National Security council- A comparative statement &

Proposal for Bangladesh

By:DR.Touhid Muhammed Faisal Kamal
www.goodgovernancebd.org

National Security Council in other Countries

The paper argues that the overall power architecture of a

All states have some institutional and procedural
mechanisms for consultation, coordination and policyformulation
on internal and external security affairs. These
can range from a highly personalised arrangement created
by a ruler to an elaborate formal structure comprising
committees, sub-committees and key officials. Their
composition and role depend to a great extent on the nature
of the political system and the disposition of the dominant
elite.
Even if the names and nomenclatures of the institutions
dealing with the high level security affairs are similar, their
position and role vary from country to country, depending
primarily on the overall disposition of the political system.
In an established democracy, the NSC or a similar
institution, like any other institution of the state, functions
within the parameters of civilian primacy and the
superiority of the political over the military. In the countries
dominated by military, clan or tribal formation or a religious
hierarchy, the power architecture reflects in the institutional
arrangements. It is not surprising that the political system
experiencing military rule finds it difficult to restrain the top
brass to their professional domain. The institutions like
NSC or some special arrangements are often created to
accommodate them in policy making and management.
The following examples of the NSC show that these
institutions reflect the over all disposition of each political
system Therefore, the dynamics of the NSC can be
appreciated only if it is located in the over all political
context of the state in question.
The United States of America

The NSC was first created under an act of the Congress in

July 1947. It had 7 members: the President, Secretaries of
State, Defence, Army, Navy and Air Force, and Chairman,
National Security Resource Board. In 1949, the NSC was
reorganised. Vice President was added and three service
secretaries (Army, Navy and Air Force) were dropped. In
March 1953, the post of Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs (National Security Adviser) was
established. The well-know National Security Advisers
include Dr. Henry A Kissinger (December 1968-November
1975, served concurrently as Secretary of State from
September 1973), Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski (January 1977-
January 1981), General Colin L. Powell (November 1987-
January 1989, later served as the Secretary of State), Dr.
Condoleeza Rice (January 2001-January 2005, later
served as the Secretary of State.).
The NSC advises the President on planning, coordination
and evaluation of military and security policies as well as
the direction of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Its
actual role varies, depending on how much the President
relies on it. Its composition also varies over time. In 2004-
5, the NSC's formal members are the President, Vice
President, the Secretary of State and the Secretary of
Defence. Others who attend the meetings on a regular
basis are Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Director of the
CIA and the President's National Security Adviser. Others
like the Deputy Adviser and any cabinet members or senior
officials, civil and military, may be invited to attend the
meeting. The President's National Security Adviser acts as
the Director of the NSC who interacts with the President on
a regular basis. Expert civilian staff assist the National
Security Adviser and the NSC in performance of their
tasks.
India

India established the NSC in November 1998 as a three tier

structure. At the apex is a six member body, often
described as the NSC. It is chaired by the Prime Minister
and includes the Union Ministers of Home, Defence,
External Affairs, Finance, and the Deputy Chairman of the
Planning Commission. The Prime Minister's Principal
Secretary functions as the National Security Adviser and
participates in the NSC in that capacity. Other cabinet
members and senior officials can attend the meeting if
invited. It is noteworthy that the military has no
representation at this level. The NSC deals with a wide
range of issues with external and internal security, military
affairs, conventional and non-conventional defence, space
and high technology, counter-insurgency, counterterrorism,
economy and environment.
The second tier is labelled as the Strategic Planning Group
(SPG). It is headed by the Cabinet Secretary and includes
the chiefs of the Army, Navy and the Air Force, the Governor
of Reserve Bank of India, Secretaries of the ministries of
Home, Defence, External Affairs, Finance, Secretary
Department of Defence Production and Supplies, Scientific
Adviser to the Defence Minister, and several other
secretaries of union ministries and Director Intelligence
Bureau. It could be described as the expanded version of
the Union Secretaries Committee to which three service
chiefs and some others have been added. The SPG is to
undertake the long-term review of defence matters and
strategic issues for the consideration of the apex body.
The third level is the National Security Advisory Board
(NSAB) which comprises the persons of eminence from
outside the government with expertise in external and
internal security, foreign affairs, defence and military
affairs, science and technology and economics. It acts as a
think tank for the policy makers and recommends policy
options on the issues under its purview. It is supposed to
meet at least once a month. The NSC can ask them to study
particular issues.
The existing Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) has been
re-structured and designated as the NSC Secretariat
(NSCS).

