Book1 Text PDF
Book1 Text PDF
Book1 Text PDF
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at http //books google com/|
: . .
/
HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
}
Digitized by Google
THE
\
* _ ..
y
^ASHTADHYAYI^OF PANINL
BY
-:-0-0-o-:
JtUahabab:
Indian Press.
^
i 891.
Digitized by Google
1
Digitized by Google
fEtbntrg
THE BEQUEST OF
CflVUcJ&i
PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT
lSSo-t9S<
Digitized by Google
Ju^vfotyrf/ft*-
/w^***
<$
Digitized by Google
/.>
COLLEGE UBRAR?
HAfT.'ASD
r^OMTiIICSTATEOF
CHAHLEC f.OC.ttVELL LANMAN
UASCH15.1941
JMlahabai:
PRINTED BY THE INDIAN PRESS.
Digitized by
\
/
PREFACE.
+
Since the advent of the British rule and the peace and pros-
perity that has followed in its train, India has witnessed a glorious revival
of her ancient literature, in which is embodied some of the highest
philosophies and religions of the world. Among the various blessings
which our benign Government has conferred upon us, none can be
greater in value or usefulness than this revival of Sanskrit. Our schools
and colleges are annually turning out hundreds, nay thousands of scholars,
who have entered upon the study of Sanskrit literature, and have thus
learnt to appreciate the beauties of this language. Very few of them,
however, have the opportunity of studying the language, with that depth and
fulness, as it was and is mastered by the Pandits of the old school. To pro-
perly understand Sanskrit language, and especially that portion of it in which
is locked up the highest aspirations of the ancient Aryan hearts vis. 9 the
Vedas, the Br&hmanas, the Upanishads &c. it is absolutely necessary to have
a complete knowledge of the Grammar elaborated by Panini. The Grammar is
reckoned as one of the VedArtgas, or the helps to the study of the Vedas; and
it is unquestionably one of the most important of the Vediirtgas. The four
thousand sutras of P&nini contain within themselves almost all that a student
need know to enable him to understand the language of the Vedas.
Not only is this excellent treatise of PAnini necessary for those who
are desirous of learning the ancient Sanskrit literature, but a knowledge of
this is even necessary for understanding the modern Sanskrit, which is
modelled on the rules laid down by that great Grammarian, whose aphorisms
are being constantly quoted in all Vedic commentaries, and classical authors
and law books*
Further, as a master-piece of close reasoning and artistic arrangement,
it ought to be an object of study with every one who wants to cultivate his
intellectual powers. In fact what the Geometry of Euclid has done towards
the logical development of the western intellect, the Ash{idhy4yl of P&nini
has fulfilled the same purpose' in India. No one who has studied this book
can refrain from praising it It has evoked admiration even from the Sans-
krit savants of the west. Professor Max
Muller thus gives his opinion about
the merits of this excellent Sanskrit Grammar : " The Grammatical system
elaborated by native Grammarians, is in itself most perfect, and those who
have tested Panini's work will readily admit, that there is no Grammar in any
language, that could vie with the wonderful mechanism of his eight books of
Grammatical rules."
The style of these sutras is studiedly brief, but then this brevity is its
greatest recommendation. That, which appears to many obscurity and ambi-
guity in the sfltras, vanishes before the clear and exhaustive explanations of
Digitized by VjOOQIC
( >i )
the commentators and shows the extreme skill and wonderful ingenuity of
;
the author of these aphorisms. These sfitras, therefore, which though at first
sight may appear difficult and repulsive, if once mastered, will enable a
student to know and remember more of the Sanskrit Grammar, than he can
ever learn through other methods, with twice that labour. Unfortunately,
however, for our college and school students, and also for that vast majority
of our English reading countrymen, whose number is daily on the increase,
and who depend for their knowledge of what is contained in Sanskrit books,
on English translation of Sanskrit authors, no translation of this important
work exists in English. To supply this want, I have undertaken to translate
P&nini's aphorisms, as explained by the Commentators Jay&ditya and V&mana
in their well-known book, called K&ik& and issue one chapter every vritti
book. I have closely followed on the foot-steps of those authors, translating their
commentary, explaining it where necessary ; and in short, making my work
a help to the student, desirous of studying the KAsik! in the original.
The translation of Sanskrit texts, especially those like K&iki, is
always beset with great difficulties, even for the masters of Sanskrit learning.
For a beginner, like the present translator, those difficulties were many
and great, and I am fully conscious that here and there, I may have
failed to grasp the full drift of the arguments of the authors of K&ik&. But
on the whole, I have spared no pains to render this work as free from errors
as lay in my humble power. I shall feel much obliged to those gentlemen, who
will be good enough to point out any errors, or suggest any improvements, so
that I may be benefited by their advice.
I must here acknowledge the great assistance I have derived from the
well-known translation of Laghu Kaumudi by Dr. Ballantyne ; Mr. Iengar's
Guide to P&nini ; Professor Apte's Sanskrit Composition as well as from Dr.
Kielhorn's ParibhdshenduSekhara. I have freely quoted from these authors and
absorbed their rendering into my own, without distinguishing them by marks
of quotation.
When I first undertook the translation of Panini, I had thought that
the work when completed, will not occupy more than 1200 pages. But from
the present sample it will be seen, that that estimate was far below the mark.
The complete translation, together with the Introduction, Glossary and the
Indices, which I intend to add, will take up nearly double as much space *>.,
nearly 2000 pages or more. I have, however, kept the price of the book the
same, namely, Rs. 14 (payable by two instalments), for subscribers, who have
\ already got their names registered, or who will do so within the 31st January
1892, and Rs. 20 for non-subscribers. OCS
14M November, 1891. ^RfSA CHANDRA VASIH
THE - - . . ;. r
ASHTADHYAYI OF PANINL ;
^i^i'^ir^i^ii^i^iH^iifr^i^jii^i^ ig^? f
V{ litter
*
The same letter [ is made use of as" Hjj^q* or an indicatory letter
1 both in the sixth sutra sn^ and in the first sj f ^[ . There arises consequently
i
Introduction.
the doubt, whether the praty&haras r^ and ^ when they are employed in
P&nini's Grammar
are formed with the of the former or with the [ of the
and one might, on that account, consider it impossible to ascertain
latter sfttra,
^
\
\\
.Google
3h^
BOOK L
Chapter First.
Rf^iHhf ii
Tfnj*H. Here fr has two m&tr&s and not four. So also in ^If^T: the -vowel
$ the resultant of 1JT+^ has only two, not four, m&tr&s.
Thus the initial vowels in the following secondary derivative nouns
are vriddhi forms of their primitive vowels. Hj|<jp: "bodily", from^p; 'body*
HfM* " optional", from f^[r " option"; *JWre " the son of Upagu", from the
:
word ^r^J: meaning " a sage called Upagu." Similarly in ^ifoOq: "belonging to
the house" the in is radical, and is also called vriddhi. The word vriddhi
occurs in sfttras like fffiq^l^K^Mifo (VII. 2. 1.) "Let the final ^ of the
base get vjiddhi substitute before the affix fn^ of the Parasmaipada".
moves"; m% " he comes ", <qfrcn% " he goes*" Here the initial vowels of the
roots 3T, ft and ^ have been respectively gunated into m$,
the thirdjperson-singular termination ft.
^ and *fr before
The Guna
occurs in sutras like ftf^^: (VIl/3. 82).
terth " Let there
be guna substitute for the ik of the root fkf " to melf ." -
lA.ttf
the absence of any ..special rule, when-
3. Iijl
letters, in the place of which the substitute guna and vriddhi letters will
comeu- The present rule will apply where there is the specification of no
other particular rule.
ordained by employing the terms guna or vjriddhi, there the word " ika^" in
the genitive case, meaning "in the place of ik", is to be supplied to complete
the sense.
The word 'ik' is thus understood in the following rules, and is there
qualified by the term *j^r or base' :ftr^: '
(VII. 3. 82) fl^lPfr: (VII. 2.
114) J*FS*TTTO &c
(VII. 3- 86); jfT^yrcfr (VII. 4.1 1) ^Bftftlfc^: (VII-
In the following sfitras, the term 'ik' is understood and qualifies the
word ingia or base, gfa ^ (VII. 3, 83), ^ijvii^i W^' (VII. 3* 84)-
x
The word ik' has been used in the sfttra: to' show that the long *n, ^5 or
'
the diphthongs andf^ or the consonants, are Hot to take gunaox vpddhtby this
Bk; l. Ch\- I. 4. ] Exception to Guna and Vriddhi. -5.
J;
- rule, as in the following examples AH\ "a carriage", TvTRft "He feels aversion,"
1/
4{lH*U " confined."
Here **rpn% is formed by adding the affix f?fy third person singular ter-
** mination, with the class a affix ^JT, to the root t^; as t^+^+ ^=^4.^4.
ft. At this stage, rule VII. 3. 84, would require the guna substitution of the vowel
of the base before the s&rvadh&tuka termination *r; the guna substitute of
"5, being not included in the praty&h&ra ik, is not affected by rule VII. 3. 84,
and there is no guna substitution in this case. Similarly there is no change in
the long *n of otfj. Thus
there been guna by Rule VII. 3. 84, the
w+ ^ (HI. 3.
nr of
1 15) -3TFPJ (VII. 1.
m, would have been changed into
i).
#
Here had
*T, and the form would have been ^T^ which is wrong. But it is not so, as *jr
is not an f^ vowel. So also ^rjr + fKt - tiP*ML Here, there is no guna
substitution in the place of the consonant ^
The repetition of the words guna and Vfiddhi ir. this sutra,
(though by ^j^Rf or the supplying of a word from the previous sfitra,
these words followed from the two preceding sutras) is for the
^ purpose of indicating that, this is a restrictive rule applicable only there,
, where guna or vfiddhi has been ordained by the employment of the words
guna or vriddhi. Therefore, it is not so in the following cases ifh "sky", :
qjr: " way" " he," m
fH\ " this." ifh is the nominative singular of the base
^.
It is formed by rule VII. 1. 84, which declares that
" in the nominative singular
the letter *ft takes the place of ft^r." Here the letter sit is no doubt a vrid-
dhi letter, but as this substitution is not enjoined by the enunciation of the
term vriddhi, qft does not take the place of the vowel f of f%\, but it replaces
is the substitute of tyad, &c.," Here *[ takes the place of f Thus we have .
of a root form, caused by an affix, there is no gunation. Thus in sffepn "a great
cutter," the original root is Sj/'to cut" which forms the Intensive verb frHo^q.
In forming the noun of agency from the verb oftoUl, an Ardhadhituka suffix
%T\ HI. 1. 134, is added. Thus vOfcgt + *p{. At this stage, by force
of sfttra II. 4. 74. which declares that "before the affix *pzj (IIL 1. 134)
the if of the Intensive verb must be suppressed," the ya is dropped and we
have sffa^+ST. Here by the general rule VII. 3. 84, the final would have ^
been gunated. But by virtue of the present sutra, do guna takes place, be-^
cause here on account of the Irdhadhatuka affix *p(, a portion of the root, \ *
namely, *, has been elided ; therefore no guna takes place. Thus we have J
feftcgq: "a great cutter." -
The word tfg "root" has been used in the sfitra, in order to indicate
that the exception does not apply where there is an an anubandha
elision of
or of an affix. As in sr*+T*IT5ft+TffT-5TflraT. Here the indicatory letter
3j has been elided, but that does not prevent gunation. Similarly in ^
the added to the root ft^ "to injure." Thus ft^+fircj (III. 2. 75.)
affix finj is
-ft^+^fl. 3- 2. and 3.)- ftv + * (VI. 1. 67.) Here theaffix ^ is elided, but
nevertheless, the guna substitute must take place in ft^ . Thus we have
affix finj causes the elision of ^r, a portion of the root The guna substitution
however takes place, and we have tWfr+f+pir (VII. 3. 94)- ffctifit, the
augment f^ being added by sfitra VII. 3. 94.
The word "ika^" of the previous sfitra is understood in this sfitra also.
The ik letters only are not gunated or vriddhied before such ftrdhadh&tuka
affixes; the other vowels may do so. Thus in *pnfir the equation is as
follows: *J + **3^ + f^[ *r + *p{ + f ( VI.
4. 33) . Here the d rdhadhituka affix
f^cg has caused a portion of the root ?pn(, to be suppressed, w., the letter ^r
has been elided. But nevertheless the *r of *nj is vfiddhied before f*T
because ST is not included in the praty&h&ra ik ; and the exception contained
in the present sfitra only applies to the ik letters. So also frssj+ini (III.
3.18) ^+*T (VI. 4. 27.) -*pt: (VII. 2. 116. and VII. 3. 52).
do not cause guna. Therefore, when these terminations are added to a root, the
ik of the root is not gunated. Thus with the root fa "to collect" we have
fofr : or famr% f TI, "to hear," *pr:, ^m% ; 4t ; "to fear" *fftf: t >ftfrnt.
The terms fr^ &c., of this sfttra are in the locative or seventh case.
The force of this case termination here is that of QfjKf or cause, that is the
guna or vriddhi which would otherwise have been caused, does not take place,
if an affix is ftr^ , ftrjr, fiF Thus all &rdbadh&tuka and s&rvadh&tuka affixes
.
r cause gunation of Hit final ik of the inflective base (VII. 3. 84.) Thus the
S&rvadh&tuka affix ?j\ ( *r ) in the following :
and ftrdbadh&tuka affixes cause the gupa substitution of the short penulti-
mate it of the inflective base (VII. 3. 85.) Thus f^ + + ft^ -*>iRr. ^
The general force of the locative case in an aphorism is to cause the
operation directed, on the expression immediately preceding it (I. !
66.) If the force of the locative case in the present s&tra were also that as
8. Exception to, Guna and Vriddhi. [Bk. I. Ch.. L . 5. * .
the affix *pg has an indicatory i Thus fir + *J*5 - fa*J : "victorious"
Similarly the affix, *J3^ is a fir^ affix, the real suffix being *r,
the ^ being merely indicatory. Therefore when n5 & added to a root, there .
The prohibition, therefore, applies to ik\owels only, and not to all vowels )'
in general. Thus by III 1. 30, th^-root gr^" to desire" takes the affix
fJSj^; of this affix the letters^ and 3? are indicatory, the real affix is f.
The force of ^ is to cause vriddhi (VII. 2. 116). The indicatory ^ does not]
prevent such vriddhi, as the letter *? of 3T5J is not included in ik. Thus we!
have 3rrft+ ^~9ff%+snH3ST'ni%" he desires."
f^ optionally takes vriddhi, before kit or nit affixes beginning with a vowel.
As MR*j*ifirl or MfiHlwiPd " they rub." Here in this sfttra there is prohibition
f|^. Thus in *T^ or Imperfect tense we have 5tf^re^ " he collected" ( *tfaf j
The roots $>ft and iffi never take the guf&a or vpddhi substitutions
under ordinary circumstances. Thus the affix 0355 generally causes vriddhi subs-
titution when added to any root and so th^aflhfsg^ causes guna. But these
;
affixes when applied to the verbs didhi and N vest, never cause vriddhi or
guna substitution. As^hft + *5^ - SJTfhft + smrtVII. 1. 1) - rrfta*r:
(VI. i- 77). So also *n*hft + ^
- *nfcft + rc (VII. 1. 1) = ^rth^Fi^.
Similarly from %^fr we have Hf|$*>*H1 and Hji^q* :- In the Vedas, however,
these verbs take guna. Thus ^r^[ (Rig Ved. X. 98, 7), and rfhT3 : (R*g
Ved. V. 40. 5). These two Verbs are confined generally to the Vedic
literature, and the present rule therefore, seems to be an unnecessary
jf%*. 'i fn+ ii<Ti *h *ip K>m ff <rf a^gteiifrii *sr: *Nt*r ^gr nqfiggypt:
Why do we say " consonant "? If two vowels come together they will
not be called " sanyoga". Thus ffrrrggpi " a sieve umbrella," the two vowels *f
and* have come together unseparated by any consonant; yet they are not
called sanyoga, otherwise the final * would have been rejected by VIII. 2.
23 " there is elision of the final of that pada which ends in a sanyoga letter ."
Why do we say " unseparated by a vowel"? If consonants separated by a vowel
were also called sanyoga, then in the sentence <ptf% HHH% , the syllable w^
would be called sanyoga, and by VIII. 2. 29, the initial *r would be
elided.
Trim, m^Hium *
the upper palate and nose sfby the teeth and nose, and *r by the lip and nose.
;
The semi-vowels 3f, ^ and 5T are also nasalised and are then called ]/
anunasika. The term anunasika is used in sfitra V. I. 126 &c.
Why have we used the word "by the mouth"? This definition will
not include anusvAra or the pure nasal, which is pronounced wholly through .
Bk. I. Ch. I.
9 ] Savarna letters. II
the nose. Why have we used the word " by the nose "? In order to exclude
the consonants q?, % % ^ &c. &c, which are pronounced wholly and solely
*,
through the mouth.
*r*i% ii
nal" and 5*nQT^"extemal." The first is again sub-divided into five parts:
1. *WL\ or complete contact of the organs. The twenty-five letters
from q? to T belong to this class. In pronouncing these there is a complete
contact of the root of the tongue with the various places, such as throat,
palate, dome of the palate, teeth and' lip.
this class. Some however place the vowels and jj &c, into one group and call
them all vivyita.
Thus:*T, B^ 4, 4, 4, #, MT, *TT, *d, *ft, *ft, 4K HT*, *f\, 4,*, 4*,
Similarly q? and *? though their 733* is the same *>., sprishta, yet their
Mj|*4 being different, one being guttural and the other palatal, are not savarna.
There is exception to this rule in the case of ^ and 3f, which though
having different *TTCT are still called savarna by virtue of the v&rttika of
K&tyiyana ; " the homogeneousness of 3; and of, one with another, should
be stated." Thusffcr+onrrc'-*- ftpCTT: ; here 31 and 5* have coalesced into
long ^r by rules of sandhi, on the assumption that they are savarna letters.
The word savarna occurs in sfitras like*?*?: 97$ tf$: (VI. 1. IOI).
Why do we say "the place of pronunciation"? So that there may
not be homogeneous relationship between mm<i and <| whose prayatna is the
same but whose ftsya is different. What is the harm if we make them savarna?
Then in words like snff and ?rf$ the <r would be elided, if it be held homo-
geneous with % by VIII. 4. 65, "there is optional elision of frt, preceded
by a consonant, when a homogeneous ^ follows. Digitized by GoCK
Bk. I.Ch. L io, ii ] Pragrihya defined. 13
taken place.
and f be held homogeneous, then f^THCT + *PJ (IV. 3.
Similarly if XT
53)ftTO+*T^(VI. 4. 148 here jj would be elided by VI. 4. 148, but it is not so
;
and we have ^THJ " belonging to vipisA or born therein." So also in ijFTJf
"ox-skin/ the f would have been omitted, if held homogenebus with %f.
9
the dual number only are pragrihya; if these vowels terminate any other num-
ber they will not be pragrihya but will follow the general rule of sandhi, as
ipnft + ispf - ^H\^A " the girl is here" (VI. 1. 77).
( 1. s. ) t
after the ^ of any other wdrd will not be pragrihya. As ^pft + *jpr IF***
"thissami tree."
Why do we say "after the letter it" ? Because in the example m%j%
-Hgj^ = ^TJ^T f ^r, "those here," the ^, preceded not by it but by the q? of ^nr^
(V. 3. 71) is not pragrihya, which would have been by the influence of
it
sdtra 1 1, which includes ^ as well as f and 3T, and from which the word dual
is not supplied here, else this rule would be useless.
i* 11 1^ n v^rfk n $ , ( jhi^i* ) 11
what from the ordinary Sanskrit. One of the peculiar Vedic terminations, which
Bk. I. Ch. I. 14. ] Pragrihya. 15
Thus tlt'U'ftlJt^'jdt .
Of this substitute ft, the initial ^r is indicatory, the real suffix being ^.
This final 5 is a pragrihya.
In the sacred literature there is only one example of this pragrihya, .
wn?s i ( wra* ) n
A particle 1. 4.
56 consisting of a single
14.
'
vowel, with the exception of the particle *n?s is a Pra-
grihya.
This sAtra consists of three words :f^TRT: " particle," ^FH[ " con-
sisting of one vowel ," ^HT< " with the exception of STT^-"
All such particles technically called nip&ta (I. 4. 56) which con-
sist of a simple vowel without any consonant, are pragrihya and therefore are
not liable to the rules of sandhi. As * %$. "Oh, Indra" gr sf%5" " O arise."
It follows from the above definition that those ni pitas which consist
of two or more letters, vowel and consonant, are not pragrihya, e. g. jj in JJF?r#
qj|Ul*HI<t > "until the reading begins." When the particle ^TT has not any one of
the above four senses and is used in expressing regret &c, it is a pragrihya, as
*TT S# f^vlI<A^ "Ah! such there once was," *rr %j >to%. "Oh! do you
think so."
--
15
3*fln[
to
means
18.
a monosyllable.
Why
do we say " a nipta?" Because if the single vowel is not a par-
ticle, but something else, an affix &c, then it will not be a pragrihya, as the final
*T in n^TT " he did," is the affix of third person perfect tense, and is liable to
sandhi ; as TOftff.
The mention of the name of any sage, such as that of 5&kalya in this sutra, serves generally
one of the two purposes :(l) either it makes the rule an optional one, vibhasbartham, or (2) the
mention is merely for the sake of showing respect to the particular sage, the rale would have stood
as well without such mention ; pujartham, as the word Kasyapa in sutra I. 2. 25.
18. The
replaces **T in non-vedic
particle
literature, and it is a pragrihya in the opinion of SAkalya.
Before the word jfa the word *sj is replaced sometimes by 3? the
In some authorities the sfitras 17 and 18 form but one sutra, and then it
is divided by the method of yoga-vibhdga, the division of a single sutra into
This is the Vedic form, the secular form being fF^f. Similarly ?frft+f*ftft
"on the Gaurf," as *?tffr$r# *rfaw (Rig Veda IX. 12. 3). It is in such
cases, therefore, that the long i and I are used in the sense of locative, and
are pragrihya.
It is only long i and rf which are pragrihya, and not any other vowel,
though used in the sense of locative. Thus by the same aphorism (VII. 1.
39) $l (*) may be employed to denote the seventh case-affix. Thus *jffer *+ fr
*rf*T+5T=S^T;^ 'in the fire/ as, fipn *jifnrtrVMHI >Wl3 H XWR *J<Ki1*fl
,
ss
4414.1*1
(Rig Veda V. 37. 5). Here mjhi though in the locative case, its final fs not
pragrihya. Therefore SFSTT+ftlfr - *P#fit \
The f and3> must be of the 7th case. Therefore *rf?r + *T (3rd s.)
1^ + T homogeneous
(letter with the prior) *nfr 'with wisdom Here t is 9
.
in the sense of the instrumental case and is not pragrihya. Thus tpft + fft
***** Digitized by G00gle
IS Ghu defined. [Bk. I. Ch. I. 20, 21.
The word trf is used in the aphorism, in* order to exclude the appli-
cation of this rule to cases like the following. Thus in forming the. compound
of IT^T^ " in the well" and *p* " horse," the case-affix is elided, and we get
CTft + %TS- Here, no doubt, the word 3nft is in the locative case, though the
case-affix is elided ; but we cannot say that the long fbf v&pt has the sense,
df the locative. Here, therefore, we shall have sandhills, *Fro :
**
the horse
near the welL" In other words, the present aphorism is not to apply to the (
(pflrva-pada); for words like qrrft &c, in the above example, can never, by them-
selves and alone, denote the locative case ; while words like *ft#, formed in the
way described already, give the sense of the locative, even alone, though they
be placed anywhere in -a sentence.
*|T "end," ^ "like " Jptfr^L "in one;" the literal translation being ''beginning
is end-like in one." The affix *$ has the force of the locative, and the
Bk. I. Ch. I. 22, 23. ] Gha defined. 19
affix tavya has accent on the first if, and we have 3^W^ But when an .
affix consists of a single vowel, it is itself the beginning and the end, and,
as such, will have the accent. As in *fhpi*^ aupagavam the last & baa the
accent, which 4 represents the affix *r<y .
Thus rre+^^TPT' lH ^l^. This rule will apply when the word consists
l
"by those two." Here it must not be objected that the solitary if is
initial, and cannot be final.
initial short 3T is not like the final long *JT; otherwise tnft would get the name
of ^5^(1. 1. 73), and the secondary derivative from 4HI4W4*t would be formed
by the affix 5 (IV. 2. 1 14). But this is not so, the affix T^is employed in-
stead, and the form is *J Him 3*1 :
This sfitra defines tj affixes. They are two, CRT and ipr, the ^ in
them being f^. The special use of these affixes will be described later on.
These affixes are useful in forming the comparative and the superlative
degrees respectively of adjectives, adverbs, &c. The base undergoes certain
changes before these terminations, which will be treated of in its proper place.
Thus the words apnf^TTT and gjHlftd'U are formed by adding the
affixes ?TT and ?PT to the word ymfl a girl/ whose long f is shortened before
'
1f^n 11
ftu&1 11
action. So also 42)*jqrr " in many ways." Here also the affix
SJ + ^T(V. 3.
tude" they are not sankhya. It is only when they are expressive of
numbers, that they get the designation of sankhyA. The necessity of defining
sankhyA arose in order to exclude such words as, 5jf? " numerous," &c,
which though they express numbers, are not to be treated as " numerals,"
technically so called.
