Bautze-Picron Jewels For A King I
Bautze-Picron Jewels For A King I
Bautze-Picron Jewels For A King I
Claudine Bautze-Picron
Introduction
When Indian gods and goddesses reached Southeast have revealed a great skilfulness, drawing most probably
Asia, their original images underwent deep transforma- their knowledge from Indian masters. Dating back to an
tions. This is particularly perceptible in the region which earlier period than the one considered here and betraying
once formed the Khmer kingdom: The iconography got South Asian iconographic features, golden jewels or
there much simplified, the number of forms shown by the plaques that were embossed, forged or more rarely cast,
deities – practically numberless in India – was extremely have been excavated in sites located in the ancient king-
reduced, and the ornamentation became plain. dom of Fu-nan.2)
The Indian perception of the divine is to depict its Pre-Angkorian jewellery of the sixth through ninth
overwhelming luxuriance, its fullness, its abundance, centuries remains similarly rare. The few in-situ discov-
whereas the Southeast Asian aesthetics rather emphasizes eries made a long time ago are little documented and
sobriety in the ornamentation and restraint in the move- have tragically been looted from the National Museum in
ments as befitting a deity. In South Asia, images were Phnom Penh in the 1970s without their present where-
also at the focus of rituals involving their apparel and abouts being known; such is the case of three belts dis-
adornments. Such rituals apparelled with human-made covered at Kbal Romas, Kampot,3) Chruy Angkor Borei,
clothes the image of a deity already fully dressed and Takeo,4) and Udong, north of Phnom Penh.5) More re-
richly adorned with jewellery on all parts of the body. Al- cently, examples of gorgeous pieces of jewellery various-
though the artist created an (apparently) dressed image, ly dated surfaced without unfortunately their precise find-
the cult image was always felt to be “naked” for the spot being documented (MCCULLOUGH 2000; BUNKER
human eyes, calling for its clothing with “real” dresses 2000; BUNKER/LATCHFORD 2008).
and jewels, a tradition inherited by countries penetrated
by Indian culture. In Southeast Asia like in their country
of origin, the body of gods and goddesses was thus hid-
2) Consult LE THI LIEN 2005 concerning golden plaques discov-
ered in Fu-nan and belonging to the culture of Oc Eo. There is,
den by real clothes and jewellery.1) however, no direct stylistic link between the jewels found at
Ancient gold jewellery is rarely discovered, for evi- Oc Eo and those published here (MALLERET 1962, II: pls. IV-
dent reasons: items were recast, reused, looted, or de- VII, XIV-XVI, XXII-XXXV, XXXIX). Maud GIRARD-GES-
LAN mentions an inscription found at Go Xoai according to
stroyed. However, from a very early period, goldsmiths
which Bhavavarman 1st, ruler of Fu-Nan, would have ordered
his people to bury their precious objects and jewellery before
1) See for instance a relief on the Bayon showing how an image leaving for exile when the country was being invaded by the
of Vi¹½u standing in a shrine wears elaborate jewellery and a ruler of Zhenla (in JESSUP/ZÉPHIR 1997: 11, note 35).
long skirt: ZÉPHIR 1997: 137, fig. 4; ROVEDA 1997: 48, fig. 55. 3) GROSLIER 1921: 73 & fig. 38, reproduced in BUNKER/LATCH-
It is also true that in the Indian context, one should differen- FORD 2008: 20, fig. 3.9.
tiate between the images worshipped in the shrine and those
distributed on the outer walls of the temple, which could not, 4) GROSLIER 1931: pl. XLVIII.1.A21; GROSLIER 1966: ill. 21, re-
for evident reasons, be dressed by the devotees – but which produced by BUNKER/LATCHFORD 2008: 20 & fig. 3.13.
could eventually be painted (and one can ask whether the layer 5) BOISSELIER 1966: 343-344 & pl. LXII.1; BUNKER/LATCHFORD
of paint does not act as dress). 2008: 132, note 30.
be integrated in the roundels adorning the vedikå of Buddhist sites of the region15) in the sixth (Kanheri, Ma-
Amaravati whereas at Nagarjunakonda, as observed by gathana, Aihole)16) and seventh centuries (Ellora)17) and is
Gilberte de CORAL-RÉMUSAT, they are part of a hori- likewise encountered in Hindu monuments (Jogeshvari,
zontal band which used to adorn the upper crossbeam of Ellora)18) before becoming part of the architectural orna-
a vedikå and can be dated in the late third or fourth cen- mentation of the Cålukya and Pallava monuments. Be-
tury.14) Quite correctly, the authoress related this early re- yond the Indian Subcontinent, the lintel with makaras
presentation to the proper, but later, makara-arch found
in the Buddhist sites of Maharashtra from the late fifth to
sixth century, a region where the source of the Khmer 15) DHAR 2009a for a study of the motif in Maharashtra in the fifth
and sixth centuries: pls. 17.2-3, 7-9 show the arch merging with
makara-arch partly lies.