Iran

Article 176 of the amended 1979 Constitution establishes

a 14 member Supreme Council for National Security
(SCNS). It includes the President of the Republic
(Chairman); heads of three branches of the government;
the Chief of the Supreme Command Council of the Armed
Forces; the officer in-charge of the planning and budget
affairs; two representatives nominated by the Supreme
Leader; ministers of Foreign Affairs, Interior and
Information; a minister related with the subject, and the
highest ranking officer from the Armed Forces; and the
Commander of Islamic Revolutionary Guards. The
composition of the SCNS shows that it has only three
uniformed persons as its members: two represent the
military and one represents the Islamic Revolutionary
Guards.
The SCNS performs three major functions: formulation of
defence and national security policies under the guidelines
determined by the Supreme Leader; coordination between
the security policies and the country's politics, social,
cultural and economic fields and intelligence; and
mobilisation of material and intellectual resources for
dealing with internal and external threats. The decision of
the SCNS is effective after it is confirmed by the Supreme
Leader.

Turkey

The NSC (MÝLLÝ GÜVENLÝK KURULU - MGK) was

originally established in Turkey in 1961 when the military
rule led by General Cemal Gursel was civilianised with the
introduction of a new constitution prepared under the
guidance of the military regime. Article 111 of the 1961
Constitution established the NSC “to recommend to the
Council of Ministers the necessary basic guidelines
regarding the coordination and the taking of decisions
related to national security.” It was obligatory for the
cabinet to consult the NSC before declaring a state of
emergency.
The NSC under the 1961 Constitution consisted of 10
members. These were: the President (Chairman), Prime
Minister, Chief of the General Staff, Ministers of Defence,
Internal Affairs and Foreign Affairs; Commanders of the
Army, Navy and the Air Force; and Commander of the
Gendarmerie. As all the Presidents during 1961-1980 had
military background, the people with military background
constituted a majority in the NSC.
In September 1980, General Kenan Evren assumed power
and ruled the country under martial law for two years. The
military regime appointed a consultative assembly that
prepared a new constitution, which was put to referendum
in November 1982. It obtained 91 per cent votes in its
favour. Included in this referendum was the election of
General Kenan Evren as the President under the 1982
Constitution. He assumed elected Presidency on
November 9, 1982 for a 7-year term.
Article 118 of the 1982 Constitution established a NSC
whose composition was similar to that of the 1961
Constitution. The functions of the NSC remain the same.
However, Article 118 makes it obligatory for the cabinet to
“give priority consideration” to the recommendations of
the NSC. This article further states that the NSC shall
communicate its views to the council of ministers on the
government decisions and it will also advise them on
coordination with regard to the formulation, establishment
and implementation of the national security policy of the
state.”
The term national security has been defined in such broad
terms in the National Security Council Law, 1983, that it
could be interpreted to include any aspect of the state
policy. It states that “National security means the defence
and protection of the state against every kind of external
and internal threat to the constitutional order, national
existence, unity, and to all its interests and contractual
rights in the international arena, including in the political,
social, cultural and economic spheres.”
The NSC secretariat is headed by a general secretary who
is always a serving four-star general or admiral. It is
responsible for keeping the records, collection of
information and preparation of briefing papers for the NSC
meetings.
The Turkish military is assigned special responsibilities by
the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law of January
1961. The armed forces are duty bound not only to defend
the territorial integrity and independence against external
and internal threats but they are also obliged to protect the
nature of the Turkish Republic as defined in the
constitution, i.e. republicanism and secularism. The most
recent changes in composition and scope of MGK are
further discussed in the section of Review and Concluding
Observations.

Israel

The NSC, established by the cabinet in March 1999, is a

low key organisation that works as a part of the Prime
Minister's secretariat and derives its authority from the
Prime Minister. It functions in accordance with his
instructions. Its primary function is “to serve as a
centralised body for, and providing information to, the
Prime Minister and the government regarding issues of
national security.”
The NSC is a small entity in the Prime Minister's secretariat
for providing necessary information and consultation to
the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, and briefings to the
Knesset committees on security issues in accordance with
Prime Minister's directives. It may also make
recommendation on national security policy to the cabinet
and engage in the long range planning of national security
with the help of the existing planning bodies in the
government department dealing with national security. Its
duties also include “follow-up and update” of national
security activities and “to look after the implementation of
national security decision as well as “coordination and
cooperation contacts with parallel national security
authorities in selected countries in coordination with the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”
The NSC is headed by the National Security Adviser to the
Prime Minister who is appointed by and answerable to the
Prime Minister. It has five divisions (Security Policy,
Foreign Policy, Company and Infrastructure, Terror

Combat, Organisation and Operation), each headed by a

senior official. It also includes an economic adviser and a
legal adviser. Normally the NSC has some officials on the
senior positions with military background (retired or
reservist) but there is no active duty top-level military
officer on its staff. However, the Prime Minister has the
power to make such appointments. It may also be
mentioned that the cabinet has also got a Ministerial
Committee on National Security.