Varti The word *f^ " half" when standing as a first term in a com- "^
pound number which takes an affix giving the sense of an ordinal, gets the
u/
designation of sankhyA, for the purposes of the application of the rules of
samAsa and of the affix qr^ . The ordinal affixes or p&rana pratyayas are
like ^ (V. 2. 48), *{% (V. 2. 49), U^(V. 2. 51), &c. Thus s^fiW- "eleventh,"
q^if: " fifth," ^3$: " fourth," &c. Similarly we have qjj^**^ ' "purchased for
Here ^rt+'^fT (an ordinal) =*rt*re5, a bahuvrihi
4} baskets" (a dvigu).
compound meaning 4J, vis. t that in which half is the fifth term. VJ^'H'l :
^:fflrtn WJpHH^ the taddhita aflfexes snjjandjjRl required by V. 1.19
I :
and then applying sfttra II. 1. 51. The samAsa here is in the sense
of taddhita, and this compounding is only possible by rules (II. x. 50 and
51), when -*j4tHq*jl gets the appellation of sankhyA. Having got this name,
it forms dvigu compound in the sense of the taddhita affixes 57^ and snqr
(V. 1.26). The word^ takes both these affixes in the sense of "being
Bk. I. Ch. I. -24, 25.]- Shat. 21.
bought with." Thu$ ^rffap^nd ^Pj both mean "bought with a measure
called $urpa." In the above --compound of ^rtwff^ : the sense is
that of the above-named taddhita; but the affixes have been elided by
V. 1. 28 after dvigu compounds. So also we have Hj^tH<fr by applying :
the affix ^ For these two purposes, namely samisa and the application
of Qv\, compounds of ardha, like ardha-panchama are treated as sankhyi.
v$&m ^11 m 11 tnjrft 11 *-*r-3ren f tc, (*w) 11
/
is one of the peculiarities of ^ words that they lose their nomina-
tive and accusative plural terminations (VII. I. 22). Thus s^ forfcr,
The word *jp?j in the sfitra shows that the letters *r and H must bo
aupade&ika i.e., must belong to the words as originally enunciated and not
,'
not ^[ and the nominative and accusative plural terminations are not elided;
^ as sranj + f = ^Rnfir &c
khy4 ; by this they are also s^ . Therefore we have gjfir q?fcf, how many are '
the past participle. The actual affixes are ft, ipnt, the 3T and * being indicatory. /
They beiag ft^fatre liable to all the rules applicable to fr<^ affixes, such as rule
I. 1. 5. Thu*jwfe have, gpr:, ^TORT, *:, g^TJ.
The force of the indicatory * in ktavatu is, by IV. i 6, to indicate that
WMHUpIl II
1
*k ' all/ faj? ' all,
f
^r two/ sro ' both/ words formed by the affix
qRIT such as qr?nr 'which of two/ words formed by the affix z^H as *nPT 'which
of many/ *p* 'other/ *p*m 'either/ f<nc 'other/ f' other,' *r 'other/
Jfr.'half/ wt 'all/ finr 'whole/ nr* 'he, she, it/ ^ 'he, she, it/
^
4
who/ ipf^'this/
'1/^5 'y u / flf* 'what/
m f
it/ %K%
So
'that/ *rgf
also ^ '
'one/ ft 'two/ 3*** 'you/ *rcr^
east,' 'prior/ qr ' subsequent/ ^TT
'
west or posterior/ {ftiUJ ' south or right/ *tTC 'north or inferior, subsequent,'
*n^ '
other or inferior/ ^rr 'west or inferior/ are sarvan&mas when they im-
ply a relation in time or place, as shown above, and not when they are
names. So also ^r when it does not mean a kinsman or a treasure/ but
'
H*PT# *k$t; the abl. sing, srnfc, u$*HI; the loc. sing. *ft, h\Rh; the Gen. pi.
^ II. 3. 27, by which a pronominal may take the case-affix of the 3rd case or I
There are two Vf in the above list, namely ^gp and ^having the 1
same meaning, and both ending in *q\ But the final if of one is ud&tta, j
and of the other anud&tta. Some give/one **sr ^mly and not the other; 7Vx 6*^
and say that both have anud&tta accent The word H*r Is a sarvanima, when *****
it is synonymous with the word g% all / and not when it means ' equality/
*
The above words sarva &c. are notto he_treated_ as pronouns when
they are used as appellatives. For example, if H% be the name of a person
then it will be declined like ordinary nouns, as &fni \(% ' give to Sarva (a
person'). Here the dative singular is regularly formed. Similarly when these
words are so compounded with others^as to lose their original independent
character, namely when they arc(3Tr^ry they are not treated as sarvan&ma,
but follow the regular declension, as mfitmflq $ft ' give to (him who is) above .
) another word. Fuller explanation of the word rapasarj ana) will be given later
r
on in I. 2.43. This term^TPT is an *F3&R(1 that is a term the appli-
) cation of which accords with its meaning. A,w, '"'' '" '
/
t?WWL; (\^^l^ SgsftfT II ^ V^fh fiim^T,
ifxf: II f%3jt <IHlti) ft<W*U*ft fTyrf^" WTO^ TOft^" ftHTOT ^rafaflft ^5hiH
enjoin that in bahuvrihi compounds! these words are not treated as pronoim-
nals. Therefore, present sutra, we had not used the word ftgsr , it
if in the /
would have been impossible to know where there was option and where
prohibition. By employing the word " direction," it is thus determined, that
in a samasa, relating to direction (II. 2. 26), there is allowed option, while
therelsprohibition in all other kinds of bahuvrihi compounds.
Why do we say "
compound"? So that the option may be in that
in
bahuvrihi which is purely sam&sa, and injio^ other bahuvrihi. 'There is no/
option allowed in that bahuvrihi where there is a semblance of bahuvrihi \ 1
'
but not exact bahuvrihi.
is treated like a bahuvrihi, for the purposes of the elision of the case-affix of
the first member, and the whole compound gets the designation of pr&tipadika.
In compounds like this, therefore, which are bahuvrfhi-vat, but not exactly
bahuvrihi, the present rule and the succeeding sutra do not apply. Thus
^to"& %ft g>ve to each one/ {ftmJtftlUJtil fft II
'
Why do we say " in the bahuvrihi "? So that there may be no option
in the dvandva compound. Thus {RiUJIiU^fruJIJl ' of the south, north and
east9 The prohibition in the case of dvandva by rule 31 is absolute and
invariable.
n&ma given to sarva &c., separately, will also apply to the words ending
in sarva &c.
This sfitra introduces thus an e xceptio n to sfitra 27. In bahuvrihi
.
later on, the above mentioned words are not pronominals, and must follow
the ordinary rule of declension. Thus the compound fstaft^q meaning
beloved of all' is a bahuvrthi compound of ft* beloved/ and flf^r'all/ '
kfit affix." Therefore, in phrases (TOOT %n 'done by thee,' TOOT ftf done by 4
me/ these words are treated as pronominals, though in the instrumental case
followed by a word ending in a krit-affix. In other words, reading this sfitra
with II. 1. 31, we find that purva is the only sarvanftma which is so com-
pounded,, and. to which only the present sutra would seem to apply.
^uflNHtR" means, qpfir * the castes/ *|TOT 'the orders' and fiR ' the others'. The
word f<TT in this compound is not to be treated as a sarvan&ma, but an
ordinary word. Therefore, in the genitive plural we have: iUjfrHtH l UHl
and not *T<f^t9> So also ^m unq/ i of the priors and the posteriors.
9
later on, and which in the pronominals is replaced by jft), the dvandva
Bk- "I. Ch. I.
$ 33, 34-] Sarvanama. J7
This sutra governs the four succeeding suites. The option allowed
in the case of the application of the affix ^J ist pi. to thedvandva compounds
of pronominals, does not extend to the dvandva compounds of pronominals
which take the affix *T%% (V. 3. 71). There the sutra 31 is, absolute.
Thus, gnir:+ *>M*: - <*cK<hri*i*>l; in the plural. This affix ^r
(*4n^)
comes before the last vowel, with what follows it, of the pronominals and
indeclinables.
33. And
the words prathama l first 1 ;
also
charama 6 last,' words ending with the affix taya (V* 2.
42); alpa few* ardha 'half
c
katipaya c some, 1 and nema '
4
half' are optionally sarvan&ma, before the nom. pL
termination.
Thus we have stvft or TOTO ^1% or ^TH *F^ or *PTC *F? or , , #
The words " optionally the affix *T9 follows " are understood
when
in this sutra. The governing force of the word " dvandva " does not extend
to this, and stops at this. By the word <nr in the aphorism, is meant words
ending in the affix *r*T. The rest are prdtipadikas or crude bases. The
word Sfa has already been enumerated among the pronominals, therefore,
the option in its ca p ., is what is called pripta-vibhasA, the result of which
will be that though in the nom. pi. it may be declined like 5f?r, the rest of its
declension is like sarva, while in the case of prathama &c. the nom. pi. may
be like sarva, but the rest of their derlensioiftqust be like that of nara. The
word ubhaya, has been formed by the addition of the affix TO, and it is
already enumerated in the list of pronominals, therefore, by the present
sutra its nom. pi. admits of two forms.
The application of the affix kan or akach must depend upon the
nature of these words, if pronominals, then akach, otherwise kan.
18 Sarvanama. [Bk. I. Ch. I.. 35:
f
avara posterior,' dakshina c south,' uttara north.' apara l
c
other,' and adhara inferior,' when they discriminate
c
BK. I. CH. I.
36, 37. ] AVYAYA DEFINED. J9
optionally so.
'one's own ,cows'.
Thus *% j*tc or w y*T: '
one's own sons/ ^ itXT. or **r TUT:
the nom. pi. As f w ^rHnft ' these kinsmen' l^jpr **ft 'much riches'.
*1MH % I II
or HjHff *p3T outer houses, the residence of Chandal, and other low castes/
: '
qrsrfit ' he livesbetween the two villages/ where the regular locative is *JV*T^.
With this sfttra ends the section on sarvan&mas, which began with sfttra 26. :
The words
svar heaven,* &c., and the parti-
37.
cles (1. 4. 56) are called indeclinables.
This defines avyaya or indeclinables. The words ** &c. must be
found out from the Ganapa^ha ; they are the following:
** heaven/' 4j4|{ ' midst/ qpr^'in the morning/ 3^' again/ Bj?|^
1
in concealment* 3$$ ' high, aloft '
$A% * low, down/ jjS^g *
slowly/ ^n^
30 Avyaya ?
[Bk. I. Ch. L 3&
rightly, separately, aside, singly, particularly, truly,' 5T% ' except, without/
*iTT5 ' at the same time, at once/ ^TO?L 'near, far from, directly/ **T5 * sepfr-
rately, apart/ |0H ' yesterday/ ** ' to-morrow/ for by day/ JX^t 'byjiight '
or in the night/ RT%.' at eve / & ,onS &&% ' lon since a ,on S time/ ,p ^ ' *
slightly, a little/ *nc^ ever/ sn^ *&%
f
little/ f^t '
' gladly/ 3*OT* ' silently/
4
outside,' qrft g '
below, without, outside. HTOT ' near/ Pi*qi ' near, hard, close
1
by/ ST*P{ of one's -
self/ ?*ir
4
in vain/ srfcir ' at night, by night, spj negative
particle, not,* %?fr '
for this reason, by reason of/ f^r ' truly, really' $* f
' exclamation/ sp^r '
evidently, truly/ Hfft ' half/ ^*r W * enclitic like, as
Br&hmanavat, priestly/ Wf% *&Fl * perpetually/ ^T^T ' division/ ft^ 'crooked-
ly, awry, over/ MJ*HI , ^-fl^UJ 'except, without' &4l4i, 5T3T 'long/ ^p{ 'expletive
particle,' ^
'ease/'^RT ' perpetually,' *TfSTT 'suddenly, hastily/ f^jr ' with-
out,' sfpfr 'variously/ ^rfttr 'greeting, peace/ W^TT* exclamation, oblation to
Manes/ *T5T* enough/ ' ^* ' exclamation/ vfrq^, *fcnr (interjection) 'oblation
of butter/ H|v*4<j/ again, moreover, otherwise.' *rfcr ' being present,' Trig* ' in
a low voice, secretly, privately/ ^PTT 'patience, pardon/ RrfRW 'aloft in the
air/ $tar ' at night or in the evening/ $^T, fawrf ' falsely/ yjr 'in vain/ jn'
' formerly/ farot or fa*J5 ' mutually, together/ JTPTfr ' frequently, almost/ g*?j
'again, repeatedly' l$*^ or 44I$<M 'at the same time,' ^JT^f^^
4
'
*pft^!T^ ' repeatedly/ HT^PJ or htJ^ ' with' *FVg,
violently ' reverence/
ff*^ 'without/ Rr^ 'fie I' ipf 'thus/ iffir^ ' with fatigue/ JRtf^ ' alike/
ipn^ ' widely/ Ht , HI? ' do not'
So, also the words formed by the affixes ktvi tosun, kasun, by the kpit
affixes ending in ^ or v, \, sjt or *ft , and the avyayibhiva compounds, are
indeclinables. So, also the words formed by the affixes beginning with aflter
(V. 3. 1) and
4. 42)
ending with STHJ^ (V 3. 47), by the affixes beginning with
and ending with *W|U(<|:
(V.
(V. 4. 68), by the affixes frenf*,
^
g^, *jp
and m^by the affixes having the sense of the affix ffe?, or by the affixes %pr
or n^, ?rf% or qfH , H or ^r^ are also indeclinables.
The words called nipata will be given under sutras, I. 4, 56 to 61.
Thus a word which changes not ( H $rf<f), remaining alike in the three genders
and in all cases, and in all numbers, is what is termed an HJUI4 or indeclin-
ables.
This expands the definition of avyaya. There are three words in the
i are certain affixes, by which nouns are derived from other nouns, such as,
I from H% we have HPTT. , sfcrva-vibhaktis are those words which take all
case-terminations, asarva-vibhaktis are those which do not take all vibhaktit
but some only. Thus the adverb T&: is declined in the singular ablative
only, and does not take the dual and plural terminations.
Those derivative words which do not take all the case-terminations,
but only some of them and which are formed by the addition of Taddhita
affixes are indeclinables. As ?nr: 'thence,' *HT 'there/ Both these words
are formed by taddhita affixes from the pronoun iff ' that/ the one is used
in the ablative case only and the other in the locative. So also TO Vt, 9 TO*
*irr, *er%*r> ^*r &c-
v?it*Rt: 11 ^u xi^TPf 11 ^, jmj^srj: ( erora* )
by which nouns are derived directly from roots : Primary affixes, 2. Those by
which nouns are derived from other nouns : Secondaiy affixes. The former
are called kpt, the latter, taddhita.
Words formed by krit affixes which end in H orn;, ^rf,^, or qqfr (connot-
ed by the pratyahara i%) are avyayas. Thus the affix jj (technically JJ^)and
*j (technically UJJJ^T, III. 3. 10) are affixes which end in ^. The words formed
by the addition of these affixes will be indeclinables. Thus frp[ '
to give/ and
,0* VdK% remembering' * are avyayas. So also words like?fta% 'tolive,' frft^r 'to
' i drink/ are also avyayas as they end in n;, fix.
! Thus, in the following examples, the words within quotation are avya-
'
yas jflifoK ,' '^Hnrrf/ 'STTO^rtr/ 2P5#, 'he eats first having made
it relishing' (III. 4. 26). "*$" n*: (V% + % HI. 4- 9"**T>; *T '11%%/
p ,
Tw^**Tsgf*wtf (* + tr=n^. Rig VedaV. 66. 3). sjSr 3[r* jjm *tor% '
vt src% <fUi*ivM fcr ftrftnj (Rig Veda III. 36. 10). *m : ?irfhr >fa* *****%
TO I W^ ^ *$ 'ftf,' (Rig Veda I. 25. 21, ^ + %^ HI. 4. 11 ff.
The word *[m is used in this sutra for the same purpose^^asjtwas
employed in sutra 24, showing that these terminations must be(* aupadesika/
and not derivative. Therefore the following words are not avyayas: *JT*J%
(d. s.), ^n^: (g. s.) ft 404% 1 f^fKr. ^H^ibw:i *ri**n^r : 11
s
Sn^il^^T: ll 8 11 Ttfpft 11 gjT, ^Tg^-^^i: , (fosPPT)ll
D 3ltlzed )y
i . . jfa: f
i trt *ftq^ *r%% y*far*rei, qMvw^3<i< Hqfii i 11
31 Sarvanamasthana. Bk. Ch.
[ I. I. $ 40, 41.
Thus in the following examples the words within quotation are indeclin-
ables :jn^ *4)W n$*: ymmmi qHn*uV ycnjrw f^^E'fir' fl<fr*-3
' 1 ' 1
1. 5) is also indeclinable.
The Avyayibhava or adverbial or indeclinable compounds are formed
by joining an indeclinable particle with another word. The resulting compound,
in which the indeclinable particle forms generally the first element, is again
indeclinable, and generally ends, like adverbsT^iiTThe o rdinaryjermi nations of S
the nominative or accusative neuter. Thus sjrfafft' ' upon Hari/ *IjVI 'after
the form ~*T, accordingly.'
The word ^ in the sutra shows that here ends J.he definition of
avyaya. The avyayas, therefore, are all those words which are comprised
in the above five sutras.
the rule relating to the change of visarga : into ^, this change being technical-
ly called ST^rC. thus **rTO:3rrr: , snfTCWT: , as compared with HJ 441*11:
Here, the compound yppn being treated as avyaya sutra VIII. 3. 46, applies
and prevents the change of : into ^.
The four sutras 38,39,40, and 41 have been enunciated under the svar-
all
adigana. see sutra 37. These sutras properly, therefore, belong to the gana-
pajha ; their repetition here in the Ashtadhy&yt indicates that these rules are
*lf%n&or not of universal application, wz., all rules relating to avyayas in gene-
ral, do not apply to them. Thus II. 3. 69. declaring that the genitive case is
not used along with an avyaya is not a rule of universal application, for we see
J
Bk. I. Ch. I. 42, 43. ] Sarvanamasthana. 38
indeclinables like ?$<ft: governed by the genitive case as, ^fc^fttfc ; or 15CW
~
Singular Dual Plural
Nominative WIT
Accusative f%a?iJ
Instrumental *<fl*ll
Dative **3*ft 19
Ablative ^pft *9
Genitive s&
Locative iaa*ft ft
The above are the 21 vibhaktis, the sj of srg, the 5[ of ^, the ? of ft^
&c. are indicatory. All these vibhaktis are included in the pratyahara gj formed
by taking the first vibhakti and the last letter of the last vibhakti. 'Similarly
the first five terminations ($, *ft, sq, j^ &n&
by to *ft? ) are represented
and are called sarvanamasthana in the masculine
and feminine genders. In
the declension of nouns, it will be seen, that some nouns have two bases, one
before these sarvanamasthana and the other before the rest D b v ^"^ '9' j
5
34 Samprasaranjl [Bk. I. Ch. I. 44, 45.
Thus the word TRPJ 'king* has the base KRtt% before the 5^ vibhaktis,
while in the remaining cases, the base is tf^and n*T as :
&%. The term sampras&rana is also employed to designate the whole pro-
cess of the change of the semi-vowels into vowels as in VI. i. 13 ; VI. 4. 131.
or follow it accordingly.
This s&tra explains the special use of two of the indicatory letters
be placed before the word in the genitive case with regard to which it is en*
joiued; while a f^r^ augment is to be added after the word exhibited in the
6th case with regard to which it is enjoined. Thus, there is a s&tra (VII. 2.
35) which says " fixdhadhituka affixes beginning with a consonant except*,
have f^". The question may arise where is this f^tobe added, in the beginning
or the end or the middle of the &rdhadh&tuka affix ? This sutra answers the
question. The indicatory % shows, that it is to be placed before the &rdha-
when this is added to the root, it takes the augment j^. Thus $+f^+CTfirs
lAuiPi, ' he will be.' Similarly Tft?TT '
he will cut*.
Similarly by sfttra VII. 3. 40. the root *ft takes the augment 55? in
forming the causative. This having an indicatory ^ is to be added after
the word *fir, as, *ft +5^+rcr^+*T- 4W^ 'be frightens.
1
added to the word," the letter ^ is added after the last vowel. Thus the plural of
q^r?r 'milk' is formed in the following way TO^ + Jt+f (VII. 1. 72) TOrfNr :
(VI. 4. 8). Here ^ is added between ^ and ^ t. e. after the %f of *, which is
the final vowel of the word and before this 5 the preceding short vowel
: is
The word %w. is in the genitive case, having the force of nirdhlr*-
na or specification ; it has the force of the plural, though exhibited in the
singular, being taken as representing the class. The meaning is 'among
the vowels.' This sGtra is an exception to sGtras I. 1.49 and III. 1. 2, by
which an affix is added at the end of the word exhibited in the 6th case.
There is, however, an exception, in the case of the root *&%, in
36 . The short of diphthongs. [Bk, I. Ch. I.
48, 49.
which the augment pj is added not after the last vowel *j of r, but between
sr and *. The result of adding the augment yj between ^and ^ is, that
sfitra VIII. 2. 29. applies, and the 5 is elided. Thus Jf^ + *rr *rcsr + 3ft +
?IT (VII. 1. 60) - HtJl^ + *rr - *n^r + *rr (VII. 2. 29)=- t^Gt " He will im-
merse". So also H7^: ' immersed/ HH^ f?> H^rfcif.
^ ?*sren^ifr 11 gt 11 ^t(^ 11 ijv, ^fj 5*?-sn^5l n
??%. 11 ^r swrf
*Ht h^i% tft: ft 3r^rr*far .11
47 declares:
"the short vowel is the substitute in the neuter of a crude form
provided it end in a vowel." Therefore in compounding sjfif + ^ 1 the ^
must be shortened. Properly speaking ^ has no short vowel corresponding
to it, but by virtue of this stitra,f supplies the place of such a short vowel,
and we have JSffaft ' extravagant 1 so nh *rfifj *'
disembarked or landed, 9
*fir 1 OT*I ' near a cow.' All avyayibhiva compounds are neuter (II. 4. 18).
Why do we say ' of qn '? Because the short of other vowels will not
be ^5. Thus the short of *rr is *f. As, *n%+ ^r - rf%*3T|: , *rf*T + HI5TT -
WfiPTTCT:!
Why do we say when short
is to be substituted ? ' Because when
JW or prolated vowels are to be substituted for 3^ , the {* will not be the
substitute. As f^r*rT O Devadatta !
fn^T
to* ^n^nn 11 y% 11 Tn^ M t^ 9 ^n^-^pn 11
sive case (sixth case) in the sfttras of P&nini. The genitive case or shAstyhi
denotes many sorts of relations in Sanskrit, such as causa tion, possession, rela-
t ion in place, comparison, ne arne ss, proximity, change, collection, component
member, &c. So that when a word is in the genitive case in a sfitra generally,
the doubt may arise in what sense that genitive is to be used. This aphorism
Bk. I. Ch. I. 50. ] The liIcest is the substitute. 87
P lays down the restrictive rule for the interpretation of such words. It says
L that the force of such genitive is to convey the meaning of '
in the_place at*
Thus in the sutra 3, the word f is in the genitive case ; the* literal
translation being :
" of ik there is guna and vfiddhi." But " of" here means
by virtue of the present rule of interpretation " in the place of." So that the
sfitra means /in the place of f^. ' Similarly in the sutra immediately preceding
this, viz. 48, we have the word jr^ in the genitive case and the sfitra means 'of
*nj.' Here also " of " means " in the place of."
Thus in sutra f?ir (VI. 4: 36) ' of hanti, there is the word f?%, is the
if*
genitive of *f?r ; this genitive is used generally and its force is that of " in the
place of." Therefore, *r displaces the verb ^ in*n^ or imperative mood, and
we have srft ' kill thou.'
This sutra is also thus translated by Dr. Kielhorn : Only that which
is enunciated in a rule, 1. e. that read in a rule or rather that which
which is
in the real language is like that which is read in a rule in a genitive case,
or that which forms part of that which is enunciated in a genitive case,
assumes the peculiar relation denoted by the word wpt ' place ' t. et is that in
the place of which some thing else is substituted, but some thing suggested
! the peculiar relation denoted by the word sth&na.' Consequently the seventh
case-affix is not elided in this compound ; on the analogy of compounds like
This sutra also lays down another rule of paribh&sha. To explain this
we must take an example. The guna of f , T, 31, and W[9 is ST, ? Mt.
There is nothing to specify what letter what It might is the guna of
be said that *jt is the guna of f because the definitions as laid down up to so
far, do not say anywhere that TT is not the guna of f. So that when in a
word Hkc(ftrVeare told 'let there be the guna of % we do not know what '
K
is 9
J
There are four sorts of proximity or nearness :
(x) nearness in
place or ctft (i. e. palate, throat &c.) ; (2) nearness in meaning or *nfr (such as,
^
singular terminations to be used after words used in the sense of singular); (3)
nearness in quantity or n*uuj (such as a short vowel to replace a short vowel,
a long vowel, along one); (4) nearness in quality or ip f such as aspirates to re-
place aspirates, and sonants to replace sonants). Of all these approximates
the first vis., the nearness in the organ of utterance has preference, in the
selection of proper substitute.
afforded by VI. I. 63 :
" The words qf, ^, *H &c, are the substitutes when
the case-affixes jth (acc-pl.) &c, follow." Here, we know the substitutes,
but we do not know of what they are the substitutes. apply the maxim We
of *pfr: " that only can become a substitute which has the power to express
the meaning of the original, /">., a substitute takes the place of that the meaning
of which it is able to express." Thus we find that * is the substitute of
IRi *?r Hlf^r, &c., which convey the same meaning and con-
of ^cf,T5 f
^ tain almost the same letters. Another example of this is afforded by VI.3.34,
by which feminine words in a compound are changed into masculine. Thus
*m w *fl (fern) + *r*fr = 4l<J u 4il34ft:
. (3). An example of prosodial substitution (JlHniT^:) is afforded by
rule VIII. 2. 80, "? is the substitute of what comes after the f^of WTOnot
ending in ^and room of ^ there is * ." Thus sspt +
in the ^ - *J +
*l& - *?$$; ^nr+>^r5 -^RF+iT^(VII.3. io2)-sq^+^ni - *p*2^-
k
Here, short * replaces the short %f and the long ^ replaces the long *jr.
t
Bk. I. Ch. I. 51.] The *rj substitutes or ^. 39
Though the anuvfitti of the word sth&na was understood in this sfttra
from thejast. the repetition of this word indicates the existence of the follow-
ing ^aribhAsha
fever there exist several kinds of proximity between that for
which something else shall be substituted, and its possible substitutes, there
the proximity as to the organ of speech is weightier than the rest, 1. e.9 there
that only is substituted which is nearest as regards the organs of speech
with which both are uttered.
Thus in finding the guna substitutes of \ and 7 out of the three guna
letters *r, ^ and *fr, we find that *j\is a proximate substitute having regard
to prosodial measure, i. e. %f and f and 7 have all one mitri ; while having
t
regard to the proximity of the organ of utterance, we get ^ and *ft; the
latter however prevails to the exclusion of the first; as, %gr, ttjfcir.
Why do we use the word " likest " in the superlative degree ? Where
there are many sort of proximities, the likest must be taken.
