Why States Act Through Formal International Organizations

Why States Act through Formal International Organizations
Author(s): Kenneth W. Abbott and Duncan Snidal

Source: The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Feb., 1998), pp. 3-32
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
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Why States Act through Formal
International Organizations
KENNETH W. ABBOTT
Graduate and International Studies
Northwestern University School of Law

DUNCAN SNIDAL
Department of Political Science
University of Chicago
States use formal international organizations (IOs) to manage both their everyday interac
dramatic episodes, including international conflicts. Yet, contemporary international theory do
the existence or form of IOs. This article addresses the question of why states use formal o
investigating the functions IOs perform and the properties that enable them to perform
Starting with a rational-institutionalist perspective that sees IOs as enabling states to achieve t
authors examine power and distributive questions and the role of IOs in creating norms and
Centralization and independence are identified as the key properties of formal organizati
importance is illustrated with a wide array of examples. IOs as community representative
states to create and implement community values and enforce international commitments.
? When the United States decided to reverse the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait,
unilaterally (although it often does). It turned to the United Nations (U
Council.
e When the Security Council sought to learn the extent of chemical, biological, and nuclear
arms in Iraq, it did not rely on U.S. forces. It dispatched inspectors from the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
* When the international community sought to maintain the suspension of combat in
Bosnia, it did not rely only on national efforts. It sent in peacekeeping units under the
aegis of the UN and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
? When states liberalized trade in services and strengthened intellectual property protection
in the Uruguay Round, they were not content to draft rules. They created the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and a highly institutionalized dispute settlement mechanism.
Formal international organizations (IOs) are prominent (if not always successful)
participants in many critical episodes in international politics. Examples in addition
AUTHORS' NOTE: We are grateful for valuable comments from Lea Brilmayer, Judith Goldstein, Charles
Lipson, Andrew Moravcsik, James Morrow, Anne-Marie Slaughter, and seminar participants at the University
of California at Berkeley, Harvard University Law School, New York University Law School, Princeton
University, and the Program on International Politics, Economics and Security (PIPES) at the University of
Chicago. For financial support, Abbott thanks the Russell Baker Fund, the Charles C. Linthicum Fund, and the
Northwestern Summer Research Grant program.
JOURNAL OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION, Vol. 42 No. 1, February 1998 3-32

? 1998 Sage Publications, Inc.
3
4 JOURNAL OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION
to those above include the following: Security Council sanctions on Lib

inspectors in North Korea, UN peacekeepers in the Middle East, and so fo
secretary-general's 1992 Agenda for Peace sets out an even broader rang
and proposed UN functions in situations of international conflict: fact fi
warning, and preventive deployment; mediation, adjudication, and oth
dispute resolution; peacekeeping; sanctions and military force; impartial
assistance; and postconflict rebuilding. But IO influence is not confined
interventions like these. On an ongoing basis, formal organizations help m
significant areas of interstate relations, from global health policy (the
European security (OSCE and NATO) to international monetary policy (
is more, participation in such organizations appears to reduce the likeliho
conflict among member states (Russett, Oneal, and Davis in press).
IOs range from simple entities like the APEC secretariat, with an initi
$2 million, to formidable organizations like the European Union (EU)1 an
Bank, which has thousands of employees and multiple affiliates and lend
dollars each year. Specialized agencies like the ILO, ICAO, and FAO play
in technical issue areas. New organizations like UNEP, the EBRD, and th
tional Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia are regularly created. Older IO
and the Security Council are rethought and sometimes restructured to
circumstances.2 As the examples illustrate, moreover, even the most pow
often act through IOs. In short, "it is impossible to imagine contemporary
life" without formal organizations (Schermers and Blokker 1995, 3).
Why do states so frequently use IOs as vehicles of cooperation? Wha
account for their use, and how do these characteristics set formal organi
from alternative arrangements, such as decentralized cooperation, inform
tion, and treaty rules? Surprisingly, contemporary international scholar
clear theoretical answers to such questions and thus offers limited practi
policy makers.
We answer these questions by identifying the functional attributes of
range of issue areas. Although we are concerned with the concrete str
operations of particular organizations, we also see IOs as complex phen
implicate several lines of international relations (IR) theory. From this v
we identify two functional characteristics that lead states, in appropr
stances, to prefer IOs to alternate forms of institutionalization. These are c
and independence.
IOs allow for the centralization of collective activities through a concrete
organizational structure and a supportive administrative apparatus. These
1. Although we discuss certain of its operations, we deliberately de-emphasize the EU

would regard it as an exceptional case of institutionalization.
2. A discussion of IOs is an exercise in acronyms. The ones not identified in the text, in
World Health Organization (WHO), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Eur
International Monetary Fund (IMF), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC)
Labor Organization (ILO), International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), Food and Ag
nization (FAO), United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), and European Bank for Rec
Development (EBRD).
Abbott, Snidal / FORMAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 5
efficiency of collective activities and enhance the organization's ability to affect the
understandings, environment, and interests of states. Independence means the ability
to act with a degree of autonomy within defined spheres. It often entails the capacity
to operate as a neutral in managing interstate disputes and conflicts. IO independence
is highly constrained: member states, especially the powerful, can limit the autonomy
of IOs, interfere with their operations, ignore their dictates, or restructure and dissolve
them. But as in many private transactions, participation by even a partially autono-
mous, neutral actor can increase efficiency and affect the legitimacy of individual and
collective actions. This provides even powerful states with incentives to grant IOs
substantial independence.
The broad categories of centralization and independence encompass numerous
specific functions. Most IOs perform more than one, though each has its own unique
combination. We do not enumerate every such function or provide a comprehensive
typology. Instead, we highlight several of the most important. We focus especially on
the active functions of IOs-facilitating the negotiation and implementation of agree-
ments, resolving disputes, managing conflicts, carrying out operational activities like
technical assistance, elaborating norms, shaping international discourse, and the
like-that IR theory has only sparingly addressed. Rational states will use or create a
formal IO when the value of these functions outweighs the costs, notably the resulting
limits on unilateral action.
Distinguishing formal IOs from alternative forms of organization is important from
several perspectives. For IR scholars, who largely abandoned the study of formal IOs
in the move from the legal-descriptive tradition to more theoretical approaches,
developing such distinctions should "open up a large and important research agenda"
with institutional form and structure as central dependent variables (Young 1994, 4;
see also Koremenos et al. 1997). This will complement emerging work on international
legalization, a closely related form of institutionalization (Burley and Mattli 1993;
Abbott and Snidal 1997; Keohane, Moravcsik, and Slaughter 1997). Such research
will also benefit practitioners of conflict management and regime design (Mitchell
1994). The policy implications of our analysis are significant as well. Many states,
notably the United States, now resist the creation of IOs and hesitate to support those
already in operation, citing the shortcomings of international bureaucracy, the costs of
formal organization, and the irritations of IO autonomy. This is an ideal time for
students of international governance to focus on the other side of the ledger.
The next section spells out our theoretical approach, drawing lessons from the ways
in which different schools of theory have dealt with (or have failed to deal with) the
questions posed above. It is followed by an analysis of the organizational attributes of
centralization and independence and the functions they make possible-especially in
contexts of cooperation and nonviolent conflict. The final section explores two
composite functions that challenge conventional views of 10 capabilities and demon-
strate the complementarity of prevailing theories: developing, expressing, and carrying
out community norms and aspirations and enforcing rules and commitments. We
conclude with the example of the Security Council in the Gulf War, which draws
together these themes in the context of violent conflict.
PUTTING IOs INTO THEORY

AND THEORY INTO IOs
Our primary approach is rationalist and institutionalist. We assume, for s

that states are the principal actors in world politics and that they use IOs to cr
orderings appropriate to their pursuit of shared goals: producing collecti
collaborating in prisoner's dilemma settings, solving coordination problem
like. We start with the pursuit of efficiency and employ the logic of transact
economics and rational choice (Snidal 1996), using analogies with business f
medieval trading institutions. Decentralized cooperation theory and, espe
gime theory provide a strong deductive basis for this analysis.
Regime theory (Krasner 1983; Keohane 1984) represents a major ad
understanding international cooperation. It is self-consciously theoretical an
directly on the institutional organization of international cooperation. But it h
shortcomings. Most important, regime scholars embrace an earlier turn in
unnecessarily coupled a move to theory with a move away from considerat
themselves. This resulted in "the steady disengagement of international or
scholars from the study of organizations, to the point that today one mus
whether such a field even exists any longer except in name only" (Roche
783-84). Indeed, regime theory deals with institutions at such a general lev
has little to say about the particular institutional arrangements that organiz
tional politics. Our focus on the concrete operations of formal IOs not only br
into regime theory but also provides a broader opportunity for IR theory to di
among institutional forms and recapture institutional details. We draw on
descriptive literature to accomplish this.
Furthermore, regime theory has been rightly criticized for paying insu
attention to issues of power and distribution in international politics. We draw
considerations to supplement our institutionalist approach in this regard
although regime theory has paid increasing attention to the role of ideas and
international politics (Goldstein and Keohane 1993), it has only begun to in
these important considerations. Here, we draw on constructivist theory for
In sum, we enrich our primarily rationalist approach with important insig
several different traditions, which we see as complementary rather than co
Decentralized cooperation theory takes as the problematic of internation
nance the existence of coordination and collaboration problems requiring
action (Oye 1986; Stein 1983; Snidal 1985a). It assumes anarchy, often dep
game models, and analyzes how states cooperate in that spare contex
strategies of reciprocity and other forms of self-help. The dependent va
typically cooperation in the abstract, and much of the research in this traditio
directed to disproving the realist assertion that cooperation in anarchy is
There is no nuanced account of the forms of cooperation because the anarchy
assumption makes IOs and other institutions largely irrelevant. However, the strong
assumptions that underlie the theory, such as the need for high-quality information,
suggest that cooperation is unlikely without an adequate institutional context-
although the theory is only beginning to analyze that context (Morrow 1994). For our
purposes, however, it performs a useful service by emphasizing that institutional

capacities other than centralized enforcement are crucial in mediating interstate
relations.
Regime theory, in contrast, deals explicitly with institutional factors affecting
cooperation, and regime scholars frequently mention IOs. But they downplay the
distinctive institutional role(s) of IOs, perhaps in continued reaction against the earlier
preoccupation with formal organizations. For example, Martin (1992) depicts the
European Economic Community (EEC) and the Coordinating Committee for Export
Controls (COCOM) as important but nevertheless quite rudimentary forums for
intergovernmental bargaining; Weber (1994) emphasizes the broad political and
symbolic goals of the EBRD. Neither discusses the organizations' primary operational
roles. Keohane's (1984) After Hegemony also emphasizes intergovernmental bargain-
ing, arguing that regimes help states reach specific agreements by reducing transaction
costs, improving information, and raising the costs of violations. But this valuable
analysis also excludes many significant operational activities of IOs.3 In all these
works, furthermore, regime scholars treat international institutions as passive. Re-
gimes are seen, for example, as embodying norms and rules or clarifying expectations
(Keohane 1984; Yarbrough and Yarbrough 1992; Garrett and Weingast 1993), func-
tions also performed by treaties and informal agreements. Regimes are also seen as
forums in which states can interact more efficiently: like Keohane and Martin,
Moravcsik's (1991) analysis of the Single European Act treats IOs as sites of, but not
as agents in, cooperation. Indeed, the canonical definition of regime (Krasner 1983)
encompasses only norms and collective choice procedures, making no provision for
the active and independent IO functions-and the corresponding institutional forms-
that we emphasize below.
Legal scholarship continues to offer descriptive accounts of the history and
institutional architecture of IOs, as well as doctrinal analysis of norms and texts,
especially the normative output of organizations such as ILO treaties or General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/WTO panel decisions (Bowett 1982; Kirgis
1993). More important for present purposes, another strand of doctrinal theory
addresses the constitutional law of IOs, including membership and voting rules,
external relations, finance, and the authority of specific organs (Amerasinghe 1994;
Sohn 1950, 1967; Dupuy 1988; Shihata 1991, 1995). The best of this work is
comparative, examining how common problems of organization and operation are
addressed in the constitutive documents and practices of various IOs (Schermers and
Blokker 1995; Chayes and Chayes 1995). Unfortunately, "in the land of legal science,
there is no strongly established tradition of developing theories on IOs" (Schermers
and Blokker 1995, 8; see also Brownlie 1990, 679). Nevertheless, legal scholarship-
like some earlier work in IR, notably Cox and Jacobson (1973)-carefully differenti-
ates among institutional forms and emphasizes institutional details, an important
contribution that we use in our analysis.
3. Keohane (1984) does discuss monitoring, but Glaser (1995) argues that regime theorists do not
explain why monitoring must be done centrally.
Realist theory finds both legal and regime scholarship naive in treat
serious political entities. Realists believe states would never cede to sup
institutions the strong enforcement capacities necessary to overcome in
anarchy. Consequently, IOs and similar institutions are of little interest;
reflect national interests and power and do not constrain powerful states (M
1995; Strange 1983; for a more nuanced view, see Glaser 1995). We accep
point that states are jealous of their power and deeply concerned with th
consequences of their interactions. Yet, realists underestimate the utility
to the powerful. The United States, at the peak of its hegemony, sponsor
IOs, including GATT, IMF, and NATO; these organizations have provided
utility . . . as instruments ... for regime and rule creation" (Karns and M
29). Even the Soviet Union, the very model of a modern repressive hege
the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance to organize economic relat
the eastern bloc. We argue that powerful states structure such organization
their own interests but must do so in a way that induces weaker states t
This interplay is embedded in 10 structure and operations.
Finally, Kratochwil and Ruggie (1986) argue that only constructivist (in
theory-focusing on norms, beliefs, knowledge, and understandings-can
rily explain formal organizations. We accept the insight that social cons
fundamental elements of international politics (Wendt 1992, 1995; Barne
agree that IOs are-in part-both reflections of and participants in ongo
processes and prevailing ideas (Finnemore 1996; Kennedy 1987). But the
is best understood through a synthesis of rationalist (including realist) a
tivist approaches. States consciously use IOs both to reduce transaction
narrow sense and, more broadly, to create information, ideas, norms, and e
to carry out and encourage specific activities; to legitimate or delegitima
ideas and practices; and to enhance their capacities and power. The
constitute IOs as agents, which, in turn, influence the interests, intersubje
standings, and environment of states (McNeely 1995). Potentially, these r
an influence well beyond their material power, which is trivial on con
measures. Indeed, IO activities may lead to unintended consequences fo
states, a fear often expressed by U.S. politicians. Yet, IO autonomy rem
constrained by state interests, especially those of the powerful-a fact o
strated by U.S. politicians.
Although we adopt a predominantly rationalist theoretical approach, w
cerned with highlighting the importance of formal IOs as empirical phen
than with maintaining a particular theoretical dogma. None of the ind
proaches mentioned adequately explains why states use formal IOs; eac
insights. In identifying formal IOs as an important category of institutio
be explained, therefore, we proceed in a more interpretive mode, drawing o
strands of argumentation to highlight ways in which formal IOs functio
interstate cooperation and conflict.4
4. On the use of rational choice as an interpretive device, see Ferejohn (1991), John
Snidal (1985b).
Abbott, Snidal/FORMAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 9
THE FUNCTIONS OF IOs:

CENTRALIZATION AND INDEPENDENCE
Two characteristics distinguish IOs from other international institut

zation (a concrete and stable organizational structure and an administra
managing collective activities) and independence (the authority to act
of autonomy, and often with neutrality, in defined spheres).5 The very
centralized secretariat implies some operational autonomy, but this is o
administrative and technical matters and subject to close supervision by
In other situations-sometimes involving the same organizations-subs
omy and neutrality are essential. The range and potential importance of t
lead us to treat independence as a separate category.
Centralization and independence enhance efficiency. An analogy to
ness firms is instructive. The firm replaces contractual relations am
workers, and managers; it substitutes a centralized, hierarchical organ
horizontal, negotiated relations of contract. In Coase's (1937) theory, fir
when the transaction costs of direct contracting are too high for effic
Similarly, the move from decentralized cooperation to IOs occurs whe
direct state interaction outweigh the costs of international organiza
consequent constraints on unilateral action (Trachtman 1996).
Centralization and independence represent different forms of tra
economizing. Small businesses draw mainly on the centralization benef
organization, interposing a legal entity with the ability to manage emp
chically and the capacity to contract, sue, and be sued. The owners sti
business directly, though their interactions are more highly structure
larger firms additionally benefit by granting autonomy and supervisor
professional managers; in Berle and Means's (1968, 5) famous phr
"separation of ownership and control." The situation is similar in co
which member states grant some authority to IO organs and personne
them through structures resembling the corporate shareholders me
directors, and executive committee. Introducing these new actor
relations among states and allows them to achieve goals unattainable in
setting.
Centralization and independence produce political effects beyond mere efficiency.
In these respects, IOs resemble governments and private associations more than
business firms. Independence, in particular, enables IOs to shape understandings,
influence the terms of state interactions, elaborate norms, and mediate or resolve
member states' disputes. The acts of independent IOs may be accorded special
legitimacy, and they affect the legitimacy of members' actions. Even centralization,
seemingly more mechanical, can alter states' perceptions and the context of their
interactions.
5. Centralization and independence are matters of degree, not only among IOs but even between IOs
and related institutions. For example, the Group of Seven is not a formal IO but merely a negotiating forum.
Its organizational practices (e.g., a rotating chair) nevertheless provide some centralization benefits, and it
partakes of some autonomy, as in legitimating members' actions.
CENTRALIZATION
It is no great theoretical insight that an established organizational