National Security Council in Pakistan

The NSC, as established by the Act of the Parliament,

comprises 13 members:
i. The President (Chairman)
ii. The Prime Minister
iii. Chairman of the Senate
iv. Speaker of the National Assembly
v. Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee
vi. Services Chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air
Force
vii. Leader of the opposition in the National
Assembly
viii. Four Provincial Chief Ministers
The NSC secretariat, headed by a Secretary to be
appointed by the President, is under the control of the
President. The federal cabinet members, senior officials
and others can attend the meeting by invitation.
The functions of the NSC are:
a) The Council shall serve as a forum for
consultation to the President and the government
on matters of national security, including the
sovereignty, integrity, defense, security of the
state and crisis management.
b) The Council shall formulate and make
recommendation to the President and the
government in accordance with the
consultations on (a)
Originally the NSC bill proposed that the NSC would also
deal with the “matters relating to democracy, governance,
and inter-provincial harmony.” This sentence was later
replaced with “crisis management” without explaining its
operational implications.
The first meeting of the NSC was held on June 24, 2004. It
was boycotted by Maulana Fazlur Rahman (Leader of
Opposition in the National Assembly) and Muhammad
Akram Khan Durani (Chief Minister of NWFP). Both
belonged to the MMA. President General Pervez Musharraf
publicly expressed his displeasure on their decision to stay
away from the NSC meeting. The Chairman Senate was
also absent because he was on an official visit abroad.
Federal ministers for Foreign Affairs, Interior, Governor
NWFP and Vice Chief of Army Staff attended the meeting
on special invitation.
The NSC discussed internal security affairs and expressed
a strong determination to root out terrorism, extremism
and sectarianism. It underlined the need of greater
coordination among various federal and provincial
authorities for dealing with the problems of internal
security.
Prime Minister Zaffarullah Khan Jamali attended the first
meeting of the NSC but the President did not give any hint
that Jamali's replacement was on the cards. Two days later,
Jamali resigned after meeting with the President. This
incident appears to contradict the President's assertion
that the NSC was a check on the powers of the President.
By the end of July 2005, the NSC held four meetings which
were boycotted by the leader of the opposition in the
National Assembly and the Chief Minister, NWFP. The NSC
meetings were held on June 24, 2004, November 25,
2004, February 28, 2005 and June 8, 2005. The review of
the deliberations of these meetings shows that the NSC
deals with wide ranging subjects covering foreign policy,
external and internal security, internal political and
economic issues and terrorism.
Review and Concluding Observations
The role of the NSC or a similar apex bodies can be
reviewed in the context of the political system. Even if their
role is consultative and advisory, their actual contribution
depends on the political heritage and the nature and
dynamics of the political system. In established
democracies, the NSC-like body plays a limited and
advisory role; the top brass of the military play a secondary
role. In the political system with a long tradition of the
military's direct and indirect involvement in governance
and political management, the NSC-like body provides the
military top brass with a constitutional or legal umbrella to
stay engaged in policy making and monitoring of the
civilian or semi-civilian government in a discreet manner.
This is an additional leverage to them and the NSC tends to
become a policy setting and supervisory body.
In the United States, the NSC advises the President who
actually runs the government under the Presidential
system as set out in the Constitution and Law. The
Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff is the only uniformed officer
who participates in the proceedings of the NSC as an
advisor on military affairs. This body limits the role and
input of the military top brass and asserts the primacy of
the civil. Over the years, the President's National Security
Adviser, who is a civilian, has acquired much salience.
Occasionally, retired senior military officers have also
served on this position.
In the case of India, the military has no direct
representation in the apex body of the NSC which
comprises the senior most members of the government
under the chairmanship of the Prime Minister. The Services
Chiefs sit in the second tier committee (Strategic Planning
Group) whose most members are the secretaries of the
union (federal) ministries. This committee is chaired by the
Cabinet Secretary. These arrangements show the primacy
of the civil and political institutions and leaders over the
military. It is inconceivable in a military dominated political
system that the Services Chiefs would be relegated to a
junior committee and placed at par with senior civil
servants.
The Supreme Council for National Security in Iran
manifests the over all features of the political system
dominated by the clergy led by the Supreme Leader. Out of
14 members of the SCNS, two belong to the regular
military and one is from the Islamic Revolutionary Guards.
Its decisions cannot be implemented without the
confirmation of the Supreme Leader, who along with the
President (a civilian, clergy as well as non-clergy) plays a
commanding role. The back up is provided by the