Thus qp +
f^rft-SFtrefo Here, by VIII. 4. 63, " after a letter of class, ^ is changed ^
into a letter homogeneous with the preceding," must be changed into a
letter of the class ^. Out of the five letters of this class, and are both
aspirates, but r is hard, and (is soft; so ^ and y are both soft, but 5 is
unaspirate, and is aspirate, therefore these must be rejected ; the only letter
which has the nearest approach to , is *, which is both soft and aspirate.
Similarly in ftjgwrer> the f has been changed into if.
This sAtra is useful in fixing the proper substitutes of qf. Thus, there.
40 Substitute replaces the final. [Bk. I. Ch. L 52, 53,
are only three guna vowels *f 9 if and *ft. Of these what is the proper guna for
the nearest substitute. So that *r is the guna of 57; and further by this/
rule, this %f must have a Rafter Thus though technically speaking %f is
it. f /
the guna of 37 the actual substitute is *jj#
, Thus fr-Mfr -^frfr; similarly fsfr. /
Thus by IV. 1 97, " the *& of the word spjrar is replaced by sjg^ (tech-
.
&c there is %f." It does not mean that the whole word ?ot is replaced by
# ,
the present explanatory s&tra, that the last letter of nr$, namely w is to be
replaced by *f.
So also in
sutra I. 2. 50 yjifr^T: the short % replaces only the final letter
of iftaft and not the whole word, as q^llftj: ' purchased for five gonis.'
wntrar
been the
the letters of
last letter
^ of *pr,
but only one.
but this sutra
By sutra 52 that letter would
makes an exception,
namely, where an operation is directed to be made
a word, simply by reason
in
of its being placed after another word such change is to be made in
;
the
beginning of such second word. Therefore, the
f replaces the *r of rnr and
we have ft + ^r -flf (the final SJ is added by V. 4. ) an
74 island,' *****
promontory.' So also in the sutra
fcm: (VII. 2. 83) long * is the substi.
tute of *pr when t he latter comes after the
root n^. Thus
WT! + fr-*mfhr: Here also the f replaces the initial
*r of *pr.
+ *TT - ^
How can we find when an operation is to be performed
on a subse-
quent word ? When the previous word is exhibited
in the 5th or ablative case
'
see sutra 67.
Digitized by
( rsr IC
VjOOQ
42 ftr^ substitutes. [ Bk. L Ch, I. 55, 56.
( sn^w: ) n
than one letter* applies to the actual substitute, and not to the substitute with
its indicatory letters, the latter being for the purposes of counting regarded as
mere surplusages and not to be taken into account. To see whether an affix is
Mj^chiq^ or not, the indicatory letters must not be counted; and the affix must
be stripped of all its f letters.
^TRrtftr *4Riw m
A
substitute (&de?a) is like the former
56.
occupant (sthAni) but not in the case of a rule the occa-
sion for the operation of which is furnished by the letters
of the original term.
This is an explanatory sOtra, or this may be considered also as *n
atidcia sutra, in as much as it declares that the operations to be performed
Digitized by VnOvJVlL,
Bk. I. Ch. V. 56.] "Substitute is like the principal.. 43
J like the sth&ni. A rule which is applicable to the letters of the sth&ni, need not
be applicable to the letters of the ade*a.
Thus the gerund of verbs is generally formed by adding the affix
rm + nrr. Now
e. g. vfy an intermedi-
VII. 2. 35. prescribes the insertion of
ate f^ before ArdhadhAtuka affixes beginning with any consonant exceptor*
This rule is clearly an al-vidhi, because the occasion for its application is con-
ditional on the letters of the affix. The affix ^T begins with ^ and is an irdha-
dhatuka affix and fulfils all the conditions of the rule. Therefore, we have
7+T + *rr-7#*rr(VI. 1. i6;VH. 2. 37).
Now the augment f which *qj takes is by virtue of VII.- 2. 35, because it be-
gins with a consonant of
is not included in this pratyfiMra.
^ pratyfiMra ; while if is the only consonant which
Therefore, for the purposes of taking f by
I rule VII. 2. 35. the adesa * is not like t*r; since that rule is one which has
its scope when there are certain initial letters ; or an al-vidhi. Therefore, we
have^ijfr.
Here, *f gets the designation 'base' and so rules applicable to base, are
applied to m
also. Thus in ^r , 4iitqp 4t: &c. f we have fH, the lengthening
of the vowel, and ^3 substituted by VII. 1. 12, and VII. 3. 102, and VII. 1. 9.
The substitute of a krit affix becomes like a krit affix. Thus VII. 1.
37 declares: 'fsp^ is the substitute of the krit affix tpfr when the verb is a com-
pound, the first member of which is an indeclinable, but not w^ 9
Here, *w%
is also called a krit affix, and as such, sutra VI. 1. 71 applies, and 5^ is added.
As Jjfr+FSTS. - Iff + * + *T - JTf>**; similarly ir^nr &c.
The substitute of a taddhita affix is like a taddhita. Thus VII. 3. 50
declares
a
: '
^ is the substitute of the affix * ' as *fir + *^E (IV.
56 applies and the
2: 18)
The substitute of tin becomes like tin. Thus III. 4. 101 declares :
'm%9 ^, ?T and sri are substituted for ^5, 1*5, tj, and ftj when tense-affixes
having indicatory ^ follow.' Here the substitutes m% &c, also make the
Why have we used the word ^ in the s&tra? Without it the aphorism 1
would have been ^l^l^Pl ^fcTqfr, and this being a chapter treating of defi
nitions, the meaning would have been, tj
an adea is called sth&ni.' This '
certainly is not intended, for had it been so, then all operations would be per-
formed by or on the substitute, but none by the original* But this is not so.
?ft^ t*f &c, such as the change of ^ into *ft (VII. 1. 84), ^ into *JT (VIL 1.
,
85), 1 into *j (VIL 2. 102 are not to be treated like the original : as fh# VIP,
*,
*n Had these substitutes been treated like the original, rule VI. 1. 68 would
apply, and the case-affix *g would have been elided.
A
substitute in the room of a vowel
57.
caused by something that follows, should be regarded
as that whose place it takes "when a rule would else take
effect on what stands anterior to the original vowel.
This sutra consists of three words: *r*: genitive of the praty&hdra
^T% meaning of a vowel/ and means an &de$a which takes the place of a
*
vowel. The words adesa and sthfinivat are understood and are to be supplied
from the preceding sutra. The second word is 'parasmin' loc. sing, of 'para'
meaning 'in the subsequent. The locative has the force of on account of or
9
'
/ by reason of/ The third word is purva-vidhau loc. sing, of pfirva-vidhi mean*
ing'a rule applicable to a preceding thing.9
The whole sutra thus comes to
mean that an &dea which replaces a vowel, becomes sth&nivat (like vowel), pro-
1
vided that the substitution has been occasioned on account of something fol-
vriddhied before 'nich 9 it is not so, the lopa-substitute not allowing the *T tobe
regarded as penultimate, and thus we have the form qft the present tense
third person singular of which is q?qfc. The equation being qr? + + T, the zero
preventing the ^ of q^ from becoming penultimate. So also in the word *fvft*,
the aorist(<j^) of *\r. Thus*r+*>f + fjH+*X++f?r. Here, the *f of
TO is elided by VI. 4. 48. (when an ardhadhatuka affix follows there is elision
of the short Sf of that which ends in short qr;) this elision is thus caused by
something which follows (parasmin.) Now there is a rule (VII. 2. 7.) which de-
AM'
clares 'vriddhi is optionally the substitute of
9
a laghu *J preceded by a consonant ^
when r%^(aorist) follows. However in the present case the
z^Stftf?
11 *"'**
'46 Substitute is like the principal. [Bk. I. Ch. I.
57.
*kap\ However, the word H$WL will not be considered as a word ending in a
short vowel, for the purposes of the application of rule VI. 2. 174, (the ud&tta
accent falls on the last vowel but one of a word that ends in a short vowel
and is the last member of a bah&vrihi compound followed by the affix kap).
On the contrary the short %f is regarded as sthinivat to long *jr. Thus
It is needless to say that this rule applies only to vowel &dea, there-
^j
fore, where an idea replaces a consonant, the previous s&tra 56 has its scope \
and prevents its being sthinivat. Thus there is a kfit affix called FTPf, the real
J
suffix being ^r, and ^ being diacritical letters. Before this 7 the verb
the 9
TPITt (to come) loses it ^ 9 and lopa or blank takes the place of W . Here
then lopa or blank is an idea and 1 a consonant is sth&ni.
Now there is a rule which says (VI. 1. 71), that before kpt affixes
having an indicatory <g , the letter tr is added after verbs ending in light
+ f^
Similarly in forming the word TO:. Thus ij*S + ^ (III. 3. 90)
*J*( (VI. 4. 19). Here, ^ is substituted for fj; this will not be sthinivat
to f; though this substitute is caused by something that follows (parasmin ?.
Were it to be sthinivat, there would come the augment g^ ( 5 ) by VL 1. 73.
Similarly *J*rtST5, the aorist of fs^[. Thus *r+5>*r + fli*[+inx-*r+
^^+4- mi (VIII. 2. 26). Here the 5 is elided on account of what follows,
but still the lopa substitute here is not sthinivat for the purposes of VIII. 2.41.
Had been sthinivat, ^of f^r would be changed into qr
it
word *nfr*5r, 1st per. sing. atm. present tense of the root
Similarly the
#>ft 'to shine.' Thus *nft>ft+ff **sn$r*ft+S(HI. 4. 79). This change off
into is not caused by anything that follows, hence ^ is not sthftnivat to ff
for the purposes of the application of rule VII. 4. 53 ('the finals of didhl and
vevl are elided when an affix beginning wither or f follows' J. Had ^ been
sthanivat, the final f would have been elided. .
*
Similarly an &desa though of a vowel, and even though occasioned
by a subsequent something, would not be sth&nivat, if there is not the applica-
tion of a rule to something that precedes the &dea f pfirva-vidhi). If the
rule is to be applied to something subsequent to the &dea 7 it will be applied
to the exact &dea without considering what was the letter which the ide^a
had replaced. , It is only when a rule is to be applied to a prior object, that
it becomes important to consider whether the &dea is sth&nivat or not.
Thus the vocative case of ift is f ifc I The vocative is formed from the
nominative case (II. 3. 49). The nominative of *ft is formed by chang-
ing ^ft into qft and adding the case termination ^ . Here the adesa sft",
replaces 5jft, on account of the subsequent termination fj . Now there
is a rule applicable to vocative cases which declares that the final ^ is drop-
ped after short vowels and ^ and *jt (VI. 1. 69). *
:,
f^IJ, ( qmfa g ^ )
58. Not
in rules relating to the finals of
so,
words, to the doubling of letters, to the affixing of varach,
to the elision of ya, to accent, to homogeneous lelters, to
anusvira, to the lengthening of vowels, and to the substi-
tution of ja_ and char letters.
This sGtra lays down an exception to the previous sfitra, by which it *
was ruled that an &de?a which replaced a vowel becomes sthlnivat under cer- /
tain conditions. This sfltra says that a vowel &dea is not sth&nivat under *
absence of any rule to the contrary. .Therefore, in the sentence dt TO whoo^* -*;-
'
two are' the final *ft of sfrand the invisible ^ of CT: ought to coalesce by rules
of sandhi into *rnr (VI. 1. 78). But this incongruity is preve nted by the pre-.
sent stitra, by which the change of *ft into *rnt is a <r?F3 fafa or a rule relating
to the~fihals of a word, therefore,
1. 77 is not applied.
we have qt w I So also in *fnf^T srfcfj rule VL *
of *fa+spr we have ^^r. Here f is changed into -5. If this ^ were sth&nivat -
cable. But f[ is not equivalent to f though its substitutej and we have the doub-
>
ling of ^and get the form qF5<FT "Therefore, in rules relating to the doubling
of letters the &dea is not equivalent to the sth&nL
3. . irfafa: 'a rule relating to the affix 5x3/ The affix *?^j[ is a kpt
affix which is added to certain roots to form npunsof^ agency ; thus from f^ *
1
we have figp ' ruler/ So from the intensive verb ^HTHT we have
to rule '
+^T(VI. 4. 48). Here the *r of if has been dropped and replaced by lopa, on
account of its being followed by the JLrdhadh&tuka_affix jt;. The next
step, is to drop the ^ by rule VI. I. 66 which declares that the letters i
and ^ are dropped before affixes beginning with any consonant except
? t\ e. t beginning with consonants of **[ praty&h&ra. Thus *|PIT + o + *T.
Now there is a rule (VI. 4. 64) which declares that the final long sjt of a base
is dropped before &rdhadh&tuka affixes having an initial vowel. Here there-
fore, if the adea 'lopa/ which replaced the vowel ^r, be considered as sth&nivat,
and *r be considered as an affix having a latent initial vowel* then the ^T of
*IP< requires to be dropped. But this sGtra prevents this and we have the form
*rarer; as, *fj ^nrrnr: ft^rnL 11
ircfar
dropped by VI. 4. 48. Now there is a rule (VI. 1. 66) already mentioned above
which requires the elision of 3 before consonantal affixes. Now if the lopa-
substitute be considered as stBnivat to *T, then the affix f?r is not an affix
having an initial consonant and the rule,which requires the dropping of jrf
would not apply. The present sfitra, however, provides for this, and we have
the form *$%: scratching/
Digitized by Google
50 Substitute is like the principal. [3k. I* Ch. U 58.
ftr% in the imperativemood. The affix ft is the sign of the second person
imperative singular; and the verb ftp^ belongs to the seventh-class of verbs
called RudMdi. This class of verbs take the vikarana gr (H I. 1. 78) the q
and ^ being indicatory the real affix is 5f. This ^ is inserted between the
radical vowel and the final consonant (I. 1. 47). Therefore we have the follow-
ing equation:^ + rr^+ft-ftf +T +* +ft~ftf+^ + o +^r + ft. The
*T of if is dropped by VI. 4. in, which declares that the ^ of *^[ is dropped
before those s&rvadhitu ka terminations which aregt^orfe*. By I. 2.
4
all sirvadhfituka terminations which have not got an
indicatory q are consi-
dered as ftj The affix ft therefore is a ft^ sirvadhfttuka affix'and
by rule
IIL 4- 8 7 > ft >s to be regarded as srf^, not having an indicatory
<j. The next
stage is :fa+^+o+^+fa; the ftbeing changed into by fir rule (VI. 4. 101)
which says that 'ft is changed into ft, when' it follows a root -which ends in
a consonant of 55 pratyihara:' here ^ and ^ are changed by general rules
of sandhi into 5 and ^ and we have ftr+^+o+^+ft (VI IL 4. 41).
Then there is a rule (VIII. 3. 24), which says that in the body of a word the
sj is changed into anusvara when followed by a consonant of 5^ praty&hira.'
Therefore we have :-ftr + *^T?^ + ft. This is the form to which the
present rule is applicable. Thus, there is a rule (VIII. 4. 58) which says that an
anusvira followed by a letter of
^homogeneous
pratyihftra i>., any consonant except
f, ^
^ and ^ is-cKanged into a letter or savarna to the letter that
follows. Therefore, if we regard zero as sth&nivat to the *r which it replaces,
the anusvra cannot be changed into 5
as homogeneous to 5. But IT is' not to
be so regarded, and we have the form ftf + ^ + ^ + ft- frPf or ftrfoj
so also ft?*T.
7- WS^rcftft: 'a rule relating to anusvara.' The above example
will serve the purpose here:ft + ^ +. + ^+ ft. This by the rule al-
ready mentioned (VIII. 3. 24), requires the 5 to be changed into anusvara.
Bjc. I. Ch. I. 58. ] Substitute is like the principal. 51
\ Now if zero be considered as sthinivat, then g^is not followed by a letter of fft^
pratyahira , and cannot be changed into anusv&ra. However, the zero is
J I
not regarded as sthinivat, and we change the 5 into an us vara. Other
;
examples areftr + %+ + % + Tfcf - ffr^F* so also ffafSv ; ||
f
8.- tf^ftnfc a rule directing the substitution of long vowels for
short vowels/ Let us form the Inst. sing, of the noun *tf%fft^. The ter-
mination of the Inst sing, is Zf or ^n*. Therefore, we have J?f%ft^ +snJri%f^
+ *+gr+*rr. Here the *r has been elided by rule VI. 4. 134, which teaches
that words ending in *r% lose their *[ before terminations technically called
Bha. The termination of Inst sing, is a Bha termination by force of
rule I. 4. 18. The next rule that now comes into operation, is VIII. 2. 77, which
requires the lengthening of the short penultimate vowels, of the {3^ pratyi-
of f^ will not be lengthened. This rule, however, provides for such length-
ening, and therefore we have :Rftrft^ + + % + *jrr - Ufitffar II
9. *r*3ftft: '& rule requiring the substitution of soft unaspirate
consonants, of pratyihira ?ng, in the place of hard consonants ' In this case
also the idca that takes the place of a vowel is not sthinivat
Let us add the ftr^ to the root *JJ 'to eat/ compounded with the
affix
dual of the root H^ and is thus evolved. This root belongs to the Juhutyidi
,
^^
5 + % + ^ + ^35 (VI.4. 98 ) - + + *$^-
At this stage comes the rule in operation, which says that the
ed by letters of
is
^
praty&h&ra. Here
which is a letter of 5
%
class, and there- ^
fore 3 is required to be changed into gr of
^
class. By the present rule, zero
4.98). Here had the lopa been sth&nivat, rule VIIL 4. 55 could not have
applied. But it being a char rule, the lopa is not sth&nivat- Therefore we
have,*j^T5^
lopa is the substitute of a vowel, it is not sth&nivat, for the
When
purposes of the application of the rules of accent, rules relating to the doubl-
ing of letters, and the rules relating to the elision of ya.. In other places,
with the exception of the above three ; the lop.a substitute of a vowel is, and
J
must be treated as sth&nivat Thus ^NJT^T: * ftifll: ftr^f: , ^P^fc In these
cases the lopa-&dea being sth&nivat, the rules relating to accent, lengthen-
ing and the elision of ya, do not apply.
sn^i: A arc* )
the reduplication is yet to be made but the reduplication having been made,
:
Bk. I. Cri. L 59. ] Substitute is like the principal. - 53
the substitution may then take place/ The explanation given by Easika
is more harmony with the Great Commentary. For all practical purposes,
in
the two explanations lead to the same conclusion. According to Kasika,
the vowel-substitute is sth&nivat, in the sense, that it is exactly of the same
form as the original, and retains this form only for a fixed time vis.f so long
as the reduplication is being made ; but as soon as the reduplication has been
made, the substitute takes its proper form. This rule has its scope in the
rules relating (a) to the elision of long *JT, (b) to the elision of the penultimate,
(c) to the elision of the affix fij^, (d) to the substitution of semi-vowels for
vowels, and lastly (e) to the substitution of *pr, *p^ *THf and n? for ^ ^fjr
before the terminations of the perfect. Here, by the elision of sjt, the only
visible root left to us is 5[ which is a consonant without any vowel. The rule
of reduplication, therefore, would not have applied to it, because there is no
vowel in it, but for the present sutra, which solves the difficulty* Here the
vowel-substitute zero must be considered sth&nivat i. e. as if it were the very
*TT itself. Thus we have qr + SL + + *T35 THRJ (VII. 4. 59). The long
^TT of the reduplicative syllable has been shortened by VII. 4. 59. So also qj:|
(6). The elision of the penultimate. Let us form the same tense of
S^'to kill/ f^ + WS^ - + % + * + WJ^(VI. 4. 98).
. Here also the preliminary conditions are all fulfilled, the affix begins
with a vowel and it causes the reduplication of the root. The penultimate
^ of ^T is replaced by the substitute lopa by VI. 4. 98, which teaches that the
rootsij^'togo'f^'to kill* and a few others lose their penultimate before
affixes beginning with a vowel and which are also f^ or few. We know
^55 to be such an For the reasons already given, we can not redupli-
affix.
(c). The elision of the affix ftj^ . Let us form the Aorist (lun) of the
causative form of qsnf. The causative is formed by adding the affix ftrg[ to
the root ; and the aorist takes the *[. Thus we have s*r +
augment ^
+RSt^ +^[ s-sn? +f +SC~*rr5+T+^T5;+^. The affix (HI. 1. 48) is added ^
in forming the aorist of causatives. The letters ^ and 5 are indicatory,
the real affix being sf. Now by VI. 4. 51, the affix fop^ is elided before an
Ardhadh&tuka does not take the intermediate f .
affix that Now n^ is such
an affix. Therefore we have 5Sn^ + + *nj.
At this stage, comes into operation another rule (VI. x. 11), which de-
clares that 'the root is reduplicated before the affix ^C k
.' The ^raf is, thus,
f>, by rule VI. 1. 2, which says that a verb beginning with a vowel reduplicates
its second syllable. But as soon as the reduplication is over, the &dea takes
up its original form of zero. Thus *\\\l\ + + *JT = mifidflN
(d). The fourth class of cases, where this sutra has scope, is the
substitution of inj^ for vowels. Thus let us form the perfect 2nd person
singular of fr 'to do' :
fr + *I$f*[ a^ + STJ^, the semi-vowel taking
the place of 3T by the general rule of sandhi VI. 1. 77. Now we have already
learned that *HRl ' s an an^ x which causes reduplication and it begins with
a vowel. Now is a substitute which comes in the place of a vowel (1. e^ 3f),
it will therefore be sth&nivat by this sutra. Had it not been sth&nivat,
the consonants ar could not be reduplicated, as they have no vowel The
substitute being taken equal to ^r, we reduplicate fr ; in reduplication the
g* is changed into^by VII. 4. 62, and 3J into si by VII. 4. 66. Thus we
have : ^T^GJ.' ; similarly ^p$: I
(*). . The fifth case is the substitution of *r^r &c. Let us form
1st person singular of the perfect of sft 'to lead:' 5ft + 1575 " ^ + V *tt% +
^T. The f isvriddhied before the termination si of the perfect (VII. 2. 115),
and then changed into <*JT3T by the general rule of sandhi (VI. 1. 78). Now the
have the form f^RPT and not 4ii4. Similarly Ph*|, 5J5TT, and igstr?. ' N
Why have we used the word " dvirvachane" in the sutra? Without it,
the aphorism would have stood thus: " Before an affix having an initial vowel
which causes reduplication, the substitute which takes the place of a vowel
BK. I. CH. I. 60.] . . LOPA DEFINED. 55
is like the original vowel." Let us form if^ the 3rd per. sing, perfect tense
(fv^r) of the root *& " to be exhausted," in the atmanepada. The affix of 3rd
per. sing. atm. of lit, is ip^(III. 4, 81). Thus tit + l&t - *3TT + ^[ (VI. 1.
45). Now here t* is changed into *rr, on account of the affix ^tj; this affix
syllable will be fir and not sr ; the form being fo**r and not 3P5T. But *JT is
not sth&nivat to l, because for the purposes of reduplication, the change of
*r into *JT is immaterial ; it is the second and further change of *jt into zero
vowel, the substitute which takes the place of a vowel is like the original
vowel, for the purposes of reduplication." In that case we could not get
the form J^f^r, 3rd per. sing, desiderative present tense of ftjr ' to shine, to
play/ This form is thus evolved:f^+^(III. 1. 7)-ft+3& + ^(VI. 4. 19)
=|^+3T+^ (VI. 1. 77). Here, the change of \ into ^ is caused by ^ (tech.
will not be sthftnivat. Let us form $rffcr% the 3rd per. sing. Intensive of
the root 5TT/to smell.' Thus HT+*y=fft + ^ (VII. 4. 3i)=*rafa*(VIL 4.
82).
to *JT;
Here,
had
w
it been
is changed
so,
into
the form would have been
f" on account of ^ ; but f" is not sth&nivat
Similarly {ufcft.
*ftfta?T.
fies disappearance.
This defines elision. When a letter or word-form becomes latent,
56
:
is neither heard, nor pronounced, nor written, it becomes lopa or is said to be' -
In Sanskrit Grammar, this " lopa" is considered as a substitute or idem, and as such this
grammatical zero has all the rights and liabilities of the thing which it replaces. This blank or lopa
is in several places treated as having a real existence and rules are made applicable to it, in the same
way as to any ordinary substitute that has an apparent form. The Grammarians do not content them-
selves with one sort of blank, but have invented several others ; there are many kinds of them, such
as lopa blank, rlu blank, hip blank, and luk blank, which like different sorts of zeroes of a Mathema-
tician, have different functions.
The word lopa occurs in sutras VI. 1. 66 and VI. 4. 118 &c.
The lopa substitute is a sense substitute, and not a form substitute. Thus
when we say let the substitute lopa take the place of such and such a
'
letter or word/ we do not mean that the letters ft, %jt <and *r should be f
substituted there, but the sense of the thing, namely ' disappearance. 9
( sr^afcn^) 11
been elided by using the word luk (II. 4. 72). Similarly in sjffrft 'he in*,
yokes/ the vikarana jrj is elided by the word Slu (II. 4. 75), so in qr*UT: ' a
city in the vicinity of weeds called varani/ Here the Taddhita affix indicat-
.
ing vicinity has been elided by the word lup # (IV. 2. 82),
Why do we use the words " of the affix "? Without these words, the sfttra would hare
run thus: "The disappearance is called luk, jIu or lup." So that the disappearance of a bos*
would also be caused by the use of these terms. Thus in II. 4. 70, there would have been * luk* of
the bases agastya, and kaum/inya ; which however is not intended. In that sutra, the * luk ' of the
affixes is only intended. So also in sutra IV. 3. 168 there would have been the substitution of 'luk 9
for the bases of the words.
Why
have we used the word smnr in this aphorism again, when its
anuvptti was understood in this sfitra from the last ? This repet? f ion indi-
cates that the present rule applies where the whole of the affix is elided, and
not when a portion of an affix is elided. The present sfttra, therefore, does
not apply to forms like HJltflq and q^*flq . These forms are the 1st person
sing. f*T Atmanepada of f^andir^. Thus MjlfdL + - *m% + r(IH. 4. ^
I06) *n*l .+ tffy^ + *r (IH. 4. 102) *wfi +t[+*r. Here, ^a portion
of the affix *fr^ is elided by VII. 2. 79 now there will be no U*34frl\iUI of
;
this partial elision of an affix. Had it been so, the final nasal 5 of *nt*f
would have been elided by VI. 4. 37 but that is not so and we have inrffrr
: :
affix also vanishes. Thus there is an important difference in the elision of art
affix by force of the words 5?^ &c. and by the word 5?nT# In one case the
;
virtue of the affix subsists inspite of the elision, in the other it does not
The word *j^F in this sfitra requires some explanation. " A root,
followed by a suffix (pratyaya), is raised to the dignity of a base (pritipadika^
and finally becomes a real word (pada) when it is finished by receiving a
case-termination (vibhakti). Every base, with regard to the suffix which is
attached to it, is called Anga, body."