centralized administrative support can render collective activities more
students of international governance are not content to communicate
form the International Studies Association and the International Law Association. This
simple insight goes far to explain the proliferation of IOs in this century in a period of
increasing issue complexity and a growing number of states. The (inter)subjective
effects of centralization are less apparent, though equally important. We consider the
benefits of centralization under two headings-support for direct state interaction
(the principal focus of regime theory) and operational activities (the traditional focus
of IO studies). Here, we emphasize concrete activities in which governments remain
closely involved; the following section introduces broader functions also requiring IO
autonomy.
SUPPORT FOR STATE INTERACTIONS
The organizational structure of IOs enhances even the passive virtues rec
by regime theory. An established organization provides a stable negotiating
enhancing iteration and reputational effects. Such a stable forum also allows
response to sudden developments. The Security Council, for example, is org
that it can function on short notice, with each member required to maintain c
representation at UN headquarters. A permanent organization also reinforce
norms: the most favored nation (MFN) principle instantiated in the WTO p
sounder basis for state expectations than any informal arrangement.
In other ways too, centralization shapes the political context of state inte
IOs provide neutral, depoliticized, or specialized forums more effectively th
any informal or decentralized arrangement. This enables a broader range of
the superpowers could discuss technical nuclear issues within the IAEA wit
intrusion of high politics, even at the height of the cold war. IOs also serve as
forums for political coalitions: the United Nations Conference on Trade an
ment (UNCTAD) for developing countries, the Organization for Economic
tion and Development (OECD) for industrialized states. Finally, IOs strength
linkages by situating them within common organizational structures, as the
done for goods, services, and intellectual property rights.
Formal organizations further embody the precise terms of state interaction
sentation and voting rules "constitutionalize" balances among states having
levels of power, interest, or knowledge. States with advanced nuclear techn
large supplies of nuclear raw material are guaranteed seats on the IAEA B
Governors; states with major shipping and carrier interests have equal repr
on the International Maritime Organization (IMO) Council. Such decision s
frequently guarantee disproportionate influence for powerful states. Yet, they
constitutionalize protection for weaker states and hold the powerful accou
fixed rules and procedures. For example, both the Security Council and the
are structured so that the most powerful members can block affirmative actions but
even if united, cannot approve actions without support from smaller powers.
Such considerations often lead to elaborate organizational structures. The substan-
tive work of many IOs takes place in specialized committees staffed by their secretari-
ats. The OECD uses more than 200 committees and working groups; the IMO prepares
treaties in substantive groupings like the maritime safety and marine environmental
protection committees. Such committees are often formally open to all members, bu
specialization occurs naturally because of differences in interest, expertise, and re-
sources. Delegation can also be encouraged institutionally: in the third UN law of the
sea conference (UNCLOS III), the chairs of open-ended committees sometimes
scheduled meetings in rooms capable of holding only 30 people!6
Organizational structure influences the evolution of interstate cooperation as con-
ditions change. For example, several environmental agreements were facilitated by
appointing UNEP as secretariat and the World Bank as financial administrator,
obviating the need for new institutions. These institutional links are often contested
because of their distributional implications. The advanced countries fought to locate
new intellectual property rules in the WTO (rather than in the World Intellectual
Property Organization [WIPO]) so they could enforce their rights more effectively. In
other cases, organizational structures create vested interests that impede change or
politicize issues, as in the United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organi-
zation (UNESCO) during the 1970s. More generally, because IOs are designed for
stability, they may not adapt smoothly to changing power conditions, as the continuing
makeup of the Security Council attests. Yet, the gradual reduction of U.S. voting power
in the IMF, mandated by its declining share of capital contributions, illustrates how
organizational structure can facilitate such adaptation.
Most IOs include a secretariat or similar administrative apparatus. In simple
consultative organizations, the secretariat need only assist with the mechanics of
decentralized interaction. The 1985 Vienna Ozone Convention assigned the following
functions to its secretariat: "(a) To arrange for and service meetings...; (b) To prepare
and transmit reports based upon information received ... ; (d) To prepare reports on
its activities .. .; (e) To ensure the necessary coordination with other relevant inter-
national bodies . . .; (f) To perform such other functions as may be determined"
("Vienna Convention" 1985, 1532). The secretariat for the Convention on Long-
Range Transboundary Air Pollution (LRTAP) performed similar functions with only
five professionals. Levy (1993, 84) notes that the staff had "little time to do anything
else but keep the meetings running smoothly."
Even such modest activities can strengthen international cooperation. Here, we
draw on the analogy to the medieval law merchant and the corresponding theoretical
literature (Milgrom, North, and Weingast 1990; Calvert 1995; Morrow 1994). Informal
consultations produced sufficient information on the identity of untrustworthy traders
to support a substantial volume of trade. Yet, modest efforts by central administrators
at commercial fairs to collect and relay additional information created a new equilib-
rium at a higher level of exchange.
6. Personal communication from Bernard Oxman, member of the U.S. delegation, 21 May 1997.
12 JOURNAL OF CONFLICTRESOLUTION
Most IOs perform more extensive supportive functions. Law-making

like UNCLOS III or the Rio conference on the environment and develo
heavily on their secretariats. IO personnel coordinate and structure age
background research, and promote successful negotiations. They keep tr
ments on particular issues, trade-offs, and areas of disagreement, period
ing texts that consolidate the current state of play. They also transmit pr
assurances, improving the flow of information.
IO staffs support decentralized cooperation between major conferenc
expert OECD secretariat collects, produces, and publishes information
national economic policy coordination. The WTO secretariat assists in
negotiations, from the settlement of disputes to sectoral talks under
agreement. IO staffs also support the decentralized implementation of
secretariat for the Basel convention on the transboundary movement
wastes, provides information states need to manage activities under the tr
receives, summarizes, and circulates national reports on treaty impleme
Experience under the international trade regime testifies to the im
organizational structure and administrative support. The original GATT
tive and consultative arrangement; almost all organizational features we
the instance of the United States. Yet, member states soon needed mo
organizational structure and support. As membership expanded and co
issues appeared on the agenda, GATT began its metamorphosis int
true 10.
MANAGING SUBSTANTIVE OPERATIONS
IOs do more than support intergovernmental negotiations; they manage

of operational activities. A prototypical operational organization is the Wor
which finances massive development projects, borrows on world capital m
reviews state investment proposals, provides technical assistance and train
many disciplines, generates extensive research and publications, and p
other substantive activities. Operational organizations normally have sizable
and bureaucracies, complex organizational structures, and substantial oper
autonomy.7
Member states of an 10 like the World Bank use the institution as an agent, taking
advantage of its centralized organization and staff to carry out collective activities. The
analogy of the large business corporation, with its dispersed owner-investors and
professional managers, is apt. Compared with a decentralized approach based on ad
hoc contracting, a formal organization provides efficiency gains that outweigh the
accompanying costs in terms of money, human resources, and constraints on unilateral
action. Especially when participating states differ in power, centralized operations will
have significant distributional consequences.
7. We reserve for the following section discussion of those functions that turn directly on independence
and neutrality.
IO operations also significantly influence the capabilities, understandings, and

interests of states. This is most apparent with outputs such as information and rules
But it is also true of more material activities like technical assistance and join
production. Indeed, virtually all of the activities discussed below promote certain
norms and practices among states, often in unanticipated ways.
Pooling
Many IOs are vehicles for pooling activities, assets, or risks. Some pooling can be
accomplished on a decentralized basis, as in a business partnership, but a separate
entity with a stable organizational structure and specialized staff can greatly reduce
transaction costs while providing additional advantages.
Consider the World Bank again. As in other international financial institutions
(IFIs), members pool financial resources through capital contributions and commit-
ments. Pooling provides a solid cushion of capital that enables the World Bank to make
credible financial commitments to borrowers, who rely on them for costly planning
and investment decisions, and to world capital markets, in which the bank borrows at
advantageous rates. In addition, this common effort promotes burden sharing in
providing a collective good and may limit the competition for influence that charac-
terizes some bilateral assistance. Similarly, by combining development loans in a
common portfolio, bank members pool, and thereby reduce, their individual risk.
Pooling enables the World Bank to achieve economies of scale by carrying out a
large volume of activities, establishing uniform procedures and building up a common
body of data. These economies allow it to develop greater technical expertise on
various aspects of country and project assessment than could most states and to
innovate in emerging areas like "basic needs." Finally, the bank's broad jurisdiction
creates a horizontal advantage akin to economies of scope: by dealing with virtually
all needy countries, the bank can target global priorities while avoiding duplication
and gaps in coverage.8
The largest states, especially the United States, could mobilize sufficient capital to
accomplish their international financial objectives unilaterally.9 They are unwilling to
do so, however, for international and domestic political reasons and because of
competing priorities. Indeed, the United States is actively working to strengthen the
IFIs, in part because their broad membership and assessment structures encourage
wide cost sharing.10 In the meantime, although the G-7 countries bear most of the costs
of the IFIs, they also retain the greatest share of voting power and influence on
management. During the cold war, they successfully excluded the Soviet bloc and the
People's Republic of China. Yet, the United States has been unable consistently to
dictate IFI decisions on specific transactions.
8. Of course, as Kratochwil (1996) notes, large-scale centralized operations may not be necessary or
desirable in all cases. The Maastricht Treaty's subsidiarity principle adopts this view, while authorizing
supranational activity when the scale of the problem makes that appropriate.
9. The desire to benefit from pooling is nevertheless reflected in U.S. Treasury Secretary Rubin's lament
that the "United States cannot be the lender of last resort to the world" (quoted in Sanger 1995).
10. The G-7 countries also benefit from IFI independence, as discussed below.
Nonfinancial IOs provide similar advantages. The public health activit

like other UN-specialized agencies, are based on the pooling of national
and cost sharing (though the industrialized countries bear the bulk of
economies of scale provide operational efficiencies. The WHO smallpox
illustrates the horizontal benefits of centralization: a single global camp
contagious disease is more effective than decentralized efforts becaus
avoids gaps in coverage. (The IAEA nuclear safeguards system off
advantage.) In addition, the stable organizational structure of WHO and
tion-staking effect of membership encourage participation. Free-rider
main, but the organization can alleviate them by using its own resourc
provides effective technical assistance by pooling financial and techni
and accumulating expertise; its global scope diffuses new technologies
rational prioritization of needs. By enhancing the development and tra
ideas, technical activities of specialized organizations have significantl
interests and identities of states. At the same time, they have helped l
states acquire capacities essential to both national policy making and i
activity.
An example of the limits of pooling illustrates these effects and the importance of
realist and constructivist considerations. UNESCO's scientific arm was intended to
promote the public goods aspects of scientific research by pooling international
scientific facilities and creating a central clearinghouse. The organization was initially
oriented toward the needs of scientists: executive board members did not represent
governments. With the cold war, however, state interests asserted themselves. The
board was reorganized to represent states, and UNESCO's orientation shifted to
national science. Finnemore (1996) documents how UNESCO technical assistance
subsequently promoted national science programs even in states where there was little
need for them. Thus, UNESCO helped shape states' identities, interests, and capabili-
ties in the area of science policy even though its initial global objectives were frustrated
by interstate rivalries.
Joint Production
Alchian and Demsetz's (1972) theory of the firm suggests that a centralized
organization is particularly important when workers, managers, and other "inputs"
must work in teams, producing a joint output. In these situations, the hierarchical
organization of the firm makes it easier for managers, themselves beholden to the
owners ("residual claimants"), to monitor, reward, and discipline employees. 10
personnel engage in similar teamwork and thus are typically organized hierarchically,
with supervision by and on behalf of member states.
Beyond this, states themselves sometimes form multinational "teams" to engage in
production activities. Experts from several European states cooperate in subatomic
research through the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN), an IO that
operates a nuclear laboratory; the Airbus project is a similar example. In addition to
holding participants responsible, these organizations pool resources and risks, achieve
economies of scale, avoid duplication and unproductive competition, and ensure that
Abbott, Snidal /FORMAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 15
the outputs, including technological externalities, are shared. Projects like CERN and
Airbus resemble business firms even more than the typical 10. Indeed, Airbus,
originally created as a partnership under French law, is being transformed into a private
corporation to better coordinate the participants.
Perhaps the best example of interstate joint production is the NATO military
alliance. Common war plans, specialization of military tasks, joint exercises, common
equipment and interchangeable parts, and, of course, the conduct of battle are examples
of teamwork par excellence. NATO's integrated command-operating hierarchically
on behalf of member states as residual claimants-organizes, monitors, and disciplines
participants in the joint activities of the alliance, probably the most successful in
history.1'
Norm Elaboration and Coordination
States arrange cooperative relationships through agreements. As Williamson (19

1994) and others have pointed out, bounded rationality and high transaction an
information costs make it difficult for states-like the parties to any contract-
anticipate and provide for all possible contingencies. The longer and more comp
the relationship, the more significant the contingencies; the greater the investment
specific assets, the greater the uncertainty and risk of opportunism. The domestic le
system helps alleviate these problems by supplying missing terms and decision ru
but the international institutional context is comparatively thin. "First, in internati
law, there is not a very complete body of law that can be applied to supply miss
terms.... Second, ... there is generally no dispute resolution tribunal with mandat
jurisdiction. . . . The alternative, of course, is to write comprehensive contract
(Trachtman 1996, 51-54).
There is another alternative: to create procedures for the elaboration of norms wit
an 1O. Decentralized procedures do not address the problems of transaction costs
opportunism. Even with coordination issues-in which equilibria can sometimes
reached without communication-these problems can stymie cooperation when th
are many actors, complex problems, and distributive conflicts. The stable organi
tional structure of IOs addresses both issues. Established procedures for elaborati
rules, standards, and specifications enhance cooperation even when member sta
retain the power to reject or opt out-as they do even in 1Os with relatively advan
legislative procedures, like the ILO. Nonbinding recommendations can become d
facto coordination equilibria, relied on by states and other international actors. T
gives IOs some power to affect international norms and state behavior and potent
much greater power with the backing of key states.
As always, powerful states exert disproportionate influence over norm elaborat
and structure legislative processes to ensure their influence. Here, too, howeve
protection for weaker states may be the price of their participation, and the effecti
11. The analogy is imperfect. NATO's organization differs from that of a firm. Nevertheless, tea
analysis suggests why a formal 10 is valuable, whereas the standard public goods analogy reduce
problem simply to one of individual (under)provision. See Olson and Zeckhauser (1966).
ness of an established rule-making procedure requires that powerful st

those arrangements. For example, powerful states often limit IO jurisd
technical areas with limited distributional impact; as a result, IO legislativ
may go forward-up to a point, at least-less influenced by narrow nation
and differential power than direct intergovernmental bargaining.
Many IOs engage in norm elaboration, especially of a technical kind. Th
notably, has issued a huge number of directives, regulations, and other
acts-affecting everything from franchise agreements to telecommunicati
nectivity standards to tax policy-though many important issues have be
through interstate agreements and mutual recognition. The preparation
legislation is housed exclusively in the commission to facilitate a depol
expert approach.
Many other IOs carry out extensive legislative programs, frequently f
coordination rules. The ICAO promulgates international "rules of the air
national Telecommunications Union (ITU) coordinates national broadcast
ards; the Customs Cooperation Council implements common customs ru
Codex Alimentarius Commission harmonizes food standards. Although
these standards have important effects on (and within) states, as the c
privileging Codex standards under the North American Free Trade
(NAFTA) demonstrated. Although the associated IOs are quite weak, the
is strengthened by the self-enforcing nature of coordination equilibria.
INDEPENDENCE
Although centralization often requires some operational autonomy,

1O functions require more substantive independence. The participation
independent, neutral actor can transform relations among states, enha
ciency and legitimacy of collective and individual actions. These funct
delicate balance among short- and long-term collective and distributio
Powerful states will not enter an organization they cannot influence, yet
the independence of an organization performing the functions discu
simultaneously reduce its effectiveness and their own ability to achie
Analogies from the business firm and the law merchant illustrate
Shareholders in a large corporation must monitor managers to limit ag
if major shareholders cause managers to favor their interests unduly, ot
to invest. If shareholders generally assert excessive control, moreover
advantages of professional management. The law merchant analogy is
Powerful princes granted monopoly privileges to independent guild
merchants, enabling them to embargo the princes themselves if they
of the merchants (Grief, Milgrom, and Weingast 1994). By eliminat
incentives to cheat, these arrangements enabled them to make the bin
ments necessary to induce mutually beneficial trade. The princes could
guilds' privileges, of course, but were constrained from doing so by th
of trade.
SUPPORT FOR DIRECT STATE INTERACTION
Independent IOs promote intergovernmental cooperation in more proact

than those discussed earlier; they are initiating as well as supportive org
The governing body is often authorized to call together member states t
current problems. IO personnel also influence negotiation agendas. On a hig
plane, UNEP kept ozone protection alive when interstate negotiations dead
built support for the Montreal Protocol. The UN secretary-general may put
Security Council any matter that, in his opinion, threatens international
security. At the administrative level, the ILO governing body sets the Genera
ence agenda with assistance from the International Labor Office. At the techn
IO and conference officials advance specific proposals and suggest li
trade-offs: the president of UNCLOS III was authorized to defer contentio
forge a consensus during deferment; the negotiating text advanced by GAT
General Dunkel during the Uruguay Round catalyzed the faltering negotia
helped bridge substantive differences.
IO officials are also prominent members of the epistemic communities th
and transmit new ideas for international governance (Haas 1992). Drake and
(1992, 76) document the role of IOs in developing the concepts behind the
tion of trade in services: a "comparatively small number of experts in the G
on Negotiation in Services] and on the GATT, UNCTAD and OECD staffs
main source of the specific kinds of new ideas needed to carry the policy p
conclusion." The UN Economic Commission on Latin America is well known as the
source of many ideas regarding economic development that rallied the Group of 77.
Such autonomous efforts can modify the political, normative, and intellectual context
of interstate interactions. These factors are not purely exogenous, as in structural
theories or constructivist approaches that locate them in general societal trends, but
are tied to the agency and interests of IOs (Ness and Brechin 1988; Scott 1992).
Independence is equally important in implementation. The ILO committee of
experts-a group of private individuals-comments on national reports. Some ILO
organs use these comments to highlight noncompliance with ILO conventions and
recommendations and to invite governments to submit additional information. Other
IOs report on state compliance in addition to, or in lieu of, national reports. IO officials
further monitor state conduct, in more or less intrusive ways, although enforcement
remains decentralized. For example, the WTO regularly reviews the general effects of
national trade policies.
MANAGING SUBSTANTIVE OPERATIONS
In the above examples, IOs facilitate interstate collaboration by pushin

tions forward. This role could be played by, say, a dominant state, but su
bias might impede cooperation; an independent 10 may be more accepta
it is neutral. For many substantive IO operations, however, it is the existenc
independent third party, not the absence of bias per se, that enables state
their ends.
Laundering
Laundering has a negative connotation from its association with runnin

gains through seemingly independent financial institutions until they com
having lost their original character and taint. Without necessarily adop
connotation, we use the term advisedly because the process at work in IO
activities that might be unacceptable in their original state-to-state fo
acceptable when run through an independent, or seemingly independen
concept should be familiar to IR scholars who are reluctant to accept Cen
gence Agency funds but eagerly accept National Science Foundation gran
by independent academic panels.
Appropriately enough, the World Bank, IMF, and other IFIs provide cle
States may prefer development assistance from an independent financia
over direct aid from another state, especially a former colonial power or
political influence. IFI restrictions on national autonomy (e.g., on proje
broader economic policies) may not carry the same domestic political im
dependence and inferiority as would conditions imposed directly by, say
States or France. These considerations may make IFI conditions a superio
promoting domestic reforms.
IFIs equally serve a laundering function for donor states seeking to avo
and international controversies. The World Bank's charter requires, for e
development loans be made without regard for the "political character" of t
disregard of this factor is difficult within the United States, where financi
budgets require congressional approval. The United States called on
manage the 1980s debt crisis, keeping the issue less politicized and mor
Similarly, the Soviet Union laundered subsidies to subordinate states in Ea
through Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) trading practic
domestic opposition to these political and economic arrangements both a
in recipient states (Marreese 1986). IFIs also inhibit domestic special int
distorting policy for other purposes, as in the case of tied aid.
Although the obligation to participate in IFIs may be strong, doing so
states curtail aid recipients' expectations, thus preserving flexibility. Alth
national intermediaries diminish a donor state's leverage over recipient
factor is offset by decreases in other states' leverage and in competition
among donors. Donor states as a group, of course, retain control over the
is the fund, not the United States or Germany, that imposes austerity on b
The autonomy needed for successful laundering gives IOs influen
substance of their activities. For example, IFI staff have significant input
criteria and adjustment policies and, increasingly, into social, environmenta
related policies. Robert McNamara was able to broaden developmen
beyond economic growth to include social factors and to reorient World
(Finnemore 1996; Sanford 1988). The point should not be overstated. M
reforms were hardly radical, and Western countries were largely recep
sequently, the Reagan administration pushed the World Bank partially b
Abbott, Snidal/ FORMAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 19
market policies. Thus, IO autonomy remains bounded by state interests and power, as
reflected in institutional arrangements.
Such interventions can cause IOs to be perceived as politicized, responding to the
interests of certain states or to issues beyond their regular purview. This occurred in
the 1960s and 1970s, when the World Bank withheld loans from states that expropri-
ated foreign property without compensation (Lipson 1985, 138-39); recently, the
United States linked support for World Bank lending to human rights in cases,
including China and Malawi (Kirgis 1993, 572-75). Whatever their justification, such
measures reflect a partial failure we label dirty laundering. Powerful states face a
tension between the immediate advantages of dirty laundering versus the long-run
costs of jeopardizing IO independence.
Laundering is not limited to financial organizations. UN peacekeeping allows
powerful states to support conflict reduction without being drawn into regional
conflicts and discourages other powers from taking advantage of their inaction. This
simultaneously reassures small countries that the conflict will not be enlarged. The
IAEA performs two different laundering functions. First, recipients may prefer tech-
nical assistance from an independent agency rather than a particular nuclear state, even
though nuclear states as a group dominate the agency. Direct assistance may create
dependence, reduce policy flexibility, and be domestically controversial. IAEA tech-
nical assistance programs also distance provider states from recipient nuclear pro-
grams and inhibit the commercial rivalry among suppliers that otherwise facilitates
proliferation. Second, states subject to nuclear safeguards may be more willing to
admit independent international monitors into sensitive nuclear facilities than to permit
entry by representatives of another state. Interestingly, when the United States transferred
bilateral safeguard responsibilities to the IAEA in 1962, some recipients resisted the
new arrangement, fearing that nationals of various states on the IAEA staff would
conduct covert intelligence missions. This suggests, however, not that the logic of
laundering is false but that it turns on the perceived independence of the organization.
Laundering thus has significant implications for the constitutive rules of IOs.
Although member states retain ultimate control, organizations must be structured-
from their organs of governance down to their personnel policies-to create sufficient
independence for laundering to succeed. A failing of the UN secretariat is that its
personnel are viewed as retaining their national identities; by contrast, the "Eurocrat"
is seen as having loyalties beyond his or her individual state.
Neutrality
Neutrality adds impartiality to independence. It enables IOs to mediate among

states in contested interactions, including disputes and allocation decisions. UN
neutrality underlies most of the functions discussed in the secretary-general's Agenda
for Peace, from fact-finding and other forms of preventive diplomacy through dispute
resolution and peacekeeping to postconflict consolidation of peace. Even more than
laundering, neutrality demands that institutions be buffered from direct pressures of
states.
IO as neutral information provider. Regime theory recognizes the impor

information but does not emphasize differences in its quality. Information
verified by an independent, neutral IO is more reliable than that provided
because it is free of national biases. Consider the air pollution monitorin
established in Europe under LRTAP. Data supplied by Sweden or Russi
perceived as biased, but a neutral source of information was more credible
support greater cooperation. The convention protecting Antarctic seals inc
an existing institution, the Scientific Commission on Antarctic Research, as
source and verifier of information on the status of seals and state activities. Ba
this information, the parties attained a rather high degree of cooperatio
conventions without neutral sources of information, such as that concerning A
marine living resources, have been less successful. Finally, the 1991 General
declaration on fact finding strengthens the UN secretary-general's role as
information source in politically charged situations; the General Assembly
larly encouraged the secretary-general to develop early-warning systems fo
tional disputes and humanitarian crises.
International monitoring organizations, notably those operating under mu
arms control treaties, provide outstanding examples of neutral information pr
From the perspective of many participants, the neutrality of these organizatio
most important feature. Impartial information not only deters cheating by ot
also helps states assure others of their own compliance (Abbott 1993). Alth
literature on informal cooperation and the U.S.-Soviet arms control experien
that states can perform these functions on their own (Glaser 1995), the widesp
of IOs testifies to the advantages of third-party neutrals.
IO as trustee. In private commercial dealings, neutral parties often hol

belonging to persons who cannot be trusted with possession until a trans
completed. The escrow agent, for example, protects assets until all element
transaction are ready for closing, while the trustee holds assets on behalf
who cannot take title immediately.
Such arrangements are not common in IR, but notable examples exist. The
Council held Iraq responsible for losses caused by its invasion of Kuwait. It
Iraq to contribute a percentage of its oil export revenues to a UN compensa
from which payments would be made. A compensation commission (whose g
council includes representatives of Security Council members) administers
as trustee for claimants. Subsequently, concerned about humanitarian need
the council authorized states to import limited amounts of Iraqi oil with pa
be made directly into a special escrow account for purchases of food and
Similarly, an international oil pollution compensation fund is part of the IM
governing oil spills in territorial waters.
Building on the League of Nations mandate system, the UN charter esta
international trusteeship system. Individual states were typically designated as
for various territories, with mixed results. But the charter did establish stand
trustees and a trusteeship council to monitor them. It even contemplated th
itself would perform the trustee function directly, an extraordinary example of the IO
as a neutral party.
Traditional UN peacekeeping also illustrates the trustee function: UN forces patrol
or even control territory to separate combatants, prevent conflict, and supervise
negotiated cease-fires. UN neutrality also allows major powers to support peacekeep-
ing without choosing sides among friendly states, as in Cyprus. Blue-helmet neutrality
is crucial and guaranteed in multiple ways: operations are voluntary and require
continuing consent of all parties, peacekeepers are from countries with no stake in the
conflict and under UN command, operations are financed through general assess-
ments, and troops are unarmed (observers) or lightly armed for self-defense to prevent
uses of force inconsistent with neutrality. But these restrictions can limit the effective-
ness of peacekeeping operations in some conflictual environments-as has been
evident in Bosnia. To deal with these limitations, the secretary-general's Agenda for
Peace proposes a preventive trustee function: UN-administered demilitarized zones,
established in advance of actual conflict to separate contending parties and remove
any pretext for attack.
Neutral activities must be keenly attuned to the realities of international power.
U Thant's quick withdrawal of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) at
Egypt's request in 1967 was based on the legal principle requiring consent for UN
operations but equally reflected the reality that two contributing countries had threat-
ened to withdraw troops if Egyptian wishes were not respected. Nevertheless, like an
escrow agent, peacekeeping is effective when it furthers state interests in limiting
conflict.
The Acheson-Lilienthal (Baruch) Plan would have created an international agency
to manage fissile material, contributed by the United States and the United Kingdom,
the existing nuclear powers. This institutional arrangement (which was not, of course,
adopted) resembled a trusteeship with the world community as beneficiary. It reflected
the vital interests of donor states in preventing destabilizing proliferation, but the plan
required a neutral trustee. The sponsors would not have been trusted to hold the
material themselves.
Similarly, under the "common heritage" principle of UNCLOS III, the convention
declares that rights to seabed resources are "vested in mankind as a whole, on whose
behalf the Authority shall act." The powers of the Seabed Authority were limited to
accord better with market principles and U.S. interests, but it retains its basic institu-
tional structure, including important trustee characteristics that may evolve over time.
IO as allocator. A neutral party often allocates scarce resources among claimants

to avoid paralyzing negotiating standoffs and lingering resentment: the parent, not the
children, slices the birthday cake. IOs also serve this function.
The IAEA, for example, assists peaceful national nuclear programs. It necessarily
evaluates proposed projects and allocates financial and personnel resources. Only a
neutral body could be entrusted with such responsibility in a sensitive area. IFIs also
allocate scarce resources according to project worthiness. The World Bank's charter
tries to guarantee its neutrality by requiring that it ignore the political character of
potential borrowers. The perception that the World Bank promotes proma
on behalf of the Western powers and punishes governments that pursue
such as equity reduces its effectiveness. The World Bank defends its n
presenting its policies as driven by technical analyses rather than value ju
has retained a sufficient aura of neutrality to be entrusted with allocating
the Global Environment Facility, the Ozone Trust Fund, and the climat
convention.
IO as arbiter. According to Morgenthau (1967, 272), "despite ... deficiencies

[in] ... the legislative function [in international politics], a legal system might still be
capable of holding in check the power aspirations of its subjects if there existed judicial
agencies that could speak with authority whenever a dissension occurred with regard
to the existence or the import of a legal rule." Few international institutions are truly
designed to restrain state power, yet many help states resolve legal (and political)
disputes. Neutrality is essential for such institutions, just as for a judge in the law
merchant system (Milgrom, North, and Weingast 1990), the European Court, or a
domestic court.
Infacilitative intervention, an IO operates as "honest broker" to reduce transaction
costs, improve information about preferences, transmit private offers, and overcome
bargaining deadlocks. Chapter VI of the UN charter requires states to use traditional
measures-including good offices, mediation, conciliation and fact finding-to re-
solve disputes that threaten international peace and security. The secretary-general
frequently provides these services. The Human Rights Committee provides its good
offices in interstate disputes and may appoint ad hoc conciliation commissions to
propose possible settlements. Numerous international conventions, from the Antarctic
to the NATO treaties, provide for similar measures if direct negotiations fail. Even the
highly legalized WTO understanding on dispute settlement allows members to request
mediation or conciliation by the director-general.
In binding intervention, international institutions issue legally binding decisions
with the consent of all parties. The mere possibility of binding external intervention
may bring recalcitrant states to the bargaining table and make negotiating positions
more reasonable. The most common dispute resolution mechanism of this kind is
arbitration. Participating states agree on arbitrators, procedures, and jurisdiction and
agree to be bound by the arbitrators' decision. When agreement on these matters cannot
be reached, other neutral IOs sometimes fill the gap-as when the Permanent Court
of Arbitration selected the president of the U.S.-Iran claims tribunal.
Arbitral tribunals resolve disputes on an ad hoc basis, as in the 1941 U.S.-Canada
Trail Smelter arbitration, a leading precedent in international environmental law, or in
the secretary-general's "Rainbow Warrior" arbitration between France and New
Zealand. They also handle classes of disputes such as the famous Alabama Claims
arbitration following the Civil War, the special claims commission for allied property
claims following World War II, and the Iran-U.S. claims tribunal. The following
comment on the Rainbow Warrior dispute applies to most of these cases: "This solution
is not without critics in both countries.... However, ... the settlement proved much
more acceptable-precisely because of its unimpeachable source-than would ha

been the same, or any other, solution arrived at solely by the parties themselves. Neith
government... could be accused by its internal critics of having yielded to the othe
(Franck and Nolte 1993, 166).
Many international agreements, from bilateral commercial treaties to the law of th
sea convention, rely on arbitration through ad hoc panels or more permanent insti
tions. The GATT-WTO dispute resolution process is similar to arbitration. In the
interest of neutrality, the director-general maintains a roster of qualified panelis
suggests panelists to disputants, and names the panel if the parties cannot agree
NAFTA incorporates several arbitration procedures, including an innovative one
whereby arbitrators review national antidumping and countervailing duty decisions
ensure that national law was followed. The International Centre for the Settlement of
Investment Disputes (ICSID), affiliated with the World Bank, provides neutral facili-
ties for arbitrations between private investors and host governments.
The principal international judicial authority is the International Court of Justice
(ICJ). Unlike domestic courts, it must be granted jurisdiction by parties to a dispute.
Most cases have arisen under treaties that include submission to ICJ jurisdiction. The
ICJ also issues advisory opinions to UN organs and specialized agencies. The court
has issued a number of decisions of significance but has not been heavily used by
states; GATI panels, for instance, have issued many more decisions than the ICJ. A
relatively small number of states have accepted compulsory jurisdiction, and efforts
to use the court during high-profile disputes led France and the United States to
terminate their acceptance, although not without cost. The European Court of Justice
and the European Court of Human Rights (which also requires acceptance ofjurisdic-
tion) have been more successful. Indeed, the former-whose judges are chosen "from
persons whose independence is beyond doubt"-approaches the authority of the
judicial institutions Morgenthau had in mind. Its judges have played a leading
(independent) role in promoting European legal integration (Burley and Mattli 1993).
Other international institutions, including the WTO appellate body, may also develop
into successful judicial agencies.
10 AS COMMUNITY
REPRESENTATIVE AND ENFORCER
In this section, we consider broader and more controversial functions of