Parliament. There is no evidence available to suggest that
the senior commanders of the military and the Islamic
Revolutionary Guards have nibbled the power and role of
the Supreme Leader, the President, the Parliament and
other constitutional institutions. This also applies to the
period of Iran's war with Iraq (1980-88).
In the case of the state of Israel, security issues have
traditionally been assigned the highest priority and many
retired generals entered politics and held key political
positions. Their political ascendancy was through the
constitutional and electoral processes. The NSC, a civilian
institution, is the creation of the government and functions
as a unit in the Prime Minister's Secretariat within the limits
determined by the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also
consults the cabinet, the cabinet committee on national
security and, of course, the military top brass. However,
the Prime Minister commands the political system.
Turkey is good illustration of a political system with a long
tradition of military's role in governance and political
management. It is therefore not surprising that the NSC has
traditionally served as an important forum for the top brass
of the military to mediate its influence in policy making and
execution. The military top brass have traditionally used the
NSC and informal methods to influence governance and
politics. The role of the NSC and the armed forces is also
strengthened by the National Security Law, 1983, and the
Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, 1961.
The tradition of the Turkish military's political role could be
traced back to the Young Turks (1908), and the military's
significant contribution to the establishment of modern
Turkish State under the leadership of Mustafa Kamal
Ataturk (April 1920). The military remained on the sidelines
until May 1960 when it assumed power under General
Cemal Gursel. In July 1961 the country was returned to
civilian rule under a new constitution. The military staged
another coup in September 1980 under General Kenan
Evren who introduced a new constitution in November
1982 and returned to civilian and constitutional rule.
Since 1960, the military has played an active role in the
political domain, at time dominating decision making and
causing political changes. It established the NSC in 1961
which was carried over to the 1982 Constitution. It offers a
constitutional framework to the senior commanders to
influence policy making and execution as well as monitor
the performance of the government.
All Turkish President during 1960-1989 had military
background (Cemal Gursel: 1960-1966, Cevdet Sunay:
1966-1973, Fahri Koruturk: 1973-1980, Kenan Evren:
1980-1989). In November 1989, Turgut Ozal, a civilian
political leader, assumed the Presidency but he enjoyed the
blessings of the military; he was close to the military
regime of Kenan Evren and served as Prime Minister in the
first civilian government after the end of military rule in
1983. Ozal's successors (Suleyman Demirel: 1993-2000
and Ahmet Necdet Sezer: 2000 to the present) were also
civilians who were acceptable to the military. The top
commanders communicated their preferences to the
political leaders, especially the Prime Minister, on the
selection of the President in 1993 and 2000.
The Turkish experience suggests that the establishment of
the NSC does not exclude the chances of the military's
direct assumption of power. The top brass of the military
are contented with their role through the NSC as long as
they get the things done their way. In case they come to the
conclusion that the NSC does not serve their agenda or
they are no longer in a position to effect changes in the
political process, they can pursue other options to
influence governance and political management. These
options include direct pressure on the government by
distancing themselves from the government policies,
making their views on political developments known to the
government through formal communication or though
informal channels, public statements and comments on
political and economic affairs, partial or complete change
of the government, and direct assumption of power.
The NSC has been functioning in one way or another in
Turkey since 1961. However, the Turkish Military has used
other means to influence the political domain from time to
time.
1971: The military top brass applied pressure on the
government to control the right- and left wing violence
and political assassination in parts of Turkey. Later the
Prime Minister was forced out of office and a new
Prime Minister acceptable to the military was
appointed. Martial law was declared in the troubled
regions.
1979: In view of the political and economic crisis, the
military commanders asked the political government
through the President in September to control the
situation. In January 1980, the letter of the Army Chief
was handed over to the Prime Minister on the troubled
internal situation. There was a stalemate like situation
on the selection of President Koruturk's successor in
1980.
1980: General Kenan Evren assumed power in
September by displacing the civilian government and
the 1961 Constitution.
1997: In February, the top commanders asked the
Rafeh Party's Islamist Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbaken through the NSC to restrain his government
from encouraging religious tendencies and advised
him to protect the secular nature of the state. This
caused a stand off between the military and Erbaken,
who resigned in June.
Though the Turkish military views itself as the guardian of
the republican and secular nature of the Turkish State, its
role beyond the NSC appears to be on the decline by the
end of the 1990s. The top commanders are now backingoff
slowly in view of their shared effort with the civilian
leaders to join the European Union (EU). Two of the major
conditions for Turkey's admission to the EU emphasise the
improvement of human rights situation and enhancement
of the quality of democracy.
In an effort to improve Turkey's democratic credentials, the
government decided in August 2003 to introduce some
changes in the organisation and role of the NSC. These
changes include: (1) The President would appoint
Secretary General of the NSC who could be a civilian. In the
past, only a four star general could hold this position. (ii)
The NSC would meet once every two months rather than
once a month. (iii) Its recommendations will be considered
by the cabinet in routine rather than on a priority basis, as
was the case in the past. One year later, in August 2004, a
diplomat was appointed the first civilian Secretary General
of the NSC. There are suggestions in the political circles to
reduce the military's representation on the NSC and
increase the parliamentary supervision of defence
expenditure.
In an effort to reduce the role of the NSC, Prime Minister
Recep Tayip Erdogan suggested in January 2005 that the
NSC should revise the National Security Policy Document
in a manner that it was “short and to the point.” He
maintained that it should offer general strategic analysis
rather than the plan of action because the formulation of the
detailed security policy and the plan of action are the
responsibilities of the cabinet.
The generals appear to have accepted, albeit reluctantly, a
gradual erosion of their role. However, they could re-assert
their primacy if Turkey's admission to the EU was delayed
for an indefinite period or they came to the conclusion that
the EU was creating unjustified barriers for Turkey. Nor
would they accept their total exclusion from policy making
and governance.
Pakistan's NSC has some resemblance with the Turkish
NSC but the former has to be viewed in the context of
Pakistan's legacy of the military's expanded role in the nonprofessional
fields. From the days of General Zia-ul-Haq's
military rule, the top commanders have sought some
constitutional and legal framework for legitimising their
role in governance and political management. General
Pervez Musharraf succeeded in April 2004 to turn the NSC
concept into a reality.
The NSC is part of the military commanders' efforts to
legitimise their role not only in Pakistan's security and
defence affairs but also in the major sectors of governance,
the economy and the society. Zia-ul-Haq invoked the notion
of the defence of ideological frontiers in order to rationalise
the expanded role of the military in the domestic context.
Pervez Musharraf does not talk of the ideological frontiers
of Pakistan but he projects the military as the guardian of
external security and internal stability, economic
development and political continuity.
The military cannot effectively perform the guardianship
role without a legal and constitutional basis. The NSC
serves that purpose. Given the NSC objectives outlined in
the law and the deliberations of the first four meetings, the
NSC's operational scope appears to be all-encompassing.
As the President is concurrently holding the office of the
Chief of Army Staff, the NSC is a policy setting institution
rather than making policy recommendation to the federal
cabinet.
The setting up of the NSC is in consonance with the
military's expanded role in different sectors of the state, the
economy and the civil society in the form of business,
commercial, and industrial activities undertaken by the
military's charitable trusts, some special organisations or
directly by the military. This is coupled with the induction of
retired and serving military personnel to civilian jobs in the
government, semi-government and the private sectors.
The establishment of the NSC in Pakistan is
understandable against the backdrop of the gradual
expansion of the role of the military in the non-professional
fields, its expanding professional and corporate interests
and the top commanders' perception of their critical role to
political stability, economic development and external and
internal stability. However, this does not necessarily mean
that the military will limit itself to the NSC to pursue its
guardian role and expanded interests.

Proposal For Bangladesh

The present scenario in Bangladesh is very much in need of a Robust System of

National Security Council,The country may follow a three tier system as follows:

a) National Security council.

b) National security advisory board.
c) National strategic planner.

a) National Security council:

It will be a 7 members Council, consisting the following representatives:
1. The prime minister
2. Chief of Opposition Party of parliament.
3. Chief Justice.
4. Chief of Anti Corruption Commission.
5. Army Chief.
6. Navy Chief.
7. Air force Chief.

b) National Security advisory board:

It will be a council of 3 members. (Specialist and experts)

1. Member of civil society.(Economics)
2. Member of civil society. (Sociologist)
3. Member of civil society. (Technology)

c) National Strategic planner:

It will be of 7 members council, the government bureaucrats will represent it:
1. Finance Secretary.
2. Home Secretary.
3. Foreign Secretary./ governor of Bangladesh Bank.
4. Commerce Secretary.
5. Chairman of Board of investment.
6. Local govt. Secretary.
7. Planning Secretary./ Chairman of Board of Revenue.