Thus the word *pfc is the plural of the word npfr . The word nHr: :
is formed by adding the affix zpj to ipi* (IV. 1. 105) the force of the indica- ;
tory sj being to cause the vpddhi of the first vowel of the word (VII. 2. 117),
But in forming the plural of *TF^, rule II. 4. 64 presents itself, which declares
that there is luk of the affix *rsr when the word takes the plural. Here the
affix 3p{ is elided by the word luk, which means not only the elision of the
*T of *ir*A but also the shortening of qT into W, that is, the affix being elided,
it vanishes altogether, leaving no trace behind, in the shape of the.vfiddhing
of the first vowel, which the affix was competent to cause.
9
Similarly g?: is the 3rd per. dual present tense of 9*r '
to clean. . It
belongs to Ad&di class in which the vikarana 7J% is elided by ' luk ' (II. 4. 72);
and hence there is no vpddhi substitution, which would have taken place by
VII. 2. 1 14, (the ik of the base 3^ is vpddhied before verbal affixes).
9
Similarly *J<r: ' they two sacrifice here the vikarana jjr -has been ;
elided by using the word ' slu (II. 4. 75, let lu be substituted in the room
'
of Sap after the verbs hu &c). The effect of this elision is y that there is no
guna substitution of the vowel of the base, which jj^ was competent to cause.
When an affix is elided in any other way than by the enunciation*
of the three terms containing *j, it is competent to cause its proper effect.
Thus ^+fij^+^^+^g^+it^+%=grr^+^5+&-CT^. Here the elision
of the affix nich is by lopa/ (VI. 4. 51) and hence though the affix vanishes,
'
1. 22). The word pafichan is now *pada % and as such, it drops its final .
portion f^ is f>; so also in writhe portion 7<r. The word f> occurs in.
The word *pj: in the sfitra is in the genitive case, which has the
force of nirdh&rana or specification ; and though it is in the singular number,
it represents class name, meaning ' among the vowels/
formed on. the word preceding it. Thus in the sfitra fRfr stoPt (VI. i. 77) the
word *rf% is in the locative case, which sfttra, therefore, means that f; *T, gj tif
followed by a vowel (*r^) are changed into 5 *, }T, 5T, (*TT[). The literal ,
translation of the sfitra being: Of ^5^ there is if* in *nr/ The force of
c
9 f
in or the locative case being to induce changes in the letter preceding the
vowel. Thus *fa + 5^7^ - ^5^P9[ ; so Hfcwp% , TF*t&\ U
The word nirdishfa (meaning exhibited ') has been used in the
'
?f%n 11 ot# &h* *ft u*&f infr siui*mi*4 H^fit i mfitfa v^^l Tfr-
(Vn 11
qrft*n ii
* f^Mfidsiuji^ qwu<i3i * ii
own' denotes 'the meaning/ and the word CT denotes 'the individual form
of a word.' The sense of the sfttra is that a word denotes both things ex-
pressed by those two words Mr and ct, vis., its meaning, and its form. Thus a
and not to the words synonymous with agni, such as, TnfftT:, qFr: &c.
In this science, therefore, the very word-form is to be taken, and
understood and operated upon, and not external sense : with the exception
of words which are definitions, in the latter case the things defined are to be
taken;
Thus the sfttra *p%?(IV. 2. 33) declares :" that the affix f
$hak r
comes after the word 'agniV Thus *jfar + ** W%*Rl "belonging to
agni," as in the following sentence H/lH|Hg|<fc4M fwht Here the word
%%f*H indicates the individual word-form HJIH and not its synonyms. Simi-
larly sAtra IV. 2. 19 declares
:
' let there be optionally ss after Affair / / As
*?lrcP*Wl(VII. 3. 50 and 51) or qjfaftrirqt* The rule applies to the word-form
'uda^vita* meaning 'curd-milk' and not to tmr, HjR?, qrrvHTT, **ST?*f and
trftft* which are synonyms.
There is an important exception to this rule, and that is in favour
of terms which are technical terms of Grammar and have been so defined.
Thus vnfttTO? (! * 2 ) an<* Hi ^^^ (I. 22). Here the
words 5 and *r
* 9
denote the
' words connoted
' by those terms and not to
their word-form. There are, however, some s&tras in P&nini which are aj>-
Digitized by VjOOQLC
62 SVAM-RUPA RULE. [ BK. I. CH. 1. 69. .
Then in s&tra HI. 4. 40, we have an example of fir?. That s&tra means
1
"the word yq* 'to feed takes the affix mjj<H (*JTO when compounded with
the word **." Here the word w' means both the word-form f^, as well as
'
the synonyms of W
and the species of *r. Thus ^? and *FT 'wealth' are
synonyms; while ^
wealth' and if} f cow* are genus and species. Thus
'
form 'r4j4,' nor the special instances falling under it. Thus fr'king' +
^TT-T'WH^ ' king's assembly,' f^T+^RT-f^TOH^ 'king's assembly.' But
not rnr^PT^, but rPTWr. Nor can we take particular kings, such as ^Pjnpr
or y?Pnr. In their case we must have J^lfinreHT, *4A{IU4I4I
synonyms of '<rfitT,' &c. except in the case of h*rt/ when we may take the '
mmfow^fa ^nictra: II
\\ n t^rf* II STO , *f^W,
Wta, % 3URTO: ( ^W ) U
The
letters of the PratyAhAra *rz i. e. the
69.
vowels and semi-vowels, and a term having * for its indi-
catory letter, refer to their own form as well as to their
Bk. I.'Ch. I. 7o.] Ta-para rule. 68
This rule of course does not apply to affixes. Thus sfitra III. 2. 168;
says, ' words ending in the affix san, and the words 4ansa and bhiksha,
after
there is *.' Here * is an affix and therefore does not include long 3?.
Thus 5nj: ' a beggar.' So also in IV. 3. 9, the short if only is to be taken
and not the long one.
dM<c*l U too II Ti?r T fSf u H-TTC5, a^-lJTCRT, ( **
^1* )
The sfltra consists of two words IPTC and fTOiTvTCl. Taparafc means
that which has a after it or that which is after g. Tat-k&la means having
the same time. According to time the vowels are divided into short, long
and protracted. Short vowels have one measure, long vowels two, and
protracted vowels three. A consonant lasts half the time of a short voweL
Therefore a letter preceded or followed by 5, refers to its own form as
well as to those only of its homogeneous letters which have the same time.
Thus the letter *T*)L W *U include the udatta, anudatta, svarita (both nasalised
and non -nasalised) *? and not the long and protracted forms.
This sutra declares an injunction. The anuvptti of W of the previ-
ous sutra does not run into this sutra. Any other letter than r[ may be
followed by and the rule of this sutra will apply to that also. This rule
qualifies the previous sutra which would therefore mean that an ^rj letter
which is not followed or preceded by a $r includes its homogeneous letters also.
Thus in the sutra VII. 9 *T?nPra 5^.
1. 'After words ending in.
*t% (> e * short *r), i^r takes the place of P15/ Thus f$r: . But in *$r2T which
ends in long *jt and whose prosodial time is different from 9T, this rule will
not apply, and we have OTjft:
TffTf ( ^ ^**0 *
*ftr 11 MjiRi^^^<jiH ** jjw*uujw^m jfiitH?
qrufmt *n?^ >nRr
Why
do we say with the final indicatory letter?' Because a pra-
i
FTC* ^ <kHW II
Digitized by
,
(^ r\r\ci\(>
VjiJOv LC
Bk. I. Ch. I. 7a.] Tadanta-rule. 69
srft^rrer ii * ^T^faww^uffl ii
*
be the affix ^ after the vowels." Here the phrase "after the vowels 7'
means and includes " after the roots ending in vowels, as well as roots con-
sisting of a single vowel." Thus pj + 7^ = *RT*. Therefore, this sutra
means that when a rule is laid down in this grammar with regard to a partis
cular attribute, that rule, besides being applicable to that particular attribute,
is also applicable to words ending in that particular attribute. Thus a rule
laid down generally with regard to vowels, will apply to words ending id
vowels ; a rule laid down with regard to certain forms, will apply to words
ending in .those forms.
that have an indicatory ?3 fa 5f, 5f), short or long, or where a rule is pro-
pounded with regard to letters. Thus the affix ktavatu (1. 1. 26) has an indica-
tory w and we have fTCJTJ. A rule which will apply to kpitavat will
f
apply also to the word which ends in kptavat Thus the feminine of
kptavat is fT^Ttft (IV. 1.6), the feminine of sukptavat will be sukptavatL
Similarly rule IV. I. 95 *pr 7^ says "after *r there is the affix ." This
is a rule relating to pratyayas, but as it is propounded by mere letters, the
^
rule of tadanta-vidhi will apply here. Thus J^T + f*J - *if^r ' the son of
Daksha/
Vart : When a term, which denotes a letter, is exhibited in a rule in
the form of the locative case and qualifies something else which likewise
stands in the locative case, that which is qualified by it must be regarded
as beginning with the letter which is denoted by the term in question, and
not as ending with it.
Thus sutra VI. 4. 77, achi nu dhitu bhruv&m yvor iyan uvanau,
means " iyan and uvan are the substitutes of what ends with the pratyaya
nu and what ends in a verbal root in \ or 7, whether long or short, and
when an affix beginning with a vowel follows."
of the inflective base bhrft,
Here the word ' achi ' is exhibited in the seventh case, which literally
means 'when a vowel follows;' but by virtue of the present v&rtika it
means, ' when an affix beginning with a vowel follows/ as. Pro, 5^: II
Vart: A proper noun, though not coming under the above defini-
tion, may yet be regarded optionally as a vriddham. Thus ^rf + 5
Si<*T(Ui, or we may have |**W.
75. A
word that has the letters s and *fr as
the first among its vowels, gets also the designation
of vriddham, when it is the name of Eastern coun-
tries.
The word prik in the sutra has been differently interpreted. The
Grammarian Kunin takes the word pr&k as an epithet qualifying the word
1
frchirya, 'professor understood. be thus trans-
In that case the sutra will
lated :-' In the opinion of the Eastern (or ancient) professors,a word that has
the letters e and o as the first among its vowels, and is the name of a country,
is called vfiddham.' Under this interpretation, this will be an optional
rule only, giving the opinion of eastern or ancient grammarians.
Others however take the word pr&k as qualifying the word dea
and the meaning then is as given in the text.
Why do we say ' having the letters If and qjt ' ? If a simple vowel
is first among the vowels, of a word, that word will not be called vriddham
Why 1
do we say 'country ? The^ rule will not apply to rivers &c
Thus from ifPTft' we have 4t*raT:
f
fish born in the river Gomati/
v .
Digitized by Google
it %m ^^wml^^ filter* ^j^} ii
BOOK I.
Chapter II.
After these roots all affixes are treated as if they were marked with
a ^ with the exception of those affixes which are fs^ or ftjw.
Thus from *ni, we have in the aorist the form ^rwpfhf ; which is thus
evolved. *rfa + *r* + f^ + f|r^ + tf - *W + If + ^t + * (II. 4- 5)
Wt + *ft + CT (VI. 4. 66) -raift? ' he studied, 1
^THrifHrni} ' they two ,
studied ^wpffara 'they studied/ Here by VI.. 4. 66, the *rr is changed
;'
gftfSryprerS ,
* ought to be agitated/
But those affixes, which are not preceded by the augment jt, are not
like fi^, and they consequently produce their own proper action, such as
gunation &c.
9
As ^ + f^ + *j? - ^$*H*t sfpFfor? ' that which ought
to be agitated.
1
which ought to be covered/ ^ ^ r\r\n\o
Digitized by VjjOOyiC .
Bk. I. Ch. II. 4, 5. ] Affixes like fa%. 71
rule VI. 4. no, which declares that the *[ of the verb *Tis changed into *
before those Sdrvadh&tuka affixes which are feTj or fa%. Here tpj is a
S&rvadh&tuka fi^ affix by the present rule, and hence the change.
These four sfitras describe the fir^ terminations.
Why do we say ' a SArvadh4tuka affix/ ? Because an &rdhadh&tuka
affix though not being marked with an indicatory ^ will not be a fg^. As
q*% 'doer/ *xfa to do qrfts*PT
' duty/ ' '
fa^, ( ^rftn ) u
Digitized by VjOOQLC
7J Affixes like fti^. [ Bk. I. Ch. II. 5, 6L
that have no compound consonants. The phrase HjfH^ (not being marked
with <r ). qualifies this s&tra also, being drawn from the previous s&tra by
the rule of Anuvritti.
9
Thus from firf
' to tear the Reduplicated non-fit second person
perfect is fqrft?<j: * thou hast torn/ faftf : ' they have torn/
9
. Similarly fqfod^j : 'thou hast divided;' far*3C$: yu divided;*
fc$: and fsj:
This rule will not apply if the root ends in a conjunct consonant.
Thus #$ 'to fall down* forms its second person Perfect: WT3+SET55
4H?taj Here the affix is not
: . treated as kit ; for had it been so treated,
it would have caused the elision of the penultimate nasal (anusv&ra) of
*Nr by rule VI. 4. 24. Similarly from vr^ we have ?*3%.
terminations of the Perfect are not kit and therefore, we
The pit ;
have fipiT he has divided/ where the root is gunated before the 3rd per-
'
After these two roots the terminations of the Perfect are f%T.
These roots have been especially mentioned, because the root ff^f
ending a compound consonant
in and will not be governed by s&tra 5 ;
the root * is mentioned because all the terminations of the Perfect are
fotr after ^, not excepting the ft% terminations. Thus the verbs ^ffa
and t^ are illustrations of Perfect Tense from the root <^as in the following
examples:*rftt *t****W* f (Rig Veda VI. 16. 15), and yr ft *Plfov
(Rig Veda VI. 16. 14). Here the nasal of the root is dropped by regarding
the affix as fa^ ll Similarly from the root ^, we have ^r f *$?TO II
loosened
^+^T35- ^+W95- , (The % is elided by the rule already
mentioned in the last sutra vis., VI. 4. 24).
a later sutra in this chapter (I. 2. 18) which declares that the prefix ^r
is not RPT , if it is preceded by the intermediate f. Or in other words,
if tin* is added to those verbs, which are called %? verbs, viz., that
take an intermediate f , it is not then hit. Thus the verb fft
to sleep ' is %^.
Therefore tft + f + *CT~$ + T + T *rfo**r.
Now it happens that all the seven verbs mentioned in the sutra are
Sj verbs, and take an intermediate f. The 3FT before these verbs would
have lost its fr/Vness by virtue of sutra 18; therefore arose the necessity of
this sutra, to provide in anticipation an exception to that sutra, in favor of
these verbs, where the affix htvd is necessarily hit. Thus we have ^ftt^F
f
4
having squeezed ' ^jf^rT ' having wrapped <^ftWT
being gracious* ^ff^F '
4
having torn/ fefi^^T 'having suffered* ^rf^l 'having spoken' Tftttf
4
having dwelt.' The ^r v of ^
and ^ are changed into xT by the rule of
Sampras&rana (VI. 1. 15),
Moreover in the case of the verbs *prf ^[ and ft^, sutra 26 would
have made ^T optionally hit ; the present sutra makes it necessarily so.
^ff-^afir-n^ ^ , ( st fer ) 11
1 c
to sleep,' and prachchh
to seize,' svap c
to ask.'
Digitized by
^
VjOOQiC T
74 Affixes like far^ [ Bic I. Ch. II. gi
After the above mentioned verbs the ktvd though taking an inter-
mediate f, and the affix ^J are far^. The affix ^ is employed in
forming desiderative verbs. The of ?Erj is ^j, the real affix being fr. The .
The ktvd and san would have been optionally kit after the verb
*T f%J and yrby virtue of Rule 26 of this chapter, but this sutra makes them
necessarily so, after these three verbs. In the case of the verb if, these
affixes are kit by virtue of this sfitra only. In the case of the verbs ?E^5T and
3^ the affix SET is of course Jt/V, because these two verbs are anit, that is,
they do not take the intermediate f; and therefore the *3?T being directly
affixed to them, and rule 18 not applying, the indicatory k would make it
kit. In reference to these verbs, therefore, the present sutra teaches some-
thing new, only with regard to the affix ^, by making that also kit. The
verb JT^er takes the intermediate f when the affix ^ follows, by virtue of
sutra VII. 2. 75.
ff%: 11
*%T t
rr^rngnfr rn :
II % II tl^Tfa
grenf?: ^
II **>:
fa-iufi n
f 9KS^(
^ f f%^) II
the consonants, except the nasals and the liquids. After the verbs ending in
f3 the desiderative suffix ^5 is kitt when it is 4J<rilft, that is to say when the
affix ^r does not take the intermediate f. The affix 9^ is an affix which
begins with ?fj a letter of the ;n? class. But if the intermediate j is added
before it, it is no longer a $T*nf| affix, and in that case it is not f^rt . Thus
from f*r 'to conquer* which is a verb ending in f^, we have fif *1WRt
desiderative firerfiptffr .
\ Digitized by VjOOQLC
Bk. I. Ch. II. 9, 10. ] Affixes like fa\ \ 7$
The fTCTftOTis not kit- after verbs ending in any other letter than
have fforafff.
The object of making the affix q% kit affix after verbs ending 1
'wishes to collect ' cfjsrnr ' wishes to praise.' To this it might be objected
" this cannot be : for rule VI. 4. 16 (when ^
beginning with a jhal i. e., not
preceded by the augment fj follows, a long vowel is the substitute of verbs
ending in a vowel, and of the verbs f*r and *r3. ) w ould prevent gun a by f
substituting long vowel." To this it may be replied "if rule VI. 4. i6f
enjoining long vowel, debars rule VII. 3. 84 requiring gun a, it should a fortiori .
debar rule VI. 4.51 which requires the elision of the affix ftx before Ardha-
dhituka affixes not taking the augment \\. But evidently that is not so;
for the elision of ftr is not debarred by VI. 4. 16. Therefore, the present
sutra is made, so that even by giving scope to the rule of lengthening,
the affix *rj be treated as fifTSf/' Thus in fa^tafcf scope is given to rule
VI. 4. 16, and the vowel is lengthened. But this rule in its turn will be
debarred in those cases where rule VI. 4. 51 will apply: in such cases the
maxim contained in I. 4. 2 is our guide, and a subsequent rule will debar
a prior rule of P&nini when both find their scope in a single case. Thus
in forming the desiderative of the verb g^r ' to inform/ both the rules
VI. 4. 16 and VI. 4. 51 present themselves, but the latter prevails. The verb
^ belongs to the churadi class of verbs, and takes the affix fcJTJ- Thus
fnr + fiiT^r + ^[ + f?r^; here the present sutra comes into force, and H^
being treated as fisrr, the guna of the \ of ^rPr is prevented. Thus sfttra
VII. 3. 84 requiring guna being set aside, sutra VI. 4. 51 comes into play,
and causes the elision of ftj^[ and we have ^rj + fT + 1% - <ffc*U^ (VII. 4. 55
*rr changed to \) ' he wishes to inform.'
all the conditions of the sfttra ; and the vowel is not gunated.
Digitized by LiOOQ IC
I
76
I ^
If
I
of
I
ftnj.
the verb
| !
is
||
[Bk.
I
the it class, the affix *l is hot kit after such a verb. As ^jr + m+
% - RlUMfr 4
wishes to sacrifice. 1 Had the affix 9^ been here a kit affix,
there would have been sampras&rana by rule VI. 1. 16 which declares that
there is samprasirana of the verbs ??, *TT, and irw, &c, before JkiV affixes.
If the san takes the intermediate f and is then no longer a f!5Trft
q%,
4
it is
he desires to
not tit
be.'
; and causes gunation etcetera,
Here there is guna of fi.
As f^ + f + ^ ftiftlH^
Roots like $?, # &c, are governed by this rule, though they end
in conjunct consonants, for the word f*J of the sfttra means jdti or class; %
+
thus * ^
+ fax - 1% + *rfa (VI. 4. 24 the 1* being elided by treating
^asfirj) - tftarftorfacsfa(VII. 4- 5^).
meaning " the affixes lin and sich in the Atmahepada." The other phrases,
given in the above text must be supplied from the previous s&tras, to com-
plete the sense. The anuvrittiol the word *%, that began with sfitra 8.
does not extend further. As :
fir^te ' may he break and ' $*tft ' may he
know/ wPHT ' he broke ' ^rf^ ' he knew/
Thus the root f*r$ ends with a simple consonant, is preceded by f
a letter of tt pratyah&ra; after this root the jhaladi affix tfhr of Benedictive
in the Atmanepada is treated like fa<:; therefore there is no guna subs-
titution of the vowel of the root before this affix, fo% + *fir - Pfttffcr.
Similarly in the Aorist we have *n^T - *r + fa* + fe^ + % the sr of
Aorist being elided by VIII. 2. 26. So also f>^ + tfhr - JpJ + sftr (VIII. 2. 37)
Digitized by VjVjVjy IC
Bk. I. Ch. II. 11-13.] Affixes like ft^ # 77
This rule will not apply, if the Benedictive and Aorist affixes are
Par&smaipadi. Thus the Aorist of irsr 'to let off/ is *C + *p* + 4tiQ *T
+ *T + *T + ^ + iStH (VI - * 5 8) " *TOl + *5tVI. 77) 1. anireftv
(VII. 2. 1). Similarly from f^we have Aorist Parasmaipadi ^TO^ftj. Had the
1. 58 (sq^ is
Aorist been ftf, rule VI. the augment of the verbs g^and f^
when an beginning with SLjhal and not having an indicatory 3 follows),
affix
the forms :^pNRH' or *Hi<J)g in the Benedict!?* ; and OTPHT or CTPTCT in the
sick Aorist. These forms are thus evolved :
eX+ir^+3hr-*r J+*r+*fte' , (VI. 4- 37) - tfrefte 'may he combine/
Here the nasal \ of n^ is elided by treating the affix tfhrasftp^by Rule
VI. 4. 37. we have &HhT.
In the alternative
So in theaorist^+n^+ft^+V-^+^^+^+^(VI.4*37)-^nnr*
The f%^ being elided by VIII. 2. 27 (after a short inflective base, there is
elision of fin;, if ajA*/ follows). So when q[of *p( is elided by VI. 4. 37,
there remains only *r which is a base ending in short %?, hence, the elision of
ftn^. But in the alternative we have OTfctr*
As ^nfW, ^nyETmp; ^rr^RT are , the aorist of fsj. When a fy% or second
aorist is kit the verb loses its nasal, by Rule VI.
After the verb f*j the
4. 37.
f%^ is only kit and not the Benedictive ftqj terminations, as was the case in the
previous sutra; hence the repetition of the word sick in this sfitra. The sfitras 12,
and 13 were governed both by f^r^and ftrjp fromand after this sfitra, the govern-
ing power of f*fi ceases. The governing power of the word " Atmanepada"
in sfitra 1 1 does not however cease, and its anuvritti runs through the succeeding
sfitras though as regards this sfitra, its anuvritti is redundant, inasmuch
;
by VIII. 2. 27 and 5 by VI. 4. 37. When the verb * has any other meaning '
than 'to divulge/ then the fa^in the Atmanepada is not ibV; as^p^T qif^
he raised the foot/ So also T^Rrer yny^C 'he raised water from the
Digitized by GoOgle
Bk. I. Ch. II. i6, 18. ] Affixes like ftnj. 7f
well
9
Though here the vc&yam,
is in the transitive form, and takes aa ob-
ject after it, Atmanepadi by Rule I. 3. 75 which declares " after the
yet it is
tRt^^trh^^i fk^) 11
vnrc 11
16. The
before atmanepada affixes is kit
sick
optionally, whenjKtfw means * to espouse. 1
Thus^rnw <h^P^ or OTPT^r ^+n\\ 'he espoused the girl,' 3fPTO
1
or grrra^l HPftn ' he espoused his wife.
The word Upayamana' in the
f
sfitra means ' to accept in marriage,*
'to espouse.
when it means
9
The verb
'to espouse*
^ by preceded by the preposition
Rule L 3. 56.
T* is Atmanepadi
1
to feed' ^ change their vowels into f before the terminations
'to cut'
of the Aorist of the Atmanepada ; and those terminations are also kit* As
4<Jlfw, 'he worshipped* gHlfrnMHI^ , OTTf^rre ; rf|* 'he gave* *rf*T*
4
he fed.1
1 ejt %^n %t n u q^r %
en, %^, { fro^)
letter) ison the face of it a hit affix. This sfitra however limits its kitness to
cases where it is not sit. If it is sH i.e., has before it the intermediate f it
will not be treated like a kit affix. Thus in ff^r, %*if, the affix e*r is added
directly to the root ff ' to do ' and f ' to sacrifice/ without an intermediate
f
and therefore the root has not been gunated, the affix here being kit. But in
Digitized by VjOOQL'6
80 Affixes like fen^. [Bk. I. Ch. II. 19, 2d.
*
affix is not it*?, because there is an intermediate f before tCT and the root has
been consequently gunated.
Of course this s&tra relates to ^pr ktvd only. Other affixes though
having an intermediate \ will be treated as hit, if they have an indicatory
. Thus the affix frfT^tHI. 3. 94) by which feminine nouns are formed
from roots is a f%* affix. This affix when %*, will remain RfTjr, asf^+ifs +^
fif^Pr+TJ+^+fir (VI. 1. 16) -Rpjfiftr: (VII. 2. 37). Here there is sampra-
s&rana by treating ktin as kit. So also in yrf^rfgfir and fH*l>lPf: there is no
guna. After ir^&c, the affix Retakes the augment j\ by a Vartika under
sfitra VII. 2. 9 which see.
19. The
Nishfhft affixes are not kit after
s<*t
the verbs 61 to lie down/ svid ' to sweat/ mid ' to melt/
c
The Nishthis are kta and ktavatu (see s&tra 26, Chapter I). They
are obviously kit affixes. But in the case of the above five roots they are
not kit, and the vowels take guna Thus jjffcnr. slept, *lfa<W*, ifttft*:, S^ftff^
sk$R<i: ; nwRtwii , tf>R<nm , n^rfenrr^ snrffo, mrffo*^ &c. In all the
,
have all
The roots ferf (ftfarar ), ftf
long qqr as indicatory, as well as the syllable
( ftFur ), Rr|( fafircr) and
These roots ftr
^ ( ft^r)
therefore by Rule VII. 2. 16 are generally anie, and consequently beyond the
scope of the operation of the present sfitra. As ft^r: , ferarer% . But when
the Nishthi affixes denote 'a state or condition, bhdva/ or 'beginning of
action/ then the above four roots optionally become set. (VI I. 2. 17) It is in
that case that the present stitra is applicable to them.
gible language.'
**** GoOgfe
Bk. I. Ch. II. 21, 22. ] Affixes like ftnj. 81
rule does not apply. As ftjfotW^*! ' written by him.9 Here f is penulti-
mate ; and therefore no option is allowed.
This rule has no application where the Nish{h& does not express
f 9
either HTT ' condition or 'Impersonal action ; or VJlft4i$ 'beginning of
9
action but is used as a verbal adjective. As ?ft* gfrfard ffrfa'he
gives a shining coin (called k&rsh&pana).9 Here the word *fr* shining *
is used as adjective.
The which takes the intermediate \ and
rule applies to the Nishfh&
9
not to others as jtj^k *fnp 'the rice that has been eaten. Here no
option is allowed.
23. The
optionally kit, after
s% ktvd is
the verbs having a penultimate % and ending in %
and ^.
The sit ktvd may or may not be kit after the verbs ending in 3
x>r 3: preceded by a nasal. The result of being kit will be that nasal will
This rule does not apply to verbs that have not a penultimate ^
though they may end in t^ or q^. As^f%*3T 'having reviled ' ifrftt^l 'hav-
ing tied/ Here by rule 18, the m
tvd being non-kit, the vowels of the root
fc% and jpg have been gunated.
f
%^1 f*S\) *
24. The &6$ ktvd is optionally kit, after the
verbs va iich %
i
to cheat * lunch i
to pluck * and jit to dare i
or abhor.1
After the above three verbs, the ktvd affix being s{t% may or may not
be kit. As *f^STT or *T%^r # having cheated/ So also *rft*CT or tjfttfT
4 9
having plucked ^ffiMC or *rf5*CT 'having dared/
When the verb gj^ rfi takes the affix fn^ it is not governed by
this sfttra. See sfttra III. 1. eg. \
Digitized by LiOOQ 16 *
Bk. I. Ch. II, 25, 26] Affixes like far^. 83
When the ktvd is not sff, but anif, then there is no option allowed.
As T^+ W*T"-**Rrr
kled/ ^rT^TT or *$fk*U ' having become lean.1 By sfltra 18, the sil ktvd is
never kit. This sfttra adds another exception to that general rule.
The special mention of Kisyapa is for the sake of showing respect.
The *T is already understood in this sfltra by Anuvptti from sfttra 23.
Prat&yh&ra rati. e. f all the consonants except ny and %v): Verbs having
any single consonant except ^[ y or ^ v.
their final letter
The sfttra means, those verbs which have a *5 letter in the end, a
f^in the beginning, and an {, f or ?, ?? in their penultimate, may optionally
treat the affixes ktvd and san as ft^.
Digitized by
T^
VjOOQLC
84 Short, long" and prolated vowels* Bk. I. Ch. II. 27,38.
Thus *g^ 'to shine/ makes **ff?T*TT or iftffcCT 'having shone/ ftnj
f
to write' makes fofcOTT or $1%?*T.
Similarly in mji affix we have f*rfrftraf<r or fc*rfcraft ' he wishes to
write' fo*/fcfS or ffeftffoft ' he wishes to shine.'
The rule does not apply if the verb ends in a letter other than rsj.
As f$\ + ^p $f%**r; its desiderative will be fttftift. No option is allowed
here.
_
Similarly there is no option when the penultimate vowel is not f or
^ As j^ + ^gpT *ffor. Des. ftifdMtt
. .
The rule also does not apply if the verb does not begin with a con-
sonant As irfas^T and ^pvfiraft. There is no option allowed here.
The rule does not apply if the ^T and *n{ are a ntf. As *^T, J**nt
. In these 26 sfitras the description of affixes which are treated like (%^
and fo^ is comprised.
?f^tt 11
3TOJ
vw 0 spir:
II ^6 || mpfa 3*S *:
||
&
'
long' or ' prolated' arc taught by using the words hrasva, dirgha pr pluta,
they must be understood to apply to vowels. As will be found in the sfltra
I. 2. 47. l "there is the substitution oiharsva or short in the neuter gender
of the crude-form." The word ' vowel' must be inserted in this sutra' to com-
plete the sense. That is : the hrasva is substituted for the final vowel of
the crude-form.. As t" srfeHr, Hi ^TT%5, *ff W$ ,
The substitution must take the place of vowel and not consonant.
As g*H l$JUJ<JyH*l
Similarly sCitra VII. 4. 25 teaches "There is the substitution of
dirgha or ' long vowel ' before all affixes beginning with the letter ^, except krit
and S&rvadh&tuka affixes." Here also the word * vowel ' must be read into the
sutra,' which will. then be ".of an inflective base ending in a vowel, the long
*JI% II See I. 1. 4.
^fj^nn 11 ^ 11 tr^rf^r n *f : g^iw , , ( on* ) *
ff^r: is ir*Uifiiifi 4i4i^ sr 431*4 <j*i) >ref?ri
3 *
--
86 ANUDATTA DEFINED. [ Bl{. I. O*. II. f 36,3!,
in writing. The word vowel' ' of the previous s&tra is understood in this t
also. These accents are the qualities of letters, and are well known in the sacred
and profane literature. The vowel which is perceived as having a high
tone is called ud&tta. This tone depends upon the organ from which the
vowel is pronounced. In the various organs, such as the throat, palate &c. f
if a vowel pronounced from a higher part of that organ, it is called udatta*
is
The vowel in the pronouncing of which there is the restraining and checking
of the bodily parts, and in which there is dryness and toughness of tone, .
here a| has the grave accent The vowel accent known as grave of
anudatta is pronounced by lowering the voice. In writing, the anudatta is
marked by a line underneath the vowel. The vowel which is uttered from
the lower portions of its special place of pronunciation gets the grave
accent.
This word is used in sfitra III. 1. 4. "The case terminations called
Digitized by LiOOQ 16 .
Bk. I. CH. II. 34, 33.) The Svarita defined. 87
m 1
1 1
li 1 1
. 1
1 1 1 n
tant of the combination of two vowels, an uditta vowel with an anud&tta voweL
It means the accent midway between the two well-known qualities of letters^
grave. The present sutra clears up the difficulty, by declaring that in svarita,
the first half is accute and the other grave.
The phrase ardhahrasva is used to indicate half the measure, of
a short vowel. Thus if a short vowel is svarita, its mitri being one, half
will be uddtta and the other half anudatta. If a long vowel, whose mitris
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
*
88 Ekasruti defined. [ Bk. I. Ch. II. 4 34, 35;
'.
If the person is not addressed from a distance, then the word
will get its proper accent. As Hjm*^ nt 1UU44i' ^PPT 'come, O boy.
Devadatta.'
the mantras must have their proper accent, and there will be no Ekasruti.
In the s&ma chanting, the mantras should have their accent, there can
be no Ekasruti there. As ^\ f^npr *WTTO *?T* Here ti^re is no Ekasruti.
^fhcTtf -m qMd4>l< : II
^H II V \\\k II ^ffcc^T^ , *t 9
tone. The word VT^ in the sutra signifies *fta^. But why was not
the word 4Wl. used in the text,, it could have been used with .as mucji
ease as*q*? To this natural query, the only answer is, ftf^FIT: ft *Jjre*
reading the Mantra portion of the Veda, every word must be pronounced
with its proper accent : but in the Brahraana portion of the Veda there might
be Ekasruti ; while some say there must be Ekasruti necessarily and not
optionally in the recitation of the Brahmanas.
. Thus :*rffctfr^ .3*lT$f or simply srffcp&?C jnffc*. " I praise Agni
the purohita."
The word u optionally " of the last could easily have
*r sfitra
been read into this sfttra by the rule of anuvritti; why then use the word
f%HRr "optional" again? To this we reply, this apparently redundant repe-
sake of indicating that the anuvritti of the word jd^flif,
tition is for the
which was understood in the last stitra, does not extend to this. Had we
taken the anuvritti of qr, the other word also would have been attracted
hence the separate use of the word PoTTST
by the addition of the affix ^to the.wordtpigr3 , and this * will get svarita
Digitized by VjDOQ
~
00 SUBRAHMANYA HYMNS. { Bk - I; CH.il/ $ 3$,3^
and Brahm&nas.' Here .the word far gets ud&tta accent on the first ..
syllable by rule VI. 1. 198. l (in the vocative the accent is on the
beginning): q? vd has originally an an uditta accent which by rule
replaced by ekairuti. All the vowels of the words i^$r *rg% &o, had anuddtta
accent by rule VHI. 1. 19 (all vocatives get anuddtta if standing in the
middle of a sentence and not beginning a stanza.)
The word " sanhita" has been used in the sutra to show .that when
there is a hiatus between the words then there is no change of anuddtta into.
ekaruti. The word sanhitd will be defined in sutra I. 4. 109 *
to* , srg^irem )
wz*K*. , ( 11
uddtta or a svarita, it does not become Ekaruti but becomes sannatara i^*
lower than anuddtta.
The sannatara is therefore that accent which was originally auu-
datta, and which is preceded by a svarita and is followed by an uddtta or a
svarita.
This is one explanation of the sutra. There is another explanation
which does not take the anuvptti of Ekaruti in this sutra. The anuddtta ie
replaced by sannatara when such anuddtta immediately precedes an ud4tta
or a svarita. The sannatara is also called anuddtta. As^n *fgw. uffiHMifo II :
Here the word mice, is anuddtta. The word *JH*: has uddtta on the
4
last syllable by VI. 1. 171. In the phrase ifam: (*rnTT: + *pr:>The syllable ft
is anuddtta, because anuddtta + anuddtta - anuddtta. This anuddtta *jf,
preceding the uddtta T- is changed into sannatara.
9
rare: ,11
Digitized by VjOOQLC
OS .- Karmadharaya defined. "
[ Bk. I. Ch. II. 4*:
of only one letter of the alphabet. Thus the affix f / in *r4frft<rts a one
lettered suffix and is an Aprikta. Similarly the affix fej kvin is an Aprikta,
because the letters gr, f, and g^are merely indicatory, the real affix is ^r.
This % v being a single letter, and therefore an Aprikta^ when added to a
base, is elided by rule VI. I. 67 * (the Aprikta \y
Thustprep + is elided).
(III. 2. 62). An affix which consists of more than one letter is not an
Aprikta. As ?tff a ladle formed by the Unidi affix ft* (^f^f ftr^ ).
:
' ''
%*tmiRw>c&k , **>4^iw , n
i
Bk. I. Ch. II. 43, 44.] Upasarjana defined. 93
uditta on the first syllable by the rule already mentioned (VI. 2. 130J.
4 Digitized by VjOOQIC
'
94 Pratipadika defined. ; [ Bk. I. Ch. II. 45;
Thus the prepositions fit: &c, when meaning across &c., are com-
pounded with another word in the ablative case. Though the first word may
have any one of the several case terminations, the second member must
always be in the fifth (ablative) case, when analytically stated. Ex fti4*l~4:
+ *hU *m r - fWhcrrffci: fa**rn*r + rfku*if - fWNrrf*^ ftuhi*<N +
. ,
If the word, when analytically stated, does not retain the one and the
same case, it will not be called upasarjana, as the word ^H\(\ in the compound
iM^Hld, '
n*n + aprrtf
the king's daughter,' because - <l*t$Hlfl n*n +
;
undifferentiated ore called the dh&tu or root It is that part of a word which is
capable of receiving the case-terminations.
The word ^rf" means having With the exception of
signification.
verbal roots and affixes, a word-form having a significance or meaning is called
* * ^ Digitized by V^OOgle
BK. 1. CH. II. 46. ] PRATIPAD1KA DEFINEd. . 95
a pratipadika, as &&Z: ' a wooden elephant/ qrffcf: ' the wocH-apple tree,' apT*
' a bowl/ <ft* * a seat*.
Why
do we say "significant"? Of course it must have some meaning,
thus of the word ^PT, we cannot say that the portion *^ is pr&tipadika ; as it
has no meaning, and had it been a pr&tipadika, the final ^ would have been
l a pratipadika dropped).
dropped by Rule VIII. 2. 7 (the final ^ of is
The word must not be a verb, as the word *rf^ (the third person
sing, number, Imperfect tense of f^); he killed. Had it been a pr&tipadika,
the ^ would have been dropped.
9
The word must not be an affix or ending in an affix :
as 35*% * in the
bowl. Here the word ends in the affix X of the locative case, and is conse-
quently not a * pr&tipadika ' or crude form, but a complete word. Had it been a
pratipadika, the 1 would have been shortened into f by rule 47 succeeding.
A nip&ta or particle though not a significant form of a word, yet gets
the designation of pr&tipadika in the opinion of the author of the Mah&-
bhishya. As syuiHl^ l fr, H<d**i<l .
Taddhita (IV. 8
1. 76). Thus^PT jana, man, is derived from the root *f^ jam
by the krit suffix ST; but spffrf janfna, appropriate for man, is derived from
3FT jana by the Taddhita affix fn tna. The name pr&tipadika would apply
both to 9CT jana and spfbr /aia, as nominal bases ready to receive the termi-
nations of declension" (Max Muller).
Of the compounds, of which there are six varieties, we had occasion to
refer to five already viz., Tat-purusha, Karmadh&raya, Dvandva, Bahuvrihi and
AvyaytbhAva. They will be fully dealt with in their proper places. J>'
In the last sutra, the words " not ending in an affix " were too exten- \ ^*
M
The words formed by krit affixes are pr&tipadika a$, f? (to do)-*-*^-
fT + J^^KTT+^pK'-^iTT^K'. The affix vjsj is a krit affix, and it is added
to the root to form agent by Rule III. 1. 133. l The letters^ and * are indi-
catory, the force of ^ being to cause the vriddhi of the vowel of the root.
The real affix J is changed into 5H? by (VII. 1. 1 the affixes ^ and j are
replaced by *Ff and *[zr respectively}, thus the form is a pr&tipadika, *H*
and is capable of declension by receiving case terminations, as, *ttK'<t,: ||
^^=^r Pfr+^r aB ^TPTT 'the son of the Rishi Upagu': nom. case ^ftlJjqr,
T
similarly TKTTZT-
(*) ^C^hl f
( ) jtamftii
But this
Digitized by V^iOOgle
is not
BK. I. CH. II. $ 48, 49. ] A RULE OF LUK-ELISIOtf. 97
( mfef^rf^B^i ) n
j
it has the svarita accent The word upasarjana qualifies both these words,
t. e. when ifr is an upasarjana and when a word having a feminine termina-
tion is an upasarjana.
Other examples are: ^rnr + ^rjf-^rRn3j: ' without a bed stead
f
the word aprrffr, which latter is therefore not shortened. The word must be
a derivative word formed by the addition of an affix which makes it femi- %
nine. Thus the words 5T^fr, ^ft &c. are feminine originally, and are not de-
rived from the masculine nouns, by the addition of any feminine affix. There-
fore we have *fft?4^4|: 'surpassing Lakshmi in beauty *rftMfc II 9
Vart :
In Bahuvrihi compounds, exception must be made of femi-
nine nouns ending in the affix t*r^h as sr^M^f, ftfJHH^mJ | l*
^tra^TOi ) n
?f^r: 11 ^f^r^f5i *f*r sfbro^OT ssrcnfo^ 5**nfa ||
Digitized by LiOOQ LC
98 A RULE OF LUK-ELISIOX. [ BK. I, CH. II. $ 49.
suffix of the pr&tipadika is also dropped, or becomes luk. Thus there are
certain Taddhita suffixes by which patronymics are formed (one of them
being ^73) from other nouns. Before this sr% the initial vowel of .the word is
vriddhied and the final is gunated. Thus flnjf 'ocean'; forms Rfj + ^T^"
%^r+sr=%^H' born in ocean or oceanic.' But there are certain words e. g.
'
*
MpTST, y^ mift &c. which are all feminine gender (see sfitra IV. 3. 34)
after which the patronymic suffix is totally elided, without leaving any trace
of its action, by using the word luk. Thus *n%BT + (*T;raps) = WI^S": il Here
then the present sutra finds its scope. The Taddhita suffix being luked; the
original feminine termination *jt also becomes luk. Therefore the patrony-
mic derivative of %rf^T5T (is not a longer word, as might have been expected)
but actually a shorter word, namely ^rf^f: similarly from <ti<^Jjft we have
;
^p*pT: &c.
Thus there is a feminine suffix called sft[ (actually f- ) and certain
words like f*x &c, (IV. 1.49) f take an additional suffix called *JTJ^ (actually
*TPr). Thus the feminine off** will be f?ff + ^TJ^+^hC. " T*X + *n% . +
t".
* f^ftruft. Now in forming Dvigu compound (Numeral Determinative
compound), the Taddhita suffixes are dropped. Thus Hi^^M: * an offering
(purodash) made in a dish with five compartments/ In this compound. the
Taddhita suffix *r<^ is dropped. Otherwise the form would have been <*Hl<ri: f|
Similarly when the word ysgpgft forms a Dvigu compound, the Taddhita suffixes
are dropped. But not only that, even the original radical affixes are also
dropped by force of the present sutra. Thus <pbn which means the cake
sacred to the five goddesses (HUUft- Here the full form was ^hf + f^TOft +
^r . (The suffix *r^ has the force of " sacred to God." Thus f*X + *TJ
np sacred to God Indra). In the above expression, first the Taddhita-suffix
W? is lukedby rule contained in sutra IV. 1. 88 relating to Dvigu compounds
we have then remaining sfa + f^c mfl In this stage, the present sutra
comes into force and declares that where a Taddhita suffix has been luked,
the final feminine suffixes of the upasarjana pr&tipadika are also luked.
Therefore, the feminine suffixes 3n33 and ^9
are also dropped, and we
have vfazf: which means " cake sacred to the five Indr&nis (goddesses)."
v Digitized by VjOOQ 16
BK. I. CH. II. 50,51.] A RULE OF LUK-ELISION. "99
The words ^ft and upasarjana of the last sfitra are understood in this.
By the last sfitra, a word ending in a feminine affix was told to be shortened
when it was an upasarjana this ; sfitra teaches the total suppression of such
an affix in special cases. To take another example: Thus Rule IV. 3. 163
declares q?5Trj3r " luk takes the place of an affix signifying modification or
productwhen fruit is meant." Thus *njis an affix which means modification.
Thus ift + *n{ = *r*3PT cow's milk or the product of cow/ This affix is sup-
*
.
pressed when applied to a tree, in the sense of the fruit of the tree. Thus
the fruit of the tree qrragraft will be called %jw*t3i i.e., first the Taddhita affix
is luked, and then the feminine affix is also dropped. Similarly fruits of
Vfft or qr^ft trees, are ^t or *TF*t.
This rule only applies when a Taddhita affix is elided ; and not so
when any other affix is luked. Thus * \ \*M\ : + ^fr nnff*^ '
the family
of G&rgt/ Here in forming the sam&sa, .the case affix of the word g&rgt is
1
luked by II. 4 71 . But this suppression of the genitive termination does
not necessitate the elision of the feminine affix $ of gArgl.
This rule would also not apply if there is no elision by luk of a Tad-
dhita affix, as in *TPffepg *
Nor will the rule apply when the word is not an upasarjana. As
ff, compound
as in the T^PTTftn purchased for five gonis. Here the Taddhita
'
9
suffix which conveys the meaning of " purchased for/' has been rejected
also required rejection. But this sfitra intervenes and changes the long ^
into short f.
This sfitra is divided into two separate rules by the process called
yoga-vibhiga. Thus *?^is made one sfitra by itself, and then it means, when
there is a suppression of Taddhita affix by 5^, then the long | is replaced by
short f Thus purchased with five needles -tprr%: $*ftPr. *ft*n -T^Pr, TO^fa:
.
l
( ) ^tjrjmf^fi^:!! (*) ^*^ftifr^rai^ii
Digitized by VjOOQLC
* IjAjl^L** a/(fk'
o>^*J ^J^u<~J- urns. >v^(t d t^cL ZxfatJ,-
The direct action of both words is the rejection of the suffix ; but a derivative
formed by luk rejection may not retain the number and gender of the original
word ; while a derivative formed by lup rejection does retain the number and
gender of the original word.
Thus in the secondary derivative word ftrcfar: meaning * a village not
far away from fqrffa trees'; the masculine gender and plural number of the
original word has been retained, though made applicable to a village, which
is in the singular number and neuter gender; similarly the word v^fRTP is
This rule does not apply when the affix is suppressed by the word
. jyar &c. and not g^. Thus gPTOT *Jjn salted soap* STTORraT*: 'salted gruel/
: '
the word ftiflm : means village, and not trees. Had it meant trees called
girisha, then the H of *5f would have become t!j optionally by Rule VIII.
4- 6. ( ftajmqfa q^Tfiw the H of the word ^r is
II optionally changed into n |
*
when preceded by words signifying annual herbs and trees).
Vart : In the case of the words Haritaki &c. the gender only is
retained and not the number. As ^flraw^ qgllPr ' the fruits of Haritaki.' Here
<K*T is neuter in form, while ^fltuft is feminine.
Vart : The words i^ftcfc &c. retain their number only but not gen-
der, as <^fcjch%HIH 'mountain forests i. e. forests in the vicinity of mountains.9
Here *35TnfcT is singular and <Mlft plural, but the gender of both is the same
viz. neuter.
jdti).
Hwr: ililitai: *gTO, H^fU qw: ^Sm^^f the pleasant Panc hjtLAs having :
'
^J
plenty of food, plenty of milk and butter.' Here the adjective rroffax* pleasant
^\
****t '
&c, agrees in number and gender with the Panch&l&h; being also in masculine
plural. But when such a derivative is used as a jlti word then the Vv*']
adjective does not agree in number and gender, as 4^11*41: imTi *it$t Wit.
Here 3PH1 though qualifying Pafichala does not agree with it in number
and gender, as it is a noun of class. All attributes of such words formed
by the lup of Taddhita agree with their substantives in number and gender:
provided that such an attribute is not a common noun used as an ad-
jective. Similarly adjectives which do not directly qualify such Taddhita-
"
1
words TVifa: and ^JiT: qualify directly the word SRqj: and indirectly '
the word PanchtU&s, and therefore do not agree with the latter.
5
Digitized by Google
102 v LUP-ELISION NOT. APPROVED,. [ Bk.; I. CH. II; $
53v
is analysed by. hira as n and -*JMI^ :, the sense being *!and as. far, as the.
jati goes." The word jAti is thus explained :
m
.^T whl^l
The following examples will illustrate the meaning of the above de-
finition:(i) HZ is ajAti word because it denotes what is distinguishable
by its form, i. e. by
being contiguous to a place covered with water, (2)
its
M*U*W*THj U
Digitized by Google
V "LUP.ELISION NOT APPROVED. 10S
BK. I. CH. It 53. 54- ]
or idiom: and no hard and fast rule can be laid down for it. Thus the word
CTCT: 'wife' has the form of masculine plural, but is always applied to females,
similarly ^jr?: 'water' is always feminine plural in form, so also *JfT 7^h
faehdr t- This sutra, therefore, modifies the former sutras, and leaves the
whole question of syntactic agreement to be decided by usage and idiom.
derivativewords formed by the lup elision of Taddhita ; but they must be taken
as proper nouns and appellatives of certain countries ; consequently the
gender and number of such words are fixed by the nature of such words and
not by any rule of grammar.
^msrr ?fir 11
occasion for the application of the Taddhita affixes given in IV. 2. 69 and 70
(WT f^rrcr:,STgrW^), relating to residence and vicinity; much less of rules
relating to Mup' elision contained in IV. 2 81 and 82 ( SFntsyj, ^T^lTf^TW).
It has already been said that words like <raT5RP &c. are not deriva-
tive words, &c. but are appellatives. If these words be taken as proving
Panchalis. But we know, as a matter of fact, these words are now used
who once inhabited the
without any reference to the people countries." These
words are consequently not derivative, but their sense is determined by
usage. They are what may be called ^f3r words.
Bk. I. Ch. II. 56, 57. ] Kala and Upasarjana. 105
word are not to be searched either in the affixes which go to form it ; or by its '
And a rule
fixing the meaning of Tense
57.
(kala) and Upasarjana iseqnence) is equally (unnecessary,
and need not be taught).
Here PAnini controverts the opinion of those grammarians who
would even define time and sequence. Thus there were authors who de-
fined pluperfect asa tense relating to time hundred years past, others said
a thousand years past &c. PAnini declares that these are redundant
definitions and reprehensible, for the same reason as given in the previous.
Digitized by VjOOQiC
"106 Singular denotes THfi plural. Bk. Ch. II.
[ I.
58.
is needless to be taught.
Why was not this sutra included in the last ? What is the necessity of
making a separate rule of this ? The answer is that it is an illustrative sutra,
and does not exhaust the subject There are other rules made by former
sages which are also not taught by PAnini. Thus the following rules of
old Rishis are not taught herein, they being supposed to be well-known.
"A Bahuvrihi compound connotes ownership." " In Dvanda compounds the
'sense of both the members of a compound are principal" " In AvyayibhAva
compounds the sense of the prior word is the principal " &c.
5ngnwmfr^T^gg^ wM^d<^i*iN ii
H* u *mfa
and will naturally take the singular number by the present sutra such words
;
may take the plural number also. In such nouns of class, the plural number has
also the force of the singular. The anuvfitti of aishyam does not go further.
Bk. I. Ch. II. $ 58-60, ] Dual may denote plural. 107-
It follows from this that adjectives which are. not themselves common
noun, such as &c. f agree with the noun and will also get the. plural
*rqrsr:
number. Thus writifV. or wmt *nrn ; " Full grown barley " <cfa*T KTtmn
j^^Jhr: or ^T^Hr m&tur. **?$m: 11
W hy have we used word jati in this sutra? For this aphorism.
the
does not apply to Proper Nouns. Thus 444-4: Devadatta, 4{J{<h: Yajfiadatta.
%
Why have we used the word Hjimuwi ? A word may be a class noun or jati,
but it may not be the appellation of a class. Thus the statue of kayapa may.
also be called kayapa ; this is a class noun, but as it is not the appellation
f*j|444f or name of a class, such words cannot take the plural form and still-
.59.
The plural of the pronoun asmad, If is l
*li TF'ff frtW I GArgya am saying.* Here we cannot use the plural.
'
Vart: The word g^ master' may have plural form though referring
'
to one person, when following the word *[If as *t 5f *j^: or ^jf % ipcr^ Thou
;
l
sron* ) n
There is one star called Tishya ; and there are two stars called j
two stars, it ought to have been in the plural number. This rule teaches *
that there should be a dual number, where otherwise there would have been |
sutras and the context show that stars were being treated of. The repetition
is for the sake of including the synonyms of Tishya and Punarvasu. As
h^Sh^t; 3*^5^%^, R^X^U*
The rule only applies when these words form a Dvandva compound,
and not when they are compounded in any other way. Thus ftiq<ji5444: is
an example of Bahuvrihi compound meaning " persons who confound the
Tishya with the Punarvasu."
The rule only applies to the plural Dvandva. If the Dvandva takes
the singular termination, this rule has no application. As Rr^rynf^f *Trfl%.
This sutra indicates by implication (jn&paka) that ''every Dvandva
compound may optionally take the terminations of the singular 19 for otherwise
the employment of the term q$qHHtq in the sutra would be superfluous.
The word always has been used in the text to show that the
' '
governing power of " option " stops here with this sutra and does not extend
to it or any further.
word therefore could not express many things; to prevent the repetition of
6
110 Ekasesha.' [ Bk. L Ch. II. 65."
* . ,
at
the same word to express many objects of similar form, is the purpose of this
sutra, by which one word is only retained.
This applies only to words having the same form and not if they
have different forms ; as JRT ?^nfhn: the plaksha and nyagrodha trees.
The word " form " is used in the text to show that even if two words
have different meanings, but the same form, the rule of Ekaesha will apply,
as *r?tt (die) + SRT: (eye) + *rer: (axle) =*nTT: Similaiy *(F[f: and HfTC .
The present rule only applies to the retention of one, and prevents
the retention of two or more.
The word ^r (retention) is used to show that there is not a
substitution (Adesa) of one for many, but the retention of one out of many.
The rule will not apply if the two -words are in different case-termi-
nations, though they may have the same form. As <np(i. s.) q% (2. s.)
while a yuvan word is derived from such last mentioned gotra word by
another affix and thus represents persons lower than grandsons,
g[g
Bk. I. Ch. II. 66. ] Ekasesha. Ill
'dissimilarity of form.'
Thus *i mJ: + irrrqfcffTr :
Here the first word denotes a clan
irrnjf.
" GArgyau " means both the old and the new clan. Similary *fTC*n + qKWKM?
This EkaSesha is to be done only in those cases, where the two words
have the same radical form, the only difference between them being in their
derivative formation.
The words must differ only by their affixes, but their radical element
must be the same. The rule therefore does not apply to : irp^: (a Vriddha
word(-MicHUH (a yuvan word)ti4||'2|1l4t4l4H)
; ll
This rule of ekasesha does not apply if one of the words be not a
Vriddha word. Thus Tpj-: + JIH^HUJ: - *T ?HII*JHuft II
Similarly vice versa *TT^: + *P h 'Trf 3ppff Here the one word
!
a
I is
The word " only " is used in the sfitra in an exclusive sense,* #tbe
force being, that two words may stand in the relation of Vriddha and yuvan,
their radical element, 1. e. form may be the same but ; if the secondary word
has another sense over and above the sense of a yuvan affix, this rule is not
applicable. Thus Rule IV. 1. 148 8 says a " Vriddhi word may optionally take
the affix 33J to' form a yuvan word and to indicate contempt and born in the
country of Sauvira." Thus H Wfa fiT: + Wlftft*: - HHTft fiWMlfliq*V
Here the second word, though a yuvan word, connotes the additional sense
of contempt and degradation. The affix sa is not merely a yuvan affix but
conveys the other sense also. The pure yuvan word being HPTftw^PT
N. B. The system of domestic economy among the ancient Aryas wns considerably differ-
ent from the prevalent one. The surnames or the gotras represented the patriarchal system. Three
forms of surnames are constantly met with in ancient literature. The first was most important : It
ws the patronymic by which the lord of the united family the patriarch was known. For example,
Garga or Gnrgacharya was the recognised head of all the Gargas who may be a hundred. His eldest
son and heir wns called Gargi. This is the first form of the patronymic (apatya). The grandsons or
sons of Girgi were named Gargyas (Vriddham or Gotra). On the decease of the old patriarch,
Gargi began to be called Garga ; and the eldest of the grandsons was called Gftrgi ; and those
great grand-sons who belonged to the family, and were designated Gargiyanas (yuvan) were now
ci lied Gargyas."
Vart The word strixn the sutra means VfiddhA stri, that is the eldest
previous sutra govern this sutra also t. e. the distinction between the two
words must be in their formative element and not in any thing else.
65, does not extend to this sutra, but the remaining portion of sutra 65 is to
be read into this sutra. When a masculine word is read along with a femi-
nine word, the feminine word is dropped and the masculine is retained,
when the difference between the two words is caused only by the feminine
and masculine affixes: as JTTSTO: + W^ft = OT^nift 'tlie Brihmana and the^
\
Bk. I. Ch. II. 68, 69. ] Ekasesha. 113
feminine signification, has the further signification given to it by Rule IV, 1. 48,
" "
j qmisHs^mi-M meaning the wife of a ganaka and not a feminine ganaka
so also ^srv T^CTUft ^-Vftl u *li II Similarly ^n^: + ^rnJr-^rr4J but SErr*: +
-*il4iuft ^rnfr^P7 ^. Because the feminine affix in aryani conveys more
than its feminine signification. See Rule IV. 1. 49.
This rule does not, of course, apply when
not a masculine noun
it is
Digitized by VjOOQLC
114 _. Ekasesha. [ Bk. I. Ch. 70, 71.
,,
"
11 1
*
lust, and sleep, indulged in, increase.' Here the adjective ' sevyamAnam ' is
in the neuter gender, though it qualifies the words * Alasya ' which is in the
masculine ; ' maithunam ' which is in the neuter, and f nidrA ' which is in
the feminine gender. The rule, therefore, may be stated in these words, that
where one adjective qualifies several nouns, in different genders, but one
of which must be neuter, the adjective agrees with the neuter.
The above illustration also shows that the neuter ekaSesha may be in
the singular number.
If the neuter is compounded with another neuter, this rule does not
WW^) II
fw* (5fa: ) H
^1^3 , ^ , ( fr?: )
the feminine noun is preferred provided that the words should not
; relate to
the young of such animals. The word 'ataruna' in the aphorism qualifies
the word pasu with which it is in construction, and not the word
' * ' sangha.'
As nr* r*T: ' these cows (and bulls).' *pir $Hn ' these goats' (both males and
females).
The (gr&mya) animals and not to
rule only applies to domestic
toild animals and only to beasts (pasu) and not men. As ct? f%, these
; '
wild deers' (male and female), $^rr f^r, these antelopes (male and female),
'
'
Here the masculine noun is retained, because horse has no divided hoof.
Why have we used the word (sangha) " collection " ? Observe ^^
*n4V ^C<n, '
these two cows are grazing.' Here the word ' g&vau does not '
connote bull
'
' also.
^*tr f% '
these kids. Here the masculine noun is retained, by the applica-
tion of Rule 67.
c$'^
*H1
BOOK I.
Chapter III.
Panini's explicitly asserting that it is so, or from our finding that he treats it
-
it need not be jw as the affix *rf%* in sfitra III. 2. 74. ( srrtft yft%gft*r qft<*V )
It is only the nasal vowel of an upadeSa that becomes and not all the ^ ,
words.
%f*: 1
1
<nfa smmiTft^>rRrf f%H^ v^sirit) *wfr writ *nKrrptf qftft?
smrcii
4. The final dental consonants, and the final
e and
, n, are not ^, in affixes called vibhakti or inflective
affixes.
Digitized by VjOOQtC
Bk. I. Ch. III. 5.3 Indicatory letters. 119
are not f^ m Thus the case termination of nominative plural is 5f^. Here the
final H , though a consonant not an f^; and is not rejected, as in MIIUUI: II
is
The word 3 in the sfitra means the letters of the class *, by virtue of sfitra 69
Chapter I. The word vibhakti will be defined later on in sfitra
(see ante).
I. 4. 104. These are terminations applied to nouns in declining them through
various cases and to verbs in conjugating them. Thus in sfitra VII. I. f 2,
;
'4tef*l*4llf'Hl*b4i:) the vibhaktis f*[, *inj and *^r replace 2T, vfa and 3^. Here
the final f of the affix W*[ is not indicatory and hence not rejected, as f^TIW
Similarly verbal terminations ^
and *j^ as <p*PT: f T^T II So also the final
H as trnj and ?PJ in *ttoipt and ^TT^T^ II
This exception applies only to vibhaktis and not to affixes in generaL
Thus the finals of
(III. 1. 78 F^TTf^^Wl) are
^
(III. 1. 97 *p^T*;) 3 (V. 2. 123 3TCjfar 3^) and mr
^
and are rejected. This exception, however
does not apply to the vibhakti pj (in V. 3. 12 ftftJTJ^ or III. 4. 106, ^4^)- I*
The fif shows tha't the past participle has the power of the present ^
III. 2. 187 (Tfhf: **:). As pflxrfl qp^r: 'blown ;
filflfarft*p fat'; fiT|*r^: '
*jtf to form a noun indicative of the act (III. 3. 89 f|tftj^*); as 5%^ **!p
1
shaking ' J^frft^- TTERf: swelling.*
;
'
9
"by which the substantive thing has been produced, as kii **ft^ ' artificial
3*^V"*flPfl[
If
'
these three
"P* '
m^J^R^do
syllables
'
sown.'
not stand in the beginning of a verb,
they are not indicatory ; es rrjrf^, gfp^rft &c.
*c and are rejected when initial in affixes. The word 'affix of the previous '
an affix is ^
as in t^ which comes after the words *rf*T3* &c. As 4llf*>444:
(IV. 3. 92 \lfi^^R4i^ :) The indicator)' *r causes vriddhi by rules VII. 2. 115,
116 and 117: (^^^PhPr, *I*imnn :, *l^M *l |lftO ,
with a word in the locative, as 3TODT: , H*|i*f . The V indicates that the
:
final of the word called fi should be elided when an affix having indicatory
d is added. The initial 5 of an affix is replaced by ^r (VII. 1. 2)-
*"% 1*0
\fa qfltmfijfW
11 i q<m*H3ift<D *4mm w^rr *rcrt *irf %*&& to?
i 11
^+^rSL+fir X s=
^ +M+f?r=s Wfit 'he
,
ffcmf W- *&% the word q% takes the affix khach when compounded with f*m
and qsr) ft?rc?: speaking kindly ^TO submissive. The initial *j is f^as
' ' '
9
tion of the ablative sing.) yj? ditto of genitive sing. (IV. 1 2), as *pFTH+
3 5=g re5+*r3
r , as
3 Fre:'of
, a well minded/ In Taddhita affixes however,
5*^ and gutturals are not fj; and are therefore not elided.
these initials
Thus *rjr+i*^*prrar: (V. 2. 96 wfiUwNHft ^ni^mrwr^) 'crested'; ?frr+*
122 A RULE OF ASSIGNMENT. [ Bk. I. CH. III. 9, IO.
enumeration to the first word, the second affix to the second word &c.
As *H|*r:, UfoUgOq: , fJ^fcj: and 5ifoCTc: lf
Why do we say ' of equal members ? ' This rule will not
apply if the number of substitutes and of things for which these are
to be substituted are unequal. As in sfitra I. 4. 90 ^rdfq^n^TPPimfNrr
9ft q&PT for here the words lakshana &c in the first part <
Bk. I. Ch. III. II, 12.] Atmanepada verbs. 1S3
the are four in number, while the words prati &c. are only three. That
sfitra
sfitra therefore must be read as thus, " The words qfir, qft and *rf are karma-
11. a word is
In these aphorisms, when
marked with a svarita accent, by that an adhik&ra or a
governing rule is to be understood.
When in this collection of grammatical sfitras, there is any sutra
that has a circumflex accent, it denotes that it is either the beginning of a
subject and the subsequent sfitras are governed by it, or that it ends a sub*
jectand separates the previous sfitras from the following.
As a rule, the sfitras are not marked with accents ; it is therefore
from commentaries that one has to learn whether a sfitra has a svarita or
not. Thus the following sfitras, must evidently have svarita as they are go-
verning sfitras; qnra: (III. I I.) ^rat: (III. I. 91), Mlfr
'
^llcHrlM^*! II
have come, therefore, generally after all these verbs. The present sfitra res-
1
the load is carried.'
All verbs in Sanskrit may have three voices vis. active, passive, and
middle or impersonal ; active voice is generally parasmaipada. The reflexive
verbs known as SP^Sft- are also atmanepadi. Thus f&fil <*?$K: STO^* ' the
wood cuts of itself.' See sfitra 78.
fl^ ( snw**^)
( ^RH^^^^^fgrfir ) ii
^ifSehflL 11 *<KiifWta 11
force of the last sfitra Atmanepada affixes would have been obtained. As
**lfn*7ufN '
they go against each other/ sqfdnfcfcr ' they injure each other/
iq fo 'd fof * they fight together/
The word c not ' of this sfitra is understood in the subsequent sfitra.
'
they cut one another.'
Vart. This rule must also be applied when the word <u'fH is in com*
position with the verb, as an upapada. As H*3U*J wif^npfl ,
-Here the f% is a part of the wcrd and has no sense by itself, and there*
ijgfir
{ vno ) 11
The root ifl" to buy as a general rule takes the terminations of both
' '
buys/
The word pari, vi, and ava must be upasargas, therefore, in the follow*
ing example, there is no Atmanepada termination, because the vi there, is not
a preposition but a noun, as, gff%5?Mrf5 ^pt^. i
^I-faf^, ( wo ) 11
qiRfn^ f
i *m*iftt$r i'KWHftraT3ft *?f?t$>St <Mit*i: 11
Vart: The prohibition also applies when the action is similar to
the act of opening the mouth. As ftmR<hf wrr^lftr '
he opens the tumour/
aJ* g*r H<jlfi *rft ' the river breaks the bank.'
Vart 1 When the action does not affect the agents' own body the
verb is itmanepadi, as ^W^ft-ilf^C <Jttat< 5?3d 1 ' the ants P en the
mouth of a locust.'
^rf^^r* 11 ftr^rftr^rraRrr^ 11
TiftNr^ 11 ^nftrPnrnr: 11
qif?!*^ f
i $T%*nrcfT^BMfr 11
Digitized by VjOOQLC
128 The Atmanepada verbs. [Bk. I. Ch. III. 31-22.
Vart. The verb hjit^ takes the Atmanepada terminations when mean-
ing 'to wait for\ '
to over look' 'to have patience' as, sjnpnrw *K* *m^
' Have patience with the boy.'
resemble their father.' m<t< TTPfr*H^<-3 'the cows always imitate their
mother.' But when not having this meaning, we have HM^iftj he resembles '
his mother.'
Digitized by G00gle
Bk. I. Ch. JIL 23-25. ] The Atmanepada verbs. 129
Vart. The verb w when preceded by *JT and meaning ' solemn
declaration ' takes Atmanepada terminations ; as atflsr 4H4tKm-H4lfd8<) Or to
take another example, sjc* f%tf *T SPC ttilUUKIWIt^ * for thee I shall surely have
* , ( ^IT , W&&0 ) II
c
k&&biP&& an arbitrator/ the Atmanepada affix is em-
ployed.
The word prakAsana means disclosing one's intentions. The word
sthey&khya a compound of stheya arbitrator' and Akhya name.9
is * '
A u As frrar^r ^rromi? ' the wife expresses her wish to the husband^ t*fr
frtg% , he refers to thee for settlement/ *ftro Mi^uT^ firrt ^:, 'who, when
'
Digitized by LiOOQ LC
130 The Atmanepada verbs. [ Bk. I. Ch. HI. 25-27.
the verb takes, are those of the Parasmaipada, as WdfiJJlfiyft ^hRH ' she ap-
proaches the husband through youth/
Vart. The verb *sjr after the preposition 3T takes the terminations
of the Atmanepada when meaning^ worshipping a deity/ '
to approach for in-
tercourse or uniting or joining/ ' to form friendship with/ and ' to lead to as a
way/ Thus: 1st
Deva pujA Hjlll^^kiy^l 'he worships the Aditya/ 2.
Sangati karana tfd^ftud HlO 'the wife approaches the husband/ mi^ljHI^a^
' forms union with charioteers/ 3. Mitrl karana ^raryrf^OT *STi '
the good
man approaches the saints to make friends with/ What is the difference bet-
ween Sangati-karana and Mitri-karana ? Sangati-karana means drawing near
and approaching together in space, as ^HimjJHI^lrlaJlr 'the Ganges joins the
Jumna/ While the friendly relations may be established without coming in
physical contact* 4. Patha :
^q 7ir: 5**J**?^"^ ' this roa(^ leads to Srughna.
Vart. It must be stated that the Atmanepada is optional when the
whenever there is food, that is he comes at the time of dinner/ The word
bhukta is formed by adding the affix kta to the root, and has the force of
* condition ' here*
The phrase when used
' in the Intransitive y
governs the three suc-
ceeding sfitras also*
Digitized by LiOOQ LC
Bk. I. Ch. III. 27, 28. ] The Atmanepada verbs. .131
smith heats the gold/ R<wft gy ttf^dl * the sun heats the back.'
Vart. It must be stated that the terminations are of the Atmanepada,
vi tapa be transitive, when the object is some limb
though the verb ut-tapa or
of one's own body. As ^rTT^ITfaj or fir^falftj^ or % he heats his own hand '
ri >wfir 11
tute of the finals of ish, gam and yam, when an affix having an indicatory
*T follows) = srr*r*5^ 'it spreads.' **nrgpr and ^rrar^u?^ so also + *% sfa*^ ; W
+ ^-W+f +% (I. 2. 4 and VI. 4. 37 gr3^mAli^fddHl^i4>HI*IJHlRl4if?W>
fTf^fi^j-BinjlT, 'he strikes.' Brr-^+^r^-W + ^+HT^ (I. 2. 4 and VI. 4.
gS^MiH^HR^ im<4*M<gMti<ii ott: a^Sr wrffcJ-nnnMVH. 3. 54), (*ir?^r-
fe5)Pl.nft. I
^npj he draws up the rope from the well/ fttt*f* j^r* T!$t they kill the ' 1
Vart. Wheto the object is some member of the agent's own body
these verbs take the Atmanepada terminations though transitive. As a?nre*it
qrf^ he ' puts forth his own hand.' *ff?% Rnf f
he hurts his own head.' When
the object is some limb of an others body, the terminations are of the Paras-
maipada, as mnPd far; qr^fhr ' they hurt others head.'
*n**I%<rt *Hfif II
9
g^q?^ he blames/ tm^i ' they are attained.
* In the case of this last verb
which belongs both to Bhvidi and Juhfltyftdi class it is Atmanepadi only in the
srq*r, as >if^pr
(VI. 75 q^rig[^^pn ^flfl jft)
4. + *T + ^
+ w*r - mvxi (VII. 4. 16 ^
^l^Mf^-^JUJ: )- This occurs generally in the Vedas. The verb faj must have
the meaning of 'to know/ and not that of 'to acquire'' cfff3^ 'he hears/
(no no) n
(WO TW) ||
3
184 The Atmanepada verbs. [ Bk. I. Ch. III. 33.
The verb fps[ by sfitra J2 would take the affixes of the Atmanepada
when the direct fruit of the action accrues to the agent* This sfltra has been
begun to show that this verb takes the Atmanepada terminations under certain
circumstances even when the direct fruit of the action does not accrue t'o the
agent
The word gandhana comes from the root gandh f
to injure/ of chur&di
class and means to inform against another maliciously with the object of injuring
such person! Avakshepana means to revile' 'to over-come/ sevana means 'to
'
obey and serve/ sihasikya means ' an act of violence/ pratiyatna means ' im-
parting a new quality or virtue/ prakathana means to narrate fully/ upayoga '
means the disposal of a thing for the object of attaining merit &c/
'
/ /''another's wife.' (5). ipilr^i^iPT^y^ ' the fuel gives a new quality (boils) to the
^
/t '
water (or he prepares the wood and water for a sacrifice)/ The object of the
verb kfi takes the affix of the sixth case 1. e. genitive, only when the verb
means pratiyatna, see S. II. 3. 53 (frsf: Wflqfr ) Therefore udakasya, though I
an object, has genitive form. The verb takes the augment only when it is
preceded by upa and signifies pratiyatna see VI. 1. 139. (^TT^ q ffi*UT ^^f
qi44ltqw?f) II Therefore, there is the insertion of sibilant in upask unite.
(5) 1HIT: U*ihit 'he recites stories/ 3remT$r% M^hh 'he recites slander/
(6). CTT 73}$% 'he devotes a hundred ' pieces of money, for the sake of merit.
<i4<M Hij*S he devotes a thousand.
Why do we say in these senses ? Witness sj# *itfa ' he makes a
mat/ In this case the Atmanepada affix is not employed.
The verb kp is understood in the three succeeding sfitras.
\
Bk. I. Ch. IIL 34-36. ] The Atmanepada verbs. 135
mo tio) n
employed.
The word karma in the sutra indicates objective case or kAraka; and
does not express 'action/ as in some previous sutras such as 24 ante.
As nfrST f%3f$% WI41 * the birds are making noise/ t*Nft ft<*
c
to pay as debt/ and 'to give as in charity/ even when
the fruit of the action does not accrue to the agent, the
Atmanepada is used.
This begun in order to" show that the v6rb sfr may take the
sfitra is
terminations of the Atmanepada, even when the direct fruit of the action
does not accrue to the agent, in the following cases, vis., when it means
to ' respect ' &c.
SammAnana means to respect ; as spqftf *5pft <HicfaTq% 'the ChArvi gives
instruction in the Lokayata astra.' The word charvi primarily means intelli-
gence, and by secondary use it has been extended to the preceptor also, such
a preceptor gives instruction in Lokayata Sastra, that te to say, having estab-
by argumentation, imparts
lished the truth of the doctrines of that philosophy
them to the pupils. Those doctrines being thus established by reason, be-
come respected (Sanmanita) and honored.
Utsanjana, 'to throw up, or lift up/ as *TFnpfr g ?Pra^ 'he lifts up
Manavaka.'
Acharya-karana 'acting as a teacher/ that a boy is to say, to bring
near oneself in such a way, that being so brought near (upa-neta); he may
himself become an achArya. As Hmi^^indfr 'he initiates Manavaka (/. e.,
making himself the preceptor he brings the boy near himself/) .
Vyaya means ' allotment of money on works of merit &c/ As *ffi Rw^tffc
' he expends a hundred
pieces on religious acts.' qr&t fiH^3> he devotes a 4
thousand.'
Why do we say, in these senses ? Witness ^prf TOfct MW5. ' he carries
the goat to the village' Here there no Atmanepada affix, as the verb has
not any one of the above significations.
is
*>*Rfa, (fro: zno no) n
?Rf: II TO%: E MU* 4 *lfi<$*H3l*4l *&i$ : cfewSu^qft? Sift SRWiKH^*
*nifaii
After the verb ni, when it governs an
37-
incorporeal object existing in the agent, as its object, the
Atmanepada is used. Digitized by Google
\
Bk. I. Ch. 111. $38.] The Atmanepada verbs. 137
material body, but is an abstract noun, that is an object which has abstract
but no concrete existence ; and when such an object has its seat in a
portion of the agent of the verb. As *W f%TO*t ' he subdues his own anger/
T?J f^rerJfr he suppresses anger/
'
The word sarira means the body of living beings, any portion of such
body is also called iarira.
The object must reside in the agent, (kartristha), otherwise the verb
will be parasmaipadi. As *43ift <J*i4*(t4 **t>t ft^niRr ' Devadatha removes
Yajnadatta's anger/
The object moreover must be immaterial, otherwise the affix will be
of parasmaipada. As irf fenqfo ' he removes his own wort.' qraf ftroftr
' he bows his heck/
Why do we say ' in the case of an object ? ' Witness f^jrf^Prfa ' he is
submissive through knowledge/ sncRTT fii^fl| Here the verb fi?nri% has not
.
The verb kram by sfitra I. 3. 78 (after the rest, let the parasmaipada
affixes be employed in marking the agent), would have taken the affixes, 'of
the parasmaipada ; the present aphorism enjoins Atmanepada affixes in cer-
tain cases when the verb means to have a taste for &c.
Vritti ' continuity ' means unobstructed, or want of interruption (t. e. f
*R|7T *FT% the pupil shows energy or exerts to study the grammar/ (3). ^lft%^
'
the cases of the upasargas upa and pari, there is Atmanepada affix j but not
so when any other upasarga precedes the verb kram, though the sense may
be of continuity &c, Thus OT%reft 'he commences to advance/ w*hHft 'he
inarches to attack/
Why do we say after the upasargas upa and part. ? Because, after
' '
any other preposition the affix will be of the parsmaipadaj as OTTRft he '
makes progress/ If the sense is not that of " continuity " &c- t parasm^ipad^
will be employed, a? 3*TOPrf*t, TOSTPTftr.
As qnfr ft<tiHtl ' the horse is pacing/ The term yikramana is applied to
the special movements of horse &c.
Digitized by VjOOQlC
Bk. I. Ch. III. 4*, 43-] The Atmanepada verbs. 139
The prefixes pra and upa are synonyms, when they denote the com-
mencement of an action.
Why do we say, " when they are synonyms." Witness the following
tjjfaj: W^lHp *nfrgFnKWft 'he goes during the first part of the day and he
l
9
comes back during the latter part of the day. Here in one case the sense
is " to go," in another it means " to return."
Why in the latter case of ' aparedyur upakramati ' there is not At-
manepada by virtue of sfitra 39 ante, as there is the upasarga upa here? The
answer is that Rule 39 is not applicable, as that rule is limited by the condi-
tion of the sense of ' continuity '
&c while in the present sfitra, that limita-
tion is not applicable.
not having any upasarga. The upasarga will be defined in I. 4. 59. The
option allowed by this sfitra is an example of what is technically known as
apr&pta vibhAsA viz., an option which is not an alternative limitation to a
general rule already found or known.
Digitized by Google
140 The Atmanepada verbs. [JBk. L Ch. HI. 44H6.
Examples: ICT^ or %mfo 'he goes over/ Why do we say ' when it is
without any preposition V For no option is allowed when it takes preposition.
As 3**PTft.
parasmaipadi, as re?i jpfr sfFftfr 'he knows (recognizes) the son by his voice/
arrant , ( v snow ) n
The word jfia is understood in this sfitra: and the aphorism applies to
that jfia which is used in the transitive. As %pt ^JTPrtit # he l ooks for a hundred/
so *m sf?f3Pftf he promises a thousand/ ^^ * C^Yf^V
Why do we say when 'not meaning remembering with regret?'
Because it not Atmanepadi, when it conveys that meaning. Thus IT*:
is
9
tfjTRTfit ' he remembers with regret his mother fay: ftaHlft II
Why in the above senses only ? See TTfr fafanfa *hc says something'.
srerarotsg^T^ 11 a* 11 u^rffi 11 wnwiwN , **-9^t-
^ f ( *5 : f WO X(0 ) 11
4
142 The Atmanepada verbs. [ Bk. I. Ch. III. 49, 50.
The sense of the sfltra is that when men, who are only capable of
articulate speech, speak all in one and the same time, then the verb vad
takes the affix of the Atmanepada. When lower animals make a chorus of
noise, the verb does not take the Atmanepada.
There must be samuchchirana for the application of this rule, when
there is no samuchch&rana or speaking in a chorus, this rule does not apply,
as OTSTOt Ufa the Br&hraan 'speaks.'
'
wo n ) gHingreri 11
The wrangling must be by talking at one and the same time other-
wise this rule will not apply. As wfru #OT $^r *T* Rw^ the doctors con-
tradict by turn another doctor.
st^t^i: 11 \% n q ^ifn a-eraif 9 v: t ( no w )
ffrT: II ^W^ll J f*HUlwJl4
fc
Wfiti II
( na va ) a -
The rule does not apply when it is not in composition with a word in
the instrumental case. As &tt stigfr <JMlfa %$ ^T$ ^ %^T ! O Devala ! thou
wanderest through both regions, this and that Here though the sense of the
Instrumental case is implied, yet as it is not expressly stated, we use the
parasmaipada terminations.
when the preposition sam is not directly applied to the verb, but another pre-
position pra, intervenes between sam and the verb* The reply is that the
word samah in sfitra
54 is not in the ablative case (which would have required
its being placed immediately before the verb), but it is in the genitive case,
and is used as an attribute.
( 9TW X(0 )
fftf: II V*Vftf5W
^
: ^ ^ ^ ^HHHIWPff H*f*l
1 1 II
Digitized by
(^ r\r\n\o
Vji (J KJWVC
Bk. I. Ch. III. 56, 57. ] The Atmanepada verbs. 14*
;
pada is employed.
J
This is clear. As ^1^^^ he espouses or knows his wife. But
not so when another's wife is meant, there it is parasmaipadi.
By rule 78, the verb yam would have been parasmaipadi, but the
j
I
present sfitra makes an exception, when the root takes the preposition upa
and means " to marry, to espouse, or to accept The meaning of sva-karana
j
I
Why do we say in the sense of " marrying"? When it has any other
sense parasmaipada affixes will be'employed as S^r^ft <UU*m lnfjfWfcW^
Devadatta has illicit intercourse with the wife of Yajnadatta.
( sno tro ) *
^
The present sfitra however enunciates a new rule in the case of the root
smp. 1
( **T: WO HO ) h
yfa: 11 *fa rr^*Mr ^gft^gf^-: q*renrreft*N * H^rfir ii
The word prati and in must be upasargas; if they are used as karma-
pravachaniyas (see I. 4. 83) then the rule will not apply As ?^HT iflRr *pg*% II
are
The well-known vikaranas
In other words the root Sad
like ^ , *r &c, the
Atmanepadi
affixes like
in all
to &o,
conjuga-
fiflj affixes. is
3TT0 T|0 ) M
as an indicatory letter, so
a restrictive sutra,
by sutra 12
the
it
root ^(to die), is marked with a
would be always Atmanepadi. But
^
the present aphorism restricts it to W3F lun (Aorist) and ffr& liA (Benedictive)
tenses, as well as to those tenses which are fil<. It will be found hereafter
that out of the ten tenses, those that take (^ affixes are the special tenses
i.e., the present, the Imperfect, the Potential and the Imperative.
It is only before these three affixes, namely, lift, luA and sit affixes,
that the root mp takes the terminations of the dtmanepada. Thus the aorist
yQ1% ampta he died ; Benedictive s*frr mrishishja ' may he die/ Similarly
before sit affixes thus 1%^ '
he dies/ - 5 + v + % (VII. 4. 28 ft? mftH**l )
rtfa + ^r + tf Rre% (VI. 4. 77. rf%r ^j^Tj^ft ^^Irft^^w) fii^r , fini^
The root $ belongs to the sixth class of verbs called Tud&di which take the
vikarana %t in the conjugational tenses (III. 1. 77).
In other tenses, viz., the two Futures, the Perfect and the conditional,
this verb is parasmaipadL As: nfi^Pl he will die. UjnRtq^
Digitized by LiOOQ 16
*148 . The Atmanepada verbs. [ Bk. L Ch. lit 62.
tions to be applied when the verb ends in *p^san. Thus it was said in sAtra
12, that roots having an anuditta accented vowel as indicatory or a^ A as
their indicatory letter take the terminations of the Atmanepada. Thus vm%
he sits down and *ftr ' he sleeps/ The verb Bfl^ (to sit down) and *ft^ (to
lie down) will remain Atmanepadi, even when they are used as Desideratives.
Thus *rRrfifa?r he wishes to lie down/ Similarly sfitra 17 declared that the
'
:
:l Because the Atmanepada affixes were ordained after the roots qjf and
', *-^ 55 only under excep-tional conditions and not generically, and as those
V conditions do not exist in the desiderative, the latter does not take Atmanepada
/ / terminations.
'^
Of course which
primary state would not have taken the
that in its
terminations of the Atmanepada, there being a prohibition to that effect
will not allow them in its Desiderative form. As HjHftmflflft ' he wishes
to imitate,' Milftchtfft. Here the root f?sj by rule 79 has been especially de-
clared to be parasmaipadi, to the exclusion of Atmanepada affixes which would
otherwise have come by Rule 32 and 72, and therefore its Desiderative
is also parasmaipadi. The force of ^ causing Atmanepada is counteracted
by 79.
Now it might be asked: True, this rule provides for those cases where
a root is conjugated in two forms, one a Primitive and another a Desider-
ative conjugation. But what provision do you make for those partial verbs
which take the affix 3^ even in their primitive form ; and in whose case we
have no prior form to look upon as a guide in the application of Atmanepada
affixes. And there are at least 7 such quasi -roots which take ^ in this way,
called also the self-descriptive ^
Those quasi-roots are ^r, f*n^, f%?<r, 1FJ,
.
*>f $P( and wj. What are we to do with these quasi-roots, which are always
,
conjugated with the affix ^r J and have no simpler conjugation ?" To this we
" In the case of these partial verbs which take the self-descriptive
reply ; q%
the pada will be regulated by the indicatory letters which these quasi-roots
have. For though the full roots are ^ppa fifa^T, fofam ftaFr <Nw
, ,
*Ihl*U and $<IHI 1 yet by the maxim a^R# fftf f*T^p ^Jfnn^ fMfa* HT filr
"a sign made in a portion of a thing, qualifies the whole thing/ 9 the sign
made &c, will qualify the whole verb SRp^r &c" Thus
in the expression *J
f^(to appear with great splendour) is parasmaipadi and the auxiliary $r after
it will be parasmaipada, as <il4j4hlt (he appeared with great splendour).
But the other auxiliaries ^and H^ retain their own peculiar conjuga-
tion and are not influenced by the conjugation of their principal. Thus ipir-
The word Am-pratyaya of the sutra means 'that after which the affix
Am (III. I. 35 and 36. ^gmrwWg% f*& ) comes/ Of the verb krifi, when
subjoined to another as an auxiliary, the termination is that of the Atmanepada
like the verb that takes the affix Am. If this sutra enjoined a rule of injunction
(vidhi),then there would be the termination of the Atmanepada even in
examples like Sjfcirfcresit and gjfrqpyKTC where the fruit of the action
;
5
150 . The Atmanepada verbs. [ Bk. I. Ch. Ill 64.
has already been said above that the auxiliary verbs *R,\ and
It
ira are used in forming the periphrastic perfect This is done by force of
the aphorism III. I. 40 fr^M^ft fe> meaning, the verb kr/ifi is
annexed in the perfect tense, to verbs that take Am. In this sfltra (III. I. 40)
the word kr/in is a pratyAhAra, implying the verbs 55^ , ^ands*^. ** mi ght
be asked how is this pratyAhAra formed? The word kji is taken from
the fourth word of sfitra V. 4. 50, *J*JJW.*I? ^w*R<l4W Sec-, and the
letter n is sfitra V. 4. 58 spfrffsffcf &c.
taken from This is the way
in which the commentators explain how not only the verb krin is used as
must however be noted that the word kjifi in this sfltra is not used
It
as aprat3'AhAra and consequently does not include the verbs and sj^. ^
jftqwt g5ft*rerereg 11
v* n n^ifH n h-4<iihihi, git*
swiHn% ,
( ano xto ) n
With ^n, f%^ and jr , however, the root will take parasmaipada termi-
nations ; as tig^frtr.
^T: ?^: II
Vl II *^ir II **?: , *$V , ( 3H0 90 ) B
'he whets the weapon' 3^[41?r 'they two whet' *J^<gq% 'they all whet'.
It might be objected, why has a separate aphorism been made of the;
verb kshnu, when it could well have been included in the sfitra 29 ante, which
also speaks of the force of the prefix sam, when used with the verbs gam
richchha &c. To this the answer is that, that sutra treats of intransitive verbs,
the word akarmaka being understood therein, while the present sfitra,
as is evident from the example we have given above, treats of transitive
verbs.
mow
>
Tf^rftii :
*&b$ ^t ^Af ^ * :
f *5^tf ,3RT*qj^ # ( W0 90 ) II
member with regret ;' even when the fruit of the action
does not accrue to the agent.
The causatives (f*P^) are conjugated in the Atmanepadi, when
they are used in the passive voice, that is to say when a word which was an
objective case in the ordinary verb becomes nominative case in the causa-'
tive ; and the nominative case of the ordinary verbs becomes objective case
in the causative. In short when causatives are used in the passive voice,
they are Atmanepadi. This round-about phraseology has been employed,
because the base of the active and the passive causatives do ^ot differ in
sraf 'nominative
;*
^ what;'
qp? 'object;' & in the causative;' tqr 'if;' ^: 'that;' ;' *Hreitf
'except to remember.'
In general, by sfitra 74, the causative verbs take the terminations
of the Atmanepada, when the fruit of the action accrues to the agent The
present sfitra applies to the case where the fruit of the action does not accrue
to the agent.
After the verbs that take the affix fr^, the terminations are those of
the Atmanepada. How ? When that which was the object when the primi-
tive verb was used non-causatively, becomes also the object when the deriva-
tive verb is used causatively ; and even that object becomes also the agent
as well. There is exception however, in the case when the verb means to
remember with regret.' As HjlOPtf *R*PT tftdlh|: ' the elephant-keepers
mount the elephant.' Let us paraphrase this sentence by transforming th^
<4jl<]T<Ptr into a causative form. The sentence then
primitive non-causative verb
<qi0^3 f**fr trcfo 'the elephant makes itself to be mounted'. Similarly
will be,
9
THTR^ the attendants see the king and $afcr% n*TT ^5R%T the king makes
'
;
'
himself to be seen/
Why do we say ' in the non-causative non-ni ' ? For this role will
not apply, when the primitive verb itself is formed by the affix ftj^
such are the roots of the tenth class or chur&di in which the nich is
added in the self-descriptive sense, and not for a causative purpose.
Thus the root *mj belongs to chur&di class whose causative and primitive ;
forms are the same. As *rcreft *ntf *Ti4Mh: 'the cowherd counts the herd;9
and the causative form is *JUj^ft TT: *TO*ta 'the herd makes itself to be count-
ed/ The terminations in both cases are those of the parasmaipada.
Why do we say when the object (karma) becomes the agent.' Be-
'
cause the rule will not apply, when any other k&raka or case, than the karma
or object, of the primitive verb becomes the agent in the causative. Thus
spnf?* siw ' he cuts with the scythe/ snrcft *PT ^ra^f 'the scythe is made to
cut of itself/ Here the word d4tra was the instrument of the primitive verb
which became agent in the causative, and therefore in the causative the termi-
nations are of the parasmaipada only.
that is being caused to mount is made to sprinkle with urine the frightened
men*.
9
The word 9: 'that is employed in the aphorism to show that the
objects in both sentences must be the same and not different* Therefore in
the following example where the objects are different, the terminations of
parasmaipada are only used. HjiO^fcl f^PT *ft<nrarn ' the elephant-keepers
mount the elephant'; and ejrctfWT) **ft tqwjli)* <lft *T3*P ' the elephant,
that is being caused to mount, makes men mount on the land/
Why do we use the word karti (agent) in the sfitra? If the former
object is not the agent in the second case, the 'terminations of the parasmai-
pada only would be used. As WCirff^ vfcpt cftOTOR ' the elephant-keepers
mount the elephant ; and UH l fls^ft J?pnw: ' the elephant-driver makes it to
*
mount'
Why do we say f
except when meaning to remember with tender-
ness?' Observe, CTtfir <H^*^U3 tlfo<ri: 'the dove remembers, with regret, the
forest tree ;' and W3<54 **npl: W3^* 'the forest tree is made to be remem*
9
bered of itself.
Digitized by VjOOQLC
*
WO X(0 ) tt
nfolyw
ihr: nf>fo: grafts q*nqH3i< i
***% , ( *: STW *0 ) tt
technically called ?ft? and means to stick, and belongs to divadi class. The
other meaning to ' melt' belongs to kryidi class. As there is no specifi-
+tt
cation in the sfitra what &
is to be taken, both are therefore taken.
The force of the word ^r in the sutra is to include the word SffiTFr
*to delude' of the last sutra into the present. The word *wi*m means to show
respect The word ui^4)h<^ means to subdue. As ^.ipKMI^S he gets '
^ does not accrue to the agent. The word abhyAsa means doing again, or
incorrectly that is with wrong accent &c, not once but constantly*.
Why do we say 'when the word mithyA is used as an upapada?'
The causative of kp will take parasmaipada when it has any other upapada.
Thus <rt ygfc *hHq f% he pronounces the word correctly.'
'
Why do we say of the verb frsj? Because the causative of any other
'
verb used along with the word mithyA will not have Atmanepada; as <rf
ftw ^T^^lf^r he repeatedly utters the word wrongly/ Here T^ takes parasmai-
'
pada.
Why do we say 'repeatedly'? For if the incorrect utterance is not
habitual, then parasmaipada will be used; as <rt ftiqi4iH4fd * he pronounces
object for the sake of which the action is begun, is meant for the agent indi-
cated by the verb, there the Atmanepada is used after verbs having an
indicatory sy or a svarita accent. As *nr% ' he sacrifices for himself p*% he ' '
cooks for himself/ Here the verb tpr and *r\ are marked with svarita accent
in the DhAtupAtha, and therefore they take the Atmanepada terminations.
Similarly gj^ 'he presses the so ma-juice/ ^^ 4
he does/ Here the
verbs gsj and ^rsj have an indicatory 3j.
In all the above cases, the principal object of the action such as getting
heaven by performance of sacrifice, eating of food &c, is meant for the agent
That is to say, he sacrifices in order that he himself may attain heaven, he
cooks in order that he himself may eat, &c. ed by
l
Bk. I. Ch. III. 73, 74. ] The Atmanepada verbs. 157
Why do we say ' when the fruit of the action accrues to the agent 9 ?
Otherwise it will have parasraaipada. As *nrf*I *U*i4(l: the priests sacrifice,
(not for themselves, but for their clients)' q^rf^ct rr^CT: 'the cooks cook (for
9
their masters)' apifcf chJ^MC '
the menials work (for their masters). Here
though the fees and the wages are the which the agent gets, yet as that
fruits
fruit is not the principal object for which the action was begun the principal
object of the sacrifice was not that the priest should get his fee, but that the
sacrificer may go to heaven the verb takes the terminations of the Parasraai-
pada. Here the principal fruit of the action does not accrue to the agent
but to a third party.
*% ( sno tw ) it
read into this aphorism by anuvritti from sutra 72. As ffrsfcr ^RJ^3% ' he
gathers rice ' HPCyT^S^i 'he lifts up the load' qfemi4*&?t 'he draws out the cloth/
The root yam preceded by the preposition ^rr^f takes the terminations of
the Atmanepada by virtue of aphorism 28 ante ; but in that aphorism the verb
was intransitive, here it is transitive, and this explains the necessity of making
two different sutras for one compound verb SJRP
Why do we say ' when it does not refer to a book.' For otherwise
the verb will take the terminations of the parasmaipada. As OTTtgft fef^Rqf
3?: 'the physician studies diligently the medicine.
When however the fruit of the action does not accrue to the agent
the above compound verbs are parasmaipadi. As dq^ ffr, W4<kft, *7nre$fo
When however, the fruit of the action does not accrue "to the agent,
the simple root <rr takes parasmaipada terminations. $???rer tf STPTTft
f
he
recognises Devadatta's cow/
the Atmanepada affixes, to denote the same idea, is obviously removed, and
in such a case it is optional whether we use the Atmanepada or the Paras-
maipada terminations. As etf Kt *T5rf?t or *nnt he sacrifices for his own '
yajna' H
grfsrctfl* or 3j*% he makes his own cot/ ** J^nmffa or Bm^f,
'
FPfr?5* <rrec% or qre*rf% &c. So on with all the above five sfitras.
converse of this will take parasmaipada terminations, namely all verbs which
do not have an anudAtta accent or a r as it. Thus irrft he goes, *rf% ' it '
9
blows/ It has been declared by sfitra 17 that the root fttr when preceded by
Why do we say "when marking the agent"? For when used in the
passive voice, the root will take the Atmanepada termination. As <TO(it #
it
is cooked ' ip^ 'it is gone/
Digitized by VnOOQ y16
160 The Parasmaipada verbs. [Bk. I. Ch. III. 79, 80.
fan: II (
ffrp
w 11
) n
^iPnrf% ^ri^^re 'pt^Rrr: mwi *roftr 11
throws on' itfcrftrrft 'he turns away or rejects,' aiftftrrft 'he throws beyond/
Why do we say "when coming after abhi, prati, and ati"? Because
when compounded with any other preposition, it will not take parasmai-
pada, but will be governed by sutra 72. As grrf^TTt * he throws down/
The second q^ of sfitra 14 is also understood here, so that when the
verb is used reflexively, the agent not being purely an agent, the present
sfitra will not apply. As qrftfiim3 ^j^r ' it is thrown on of itself/ Ogl
Bk. I. Ch. III. 81*83. ] The Parasmaipada verbs. 161
Why do we say " when coming after pra"? Because after any other
preposition it will not take parasmaipada as 9ITO9# 'he brings.1
terminations ; as qftq^ft .
( QV qo ) H
It might be asked why was not the preposition 3T read along with the
other preposition in the last aphorism, instead of making this a separate sfitra.
The answer is that the necessity of making a separate sfitra with the preposi-
tion upa arose from the exigencies of sfitra making. It is desired, that the
next sfitra 85 should apply only to the root upa-ram, and not to other com-
pounds of ram ; and this could only be done by making these two distinct
sfitras.
to w ) n
Of the above eight roots, those which are intransitive would have
taken the parasmaipada terminations under the conditions mentioned in sfitra
88 sub, that is to say, when the agent is a being endowed with a reason. The
present aphorism in the case of such intransitive verbs makes this additional
statement, that those intransitive verbs will take parasmaipada, even when the
agent is not a being endowed with a reason. As ^nrafa TO*J he makes the
lotus to expand, ifrroflr 3TOTfir he makes the woods to strike each other, sire-
*rf?r
J.^T he destroys the sorrow, *H*jfa *p!P he produces pleasure.
Again of the above eight roots, those that have ordinarily the sense of
"moving" will get parasmaipada by sutra 87. The present sutra, in their case'
makes this additional statement, that they will take parasmaipada termina-
tions even when the sense is not that of moving. Thus *, means both 'to move/
and 'to * means to run' as well as to melt,' and w, means to flow'
obtain/ ' '
as well as to to trickle/
'
As sret he obtains; mJiftqfft the iron melts Kp^r ;
*T?rf*fr the water-vessels drip. The examples in the first paragraph have there- .
^ I
( *t: q<*fr q qq ) H
Why do we say ' in its non-causal state? For if the causative' root is
from another causative root, and not from a simple non-causative rOot, then
the parasmaipada will not be employed. Thus
one person such as Deva- '
if
though Ramadatta mounts for his own benefit, the verb to be used in such a
case is qtf<tl*Ft in the Atmanepada, from the root 3]TC? to mount; and not
mifl^fo (Iengar's Guide to Panini).
'
Why do we say ' which was intransitive"? This rule will not apply
if the verb in its non-causative state was transitive. Thus from qoft the 1
causative from ^r, if the person caused to do the act denoted by the verb does
it for his own use, comes only thH4$ though the person has a will ; for the
9
otiginal root fT though a non-causative root, is not an intransitive root
(Ibid).
Why do we say 'having a being endowed with reason for its agent?
For if the agent is a non-sentient object, the verb will be Atmanepadi. Thus
from sfrfa the causative from lyr 'to dry' if that which dries is a thing not
possessed of a will as jft^r: paddy/ for instance, though the fruit of the
'
action i.e. t the drying, affects only the paddy itself, comes ;fr<nid in the
Atmanepadi, though 'to dry* is an intransitive root ; e. ., piFR# gflfolK : W
the sun-shine causes the paddy to dry/ (Ibid).
Bk. I. Ch. II. 89-91. ] The Parasmaipada verbs. 165
"
^
"
90. The
parasmaipada are used
affixes of the
optionally after the denominative verbs ending in the
affix kyash.
The affix z&m is ordained by sutra III. 1. 12 *prrft^ WT^[ t^nTV $5f:
after the words <f)^r &c. These root take optionally parasmaipada. As
<*fRiqf*r or 3 he reddens. 444414ft or % he makes pa( paj.
tn^fcr* )
Digitized by VjOOQiC
BOOK L
Chapter IV.
when it precedes a conjunct consonant (I. 4. 11.) Thus a short vowel has two
names * light' and * heavy/ But it will not be called light ' when it precedes '
a conjunct consonant, but will have only one name, i*. 9 * heavy.' Thus in
9
f%% to divide fe? to split, the ^ is ' light ' while the same letter is 'heavy in
ftrw teaching ftw begging.
Thus in the root ^ the m is 4
heavy ' and therefore in forming its
aorist we have the form 3prera?T . Similarly MJU*i^ . The rule VII. 4. 93 not
applying here as that rule is applicable to laghu vowels only.
Vpksha + su=Vriksheshu. But when the plural case-affix bhyafc follows, what
rule are we to apply ? For the letter bha belongs both to the pratyAhAras yafl
and jhal. Are we to lengthen the shorter, or substitute^? The present
sutra gives the reply, ^ is to be substituted because VII. 3. 103 ordaining q
follows next to VII. 3. 102. Thus Vpksha + bhyarj - Vpkshebhyafc.
*jfif:
fl
11
W H Wft ^ M T*Vft "
**$ 11
later. As see Rule VII. 3. 1 12 qgr^r is the augment of the case-affixes having
an indicatory 9 when they come after a word ending with a Nadl.
s
Why have we used the word AkhyA ' name ' in the text / Because
feminine gender must be denoted by the word itself and not by any other
epithet used along with the word. Thus if the head-borough or the sweeper
should be of the female sex, the Dative Singular would still be iffT^ fori,
and 3rvF%fr4*
% qvq^ranr *sft n 8 it vqfa 11 *r, :
.f^**^sOTit 9
R*, (3*$) 11 v
Bk. I. CH, IV. 4*6 J ; NADI DBFfNED. 169
When
a case-affix having an indicatory
6.
it (nit) follows, then feminine words ending in short 1
or rarr: Srr or d^n fa*: or finff: ; Locative *nft or ^nr^^fi' or $*H prfir QT
which are not the names of females, or if they are feminine names, they are not
nadi words.9
As atffcr fire. Before case-affixes having an indicatory ft, the ghi
nouns gunate their vowel VII. 3. 11 1. As stffcf + # sp# + 3~9P7$ to the
fire. So also ^nj x - ^nr? to the wind. But the declension of sakhi in
these cases is wsm ^^ ^* and tjiHu
:
.
thus the i of ft? to break, is laghu; and by being laghu it is gunated before
the affix fir + *JT , as >tor he will break, by virtue of the rule VII. 3. 86, which
declares that a laghu penultimate vowel is gunated before a Sarvadhatuka or
'
guru, and because of its being called guru, the rule III. 1. 36 is applied in
forming the perfect tense by the addition of the augment W\. Thus all long
vowels, and short vowels followed by conjunct consonants are guru or heavy,-
AI1 other short vowels are laghu. *
i .I I .
.I. . .
<
^p and J gets the name ^fr they are gunated by (VII. 3. 84) similarly because
37J &c. get the name Anga, their vowel is vriddhied in a?fai]T: &c.
The. words kfi hri are anga with regard to the affix -tt&c. 3*TJ +
l^ ^nif: ; ^rrnr: Here upagu and
anga with regard to an. fcapafu are
Similarly ff + &[ + *: -
Here the whole word*
4ifttq + *: = 4iR4l4: .
Why have we used the word pratyaya? Without it the rule would
have ran thus :
After whatever there is anything enjoined &c., is called
'
1
1 Anga.* Then in sfr + finft ^Tinft - Here sandhi of vowels is enjoined
between f + f f If &ft was here an Anga, then its last vowel would
.
have been replaced by j*T3 (VI. '4. 77), the form being farfSrsfa ./'U ^^
Why have we used the word f%ftr? Had we omitted it the rule would
have run thus : " After whatsoever there is an affix, whether root or prati-
dadika is Anga.' 1
Thus in *fa W^j though the affix adfaunA is placed after
BK. I. CH IV. f 14, IS- PADA DEFINE*.. Wtf
the word dadhi, it is not enjoined by any rule ; and the word qtfSfr is not- called -
anga. Had it been so called, then the f of dadhi should have been elided
by rule VI. 4. 148.
The word pratyaya has been repeated twice in this sutra in order to-
.
show that when an affix is elided, the terra anga will not apply to what stood
before it. Thus in the compound word fe$ *& for the sake of -I- &&
the woman. Here in forming the Tat purusha compound the dative case-affix
after the word wit has been elided, for as a general rule case-affixes are<
elided in forming compounds* If the word jpft after its affix had been elided,,
still retained its old designation of Anga, the ^pfr + qjtT would have been;
ftsnrtf , the augment iyart being added by the rule already referred to above.*.
The sup or case-affixes are those by which nouns are declined ; and
tin are by which verbs are conjugated. They have already*
tense-affixes
been given before. Thus f^^5ro + T^-l^^5TO^ the Br&hmanas qref&r they cook. ,
It might be atked by a caviller why the word *t??r has been used in
the aphorism, for by the rule of tadanta given in'Sfitra I. 1. 72 a rule relating
to sup will mean and include also that which ended with a sup-affix. To this
we reply, that, the very fact that the word anta is used in this sfitra, indicates
by implication (jnipaka) that the Tadanta rule of Sfitra 72 Chapter I doei
not apply to rules of sanjnA (definition) made with regard to affixes. Thus
tarap and tamap affixes are called gha by Sutra I. 1. 22. The tadanta-vidhi
will not apply here ; words ending with these affixes will not be called gha:
Thus Hitufujflrj will not be called gha, for had it been so called, the long %
willbe shortened in irrft fTRgfitffiTT In short, ' an affix when'employed in a
rule which teaches the meaning of a technical term (sanjna) does not
denote a word-form ending with the affix/
H: ^ II ? II tr^Tfa H *P *^> (*VQ *
nouns. See. III. 1. 8, 1 1, and 13. A word ending in r is called pada, when
these affixes follow. Thus *npr% + **C\ - *nft* 3rd J^dSy cnfhtf* he
-174 ~ Pada defined. { Bk. U Ca IV. $ 16, 17.
do not retain that designation. Thus the words qm speech, g^ a ladle are
not treated as pada and we have *pnnl and ymd Had they been pada, .
word firni there is yus V. 2. 123). Thus ^mfcj :; so also q^V. 1. 106, has
jE^as indicatory. Thus ^jftfTj: There is no guna because of its being pada.
Here the affix %j^ begins with a vowel the word standing before it being
Bha, it causes elision of the final a? of daksha.
The word irf^f is in the 7th case meaning when ^ or *pj follow; and
by the last Vart of Sutra I. I. 72, it means c when an affix beginning with
ya or ach follow.9
Vart 1 The words Hjf^-i^and qyj should be treated as Bha
5T*I*J ,
when the affix w^ follows. Thus ipflef^ like the sky. HjQ{*<*4<l like the
Angiras. q^srw like the man. By being Bha, tfie ^is not changed intor ,
which it would have been, had it been a pada (VIII. 2. 66).
vpshan been treated as pada, the 7 would not have been changed into IJF
(See Rule VIII. 4. 37) and this h would have been dropped before the affix
;
vasu by VIII. 2. 7.
TOSft full of milk. Thus 3*fa*c + **n - mj*L + f%fa (V. 2. 121)
S*f*?*q;,
*Hjft*^ . By making these Bha, of pada
the rule is
operation
debarred in their case. That is to say the final tf of udavit &c., and the *
of yaias &c., are not changed into f and r respectively, which had they been
pada words would have been the case by the action of Sfitra VIII. 2.' 39,
and VIH. 2. 66. via., gjpMt and *n{jtf%*r which are incorrect.
these pada and Bha apply simultaneously. Thus in the word ij^ formed
by ^C\ + **[* ^ e % s first changed into wby treating the word rich as a
*
pada. Then the word gj^ is treated as bha, and therefore the g^is not
changed into * before qrtf For had it been pada, the form would have been
sjpr^ Rigvat. These irregularly formed words occur only in the chhandas
or Vedic literature. Thus ^r *|^!ra 3fto<tl *i*fa
*g snprnm n ^i 11 *^ift 11
335, *g-**R\ii
vessel, by the (ire from the furnace for his master. Here Rama is agent
9
9
kAraka ; 'food is object kAraka; 'vessel' is a locative kAraka, fire is an ins-
9
trumental kAraka, 'furnace is the ablative kAraka and 'master 9 is the dative
kAraka.
9
The word 'kiraka synonymous with the word cause (hetu)
thus is
and occasion (nimitta). All the various causes and occasions that are re-
quired to complete an action will be kArakas. Out of the seven cases in
which a Sanskrit noun is declined, six represent such relation with an action.
The Genitive or the sixth case can never be directly related with an action,
and thus can never stand in the relation of a kAraka to a verb.
lost his object. T*n^qfcifT: fallen The ApadAna takes the 5th
from chariot.
case -affix (II. 3. 28) and the above examples show this. When therefore
this relation is to be expressed, ' the fixed point (like grAma, parvata &c., in
the above) which is the limit denoted by a word dependent on a verb, is
called ablation.
9
Digitized by Google.
178 ._ The Ablation. _ [ Bk. I. Ch. IV. 25-27..
Why has the word ichchhati been used in the text ? The ap&dAna
k&raka be used there only, where one desires that he should not be
is to
seen, yet he shows himself.
(mo 3TTT*) II
(tp wno) 11
is put in the ablative case. As MJfrcrft *TOfr the arrow , is produced from
horn iTtaqr^^fcqft *rr*Ht the scorpion is produced from cowdung.
iMW means the source or that from which anything arises. As Q*i4<ft ifar
ipiqft the Ganges has its source in the Himalayas. *ttivft?**ft ft^WIT JPfafir.
The Hydaspes has its source in Cashmere. .
object of the verb 'give'; the persons connected with this object are the
teacher and the boy respectively. These latter are in the Dative case and
take the 4th case-affix,
Varti The person whom one wishes to connect with the action
should also be called recipient. As VT5TO f%*I$it he censures for the sake
of Sraddha. J^m 9TOJ3 he prepares for battle. <nd $ft she sleeps for her
husband. _
Varti 2. After some verbs (especially to sacrifice), the object
(karma) gets the name of Instrument (karana) and the recipient (Sara-
prad&na) is called object (karma).
Thus qjpr *t frifr or * tot* Wf^ he sacrifices with an animal to
Rudra, which is equivalent to, '
he gives an animal to Rudra.'
Bk. L Ch. IV. 33-35 ] The Dative. 181
ruchi. As foj-diq *ta3 Ht^S: the sweet meat pleases Devadatta. ^np*TO
*^3 4TO Yajnadatta likes Apupa. Here modaka is the agent that draws
(mo qn^r*) n
word kopa includes all the above four sorts of actions. As qq<j-dm ^i^ft*
55Tf?T-i^5f% or r*n?ft he is angry upon, (i>. with) or bears malice to, or is
used simply, those verbs of course govern the Dative case by the last
aphorism. As $44^4 flvlPlr
Hcmspari
^ sw
Nft
treh*
^^
<Eftf 11 so 11 trcTft 11 nfa-snsronw,
\ ^
H*ft "
Digitized by G00gle
.184 Instrument Karaka. [ Bk. I. Ch. IV. 4*-43-
first, the others then follow him in invocation and by so doing encourage him.
The word tqiff: and srftflTC: mean encouraging the invoker.
(n%) ii
9
karakas, the non-mention of the word 'especially makes it possible for u&
to use those cases, in not their strict sense. Thus though the locative case
should be used where strictly a thing is located in another, yet we may say
i|<fl.|*lf qfr: the herdsman in the Ganges, not strictly in, but on the banks of,
the Ganges. gr^*j*J*c5Jjthe family of frogs in the well, t>. on the sides of
the well
Adhikarana.
WW, (too) It
the last sfitra, the repetition of this word here is to indicate that the anu-
vritti of the word AdhAra does not extend to this sfitra, because as we do
not take the anuvritti of the word karma into this sfitra, we do not take the
Bk. I. Ch. IV. 50, 51. ] Karma Karaka. 187
anuvritti of any word of the previous sutra into this. Had we taken the
anavritti of the word karma from the last sfitra, then we could use the accu-
sative case in those limited instances, where the word is capable of taking
the Locative case also, but not in other cases* Thus while we could very
well say *it ^ fi ^ifrT he enters the house, we could not say *Hrpf T*fH he cooks
the food, ^rj fttfftf he drinks saktu. By repeating the word karma in this
^
aTH^ip^^r1 jTO*rfcr going to the village, he plucks the roots of the
trees.
9
the fold. Here 5 and jpt are akathita or optional objects. If the speaker
does not intend to have this object, the words will be put in their natural
cases ; as, &?f: (ablative) T*fl$rfnr, ir# (locative) aPTt&ft rf.
The roots that are capable of governing two accusatives are mentioned
in the following kirikA **^*fa *f*5 fa ^ JTHJ fif *IW <*&{ II Sffap^
:JSJPJ <r*
188 - Karma Karaka. [Bk. I. Ch. IV. 52.
In the case of the roots j?N ' to milk qr\ f to beg/ T^ ' to cook/ '
9
^SH[ 'to punish/ to' to obstruct or confine H*^ ' to ask/ fa 'to collect*
Wto tell jjt^ 'to instruct* f5r 'to win' (as a prize of wager) f^
9
to churn
5^ ' and also in the case of ft, 5, ^, and N all mean-
f
to steal/ W
ing to take or carry ' and others having the same signification, that noun
'
which, besides the direct object, is affected by the verb, is put in the Accusa-
tive case ; as, irf $tfi* W (S. K.) ' he milks the cow ' ; qfii w*& *f*tf
' He begs the earth of Bali ' ;
similarly tf^gjpftyf W<t, *Plfc^ *Rt TO**lfa,
*r are examples of the other roots in order. 1IUI4^ *T$ HPfft sfa? *r, qrfS-
*^*t ftsnt, flt art dWWUtf TOlft firar*3lr are instances of this kind of
object, because *n*T or qt\ and f^ or ^ have the same meaning as f^ and
iTPT, the roots given in the kasiki.
Obs.The roots Pr, J^, T^ f^, ^^., fsT, 5 and everq^ are of
every rare occurrence as governing two accusatives, in classical literature,
^
though given in the above list
*nrf, &c. are principal objects, and ^f, vfhftfSf &c, are secondary
irf, sfift,
objects, for they can, according to the speaker's volition, be put in other
cases. And in the case of the last four roots SPTT, is the principal object
and qnt the secondary. Thus that which is necessarily put in the accusa-
tive case in order to complete the idea of the verb, is the principal object,
and that which may be put in the Accusative case, depending upon the
speaker's will, is called the secondary object.
verbs that have some literary work for their object, and
of intransitive verbs, that which was the agent of the
verb in its primitive (non-^i or non-causal state), is
called the object (karma) in its causative state (when the
verb takes the affix (13a).
In the case of roots that imply knowledge ' or 'informa- ' motion/ '
tion or some kind of eating/ and other roots having a similar sense ; also
' f
of roots that have some literary work for their object, and of intransitive
roots, that which is the subject of the verb in its primitive sense is put in the
Accusative case in the causal, the object remaining unchanged ; e. g.
"
Primitive. Causal.
the Accusative, but the Instrumental ; e. g. *jnifr *nt infa tfjft *r A servant
carries a load. **fcr *mf ITOift TOtrflr *r (S. K.) (He) causes a servant to
carry a load.
190 _ Karma Karaka. [ Bk. I. Ch, IV. 53.
Varti But ** H $ when it has for its subject in the causal a word
signifying a ' driver/ obeys the general rule; as, qur K*i T?f^f . Horses
draw the chariot. qtff% Vffl\ TOtatf:
Hj
m
m Jc
Varti (c). H*^,when it has not the sense of fifar ' injury to a
sentient thing/ governs the Instrumental ; as, *rcnrf% W^f fop*:, W*rf% fihff
9
By ' intransitive roots mentioned above is meant such roots as are
not by their nature capable of governing an object other than that of
9
' time,' ' place &c., and not those roots which, though transitive, may some-
times be used*intransitively according to the speaker's volition, or when their
meaning is, quite, evident ; as, fc&h<: q^r: 51% Here q^f?r , though transi- .
The servant prepares a mat. (He) causes the servant The servant is made to
to prepare a mat. prepare &c.
Govind sits for one month. (He makes Govind sit &c. Govind is mode to sit &c.
9 9
(a). But in the case of roots that imply f
knowledge * eating, and
those that have a literary work for their object, the principal object is put
in the Nominative case, and the secondary in the Accusative, or vice versa
e. g. 5m* V^^nrf^ 'he makes Mananaka know his duty 9
; *mu*3iti|4
9
ifcztf or *mim \pft qfc?3 '
M. is made known his duty or ' duty is made
known to M.' ; ^H>3i ^nrf?t ' he makes the boy eat food: 9
7|ft?? Ht*Rl5 or
^JHt^t Hts^f (S. K.)
With regards to roots that govern two accusatives, the rules
mentioned above hold good in their case also i.e., those roots that ;
,'
imply motion <c, govern the Accusative of the subject of the primitive
Case, and others, the Instrumental case, sometimes; as, qpritqfvi Tfprt-
"
% Q<**4<H^n^ n *$ 11
W^ n ^stef ^TOUM,
(5>w eif^r *><<tf * *ft ?&) h .
nf (Causal)..
Primitive. Causal.
As ftf% nit tostto: tiroft *?rr <mmtf or uncroftr
The boy takes the load. He causes the: servant to take the load.
Vart: The subject of the primitive, verbs *rf3ft^ and ros when used
in the Atmanepada, is either put in the Accusative or Instrumental casein the
causal: as,
Primitive. Causal.
Devadatta bows down to the Guru. He makes Devadatta bow down to the
Guru.
y. jL^->*~tJ^'r
The servants see the king. He makes the servants see the king.
KARTRI.
limit, and not sutra III. 4. 13 which has the word iswari also.
*T^t to?3 11
h> 11 mpfa 11 *-sn^j: sre?3, (Etotot) n
^f^i: 11 *n^ir f^nrcUir >wfwi t ^^r^ q&9 11
tf**^ continually/ vnr^ 'at once/ *jjn^ 'repeatedly/ ^rr^ ^q^ 'excel-
lently/ vf%n ' abundantly/ 4^^'if ^j
< if/ [the n is indicatory], ^r
'where/ fpc 'there/ *&*** 'what if?/ * 'no/fe* ah/!
nrfan [*rtn)
*3T?r (intcrjO ' oblation to the gods/ fT^T ' oblation to the manes/ forefathers
q^' oblation to the gods/ *fr^ (mystical ejaculation typical of the three great
deities of the Hindu mythology), inj thouing/ tnnft * thus/ introducing an ex-
position, (?5P* certainly/ fa*? ' indeed/ *m now f
' auspicious inceptive), *[$
'
excellent/ w (attached to the present tense gives it a past signification),
U& 'fie' trf??? 5? <C 3 *ft *fK The vowels a, i, i, 1, u, ft, e, ai, o, au, when, as
interjections, they indicate various emotions, differ from the ordinary vowels.
t> (ft), 'n*. c^t ^rr|t, srarft, sfr, rft, ift; Off), *rit, 115, Fd, ftvsr, A, fj^# 5,
2 tf^* TO *t *fl& ^* Wi [ ^Pfc to*Ji ftrar^, f)ii<( J ^5^ snr (tft* )
*f*i ^pR^ fff^t ^RH^ ^5^ Tft^fc STTOfc ?iPP[f *F3T, I3Ti nWty *^l ^t
srnj, 5k*tjt, apr:, 9^, ^k, s^, fr, ?, ( $ ), rrftRf^ JCPfc ^*. ^. fS^sf* ^. *?.
^f ( 15^)1 vii^N^, **3Fi qs* snr^. ( vw ), *r&, *^, *i^ (^i|) ^i ^Pfc ^
**, ?^, f-fhj, fti^, ft:, ^
To the list of indeclinables belong also what have, without the reality,
the appearance of an upasarga (No. 59), of a word with one of the termina-
tions of case or persons and of the vowels. In the example MT*M* avdattam
' given away/ the *{% is it were, the word (by VII.
not really an upasarga, for if
4. 47) would be mPJ avattam. In the example ahanyuh *rtj: egotistic/
the ahan is not identical with the aham 1/ terminating in a case affix be-
cause a pronoun, really regarded as being in the nominative case, could not
be the first member, in such a compound. In the example, atfercfrrr asti-
kshiri, a cow or the like
in which there is milk/ the asti*jft* must be regard-
ed as differing from the word asti, is,* which ends with the affix of the
third person singular, otherwise it could not have appeared as the first
member in a compound.
The making of this a distinct aphorism, when it could well have been
included in the last, is for the sake of giving the Pra &c* words two names,
namely, those of NipAtas, as well as upasargas under certain circumstances,
t. e. t when they are in composition with verbs.* Not so however the cbi Ac,
Digitized by VjOOQiC
104 Upasarga. and Gati. [ Bk. I. Ch. IV. 59, 60.
leader; though both have the same radical elements: pra in one is an upa-
sarga, in the other a NipAta pure and simple.
As JT|TO Now
the gerund of the simple root f> would have been
^FTT, but as compounded with a gati word (II. 2. 18J the C4T is
it is
Similarly sjcfctlft , here pra being treated as gati gets annuditta accent
by rule VIII. a^f. /. 7/ C*~A *''*47)
The yoga-vibh&ga or the separation of one aphorism into two, is for
the sake of the subsequent aphorisms. 'The annuvptti of gati only runs
through the latter sfitras and not of upasarga. So that while pra &c., have
two names upasarga and gati ; uri &c., have only one name, namely, gati.
Thus in JT>ffapj and *rf*rfikK^ , by treating the words * and Mfa as
upasargas we change the 7 and 9 into QJ and * by rule VIII. 4. 14 and
VIII. 3. 87 and again treating them as gati we regulate the accent
:
Vart: The words 5^ and *&Q are treated as Gati in the Vedas. As
yreqqqnfarq 5*Pl . fr Here word p^ being gati, causes &nt to take annu-
the
dAtta accent (VIII. 1. 70) ^itft?!: Here also the accent is regulated by
.
VIII. 2. 71.
tion is either 7 f ^or qq^ (V. 4. 50 and 57) firi &c., being read along
with chvi and d&ch ; shows that the verb in composition with them must also
be any one of the above three verbs, and none else ; in order to entitle M>tt
to the name of gati.
Digitized by LiOOQ LC
196 Gati. [ Bk. I. Ch. IV. 6a, 63.
The words ??ft and qx(t mean to assent and spread As irfl^W
(II. 2. 18 and VII. 1. 37) *fl$H> (VI. 2. 49), gffififtft (VIII. j. 71). So
with the word wft . The following is a list of these words: \
ufararcjir. ^.
The words ending in chvi are also gati. As ^tfmj having made
white what was not white.
Why do we say ' when it has not the word ffa after it?* Observe
\ Digitized by LiOOQ LC
Bk. I. Ch. IV. 64-66. ] Gati. 197
(feo ufar:) n
(few) ift: 11
inft-tn^, (nfir:) u
*fa: 11 $jj*fr wj umi 'ror irfhm*
j
iflttak wr: 11
'
H<*fr*iH and 11^ y\*ht\fb, when not an indeclinable we have ^: j?ft JT: ff?*r , ,
4J4d<|tMft >*mPt riches that have vanished. Tppnt Jjtft, when not an indeclin-
able it is not gati as Httt CEfQCT the arrow has been thrown.
( nfai siaws^ ) *
*wfa II
The word *i3 is an indeclinable and has the force of the word lift.
As Ws&t?*, H*5WJ and qq?mi*bft , So also *!*$m TK5tftn^ and H1*Q-. . ,
*
72. The word tiras meaning disappearance c
5
200
- Gati. [ Bk. ! C*C IV. 74-77-
iRrefin fnn it
rnanasi in '
the mind are optionally gati when the verb
'
kpi follows, provided that they are not used in the sense
of c placing/
As xiifin$< ? or 4K(ht>*tt <Mft$*3 or *HiV^f When it has the
; .
'
in his mind.
But when it has the meaning of placing we have fffenr: l% $R*T fijjT:
d# he lies .down having put his head under the foot of the elephant.
f
however it means bound it is a gati as, snW^TOT having bound. But
'
:
when not meaning to bind, we have muf fr^t VRii W. having made the :
ipm having made it like an upanishad. But 4tfa<*l fffyr ipf: having made
his livelihood he is gone.
m**\ mo) n
^ffc 11 m^ro* ^fr; <tf Jft <j*ft mJ^E^ir:
E*?flr fire* ti
set aside Rule 8 of the same by the maxim of to? I. 3. 2: and would have
caused a karama pravachantya to govern an Instrumental case where the
sense was that of hetu.
^% II 6$ 11 n^rfa 11
^, (313: qnfno) II
quires the other term with which comparison is made and which is superior
to complete the sense. In other words *f?r governs the person to which others
are inferior, in the accusative case. As HJH^l^4l44$4l<h lUJI: ' all gram man-
*
a
"
ans are inferior to&katayana/
'^^GoOgle
-
204 Karmapravachaniya. [ Bk. I. Ch.. IV. 87-90.
a Nishka. In this sense 37 governs the Locative of the thing which is inferior
(II. 3.9). So also 37 mcteu rf $*U<hlU: 'all grammarians are inferior to
S&kat&yana. 9 In this sense 37 governs the accusative case.
The force of *TT and qft" is in this case that of ' with the exception of/
As wfaipfr'iT *jst fo: it rained outside of or with the exception ofTrigarta.
So also TftPnRwJlr ^flfcp In this sense they govern the noun excluded in
the ablative case (II. 3. 10). When not having these senses, they are not
karma-pravachaniya. As sjfctf Mftfa^fa . He waters the rice. Here it is an
upasarga, and hence changes the 9 into * .
^pf ^irsftr fa^sfir he sprinkles one tree after another. So with ^rft" and Hj.
is an upasarga, and
^
therefore fr of ^r is changed into <r
Digitized by VjOOQLC
206 KarmapravachaniVa. [ Bk. I. Ch. IV. 93-9&
praised by your honor. By not being an upasarga, it does not change the
* into v (VIII. 3. 65).
Why do we say when respect is meant 7 Observe
'
gftrff ftf fmw
has this your place been well sprinkled to-day.
chaniya.
The word means to do more than what is necessary for the
ujftftiiuj
sift: , ^^-nnf-w?^^^-ii^-^gi^3 ( *w ) ii
Digitized by V^iOOgLe
BlC I. Of. IV. $ 97, 98. J KARMAPRAVACHANIYA* - fe(>7
The word renf means the sense qf another word which is not
expressed but has to be supplied. As *afhH\jft ^n^ there may be perhaps a
drop of ghee ^jfttffi *Rin^. Here some word like vindu 'a drop/ stoka 'a
little' mitri a measure &c, has to be understood.
-
The word B*TTOT means
possibility, a supposition. As, ^ftr fiNfc^ J$FraTC*# ^f*l%*[ possibly may
sprinkle a thousand trees in one moment; *rfr *d*U$N <l*iH he' may praise
possibly, a king. In the surfive cases it is used with the potential mood*
&4<wl means indifference ort the part of the speaker where he permits
another to do as he likes. It is used with the Imperative mood. Astjft f*ta
you may sprinkle if may praise, if you like.. The
you like. *ifir*5[ftyou
word ij^f means censure, contempt or reproof. As fat[*tteqr 5*^wft firt^
qii"^ The word ^ijsnr means cumulative. As sjfa sgf| Mfir f^N praise
.
as well as sprinkle.
In all the above instances, the word not being an upasarga, does not
change the 9 into tr.
The word f^qpc means ' master/ and it therefore requires another
word denoting 'property 9 of which one is master. The word adhi
correlative
governs a Locative case. Sometime locative of the person possessing,
sometime locative of the property possessed: as *fffr TOT*^ tf^rar: r*lft
<ftr^r JTOT^ Brahmadatta rules over Panch&las.
As *f$*r *Plfi)F <h(lmfa . Here the word *rfa may be treated either as
a irfH or a ^pfopnftq . When it is a iifiir the accent will be regulated by
6
208 Parasmaipada and Atmanepada. [ Bk. I. Ch. IV. 99, iod.
Parasmaipada.
1st Pers. R^ ^ ^
2nd Pers. f%^ '*V *T
nepada. -
*rcf5*rn
9 are Atmanepadi. Each of these two classes is subdivided into three classes,
according to person, as shown in the above list.
^t: 11 jto tfftj *ftj q*n% mxjj ir*>w ft^npr *^w tfsifir *w&* n
The sup or the case-affixes by. which nouns are' declined are 21 in
number corresponding to the seven cases, see sfitra IV. 1.2*. They also
The word fiprf^ir means a complete triad. Thus wpfr fa*F$fi( means
the three affixes of the seventh case, t. e. f the locative singular, dual,
and plural. So TOTT firHf^K" means the third person, singular, dual, and
'
plural.
U^re f * ^q-^qq^
f f *T?q?t: , ^W: f
Tjqj^, *J ( *TTO: ) II
***fa 11
The word jjsw means joke, sportt Asqt *&$ Bfftif $t&& fft; rf>
HT^rt ^fst: ^Nmfaf**:
,
Thus thou thinkcst ' I shall cat ri ce/. thou sh alt not
eat, that has been eaten by a guest 5ft *&t kOh uraifir 1$ ^fWfir , TO^thf
$ f^rr I think thou wilt go by the chariot, no, thou wilt not, thy father has
gone before thee on it. When joke is not intended, the proper persons
should be used: as, lift iftmft iftvt Ht* Thus thou thinkest 'I shall
"
eat rice/
Digitized by Google
^
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
* *'-
*
Digitized by Google
OWER W,LL 8E CHARGED
12 2225
** OVERDUE FEE IF THIS BOOK IS
NOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY
ON
BELOW. NON-RECEIPT OF
OVERDUE
S OES N0T "eSpT
BORROWER FROM OVERDUE FEES?HE
ooL
Harvard College Widener
Library
Cambridge, MA 021 38 (617)495-2413
Google
L
D]igitized by