some of which go beyond a simple state-centric approach. We examin
structure and use formal organizations to create and implement communit
norms and to assist in the enforcement of international commitments.
demonstrates further how the study of IOs forces different theoret
engage one another. We discuss these two functions separately, then toget
examination of the role of the UN in the Gulf War-an example that al
the significance of IOs in situations of violent conflict.
THE IO AS COMMUNITY REPRESENTATIVE
States establish IOs to act as a representative or embodiment of a comm

states. This was a central aspiration in the postwar organizational boom an
an important, if only partially fulfilled, aspect of IO operations today.
Community institutions take several forms. They may be inclusive bod
the General Assembly, the town square of international politics, created as
which common issues can be addressed. Within such institutions, states wo
express their common interests and values. The process may be largely con
when states consider some problem of common concern such as environmen
or the behavior of a rogue state, or it may entail one set of states pressuring
accept new principles such as human rights, the oceans as a commons, or
Other community institutions, such as the Security Council, are representa
These incorporate the major actors (as realism would predict) as wel
representing other interests. These smaller bodies instantiate political bargain
representation rules while providing a more efficient forum in which to
issues, especially those requiring operational responses. Finally, communit
tions such as the ICJ are structured to promote independence and neutral
actions constrained by a charge to act in the common interest. All three
advance community interests with special legitimacy.
The UN, established by the Allies when they had unchecked domin
undoubtedly intended to serve their own purposes. It was also based on a c
of shared interests and values that went well beyond laundering or even neut
charter's broad goals presupposed a direct relation between national welfa
tions around the globe, and the peaceful working of the international comm
whole. The principal goal was to maintain international peace and securit
organs were authorized to intervene-not just mediate-in interstate dispu
threatened peace. Other goals were to develop friendly relations among st
on the principles of equal rights and self-determination, to promote fun
freedoms, and to promote cooperation on a wide range of global problem
interests in many of these areas-human rights, democracy, and liberal e
relations-are still developing.
Perhaps the most important function of community organizations is to dev
express community norms and aspirations. Although the General Assembl
Security Council's power of action, it can have substantial impact on int
politics by expressing shared values on issues like human rights, apartheid
zation, and environmental protection in ways that legitimate or delegiti
conduct. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a striking example
the declaration cannot be enforced, its explicit and sweeping formulation o
has significantly affected state behavior. Its norms have been included i
treaties, and the declaration itself has been incorporated into some nationa
tions, thereby influencing the character and preferences of states and, th
international system itself. Although smaller states have been disproportio
to account on this issue, even large states like the former Soviet Union an
nuclear states like South Africa have been affected.
Similarly, although GATT (unlike the WTO) was intentionally created with as few
attributes of an independent IO as possible, its contracting parties and council have
formulated important policies for the trading community, including "differential and
more favorable treatment" for developing countries. Although contested, this principle
has been reflected in subsequent trade negotiations and the generalized system of
preferences.
Courts as independent institutions also formulate and express community policy.
By enunciating, elaborating, and applying rules publicly, they educate the community
and strengthen underlying norms (Abbott 1992). A highly unusual IO, the UN tribunal
dealing with war crimes in the former Yugoslavia, combines these public judicial roles
with the closely related public role of prosecutor. But states have not fully embraced
the community functions of courts. Even the ICJ is structured to minimize its
community role: its jurisdiction rests on party consent, and its decisions have no formal
status as precedents. Yet, ICJ decisions are regularly relied on, and the court has on
important occasions acted as expositor of fundamental community values, as in the
Iranian hostages case and, many would say, Nicaragua's suit against the United States.
These decisions have important moral authority even when they cannot be enforced
in the traditional sense. Similar functions are performed by the European and Inter-
American Commissions and Courts of Human Rights, and even by quasi-judicial
bodies like the ILO governing body.
The most controversial example of community representation is the Security
Council's "primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security."
The council is empowered to investigate any situation that might lead to international
friction and recommend means of resolving the conflict, including terms of
settlement. It is further empowered under Chapter VII to "take action" against any
threat to peace. When using armed force, however, the council has proceeded much
as with economic sanctions, calling on members to give effect to measures it has
approved.
An 10 with these powers could overcome free-rider problems hampering decen-
tralized efforts to maintain peace. But the Security Council has the deeper rationale of
representing the community. Because local disputes might spill over and disrupt the
larger community, they affect the general welfare. Such disputes should not be dealt
with exclusively by the parties themselves, or by third states intervening for their own
private interests, but by collective bodies that consider the effects of the dispute and
of external intervention on the general welfare. Chapter VIII of the charter even authorizes
regional organizations like the Organization of American States (OAS) to deal with
local disputes, although they only take "enforcement action" with council approval,
lest such action itself threaten the peace of the larger community. Finally, situating
private disputes in terms of community interests and institutions brings a heightened
level of political and moral pressure to bear on disputants and potential intervenors.
The creation and development of IOs often represent deliberate decisions by states
to change their mutually constituted environment and, thus, themselves. IOs can affect
the interests and values of states in ways that cannot be fully anticipated. Yet, it is
important to stress that these processes are initiated and shaped by states. Furthermore,
IOs are constrained by institutional procedures-including financial contributions and
leadership appointments-that are controlled by states and, ultimately, b

of (some) states to withdraw, albeit at some cost. These possibilities and
make IOs an important window into the relation between rationalist and con
analysis.
IOs AS MANAGERS OF ENFORCEMENT
The role of IOs in ensuring compliance with international commitments

be understood by integrating managerial and enforcement views of the
Observing high levels of compliance with international agreements, even
strong enforcement provisions are rarely included or used, the manager
concludes that IR has focused too heavily on coercive enforcement. In th
noncompliance typically results not from deliberate cheating but from amb
agreements, insufficient state capacity, or changing international and domest
stances (Chayes and Chayes 1995; see also Mitchell 1994; Young 1994). Reso
of such problems lies not in stronger enforcement but in better manage
compliance. Downs, Rocke, and Barsoom (1996) counter that, without enfor
states will cheat on agreements and that observed compliance levels large
shallow agreements that require little change in state behavior.
An overly sharp distinction between managerial and enforcement func
misleading. For many significant day-to-day activities-especially ones inv
coordination-incentives to defect are relatively small compared with the b
cooperation; here, the managerial approach is sufficient. In other cases, som
ment may be necessary, at least potentially. IOs support both kinds of activ
important, the strictly decentralized models that underpin the enforcement v
apply strictly to the richer environment of international politics, especially w
are numerous and face significant informational problems. In these mor
settings, IOs can manage enforcement activities to make them more effect
limit their adverse side effects.
Many IO functions identified earlier are valuable in implementing the managerial
approach. Ambiguity can be resolved through dispute resolution and other third-party
procedures, including fact finding, good offices, interpretation of international agree-
ments, and mediation. State incapacity is addressed directly by financial and technical
assistance. Emerging compliance problems due to changing circumstances can be
managed by IO political and judicial organs with authority to interpret and adapt
agreements and elaborate norms.
When enforcement is needed, IOs can facilitate decentralized action. They increase
the prospect of continued interaction, often across issues, and generalize reputational
effects of reneging across members of the organization. Some IOs directly monitor
state behavior, producing credible neutral information necessary for effective enforce-
ment. IOs further provide forums in which suspicious actions can be explained,
lowering the risk that misperceptions will upset cooperation, and in which pressure
can be brought on transgressor states. In these ways, international legal discussions
about "mobilization of shame" can be understood not in the moral sense of creating
Abbott, Snidal /FORMAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 27
guilt among states but in an instrumental sense of enhancing reputational and other
incentives to abide by commitments.
IOs also have some direct avenues of enforcement. These include requirements of
national reporting-wherein failure to report itself indicates improper behavior-and
the issuance of findings by the IO itself. The ILO has issued such reports with respect
to labor practices, even in the case of powerful states such as the Soviet Union and
Britain. A less frequent sanction occurs through resolutions criticizing state behavior.
Such practices pressure, states to change their behavior both by impairing their
international standing and by empowering private groups to pressure national govern-
ments, thus increasing "audience costs" (Fearon 1994). Currently, the G-7 states are
working to empower the IMF to make findings on national economic policies and to
issue public criticism with precisely these goals in mind.
A second means of direct enforcement is withholding IO benefits, as the IAEA
suspended technical assistance after Israel bombed an Iraqi nuclear reactor. The IMF's
"conditionality" requirements and the World Bank's requirements on development
loans have expanded over the postwar period, and these agencies have frequently had
strong effects on the policies of member states.
Finally, IOs play an important role as managers of enforcement, authorizing and
giving meaning to retaliation, thus ensuring that enforcement activities are not exces-
sively disruptive to the larger international community. This possibility is differentially
developed. The GATT only once authorized retaliation, whereas WTO practice is still
emerging; the Security Council, by contrast, has authorized economic sanctions on
numerous occasions. Martin (1992, 245) finds IOs important in managing economic
sanctions because they provide a framework for side payments among retaliating states
and increase incentives to cooperate in sanctions so as not to jeopardize the "broad
functional benefits these organizations provided."12 Furthermore, such validation is
akin to laundering: when an IO legitimates retaliation, states are not vigilantes but
upholders of community norms, values, and institutions. The IO imprimatur clarifies
retaliatory behavior so that it will be seen by the target state for what it is, not as
noncooperation by the retaliating state, while reassuring third parties that the retaliat-
ing state is acting appropriately. (Again, influential states might seek IO approval to
disguise their noncooperative acts as retaliation, a form of dirty laundering, but this
practice is limited by its self-defeating character and IO independence.) IO approval
frequently limits the severity and duration of state retaliation, as the WTO does by
limiting the amount of retaliation and the economic sectors targeted. Indeed, the IO
may negotiate a response with the retaliating state to maximize third-party support for
the action. Such managerial activities counteract "echo effects" and are improvements
over strictly decentralized enforcement.
CHAPTER VII: THE USES AND LIMITS OF DIRECT ENFORCEMENT
The Security Council's experience with Chapter VII illuminates the role of t
community representative in constructing interests, the possibility of more for
12. Martin (1992, 245) also finds it important that the leading "sender" be willing to bear extra c
suggesting a possible limitation to IO enforcement capacity in the absence of "leadership."
methods of direct enforcement, and, equally important, their limitation

above, the original conception of Chapter VII involved independent act
Security Council on behalf of the community of states, using military un
"on its call" by member states and guided by a military staff committee. T
enforcement except that the units to be deployed, even the members of th
were to be provided by states. This distinguishes Chapter VII from, sa
pendent ability of the IMF to cut off funds to a country that violates i
commitments. Moreover, Chapter VII has never operated as originally int
two principal episodes in which military force has been used-Korea and
War-the council instead authorized national military actions, led in both
United States. How are these episodes to be understood?
In the more cynical view, both are examples of dirty laundering. By
Security Council approval, the United States cast essentially unilateral ac
legitimate collective action. The same interpretation can be applied to
enforcement actions against Castro's Cuba. Arguably, the organizations
sufficiently independent of U.S. influence to convert the measures taken
community action. In the Gulf War, these measures were transparently n
council simply called on other states to cooperate with the United Stat
was already operating in the Gulf theater, and coalition forces w
dominated by the United States, whose troops even retained their own u
commanders.
Yet, these episodes can also be seen in a more affirmative light. The institutional
underpinnings essential to the original vision of Chapter VII had never been put in
place: there were no agreements for the provision of national forces, no emergency
units standing by, no military staff committee. Lacking appropriate institutional
arrangements, the council carried out its community responsibilities in the only
practicable way, by shifting from direct to indirect enforcement, lending its institu-
tional authority to legitimate action by willing nations. Its membership structure and
voting rules made the council sufficiently independent and representative to perform
a genuine laundering function.13 The United States, after all, assiduously courted
council approval (partly by moving more cautiously) for reasons of both domestic and
international politics. The imprimatur of the council was essential to other participants:
Middle Eastern states, for example, needed it to justify cooperation with the coalition.
In this episode, just as Claude (1966, 74) put it more than 30 years ago, "proclamations
of approval or disapproval by organs of the United Nations, deficient as they typically
are in ... effective supportive power, are really important .... [S]tatesmen, by so
obviously attaching importance to them, have made them important."14
The affirmative view sees the council, especially during the Gulf War, as repre-
senting the community of states. This representative status, not simply the formal
procedures of Chapter VII, led the United States and other states to seek council action:
13. The current debate over the composition of the council reflects the idea that such an institution should
be more representative of the community on behalf of which it acts.
14. See also Haas (1958) and, for a more skeptical view, see Slater (1969).
Security Council resolutions on Iraq carried unique political weight because they came
from the established community institution with primary responsibility for interna-
tional peace and security. Resolutions condemning the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait
as unlawful, declaring void the incorporation of Kuwaiti territory into Iraq, denounc-
ing human rights and environmental abuses by Iraqi forces, authorizing member
states to cooperate with U.S. forces, forcing the destruction of Iraqi weapons, and
holding Iraq financially responsible for its actions are clear expressions of the
shared moral and legal sense of organized international society. The 1O was the locus
for giving meaning to state action. The United States, even as the clearly dominant
power in coercive activity, had good reasons to act not simply from might but from
persuasion.
Thus, realist, constructivist, and rational-regime arguments come together in con-
sideration of the role of IOs in the Gulf crisis. Although some might prefer to find a
singular "winner" among the three explanations, we believe each explains a significant
part of the episode and that any unidimensional explanation would be incomplete. In
any event, IOs provide an important laboratory in which to observe the operation of
these different aspects of international politics.
CONCLUSION
For several decades, states have taken IOs more seriously than hav
Whereas formal IOs have been seriously neglected in the theoretical study
tional regimes, they have played a major role in many, if not most, in
interstate collaboration. By taking advantage of the centralization and in
of IOs, states are able to achieve goals that they cannot accomplish on a d
basis. In some circumstances, the role of IOs extends even further to i
development of common norms and practices that help define, or refi
themselves. At the same time, because issues of power and distribution ar
states are wary of allowing IOs too much autonomy. Thus, we do not cla
are supplanting the states system. We do claim that IOs provide an impor
ment to decentralized cooperation that affects the nature and perform
international system. Scholars must take IOs more seriously if they are t
interstate relations.
Although we have presented the case for the importance of formal ins
international cooperation, the shortcomings of many actual organizations
saying. In addition, in emphasizing the possibilities for formal organiz
should not ignore the difficulty and even impossibility of some of the t
presented to them. Despite these severe limitations, the fact that IOs ha
abandoned by states is testimony to both their actual value and their per
potential. A better theoretical and empirical understanding of formal or
should help improve their performance.
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Why States Act Through Formal International Organizations

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Why States Act through Formal International Organizations

Author(s): Kenneth W. Abbott and Duncan Snidal

Northwestern University School of Law

JOURNAL OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION, Vol. 42 No. 1, February 1998 3-32

to those above include the following: Security Council sanctions on Lib

1. Although we discuss certain of its operations, we deliberately de-emphasize the EU

PUTTING IOs INTO THEORY

Our primary approach is rationalist and institutionalist. We assume, for s

purposes, however, it performs a useful service by emphasizing that institutional

THE FUNCTIONS OF IOs:

Two characteristics distinguish IOs from other international institut

It is no great theoretical insight that an established organizational

SUPPORT FOR STATE INTERACTIONS

Most IOs perform more extensive supportive functions. Law-making

MANAGING SUBSTANTIVE OPERATIONS

IOs do more than support intergovernmental negotiations; they manage

IO operations also significantly influence the capabilities, understandings, and

Nonfinancial IOs provide similar advantages. The public health activit

Norm Elaboration and Coordination

States arrange cooperative relationships through agreements. As Williamson (19

ness of an established rule-making procedure requires that powerful st

Although centralization often requires some operational autonomy,

SUPPORT FOR DIRECT STATE INTERACTION

Independent IOs promote intergovernmental cooperation in more proact

MANAGING SUBSTANTIVE OPERATIONS

In the above examples, IOs facilitate interstate collaboration by pushin

Laundering has a negative connotation from its association with runnin

Neutrality adds impartiality to independence. It enables IOs to mediate among

IO as neutral information provider. Regime theory recognizes the impor

IO as trustee. In private commercial dealings, neutral parties often hol

IO as allocator. A neutral party often allocates scarce resources among claimants

IO as arbiter. According to Morgenthau (1967, 272), "despite ... deficiencies

more acceptable-precisely because of its unimpeachable source-than would ha

In this section, we consider broader and more controversial functions of

THE IO AS COMMUNITY REPRESENTATIVE

States establish IOs to act as a representative or embodiment of a comm

leadership appointments-that are controlled by states and, ultimately, b

IOs AS MANAGERS OF ENFORCEMENT

The role of IOs in ensuring compliance with international commitments

CHAPTER VII: THE USES AND LIMITS OF DIRECT ENFORCEMENT

methods of direct enforcement, and, equally important, their limitation

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