The Mayflower Compact, 1620
The Mayflower Compact, 1620
The Mayflower Compact, 1620
The Mayflower Compact was the first instrument of government drawn up in the
English Colonies and as such reflected the tentative origins of the campaign for
self-government that culminated in the American Revolution 156 years later.
Source: Richard Current, American History: A Survey, (New York: Knopf, 1961), p.
17.
The following account describes the rapid development of the Massachusetts Bay
Colony in the 17th Century.
Source: William Bruce Wheeler and Susan D. Becker, eds. Discovering the American
Past: A Look as the Evidence, vol. 1 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1999), p. 51-52.
The state of monarchy is the supremest thing upon earth: for kings are not only
Gods lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon God's throne, but even by God himself they
are called gods.
Kings are justly called gods, for that they exercise a manner or resemblance of
Divine power upon earth: for if you will consider the attributes to God, you shall see
how they agree in the person of a king. God hath power to create, or destroy, make, or
unmake at His pleasure, to give life, or send death, to judge all, and to be judged nor
accountable to none: to raise low things, and to make high things low at His pleasure,
and to God are both soul and body due. And the like power have kings: they make and
unmake their subjects: they have power of raising, and casting down: of life, and of
death: judges over all their subjects, and in all causes, and yet accountable to none but
God only. They have power to exalt low things, and abase high things, and make of
their subjects like men at the chess; a pawn to take a bishop or a knight, and to cry up,
or down any of their subjects, as they do their money. And to the king is due both the
affection of the soul and the service of the body of his subjects...
I conclude then this point touching the power of kings, with this axiom of
divinity, that as to dispute what God may do, is blasphemy...so is it sedition in subjects,
to dispute what a king may do in the height of his power; but just kings will ever be
willing to declare what they will do, if they will not incur the curse of God. I will not be
content that my power be disputed upon: but I shall ever be willing to make the reason
appear of all my doings, and rule my actions according to my laws.
Ironically most of the ideas which Americans eventually used to challenge the power
of the British King over them, derived from English political philosopher John Locke
(1632-1704). In 1689 Locke wrote "The Second Treatise on Civil Government" which
describes the then radical concept of the right of individuals to govern themselves.
Source: John Locke, The Second Treatise of Civil Government reprinted in David E
Shi and Holly A Mayer, eds., For the Record: A Documentary History of
America (Mew York, 1999), pp. 106-107.
The first act establishing freedom of religion was passed by the overwhelmingly
Catholic Maryland Colonial Legislature at the request of Lord Baltimore. By todays
standards the measure was limited. It simply said that anyone believing in
Christianity would not be molested by the colonial government or individuals in the
practice of his or her faith. It did not extend that protection to non-Christians.
However taken against the backdrop of state sanctioned or favored religion in most
nations and in the rest of the colonies, the very declaration that anyone was free to
worship in the Christian faith, regardless of denomination, was considered a major
statement of religious tolerance and the first step toward the religious freedom
guaranteed by the U.S. Constitituion. Part of the statute appears below:
The British View: The Fact is, that the Inhabitants of the Colonies are
represented in Parliament: they do not indeed choose the Members of that Assembly;
neither are Nine Tenths of the People of Britain Electors; for the Right of Election is
annexed to certain Species of Property, to peculiar Franchises, and to Inhabitancy in
some particular Places; but these Descriptions comprehend only a very small Part of
the Land, the Property, and the People of this Island...
The Colonies are in exactly the same Situation: All British Subjects are really in the
same; none are actually, all are virtually represented in Parliament; for every Member
of Parliament sits in the House, not as Representative of his own Constituents, but as
one of that august Assembly by which all the Commons of Great Britain are
represented. Their Rights and their Interests, however his own Borough may be
affected by general Dispositions, ought to be the great Objects of his Attention, and the
only Rules for his Conduct; and to sacrifice these to a partial Advantage in favour of
the Place where he was chosen, would be a Departure from his Duty; if it were
otherwise, Old Sarum would enjoy Privileges essential to Liberty, which are denied to
Birmingham and to Manchester; but as it is, they and the Colonies and all British
Subjects whatever, have an equal Share in the general Representation of the Commons
of Great Britain, and are bound by the Consent of the Majority of that House, whether
their own particular Representatives consented to or opposed the Measures there
taken, or whether they had or had not particular Representatives there.
The American View: To infer, my lord, that the British members [of
Parliament] actually represent the colonies, who are not permitted to do the least act
towards their appointment, because Britain is unequally represented, although every
man in the kingdom, who hath certain legal qualifications can vote for some one to
represent him, is such a piece of sophistry that I had half a mind to pass by the cobweb
without blowing it to pieces. Is there no difference between a country's having a
privilege to choose 558 members to represent them in parliament, though in unequal
proportions to the several districts, which cannot be avoided, and not having liberty to
choose any? To turn the tables,--if the Americans only had leave to send members to
parliament, could such sophistry ever persuade the people of Britain that they were
represented and had a share in the national councils?... Suppose none of the 558
members were chosen by the people, but enjoyed the right of sitting in parliament by
hereditary descent; could the common people be said to share in the national councils?
If we are not their constituents, they are not our representatives... It is really a piece of
mockery to tell us that a country, detached from Britain, by an ocean of immense
breadth, and which is so extensive and populous, should be represented by the British
members, or that we can have any interest in the house of commons.
Source: John M. Blum, The National Experience: A History of the United States (New
York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1989), pp. 90-91.