the lintel; pl. 17.6 shows the motif as carved panel in the
The makara-arch is then not only observed above the central part of a lintel; pls. 17.4-5, 11-13 illustrate the arch
entrance to monuments but also above images carved above a niche. It is worth observing that its first inception in
within a niche as observed in Ajanta in the second half of the ornamentation of the lintel at the Lomas Rishi cave in the
Barabar hills (Bihar) was followed by a long period of non-
the fifth century. From there, the motif spreads to other representation. The motif of the two converging makaras above
a niche or an entrance was indeed “rediscovered” in the fifth
and sixth centuries when its presence is commonly met with in
the caves of Maharashtra (see DHAR 2009a). Consult also
14) De CORAL-RÉMUSAT 1934: 242-246 & pl. LXXIIa. As illustra- DHAR 2009b, chapter 3 for the region and the period with
ted in this example, the motif has gained in complexity: Two which we are here mainly concerned (Maharashtra, Karnataka:
large makaras mounted by dwarfs swallow the thick bejewelled pp. 38-50) and chapter 5 for the Khmer ornamentation (pp.
and heavy twisted band which is carried by further dwarfs and 214-220: Sambor Prei Kuk and Prei Kmeng styles).
is regularly interrupted by three circular medallions bearing an 16) Kanheri: de CORAL-RÉMUSAT 1934: fig. 1; DHAR 2009a: 174
image of the Buddha; a decorative plinth supports each of & pls. 17.11-12 (late fifth century - c. 550 A.D.). Magathana:
them, adorned with a twisted pearled row which ends in two ibid.: 173-174 & pl. 17.10 (c. 575 A.D.). Aihole: MEISTER/
diverging makaras. Gilberte de CORAL-RÉMUSAT surmises that DHAKY 1986: 22 & pls. 8-9, where the date of the monument
there lies the origin of the Pallava treatment of the makara-arch is tentatively attributed to the reign of Ma¼galë¸a (A.D. 596-
with its double bow swallowed by two large converging 609). The situation at the Buddhist monument of Aihole differs,
makaras at both extremities and two smaller diverging ones at however, from the one encountered in all other examples: The
the centre of the composition. She further relates the presence motif does not surmount an entrance or a niche but covers the
of a deity or of an abstract motif at the centre of the lintel to the false beams of the veranda.
presence of motifs such as the cakra or a reliquary above each
of the Buddha medallion on the Nagarjunakonda relief (see her
17) DHAR 2009a: 174-175 & pl. 17.13 (early seventh century A.D.).
pl. LXXIIb-c for Pallava examples). 18) Jogeshvari: ibid.: 172-173 & pls. 17.7-9 (ca. 525 A.D.).
48 C. BAUTZE-PICRON
will then occur in pre-Angkorian architecture in the se- (second half of the seventh century), the makaras are re-
venth century, a relationship which has been recognized placed by different sets of characters, such as Garua,
and studied in detail by French scholars.19) dvårapålas or gaja-vyålas mounted by någas acting as
The pediment adorned with makaras occurs in pre- dvårapålas (Fig. 14).20) To conclude this short summary
Angkorian architecture in the seventh century, more parti- of the development, we should also mention that the
cularly in the so-called Sambor Prei Kuk style (first half Khmer makaras will change their position and diverge at
of the seventh century) (Fig. 13). Lintels of this style a later period, the ninth century, probably as a result of a
include a pair of convergent makaras and images of Javanese influence.21)
specific deities or/and of divine creatures, regularly dis- The stylistic relationship between the architectural
tributed at the meeting points of the curves of the cen- ornamentation and the jewellery can be more properly
tral part of the lintel. In the following Prei Kmeng style appreciated by way of example when considering the two
bodies of divergent makaras in a head-clasp for instance
19) In particularly, one will see the articles by Gilberte de CORAL
RÉMUSAT published in 1934 and by Pierre DUPONT printed in
1952. Mireille BÉNISTI tackled the question in her book of
20) Compare DUPONT 1952: figs. 4-7, 10, 13, 15-23 (Sambor Prei
1970: 63-73. See also Thierry ZÉPHIR in JESSUP/ZÉPHIR 1997: Kuk) to figs. 24-26 (Prei Kmeng).
167 and more recently Parul Pandya DHAR 2009b. 21) De CORAL-RÉMUSAT 1936: 431.
Jewels for a King – Part I 49
Fig. 15 Crown of Vi¹½u from Mathura. Fig. 16 Crown of Vi¹½u. Fig. 17 Crown of Harihara.
National Museum, New Delhi Badami, Cave 3 Badami, Cave 3
(Fig. 9): A similar composition is encountered at the images of Vi¹½u (Fig. 15).24) In these sites, the central
seventh-century Sa¼game¸vara temple which used to motif which shows a changing composition25) is part of a
stand at Kudavelli Sa¼gam (Fig. 21),22) where a beaded large composition with two convergent large mounted
oval medallion adorned with a flower is inserted within a makaras at both extremities.
frame of short foliated scrolls, all lying in the slightly Like in Fig. 18 (detail of Fig. 3), a leogryph jumps out
curved line formed by the two bodies of divergent maka- of the open mouth of both makaras in most lintels of the
ras’ heads. This part of the ornament, i.e. the two diver- Sambor Prei Kuk style (Fig. 19), a motif which simulta-
gent makaras’ heads, traces its origin back to Nagarjuna- neously reminds of human fantastic creatures in the same
konda from where it enters Pallava art, being seen in the position in lintels noted for instance at Magathana26) or
lintels of the Dalavanur cave and the Draupadïratha in still at the Vir÷påk¹a temple at Pattadakal (early eighth
Mamallapuram.23) As such also, the two makaras are also century),27) and of the very same leogryph emerging out
integrated in the head ornament worn by north Indian of the open makara’s mouth in the brackets of caves 1
and 2 at Badami (Fig. 20) and other Cålukya sites. Simi-
larly, two pre-Angkorian earrings show a male character
22) Let us remember that the monument, threatened of being sub-
merged through the construction of a barrage, has been moved
to Alampur (SARMA 2000). The initial Sa¼game¸vara temple 24) HARLE 1974: pl. 49; BÉNISTI 1970: fig. 271 (National Museum,
was probably built under Pulake¸in II’s reign, i.e. 609-642, but New Delhi). See also SCHASTOK 1985: fig. 80, and HAVENON
most authors have agreed to a later date in the seventh century 2009: fig. 7, where the scrolls follow the shape of the makaras
for the monument as it used to stand till recently in Kudavelli; in a Vi¹½u image from Mandasor.
Carol RADCLIFFE BOLON suggested that the inscription referred
to a monument no more existing and pre-dating the monument
25) At Mamallapuram, a lion head spits two rows of pearls within
as we see it today (1985: 51 & 53, note 33, where she mentions a roundel, in a composition similar to the one encountered in
the various opinions concerning the dating, which oscillate Gupta head-dresses of Vi¹½u in the North as seen in Fig. 15; at
between mid- and late seventh century). Dalavanur, it is a heavy dwarfish male character who is squat-
ting.
23) These Pallava monuments were realized during Mahendravar-
man’s reign, ca. 615-630; de CORAL-RÉMUSAT 1934: 244 & pl.
26) DSAL/AIIS 97351 & 97354 (detail); DHAR 2009a: 173-174 &
LXXIIa-c. The example from Nagarjunakonda shows the me- pl. 17.10; 2009b: fig. 3.9.
dallion with the image of the Buddha lying above the double 27) DSAL/AIIS 22990; DHAR 2009b: fig. 3.24. The motif is also
makaras heads motif, which lets surmise a higher antiquity to encountered in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh in the eighth
the ornament “image in medallion”. and ninth centuries: ibid.: figs. 3.47-48.
50 C. BAUTZE-PICRON
emerging out of the makara’s open mouth,28) a motif gen- for instance at the temple in Kudavelli (Fig. 21)31) before
eralized in the lintel surmounting niches and doors in becoming a common element of the lintels of Sambor
Cålukya shrines.29) Prei Kuk (Fig. 13).
The presence of haºsas (geese) arising out of the Further points of similarities with images from Ba-
open mouths of makaras on another girdle (Fig. 4) re- dami can be noted. The structure of the head-ornament
minds not only that this bird is the våhana (vehicle) of adorning the front part of Vi¹½u’s tiara is similar to the
Brahmå, but also that it is a major motif in the pillars of one of the ornament of Fig. 9: A stone or medallion is
cave 1 in Badami.30) inserted in the lower part within two makaras (Fig. 15)32)
The pendant made of a heavy row of pearls to which or foliated scrolls (Figs. 16-17)33), and further smaller
is attached a lotus flower with tiny garlands and falling on stones form the upper part here (in place thus of Indra).
either side of the central stone in one case (Fig. 6) is like- Elsewhere, at Samalaji, two leogryphs are profiled on
wise an ornament encountered in the arts of the Cålukyas, either side of the central ornament carved in high relief in
the lower part of the tiara adorning one image of Vi¸va-
r÷pa whereas a kïrtimukha fills a large roundel in the tiara
above another one, both images being dated around 535
28) MCCULLOUGH 2000: fig. 12. Makaras must have constituted a and 540 by Sara L. SCHASTOK.34)
common motif used for earrings since their name can also be
given to this ornament (FINOT 1896: 132).
Function and meaning of the makara-tora½a and its
29) The makaras of these earrings compare very strongly to a
makara filling a medallion on a pillar of cave 1 in Badami, see gods
DSAL/AIIS 054755. Inspired from South Asian models, pediments and lintels
30) In contrast to what Mireille BÉNISTI (1970: 103) once wrote; if constitute highly elaborate parts of the Khmer architec-
it is true that some motifs are present all through the develop-
ture. The richness of this ornamentation, the extreme care
ment of Indian art, it proves equally true that the motif of the
geese alone or in a row is overwhelming in cave 1. The same and detailed carving, and the quasi continuous evolution
can be said concerning the ga½as who sustain at all levels the of forms in course of time explain that such architectural
monuments or the images in caves 1-3 (see TARR 1970: figs. 7-
9 [supporting the cave on the façade], 11, 21-22, 25, 33 [sup-
porting an image] or 35 [supporting a bracket image]). For the 31) DHAR 2009b: figs. 3.27-28.
geese, see TARR 1970: figs. 13 and 14 (caves 1 and 2); DSAL/ 32) And in the headdress of the Trivikrama in cave 2; LIPPE 1972:
AIIS 21331, 54636, 54638, 54639, 54640, 54642, 54643, fig. 20, for the complete image.
54649, 54652, 54657, 54658, 54659, 54660, 54661, 54662,
54663, 54664, 54741, 54744, 54753, 54754, 54755, 54756,
33) LIPPE 1972: fig. 24, for the complete Harihara image.
54763 (cave 1), 54787 (cave 2). Haºsas can also replace ma- 34) SCHASTOK 1985: figs. 34 (leogryphs) (also in HAVENON 2009:
karas in the lintel; see DHAR 2009b: fig. 3.37 (Ellora, cave 15). fig. 9) and 39 (monstrous leonine face).
Jewels for a King – Part I 51
Atharva Veda and the Mahåbhårata, e.g., and this bright where gods can show themselves to the worshipper be-
bow is also said to be adorned with numerous gems in the fore he enters the monument; this is also the place where
Saundaryalaharï by ˜a¼kara (verse 40);41) further, Indra the creation of the world through the churning of the
is the god of rains.42) milk-ocean by the Devas and Asuras can be depicted at
Lintels in Sambor Prei Kuk style and a variant of the Udayagiri (cave 19) and Badami (caves 2 and 3); or the
following Prei Kmeng style include images of specific place where (small) images of gods can be inserted
deities or/and of divine creatures.43) Further, in a substan- (Badami, cave 1), or mythological or epic narrative be
tial number of examples, Garua holds a major position depicted (Badami, caves 1 and 3).45)
in the ornamentation.44) Again, the model for such com- The image of a deity on a piece of jewellery and the
positions is to be traced in India: The lintel is the place image on the pediment of the temple share the function of
marking the affiliation of the one who bears the jewel or
of the temple to a specific deity.46) Having Indra’s image
41) HOLTZMANN 1878: 296 (Mahåbhårata); BROWN 1958: 64
on the head, or Brahmå’s one at the waist are ways of
(Saundaryalaharï, stanza 40). A verse in the Atharva Veda
(15.1.6-7) clearly identifies Indra’s bow with the rainbow: showing oneself as devotee of the depicted god, but also
“That was Indra’s bow. Blue its belly, red (its) back” (WHIT- as mundane representative of the god and thus as sharing
NEY’s translation quoted by KRAMRISCH 1981: 91; see also functions with him – Indra ruling on the gods’ universe,
GRIFFITH 1896 (reprint): 149: “He held a bow, even that Bow
of Indra/ His belly is dark-blue, his back is red”.). And this
is the king par excellence, Brahmå is the priest par excel-
might explain that the arch swallowed by makaras initially lence. Moreover, the possibility of identifying the maka-
appears at Ajanta above images of the Buddha who can be ra-tora½a to the indradhanus and the very fact that the
identified with Indra after his passage on Mount Meru girdle adorned by the pair of makaras is practically the
(BAUTZE-PICRON 2010: 28-35; see for instance the Ajanta in-
scription mentioning that cave 16 was “a splendid dwelling for
sole privilege of Vi¹½u, the god of royalty, in India,
the ascetic Indra (i.e. the Buddha)” (COHEN 1998: 374). underline the royal nature of such ornaments. This remark
42) GUTMAN 2002. applies also to the aigrette with its representation of Indra,
43) Regularly distributed at the meeting points of the curves of the
central part of the lintel or, as in the Prei Kmeng style, at both 45) For Badami: TARR 1970: 168.
extremities and replacing the makaras of the Sambor Prei Kuk 46) Or in benefiting from the deity’s protection and generosity as
style; compare DUPONT 1952: figs. 4-7, 10, 13, 15-23 (Sambor betrayed for instance by the presence of images of Lak¹mï on
Prei Kuk) to figs. 24-26 (Prei Kmeng). a pair of Western Cålukya earrings dated to the 11th century
44) See notes 12-13 in Part II of this paper. (AHMAD 1949: 1 & pls. 1-2).
Jewels for a King – Part I 53
kings of the god, seated on his three-headed elephant – an through perishable goods,50) and she mentioned the pres-
image which only a king could wear. ence of items of Indian origin at Oc Eo in Fu-nan;51) she
further also summarized information drawn from epigra-
Conclusion phy or Chinese literature referring to the existence of a
The choice and treatment of specific motifs find matching rich jewellery displayed by the monarch or offered to
examples in Cålukya architectural ornamentation from deities.52)
the sixth to seventh centuries and similar pieces of jewel- Be that as it may, even if objects were imported from
lery are encountered in the sculpture of the period, which the Subcontinent, it does not appear evident that they
corroborates what had been already surmised at a more might have been the intermediary support for the transfer
general level by various authors evoking the influential of ornamental and iconographic motifs. Whereas Indian
relationship between the Cålukyas and Southeast Asia.47) stone and cast images have been discovered all through
And this allows even delineating with more precision the Southeast Asia, one should not overlook the fact that
geographical location of the source of inspiration of these most of them depict the Buddha.53) This should not sur-
jewels within a vast region spreading from Maharashtra prise us: Monks have always been carrying manuscripts,
to Tamil Nadu from where numerous examples of (dec- paintings or smaller images, and one cannot exclude the
orative) motifs found their way in Khmer art.48) possibility that either returning home or travelling to a
As early as 1933 and 1934, Gilberte de CORAL-RÉ- monastery located on the other side of the Bay of Bengal,
MUSAT had underlined the closeness of ornamentation monks might have also carried back larger images of the
and composition of pre-Angkorian and Indian lintels; Buddha in order to offer it to the monastery. The situation
later, Mireille BÉNISTI showed in a series of articles pub- differs regarding images of the Brahmanical pantheon,
lished in Arts Asiatiques between 1968 and 1974 how the and one can surmise that in this case, images have been
Khmer decorative ornamentation traced its origin back in transmitted through sketch-books and the knowledge of
South Asia, summarizing a large part of her findings in the Brahmans: the aesthetics of the Khmers deeply differs
her publication of 1970. From their research, it is obvious in its sobriety from the genuine and deep feeling for the
that the main period during which the Indian influence
found its way to Southeast Asia, more particularly to the 50) Ibid.: 103-106.
country of the Khmers, broadly spread between the fifth 51) Ibid.: 104-105, referring to the excavations and publications of
and the seventh centuries.49) Mireille BÉNISTI concluded Louis MALLERET.
that decorative motifs were most probably transported 52) Ibid.: 105-106.
53) It is at time rather difficult to decide whether an image has
been produced in South Asia or whether it is a Southeast Asian
47) GUY 2009: 141, “The temple arts of Western Chalukya rulers production based on an Indian model. For instance, JACQ-
of the Deccan in the eighth century had a major impact on HERGOUALC’H (2002: 143-144 & fig. 32) reproduces such a
Hindu Southeast Asia, especially Java and Champa”; RAD- small stone image of 16.5 cm discovered in south Thailand
CLIFFE BOLON 1980: 321 & note 38 (quoting O.C. GANGOLY
which he considers, after GRISWOLD, to be a local production
according to whom the Javanese images of Agastya traced back based on a model carved in an atelier of Sarnath. A proper list
their origin to South India). of all images concerned by this observation is still wanting and
would definitely help to clarify a little the situation which
48) De CORAL-RÉMUSAT 1933 for a comparative study of the changed in course of time; see, however: COEDÈS 1959 (stone
Indian and Khmer pediment; de CORAL-RÉMUSAT 1934 for a image of the Buddha from the region of Nalanda, discovered at
comparative study of Pallava and Khmer lintels; BÉNISTI 1970 Ayutthaya, now preserved in the National Museum, Bangkok),
for a detailed study of motifs simultaneously found in pre- van LOHUIZEN-DE LEEUW 1961 (Buddha image from Bihar
Angkorian and in South Asian Art; p. 100 note 2, she quotes now preserved and worshipped in Chiengmai), LUNSINGH
Philippe STERN who, in our opinion quite rightly, wrote in SCHEURLEER 2008: 297 & fig. 13 (tenth-eleventh c. image of
1947-48 that “cet art [as a source of inspiration] peut-être en Vi¹½u illustrating a little elegant, even provincial, style from
matériaux non durables a disparu, mais il n’est pas impossible Bengal and discovered in Java), BAUTZE-PICRON 1999: 40-41
qu’il se trouve plus au Sud qu’Aja½¶å et Ellorå. Certains détails (concerning the possible export of small steles from Bihar
frappants, k÷u et style de sculpture, semblent nous ramener à towards different countries of the Bay of Bengal). JACQ-HER-
Bådåmi et au pays Pallava ...”. For another perspective relating GOUALC’H 2002 deals in detail with concrete examples of ima-
Khmer architecture to North Indian prototypes, see MAXWELL ges discovered in the Malay Peninsula and similar to South
2007: 99-100 & pls. 14-15, and MEISTER 2006: 39ff. Asian models and SCHASTOK 1994 studies the impact of Ama-
49) BÉNISTI 1970: 96-100, passim. ravati images in Southeast Asia.
54 C. BAUTZE-PICRON
flowing movement and the extraordinary ornamentation Now, we cannot forget that jewellery such as the one
which characterize the images of Indian gods and god- presently under scrutiny was definitely an art exclusively
desses. These images are richly dressed with jewels from designed for the court, more particularly for the ruler. The
the very first moment of their creation by the artist, which goldsmith had to be a revealed artist; the objects which he
is not the case among the Khmers. I think that the sketch- was producing might have been drawn in sketch-books,
books or the illustrated manuscripts containing the icono- allowing a transmission of the composition, of the icono-
graphic guidelines did not particularly stress the presence graphy, but considering the highly symbolical royal
of the jewels. For that reason and when compared to nature of this iconography, such sketch-books could only
South Asian prototypes, and this topic would deserve have circulated among goldsmiths working for the court.
more attention, the jewellery carved on images is rather Similarly, we should also not neglect the fact that the
rarely encountered in Khmer art, and when it is depicted, Indian monuments to which we refer were royal dona-
it does not usually relate to Indian but to local models. tions, just like the monuments at Sambor Prei Kuk, the
So, when we search for depicted jewellery similar to the old ϸånapura founded by ϸånavarman (A.D. 617-637). It
one under scrutiny, it is not in the Khmer country that we is not unlikely to suggest that such a sketch-book was
find it but in India. And this allows us to eliminate the “offered”, not from a goldsmith to another goldsmith, but
possibility that the composition was inspired by the local from a ruler to another ruler, or that even a goldsmith
ornamentation of pediments. Rather the contrary. might have been sent from a king to another one. It is also
Contacts between the Cålukya kingdom and Fu-nan or not impossible to suggest that jewels might have been
Chen-la are indirectly attested: B.A. SALETORE suggested part of a diplomatic present.
that “the conquest of the Kamera (Kavera) country” men-
tioned in the Kolhapur grant dated A.D. 693 would con- Acknowledgements
stitute a reference to the Khmer country.54) A Cålukya
All my gratefulness goes to the private collectors who wel-
embassy was sent to the court of the Chinese empress Wu
comed me, allowing me to see and study these jewels, gor-
in A.D. 692 as we learn from MA-DUAN-LIN, a Chinese
geous testimonies of a remote and lost past and allowing my
encyclopaedist of the thirteenth to fourteenth century, and
husband Joachim K. Bautze to photograph them. My thanks
it is not unlikely that it could have followed the maritime
go also to Peter Skilling and Gary Tartakov for having re-
way already open by traders and Buddhist monks.55) The
plied rapidly and with enthusiasm to my queries.
evidence bearing testimony to the presence of features of
All photos are copyright Joachim K. Bautze apart from
various natures of a Cålukya origin could take various
Figs.15 (after The Golden Age 2007: 152-153, cat. 11) and
forms in Southeast Asia: Debjani PAUL has thus drawn
20 (by courtesy of DSAL/AIIS neg. Ar_021324).
the attention to a Javanese image of Vi¹½u which shows
stylistic and iconographic peculiarities tracing their origin
back in the art of the Cålukyas or the Pallavas.56) BIBLIOGRAPHY
54) Under the reign of Satyå¸raya Råjå¸raya Vinayåditya (A.D. AHMAD, Khwaja Muhammad (1949) Western Chalukyan
680-696); SALETORE 1960: 198 & 200, quoted by DIKSHIT Ornaments (now preserved in Hyderabad Museum). Hy-
1980: 173, note 91. However, as mentioned by both authors,
derabad: Hyderabad Museum.
the name ‘Kamera’ (or ‘Kavera’) has also been understood to
refer to an island in the Kåverï river; most probably also, the AUBOYER, Jeannine (1949) Le trône et son symbolisme dans
term ‘conquest’ should not be understood as such: There is no l’Inde ancienne. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
definite proof that the Cålukyas ever sent an army to conquer
Fu-nan or Chen-la. See also BÉNISTI 1970: 1-3. BAUTZE-PICRON, Claudine (1999) Between India and
55) The Cålukyas are there named ‘Zheluoqibaluopo’ (SEN 2003: Burma: The “Andagu” Stelae. The Art of Burma: New
26 & endnote 39); see also DIKSHIT 1980: 173, note 91 (‘Chi- Studies, ed. Donald M. Stadtner. Mumbai: 37-52 (Mårg
lu-khi-pa-lo’, restored as ‘Cååukya Vallabha’). SALATORE 1960: Publications 50/4; also published in Mårg Magazine
197-202, in particular p. 201, where the author suggests that the 50/4, 1999: 37-52).
embassy to the court of China might have been sent ‘through
— (2010) The Bejewelled Buddha from India to Burma.
Funan or Cambodia’, an event which he dates between A.D. 694
and 696, i.e. in the final years of Vinayåditya’s reign. New Considerations. Kolkata: Centre for Archaeological
56) PAUL 1978: 314. Like Varåha does, the god carries here a small
Studies & Training/New Delhi: Sanctum Books (Sixth
image of a goddess whom the authoress identifies with Bh÷devï. Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy Memorial Lecture).
Jewels for a King – Part I 55
BÉNISTI, Mireille (1970) Rapports entre le premier art DIKSHIT, D.P. (1980) Political History of the Chalukyas of
khmer et l’art indien. Paris (Publications de l’École Badami. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.
Française d’Extrême-Orient, mémoire archéologique V). DONALDSON, Thomas (1976) Doorframes on the earliest Oris-
BOISSELIER, Jean (1966) Manuel d’archéologie d’Extrême- san Temples. Artibus Asiae (Ascona) 39/3-4: 189-218.
Orient, I, Asie du Sud-Est, Le Cambodge. Paris: Éditions DSAL/AIIS = Digital South Asia Library/American Institute
A. et J. Picard & Cie. of Indian Studies (Photo Archive of the American Insti-
BROWN, W. Norman (1958) The Saundaryalahar§ or Flood tute of Indian Studies, Center for Art and Archaeology,
of Beauty traditionally ascribed to ˜a¼karåcårya, edited, http://dsal.uchicago.edu/images/aiis/).
translated, and presented in photographs. Cambridge, DUPONT, Pierre (1952) Les linteaux khmèrs du VIIe siècle.
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Artibus Asiae (Ascona) 15/1-2: 31-83.
BUNKER, Emma (2000) Splendour and Sensuality in Angkor FINOT, Louis (1896) Les lapidaires indiens. Paris: Librarie
Period Khmer Jewellery. Orientations (Hong Kong) Émile Bouillon (Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Étu-
31/3: 102-113. des, Sciences philologiques et historiques, cent-onzième
fascicule).
BUNKER, Emma C. & David A.J. LATCHFORD (2008) Khmer
Gold: Gifts for the Gods. Chicago: Art Media Resources. GARBE, Richard (1882) Die indischen Mineralien. Ihre Na-
men und die ihnen zugeschriebenen Kräfte, Narahari’s
COEDÈS, George (1959) Note sur une stèle indienne d’épo- Râ› anigha½¶u Varge XIII, Sanskrit und Deutsch, mit
que Påla découverte à Ayudhyå (Siam). Artibus Asiae kritischen und erläuternden Anmerkungen. Leipzig: Ver-
(Ascona) 21/3-4: 9-14. lag von S. Hirzel.
COHEN, Richard S. (1998) N~ga, Yak¹i½§, Buddha: Local GRIFFITH, Ralph T.H. (1896) Hymns of the Atharva Veda,
Deities and Local Buddhism at Ajanta. History of Reli- vol. II. Benares: E.J. Lazarus & Co. (The Pandit, New
gions (Chicago) 37/4: 360-400. Series). Reprint New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
COMBAZ, Gisbert (1945) Masques et Dragons en Asie. Bru- 1985.
xelles (Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises 7). GRIMES, Ronald L. (1987) Portals. The Encyclopedia of Re-
CORAL-RÉMUSAT, Gilberte de (1933) Concerning some ligions, ed. Mircea Eliade. NewYork/London: Macmil-
Indian Influences in Khmer Art as exemplified in the lan. Vol. 11: 452-453.
Borders of Pediments. Indian Art and Letters (London) GROSLIER, Bernard (1966) Indochine. Genève Les Éditions
N.S. VII/2: 110-121. Nagel (Archaeologia Mundi).
— (1934) De l’origine commune des linteaux de l’Inde GROSLIER, Georges (1921) Recherches sur les Cambod-
Pallava et des linteaux Khmers préangkoriens. Revue des giens. Paris: Augustine Challamel.
Arts Asiatiques (Paris) VIII: 242-250. — (1931) Les collections khmères du Musée Albert Sarraut
— (1936) Animaux fantastiques de l’Indochine, de l’Insu- à Phnom Penh. Paris : Les Éditions G. Van Oest.
linde et de la Chine. Bulletin de l’École française d’Ex- GUTMAN, Pamela (2002) A Burma origin for the Sukhotai
trême-Orient (Paris) 26/1: 427-435. walking Buddha. Burma: Art and Archaeology, eds.
— (1951) L’art khmer. Les grandes Étapes de son Évolu- Alexandra Green & T. Richard Blurton. London: The
tion. Paris: Vanoest (Études d’art et d’ethnologie asia- British Museum Press: 35-43.
tiques publiées sous le patronage de l’École Française GUY, John (2009) Artistic Exchange, Regional Dialogue and
d’Extrême-Orient I). the Cham Territories. Champa and the Archaeology of
DARIAN, Steven (1976) The Other Face of the Makara. Arti- M$ So’n, eds. Andrew Hardy, Mauro Cuarzi & Patrizia
bus Asiae (Ascona) 38/1: 29-36. Zolese. Singapore: National University of Singapore:
127-154.
DHAR, Parul Pandya (2009a) Some early tora½a Representa-
tions from the Maharashtra Caves. Prajñådhara. Essays HARLE, J.C. (1974) Gupta Sculpture. Indian Sculpture of the
on Asian Art, History, Epigraphy and Culture in Honour Fourth to the Sixth Centuries A.D. Oxford: Clarendon
of Gouriswar Bhattacharya. New Delhi: Kaveri Books. Press.
Vol. I: 169-176 & pls. 17.1-13. HAVENON, Michael de (2009) The Earliest Vi¹½u Sculpture
— (2009b) The tora½a in Indian and Southeast Asian Archi- from Southeast Asia. The Journal of the Walters Art Mu-
tecture. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld. seum (Baltimore) 64/65, 2006/2007 (A Curator’s Choice:
Essays in Honor of Hiram W. Woodward, Jr.): 81-98.
56 C. BAUTZE-PICRON
HOLTZMANN, Adolf (1878) Indra nach den Vorstellungen further small private collection. Oxford: Archaeopress
des Mahåbhårata. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlän- (Bar International Series 1405).
dischen Gesellschaft (Leipzig) 22: 290-340. PAUL, Debjani (1978) Deity or Deified King? Reflections
JACQ-HERGOUALC’H, Michel (2002) The Malay Peninsula: on a Unique Vai¹½ava Sculpture from Java. Artibus
Crossroads of the Maritime Silk Road. Leiden/Boston/ Asiae (Ascona) 40/4: 311-333.
Köln: Brill (Handbook of Oriental Studies, 3, South-East RADCLIFFE BOLON, Carol (1980) The Pårvatï Temple,
Asia, 13). Sandur, And Early Images of Agastya. Artibus Asiae
JESSUP, Hellen I. & Thierry ZÉPHIR (1997) Angkor et dix (Ascona) 42/4: 303-326.
siècles d’art khmer. Paris: Réunion des Musées Nationaux. — (1985) The Durga Temple, Aihole, and the Sa¼game-
KRAMRISCH, Stella (1976) The Hindu Temple. 2 vols. Delhi: ¸vara Temple, K÷avelli: A Sculptural Review. Ars Ori-
Motilal Banarsidass (reprint). entalis (Ann Arbor) 15: 47-64.
— (1981) The Presence of ˜iva. Princeton: Princeton Uni- ROVEDA, Vittorio (1997) Khmer Mythology. London: Tha-
versity Press. mes and Hudson/River Books.
LE THI LIEN (2005) Gold Plaques and their cultural Contexts SALETORE, Bhasker Anand (1960) India’s Diplomatic Re-
in the Oc Eo Culture. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific lations with the East. Bombay: The Popular Book Depot.
Prehistory Association (Canberra) 25 (Taipei Papers, SARMA, I.K. (2000) Transplant of K÷ali Sa¼gamë¸vara
vol. 3): 145-154. Temple and Some Ågamic Principles. Deccan Heritage,
LIPPE, Aschwin (1972) Early Chålukya Icons. Artibus Asiae eds. Harsh K. Gupta, Aloka Parasher-Sen & D. Balasu-
(Ascona) 34/4: 273-330. bramanian. Hyderabad: Universities Press (India): 169-
van LOHUIZEN-DE LEEUW, J.E. (1961) The ‘Stone Buddha’ 190.
of Chiengmai and Its Inscriptions. Artibus Asiae (Asco- SCHASTOK, Sara L. (1985) The ˜åmalåjï Sculptures and 6th
na) 24/3-4: 324-329. Century Art in Western India. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
LUNSINGH SCHEURLEER, Pauline (2008) The well-known — (1994) Bronzes in the Amåravatï style: Their role in the
Javanese Statue in the Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam, and writing of Southeast Asian history. Ancient Indonesian
its Place in Javanese Sculpture. Artibus Asiae (Washing- Sculpture, eds. Marijke J. Klokke & Pauline Lunsingh
ton/ Zürich) 68/2: 287-332. Scheurleer. Leiden: KITVL Press: 33-49.
MALLERET, Louis (1962) L’archéologie du Delta du Mé- SEN, Tansen (2003) Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The
kong. Tome Troisième: La Culture du Founan. Paris Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400. Hono-
(Publications de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 43). lulu: University of Hawai’i Press.
MAXWELL, T.S. (2007) Religion at the time of Jayavarman SNODGRASS, Adrian (1992) The Symbolism of the Stupa.
VII. Bayon: New Perspectives, ed. Joyce Clark. Bang- Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
kok: River Books: 72-135. TARR, Gary (1970) Chronology and Development of the
MCCULLOUGH, Teresa (2000) Gold Jewellery: Pre-Angkor Chååukya Cave Temples. Ars Orientalis (Ann Arbor) 8:
and Angkor Civilisations of Cambodia. Arts of Asia 155-184.
(Hong Kong) 30/2: 70-79. The Golden Age (2007) The Golden Age of classical India:
MEISTER, Michael W. (2006) