go thither. Still all these islanders
declare themselves to be his subjects and sometimes they send
curiosities ao presents." Marco Polo's statement is corroborated by the facts that an enyoy of the kingdom of Samudra
visited China in 1286 A. D, and that embassie;1 were sent
by the generals nf Kublai Khan, after reaching Java, to some
I.
''The Book
Vol. li, pp. 284. ff.
2.
of
Ser Marco
Polo",-Tran::;lated by
47
Yule,
370
E~'])
SUVAR~ADVfPA
371
but he does not give any detailed account beyond stating that
Lamuri was a large state under an independent king. 1 Other
Arab writers also refer to some towns or states, in Sumatra,
but do not in any way indicate that they posses5ed either
political or commercial importance.
About 13:1:5-6 A. D. Ibn Batuta visited the kingdom of
Samudra, which he calls Sumutra, in the island of Java, which
here undoubtedly means Sumatra. He was welcomed by the
Muhammadan ruler of the place, Sultan Malik az-Zahir".
Ibn Batuta describes him as one of the most illustrious and
generous kings, but says nothing definite about the extent of
his kingdom. But that there were Hindu kingdoms on all
sides is quite clear from his statement that the Sultan frequently fought with and defeated the infidels who lived in the
neighbourhood, and they paid him tribute for living in peace.
One of these Hindu kingdoms called '.Mal Java' was visited
by Ibn Batuta. After leanng Samudra, he sailed along the
coast for 21 days, and reached the capital of this kingdom.
Ibu Batuta here relates a story which throws some interesting
light on the political condition of Sumatra. It runs as
follows:
'The Sultan of Samudra had a nephew (brother's son) who
married his daughter and was appointed governor of a province.
This nephew was desirous of marrying the daughter of an Amir,
but the Sultan chose the girl for himself. The disappointed
lover waited for his opportunity. Once the Sultan had gone to
Ferrand-Textes, Vol. II, p. 361.
For Ibn Ba~u~a's account, cf. Ferrand-Textes, Yol. II, pp.
438 ff. Ferrand is inclined to reject the whole account of lbn Batuta
as pure fabrication on the ground that his itinerary is an impossible
one.
3. Malik az-Zahir was a title borne by nearly all the Sultans
of Samudra. Sultan Muhammad Malik az-Zahir died in 1326. He
was followed by Ahmad and Zain-al-Abidin, both of whom carried
the same title. lbn Ba~uta must have met one of these, probably the
fQrmer,
1.
2.
373
SUVAR~ADVIPA
373
2.
3U
E~D
OF HINDU RULE
I~
SU)IATRA
SUYAR~ ADVIP A
375
376
ID.'TI OF
HI~'TIU
RFLE IN SC.MATRA
were presented with court dresses and the king got a seal, a
commission, and silks. It sent tribute every year till 142-1.
~h Huan writing in 1-116 ~\..D. notes that the king of the country
and its people arc all Muhammadans. 1
The king who sent
tribute in 1-11~ is called ~Iaharasa.
To the east of Samuclra was another kingdom, Aru, which
similarly sent envoys to China in 1411, 1419, 14:.?1 and 1423.
Here also the king and the people were all l\Iuhammadans by
1416 A.D.'
The memory of this state is preserved in the
name of the Aru Islands.
Another kingdom, N akur, situated to the west of Samudra,
consisted of only one mountain village and about a thousand
families. The people tattooed their faces with three pointed
green figures, and for this reason the king was called the king
of tattooed faces. Their language, manners, and customs were
like those of Sumutra. ~
Thus by the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. the
northern states of Smnatra passed from the sphere of influence
of Java to that of China, and gradually adopted the Islamic
religion. The importance of Sumatra as a centre of Islam was
no doubt due to the fact that Pasai (Sumatra) had succeeded
Kedah as the chief centre of trade. In the fifteenth century
~Ialacca succeeded Pasai and played the role of the leading
Muslim state, as we shall sec in the next chapter. After the
fall of :\Ialacca at the beginning of the sixteenth century, Acheen
in northern Sumatra became the chief centre of trade and of
Islam. ''From Acheen Islamic faith spread to Clakan, from
Clakan into :\Ienangkabau. In the seventeenth century the
people along the coast of the Lampong district began to be
Groeneveldt-Notes, pp. g8-1oo.
Schlegel reads it as l\Iahama Shah ( T'oung Pao Ser. If,
Vol. Il, p. 357 ). Pelliot restores it as l\fuhammad Shah ; T'oung Pao,
1.
2,
1933. p. :zg6.
3 Groeneveldt-Notes, pp, 94-6.
<4
lbid, p. g6.
SCYAR~ AD VIP A
377
converted, and in the eighteenth Islam spread to the upcountry. In the middle of the o,ixteenth century a missionary
weut from Palcmbang to Borneo and made converts at Sukadaua
ancll\Iadan. In 1606 A.D. a l\Ienangkabau trader conwrted
the Raja of Pallo in Celebes.')l
1. j. St. Br. R.A.S., Ko 77, pp. 171 ff. to which the reader m;ly
refer for a detailed account of the introduction of :\!uhC~mmadan faith
in l\lalay Peninsula and ~lalay Archipelago. Cf. also 'Encyclopaedie
van Nederlandsch Indie' s:v. ~lohammedanisme ; and B.J.O. Schrieke
-'Het Boek van Bonang.'
48
Chapter 11
2.
I
SUVAR~ADVIPA
379
2,
!bid, P 287.
380
E~D
P 3II).
SUVAR~ ADVIPA
381
2.
J.
2.
Groeneveldt-~otes,
383
Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 139
38-.i
I
SGVAR~ADYlPA
385
49
I
E~"'D
386
Gtoeneveldt-Notes, p 123.
SUVAR~ADVIPA
387
s.
S(!'YAR~AD VIPA
389
Chinese Account.
1. Pai-li-mi-sn-ra ( 1403-1414).
')
:\fu-kan-sa-u-tir-sha (1414-
3. l\Iuzafar Shah.
14~4).
(145ti).
6.
, . l\1a-ha-mu-sa or
Sultan Mamat' (1508).
Now, the name of the second king in the Chinese list has
been corrected by Blagden as Mou-Kan-sa-kan-ti-eul-cha or
Muhammad Sekandar Shah . In the name of the first we
I. As noticed above, the name of this king is written in Ch:nese
annals as :\la-ha-mu-sa and Sultan ).!amat. Both are here taken as
Chinese renderings of the name Sultan l\1uhammad Shah. Blagden,
however, takes the first name as l\!uhammad, and the second as
Sultan Ahmad, his successor (Actes du X!e congres International des
orientalistes-ze section, pp. 239253)
The dates of the kings put within bracket are those obtained
from Chinese sources.
The grave-stone of Mansur Shah gives the
date 1477 as the date of his death. The date 1489 is gi,en in the
Commentaries of Albuquerque as th.1t of the defeat of Siamese army
by Muhammad. Sultan Alau d din's reign is to be placed between 1477
and 1489 A.D.
Vol. XXX
390
E~D
SUVAR~ADVIPA
4.
Sri Pa-mi-fli-wa-r-tiu-pa-&ha
Sultan l\Iuzafar Shah
6. Sultan l\Iamur Shah
7. Sultan Alau d din.
8. Sultan :\Iahmud
5.
391
T'oung Pao, Ser. !I. \'ol. XVI (1915), pp. 114, 1!8.
392
1213
'
SFVAR~ADVIPA
393
2.
50
Rouffaer,
J.
Wilkinson in
J. Str.
Br. R.A.S.,
SUVAR~ADVIPA
395
2.
Ibid., p. 438.
E~D
396
Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 37
2.
Albuquerque.
StJVAR~ AD VIPA
397
~IALAY
PENINSULA
SUVAR:t;iT AD VIPA
3f\!'l
1.
z.
400
Wilkinson,
J, Str.
2.
lbid, p. 428.
Chapter Ill.
"T
51
402
I
1
SUVAR~ADViPA
403
authority of the king. They some time rebel against the king,
but are again subdued by him."
The Portuguese have preserved ome detailed accounts of
one of thcsr J:wancse sea-lords on the coast. After the
departure of Albuquerque, the Portuguese Admiral Perez
cl' Anclracle had driven Pati Katir, a Javanese sea-lord, from
the neighbourhood of Malacca, and forced him to proceed to
Java. Pati Cuus, chief of Japara, in Java, was an ally of
Pati Katir, and, unaware of the defeat of the latter, he proceeded
against Malacca with hundred ships mostly manned by Javanese
from Palembang. Percz d' Andradc defeated this Javanese
fleet after a heavy fight, but Pati Cuus broke through the
Portuguese line and safely reached his own country. He placed
his ships on the sea-beach as a memorial to that fight. His
brave deed::; were talked about for long and he later became
king of Dcmak.
A few months later, a Portuguese ship, returning from
:1\Ioluccas islands, was stranded on the Javanese com;t near
Tuban. A ship was sent out from .Malacca to bring the goods,
and its captain Joao Lopez Alvim was receiwcl in a friendly
manner by Pati Unus at Si<;layu. Probably Pati Cnu,; dared
not act in a hostile manner as the JaYanese king was a friend
to the Portuguese. After the return of this ~hip, Ruy de
Brito, the Portuguese govemor of :\Ialacca, wrote as follows to
king ~Ianuel in January, 1314 : ''Jaya is a great island. It has
two Kafir kings ; one, the king of Sunda, the other the king of
JaYa. The sea-coa:>t belongs to :\Ioors, who are very powerful.
Great merchant-; and nobles call themselves governors of these
place<;. They are wry rich and possess many ships. They
always carry on trade with Malacca. Some of them are our
friends, others very hostile." This is the last definite mention
of a Hindu king in Java.
In 1515 the new Portngnrse Go>ernor of ~Ialaeca planned a
punitive expedition against the Muhamrnadan chief:> uf Javancae
coast, 1i:.. Pati Katir, Pati runs, and Pati Roclien, but nothing
is mentioned in this connection about the Hindu king in Java.
401
But Barbo;:;a, who wrote between 131G and 1518 A.D., refers
to the great Hindu king of .Java, named Pate Udra, who was
yet recogni:-Jed a,; ,;nzerain by the ~In ham madan chief;; on the
sea-coast. Barbosa expres:->ly :-tates that when any of these
chiefs reyolts, the king forcibly subdues him. It mnst be
noted, however, that of late, great doubts have arisen regarding
the authenticity of Barbosa's account, and it is doubted whether
his account is not merely borrowed from older books.
The next account of Java we get from the writings of
Pigafetta, an Italian sailor, who accompanied the Spanish
captain Fernao de Magalhoes in his famous voyage of
exploration in 1519 A.D. Pigafetta's ship lay before the port
of Timor from the end of January to the beginning of February,
15:?2, and we find the following entry in his journal : "The
greatest citie,;; in Java are these : .Majapahit, whose king, when
he lh,ed, was the greatei'>t of all these i,.;lands and was called
Raja Pati Gnus, Sunda,-in this grows much pepper-, Daha,
Demak, Gajahmada, l\Ientaraman, Japara, Sidayu, Tuban,
Gresik, Surabaya, and Bali/'
Rouffaer concludes from the above account that .Majapahit
was till the last the centre of Hindu power in Java, and
was conquered by the .Muslim chief, Pati T.Inus, some time
before 1522 A.D. There is, howewr, one difficulty. Barros
says, in connection with the invasion of Malacca by Pati
rnus, that this chief later became king of Sm,1ga.
Now,
Henriquc Leme found a Hindn chief in Sn1,1<;la in 1522.
It i-;, therefore, exceedingly improbable that Pati Unus, who
died in the beginning of 1322, should have brought both
Majapahit and Sm;<;la under his control before his death.
Rouffaer think,.; that Barros wrongly wrote Sm,1ga instead
of ~Iajapahit, and he therefore takes Pigafetta's account
as tnw.
Krom, on the other hand, thinks that there is no reason
to conclude that the mistake was necessarily on the part of
Barros, and not of Pigafetta. He rather thinks that Barros,
to whom historical docmnents were available, is more
SlJVAR~ADVIPA
405
40G
1.
2.
p. 309
Vol.
11,
SUV..ill~ AD VIP A
407
Brandes-Par., pp.
223
ff.
408
"'-
SGYAR~ ADYiPA
409
52
410
.t
411
shifted to the east, and flowed freely only in the island of Bali,
where the roy,1l family and the aristocracy fled with a
considcr.1ble element of the well-to-do people in Java. That
island now pos.'lesscs the unique distinction of preserving
the old Hindu culture and civilisation, while in Java the old
monuments alone remain to tell the tale of its past glory and
grandeur.
The Islamic conquest of Java was followed by the
introduction of that faith in Madura. The king of Arosbaya,
named Pancmbahan Siti Luhur, and other members of the
nobility voluntarily accepted the new faith, and thus the
conversion of the whole people took place in a comparatively
short time. This also explains the almost complete destruction
of Hindu temples in that island 1
1,
Chapter IV
Groeneveldt-Notes, p.
101.
2.
lbid, pp.
1012.
413
2.
E~-rn
414
2.
4.
Ibid.
SUVAR~ ADVIP A
415
416
people ; at last they requested that the time for bringing tribute
and the number of persons who were to accompany it, might
be fixed.'
"The emperor acceded to all these wi'lhes. He ordered that
tribute should be sent once in three years, and that the number
of persons coming with it should depend upon the king's
pleasure. He also gaYe an order to Java telling them not to
ask any more the annual tribute of this country."
'At the time of taking leaye the king and his party got wry
valuable presents from the emperor. The eunuch Chang Ch'ien
and the messenger Chau Hang were sent to escort him. In 1410
the king sent enYoys to carry tribute and present thanks for
the imperial favour. The next year Chang Ch'ien was sent
again with rich presents for the king. In 1412 Hia-wang came
to court with his mother. They were entertained with great
honour and received Yaluable presents. From the year 1415
to the year 1425 they brought tribute four times, but after that
time their tribute-bearers became more rarr.'
'During the period Wan-li (1573-1619) the king of Pn-ni
died without any male issue. His relatives fought for the
throne, and there was a great war in the country ; at last all
competitors were killed, and then a daughter of the late king
was put on the throne. Since this time, though they did not
bring any more tribute, the intercourse by traders was uninterrupted.'
This extenshe summary of the Chinese history gives us
a very interesting account of the friendly intercourse between
Borneo and China, but it adds but little to our knowledge of
its history and civilisation. There is no doubt that the Chinese
official writer has spared no pains to exaggerate the power and
prestige of the emperor, and to paint him in a too dazzling
light. But all the same he has left the impression that Pn-ni
was a fairly civilised country, and enjoyed some amount of
political authority and prestige.
'Ve may now conclude our account of Borneo with a few
general remarks. It is clear that the Indians had colonised
SUYAR~ADVIPA
417
Krom-Geschiedenis, p.
53
229.
418
I~
BORNEO
Chapter V.
420
SUVAR~ADVlPA
421
4.
422
SL'"VAR~ADVfPA
423
424
Groeneveldt-Notes, p.
27.
S GY AR~ ADVIPA
425
54
426
SUVAR~ADVIPA
427
....
428
Chapter VI.
430
.,
SUVAR~ADVIPA
431
432
I
SUVAR~ADVIPA
433
55
43i
PrBLIC AD:\II);ISTTI,\TIOX
I~
,JAYA
L
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
i Tinan
KaJ)(Jamuhi
:'IIang:huri
Pmuyatan
J:lmbi
Kar.1<Jangrrn rrtnha
Ka~u]angan rare
t
SCVAR~ADYIPA
435
..
436
PD'"BLIC
AD~II:XISTRATIO"N
IN JAVA
1.
I
'
INDEX
Abhimanottm'Jga Samanta I82
Abiasa (V)asa) 95
Abulfida zo9-2I2,
Abil Zayd l;Iasan I s6, 161, 2IO, 217
Acera 58, 59
Achinese Io, I IS
Adesasastrins -433
Adhamapanuda -z69
Adhimukti I 50
Aditya 73
Adityavarmadeva 365-368
Airlangga 2 58-279, -433
Aiyangar Prof. S. K. 179, I 86
Ajapatha 56, 59
Aji Ma-ra-ya (Maharaja) 265
Aji Saka 94-97
Aji Wangbang 429
Alauddin (Alaoadim) 385
Alberuni 21, -40, 45, -47, 164, 212
Albuquerque 383, 386, 397, -402
Alexander 20
Allahabad Pillar Ins. 107
Allasanda 56
Anengah (Anil~apti) 293.
Anga-dvipa 52, 53
Angai}eka 56
Angka\ijaya 407
Angrok (Rajasa, Amilrvvabhilmi)
292-294
Anil~apati (Anil~anatha) 294
A-pu-sai 375
Aragani 301
Arddharaja 302, 308
Argapura 238
Argyre 49, 55
Arjunavijaya 328
Arjunavivaha 174
Arthasastra 38, 54, ss. 6 1
Aru 37-4
Aryabhatiya 119
Arya Damar 4c6
Aryan 18
Aryyavangsadhiraja 365
A~tagui}a 287
Astina (Hastinapura) 94, 95
Asvavarman (Asvatthama) 126,
Atwal 212
Aurousseau 217
Austro-nesian 12
Ayodhya 429
127
INDEX
Barus (Karpur Barus) 52
Basma (Pase) 369
Batak 10, 118
Bataratamurel (Bhatara Tumapel)
384
Batik 33-36
Batu Pahat 130
Batu Renggong 426-7
Batur Ins. 334
Batu- Tulis Ins. 358
Bawang rakryan 259
Bedahulu 425
Berg 425, 4::6
Bhagadato 73
Bhara<;la 276
Bharatavar~a 45, ;o, 51
Bharatayuddha 283
Bharukaccha 37, 56
Bhatara Dwaravarman 102
Bhatara Guru :?73
Bhatara Prabhu (Suraprabhava,
Singhavikramavardhana) 352
Bhi~maprabhava 269
Bhra Krtabhiimi 351-353
Bhre Daha 341-343
Bhre Pamotan (Sri Rajasavardhana
Sinagara) 351
Bhre Pat;~Qan Salas :,51, 354
Bhre Prabhu istri 342. 343
Bhre Tumapel 342, 343, 351
Bhre Vengker 35 I
Bhujangga 436
Bhiimicandra 215
Blagden 26, 52, 72-75, 390
Bloch. J 16
Borneo 2, 3, 10, II, 22, 29, 125-131,
138, 165, 299, 325, 333 334, 345,
412-418
Bosch 234, 303, 365
lI
Il\TDEX
Chau JuKua 71, 13-4, 176-178, 192200, 218, zSS-291, 357, 38o, 414
Chavannes 205
Che eul yeou king (Buddhist Sutra)
121
Che-li-fo-che (or Sri V >jaya, Fo-che)
41, 120, 204, l09, 21/220
Che-li-p'o-ta-t'o-a-la-~-a-mo,
King
of Cho-p'o 102
Che-li t'o-lo-pa-mo (Srindravarman),
King of Sri-Vijaya U4
Che-li Wou-ye 165
Chen dynasty, History of So, ~20
Cheng Ho 3-44, 374,382
Che-pi 313-315, 3'7
Che-p' o-lo-na-lien- to (Srivaranarendra) 79
Chhabra, B. C. 81, 89, 114, 122,
126, 130
China 184, 3~2, 416, 418
Cho-p'o (Cho-p'o-p'o-ta) IOIIOZ,
Cordier 79
Culama!)>\arman(Cih;lam:~Qil-arman)
s6
392
Cola 5, 167 ff
Co-lon (Kuen-Luen) 157
Commentaires d' Albuquerque 383
386, 392, 398
INDEX
(iajah Enggon 338
(iajah l\Iada 3233~7. 337, 406-408,
425. 433
Gajah l\languri 340
Gajayana 249
Galanai, Mahasenapati 195
Gayatri 320
Gayo 10, IIS
Ghatotkacasraya 284
Gianj<r 427
Guind avardhana 408
Godinho de Eredia 384
Goris 238, 243245
Grahi 19 5 197, 3So
Grierson 21
Grorl1C''eldt 76, 78, 97, IOI, 102,
III, 113, 114 1 133-137, 145"147,
192, 219, 313, 412, 436
Guhasena 51
Gujrat 9496
Gumba 56
Gu!Javarman (K'ieou-na-pa-mo) 104,
J,p
.-,
INDEX
Gupta Inscription, 107
Gurun (Gorong or Cioram) 298, 327
Ha-ch't-SU\\ u-ch'a-p'u-mi 182
Haji-Sum.ttrabhumi 183, 185
Han dynasty 97, 380
Hangchu 105
Han-yii 221
Haraki 41, 45, 210
Hankela 74
Hari1amsa 54, 55, 284
Harladj (H.maj) 213
Har~acarita of Barya 74
I;Iawiya of lbn );Iajtd 79
Hayam Wuruk 274, 286, 294,300,328
Henrique Leme 404
Heu-Han-Shu 100
Hiang-ta 413
Hia-tche 165
Hia-wang 416
Hia-Wu, Emperor 79
Htkayat ;.Iaroii ;.rahawansa i2, 203,
392
Htkayat Rajaraja Pasay 333
Hi-ning-Kuan 315
Hippalus 6
Hirth 193
Hiuen Tsang 21, 52,71-73, 82, II2,
lsanatunggavijaya 261
177
Ho-hng
259
bin 'Imran 161
lsidore of Seville 40
Hornell, J. 18-23
Hsing-ch'.t Sheng-lan of Fei Hsin
hlvaravarma 38, 45
1-tsing 26, 41, 71, 120-I2J, 137, 142
II2
Is~ak
97, 37 s. 391
H uang-tche 70
Huber 7 I
Hui-ning 143
144, 1]5
INDEX
Jambudvipa 336
J anasadhuvarmadeva .po
Janggala 276-2So, 289, 293, ~22
Jaryryupatha 56, 6o
]iitaka 37, bo, 61
Jatakamala 37
]a;a1arman Yira Pary<;lya 198, 216
Java 2, 3, 11, 32-34, <JlIIS, 138,
153-16o, 2oo-2o6, 233-275, 298307, 313-355, 373,378, ~01-411
Javaka (Savaka, J?avaka) 19S, 199,
215
Jaya Baya (jayabhaya) 95, 281,
283
Jayakatvang JOI, 308, 311, 315318
Jayakirtivardhana Gwas Sri 240
Jayalqta 284
Jayanagara 320-326
Jayanta ISO
Jayantakatunggadeva 279
]ayasabha 293
Jayasimhavarman IV 300
Jayavarman I! 157, 159
Jaya'"ar~a Digjaya 28o
Jembrana 427
Jiianabhadra 143
Joao Lopez Alvin 403
Jogyakerta 93. 15I, 236
Julien 83
IXDEX
Kin-tcheu 41
KiraQa 2S3
Kiratas 4 5, s5
K'JU-t'an-sieou-pato-lo
(Gautama
Subhadra) 79
Ki-yen l36
Kling 7, 95
Klungkung 426-8
Ko-ku-la 379
Ko-lo-chii-fen (Kia-lo-chii-fou, Kialo-chO-fo) 7 5, 76
Kombeng 1z8, 129
Koppam !SI
Korinchis IIS
Kota Kapur 122
Kot. MoQthieraban 381
Krom 7, r8, 26, 28, 36, 79, 82, g8,
I l l , 112, II4, IIS,
120, 122,
I27I2S, 155, 203, 205, 23C, 235,
2 57, 26I-263, 28r, 285, 289, 294,
303-307, 314, 340, 352, 35, 404
Kr~Qayana zSo
Krtajaya 286-zSS, 292
Krtanagara 200, z6o, 297-306
Krtarajasa (Vijaya) 319321, 433
Krtavijrl.ya 351
Kublai Khan 300, 312
Kudamrta (Vijayarajasa) 327
Ku-Kang 202, 216
Kulottun~a t2r. IS-!-188
Kumara, book of (Skanda or
Kartttkeya) 282
Kumarayajfia 429
K'u-ma-r Maharaja 383
KuQ<;Iunga (KauQ<;Iinya) 126-128
Kus.l-d\ ipa 52
Kusumavarddhani 339
Kutaraja 293
Kutaramanava 435
7
INDEX
:Madagascar 2, 19, 22, 23
Madamaliitgam 174, 177
:-.Iadhura (:\Iadura) 298, 299, 310,
3II
369-371, 374
Lampongs 10, 118
Langkawi 65
Lang-ya-su 7075, 145, 146, 19-1Lai]kadvipa 62
Laitkavatara Siitra 21
Lan-wu-li I 9 ~
Lara-Jongrang 235
Lebongs 118
Leiden Grant 168, 170, r82, 208
Lembu Ampal 295
Lenkasuka 53
Uwi. S 6, 16-2-4, 53, 56, 69, 73-75,
177
Liang Dynasty, History of, 7o, 72,
78, 134 220
Liang-Shu 86
Liang Tau-ming 203
Ligor Sr, 82, go, 122, 149, 153,
205209, 219, 225
Linggapati 297
Ling-wai-tai-ta 193
Li-si-lin-nan-mi-je-lai r6s
Li-tai 374
Li-tche-ti 164
Lobu Tua 188
Lo-cha-Jo-cha (Rajaraja) r8+
Lokanatha (Avalokite5vara) 45
Lokapala 261
Lombok I, II, 333, 428
Low, CoL 89
Lvaram 266
INDEX
Ma!ayasia I, 4-8, 19, 14, 26-36,
138-145. 149. 153-155
Malay Penmsula 1, 7, 29. 41-43,
65-go, 138, q9, rs3-155. 165,
I78, 191-201, 204-227, 299, 333,
336, 345. 347 378400
Malayu 22, 120, 121, 123, 175, 195201, 298, 305, 320, 330, 363368
Maleou Kolon 25, 26
Mali 101, 134, 136
Malik al-Saleh 370
Malik az-Zahir 371
Malik Ibrahim 401
Malur Ins. 173
Malurpatna 171
l\Ia-Mo-Sha 414
i\fa-na-ha-pau-Iin-pang 202
MaQakkavaram 174, 177
Mandikere Ins. 174
Mangalore 23
MaQimekhalai 215
Manjusrimulakalpa 74, 75
Mankir 41
1\Ian-Shu 413
Mansur Shah 382. 385-391, 396
Mantri 433, 436
Manuel4o3
Manu-Smrti 107, 429, 431
l\Iapafiji Alafijung Ahyes 279
l\'Iappappalam 173, 176
Maraja 264
MaraQapara 56-7
Marcien 40
Marco Polo 177, 307, 365, 369, 374
Marinas of Tyre 40
Martianus Capella 40, 48
Marukantara 56
Maspero 157
Mas'udi 156, 162, 198, zro
74, 75
38
Nagapanana 168
Nagara-Krtagarna 71, 97, 175, 178,
169, ~74, 276-279, 291-299, jOl
307, 33. 318-]36, 357. 368, 373
425, 434. 435
Nac;likera,
~agadatta
J
INDEX
Nagarilvarddhani 339
l'alembang 122, 154. 195, 205,
Nagarl Inscriptions 86
21/-2:!0, 32/, 384, 394
Nagipattilna rnS
P.Ll1an 67
N<1khon Srt Dhammarat (Ligor) Paloura 6, 7, 226
8r, 83-86
Pamaficangah 425
Pamget 434
Na-Ku-erh 374
Pa-mi-si-wa-r<iu-pa-sh.1 388
Nakur 376
Nalanda Copper-plate
Ins. of Pamotan Ins. 272
Devapala 152, 154, 160, 169,
Pa!)arhkara!}a (Paficapa!}a, Kariyana)
22122J, 232
151, 223
Panangkaran Sri l\laharaja rakai
Nambi 310, 322
Nanadesi r88
232
Panataran 286
, Nandin (Nan-t'i) 105
Pandangkrayan Ins 272
Nan-Shi 77
_PaQQU Deva Natha (Pa!}Qu) ?5
Narendra (lsvara Narendra) 79
l'anembahan Siti Luhur 41 r
Narikela-dvipa 52, 74
Pangkur 432
Narottama 273
PaQini 20
Nasik Ins. 20
Pafijalu 276-278
Ngabean Ins. 238, 432
Pafiji Patipati 2QS
Nicephorus 40
Pafiji Tohjaya 294
Niddesa 39- 56-58, 61, 69
Pafiji V1jayakrama 310-313, 320
Nirartha 427
PaQ!}ai 173, 175
Niskalavastu Kaficana 358-361
P'an-p'an 76, 86
Nitipraya 429
Panuluh 284
Norman, Sir Henry 68
Parakramabahu II 197
Nusa Kendeng 3l, 95
Paramagangana 56
Nuwayri 41, 53
Paramayona 56
Oman 162
Parames' ara (I'arimisura) 384-394
Paramesvari (Su~umnadevi) 329
Paramesvari dyah Kebi, rakryan
Padang Rocho, 196, 200, 299
Paduka Pa-ha-la 418
binihaj Sri 259
Paduka Prabu (Prabhu) 418
Parantaka I r67
P . gan 189
Pararaton 287, 292-295, 301-307,
Pah:~ng (P<1-hoang or Po-houang) g,
310-318, 320-328, 340-3# 35166, 68, 77. 193. zoo, 327. 331,
358
Para-Samudra 55, 56
j82
Pasa (Pase) 56
Pukwan Pajajaran 358-362
Pasuruhan 427
Pa-la-mi-so-la-ta-lo-si-ni 382
oJ
I'
'l
'f
11TDEX
Pataiijali 6o
Patapan rakai 238
!'ate Udra 404
Patt Katir 403
Pati Rodten 403
Pati U nus 40 3, 409
I'elltot 71-73. 77-So, 100, 102, III,
ss. .59
Perot Ins. 238
Perumber Ins. r8r, 187
Pigafetta 404
l'ikatan rakai (pu :\Ianku) 238
Pin-Ka 135
Pitamahas 432
P'i-ye-pa-mo ( Vtjaya Varman or
Priyavarman ?) 79
Pi-yuan-pa-mo 79
Plaos:m 235
Pleyte 357
Pliny 39, 44 48, so, 58, 69
Poerbatjardka 259, 262, 268, 281,
296, 322, 359, 432
P'o-li 133-137
Pomponiu, :\lela 39, 42, 44, 48
339
Raja Suran r88
Rajavidyadhara ~amanta 182
Rajendra Cola 71, 74, 167, 172-175.
Po-Nagar 157
Pong-fiing 19~
Pordenon, Odoric Van 325
Porlak Dolok 189
Po-to-1~ ia, King of Java I o 5
Po-U-Daung Ins. 47
Pratrti\irya 287
I79I8I
Rakryan 433
Rakta mrttil<a 82, 83
l\ama Garhheng 201
Ramaiiiiades:t 46, 176
INDEX
RamayaQa zo, 42, 53, 54, g8, r 19,
222, 429
RamayaQa-matijari (of K~cmcndra)
Samarotturi.~a
SJmbawa 427
~ambhara:,ur;a,ara!}a zGo
Sarhkbya 435
.Samptt 130
Sampr.mgan 425
Samudr.t-d\ipa 55
Samudtagupta 215
Samudt as ut a 38, 76
San-fo-tst (San-fo-tsat) 78-9, 164166, 193-197, 200-205, 21/-222,
265. 334. 346
Sang behrang 130
Sanggau 130
Sang hyang Kamahayanikan 26o
Sang hyang Tapak 357
San;;rama-Ytjayotturigavarman I73
54. 55
Rami 1Ramni) 162, 163, 271
RaQavijaya 354
Ranggal;I Rajasa 292
Rangga Lawe 310, 322
Rangga Wum 295-297
Ranong 67
Rasid-ad-Din 370
Ratnabhumi 429
Raveya P9
Ray Chaudhury. H. C. 56
Rejangs 118
Ricci :121
Rockhtll 193. 387
Rouffaer 102, 176, 231,26o,268,274,
290, 372, 378, 404, 410
Rudra 38
Rupyakadvilpa 62
I75
Sailjaya 2 29 239
Sankha-dvipa 52
Sank upatha 56, 6o
Sannaha 229,234
Sabadios 49, 120
Santri 406
Saddhammappajotika 58
Sanudasa 37, 58, 59
Saddhat ma-Smrtyupasthana-:-iitra 54 Saptopapatti 434
Sari-Pala-\'arm a, King of Pahang
Sac;leng 327
Satla 226
77
S:ulendra 86, 121, 138, 149-227, 236 S::u kar. H. B. g6
Sailodbhaya 226
Sasak 427
Sajara :\Ialayu 396
Sa,ananrh:,a 39
Saj t \an 235
Sa maj.tpt 293
Sajjanotsavatungga (S, ami Kayu Sastri, :.\Jr. Krishna 367
wangt, SuknJ 239
Sastn, Pandtt H. 153, 222
Sastri, Prof. K. A. N. 167, 187, 227
Sakai 10, 12
Satul 67
SakLII}apatha s6, 59
Satyavarman 158
Salahit (Salahat) 213
Schlegel 77, 102, IJJI36, 176, 374,
Samara (Samudra) 369-376
Samaragra\ita 153, 16o, 223, 232
379
Schmidt 1416, 19-23
238
12
ThTJ)EX
Schnitger ro6, 295
Sdok K:tk Thom In'>. I 57
Se<;Llh 282
Seh 'ValtLtn:tJg 406
Sekandar Shah (X::~q ttendarx:1) 3 8 5
391, 395
Selinsing 81, 84
Semang (Semang :"\egritos) 9, 12
Se1:u:)ang Kamal Ins. 264
SeQ<fang "edati 352, 354
Sengguruh 409
Seng-Ka-ltet-yii-bn 203
Sepank 130
SeLtt Kand<t 407
Shau-5heng 184
Shih-li-Io-cha-yin- to-lo-ch u-Io
(Sri Rajendra) 184
Sho-po 288-290
Siam 201, 336, 36~. 381-387, 300,
391
Si dote ka Ins. 432
Sien-lieou 16 5
Si-lan 194
Si-li hou-ta H ia-1 i- t:m I 64
S!lingk,a (St ri;a) 145
Si-li-tieh-lnva (Sri De1a) 123, 185
Si-ma, Queen of J<wa I 13
Si!]c;lok (Sri !Sanadharma) 248, 258262
57
INDEX
Sung dynasty, History of 77, 78,
102, 103,
Tabanan 427
Tabanendra1armadeva 420
Tadjau, Maharaja 382
Tagalas I I
Takakusu 165
Takbsila 56
Takkob 7, 38, 56. 7o, 81
Takua Pa 67, 81, 82, 8486, go
Takuatung 67
Talaittakkolam 174, 177
Tam.di 56
., amhapaQQi 56
Tamil Inscriptions 7I
Tamrad1ina 62
Tamralipti SI
Tanah l\1alayu 65
Taiica 326
T'ang dynasty, History of 43, 75,
76, 78, III-113, 133-137, 236,
250-252, 379. 412
Tat-ma-lm;:; 194
~f.1i1-lllJ.-S:l-I1~l-hO '202
'] ao-hr,ng I 43
Tapa<i 300
Tara I5t-I51, 233
Taruma (Tat iima, Tarumapur) ro6,
110, I 11
Tr.-tsin 143
Ta,an 432
Tazi I IJ, I 14
Tcheng-Kou 1.13
Tchnu-Lieou-to (Rudra,the Indian) 7
Tcbnu.pn 101, 119
Tcbou Ying 101
Temo 9
Tenasserim (~ankasi) 7I
Tengaran Ins, 259
Ternate ro
Thai 201
Theoclulf 40
'J her,, Sot;n 39
Thera Uttara 39
Thomson r6
Thousand and One Kights 52
Tiao-Pien 100
Tidore Io
Tr-hwa-ka-la 183-186
Timutar.tja (Utimutaraja) 397
Ttrip 432
Tirumalai Ins. 179
r irul'abir:;a<;lu plates 171
Tittirajataka 6o
Ti-"a-kalo 184-186
Tohjaya 294-296
Tokoon 82, 88
To-lang-p'o-houang (Tubngbawang)
...
120
j,
I
I~TJ)EX
Tung-ya-nong 194
T'oung l'ao 22, :li, 70, 7 3 77, 78,
79, 97, IOl, 133, 13-1, I,p, 145
Ton-P'' Ill, 119
Trailokyar aja- mau\i-hhii~Jrp-varma
deva 195
Tnwuhn lns, 432,435
Tr lbhU\an.ll aja-mau\i-v.1nnai~C\'a
196, ~o::>, 299
Tribh U\anottunggaded
J ayavi!?QU
ln-.;,
745
\"at Sema Murong Ins. 123
\"ayn l'urary' 51, 53, 6o,
Vengi 186
Vengker, king of 270
Venkayya 176
\" erapatba s6
Vesuitga 56
Vettadhara (or Vettacara) 56, 59
V1jaya 270,
VI]aya (Krtalajasa) 301, 308321
Vijayahabu 198
V 1jayarie, i (Rajade' i :\!all a! ajasa) 327
V1jaya itya \'il 186
Yi_; . tyaiuaha~._1e\i 420
V;Jay.Iraj.tsa 4~5
V1krama' arddhana 339-343, 348-350
Vimana,attbu oo, 61
Yiratahn 107
271
Tsai-nu~1-a-pi-tmg-k i
37 5
Tsien-han shu 70
Tuhan Janaka (Sri l\laradeva, Haji
'
\
-.__
Yaisa,arman 103
\" ajadrava 283
Vajrabodhi 21, 144
Valaippandupr 17 4, 177
Valait~ai rS&
Vamana PuraQa 51
Varhsapatha 56
205
VuHan
1"
'
~Ias
271
xso,
INDEX
Vura,ari 266, 270
V) asa 429
\Vai kouo tchouan ror
Yavaddpa 32,
Wajang 3336
Waleri (:\leleri) 297
\V.t!lace 2, IT
\Vang Ta-yuen 201, 373, 4~4
Wanli .p6
\rasaf-i-Hadrat 372
\Vates-Kulen 287
Watuhumalang nk.d 2.(0
\Vatuku a rakar 233-235
Wawa 246-248, 258
Wellesley ProYmce So-82, 88, 89
Wilkimon, R. ]. 155, I 88, 22.(, ~oo
Wong :\lajarait .p6
103, !09
Yen-n1vna II2
Ye-p'o-t'i IOJ, I 19
Ye-Tiao roo, 119
Yajiiavati .p9
Z.tin-ul-.-\bedin 408
Zaman 32
J(i
3 9 Y-lCj
Call No
~'*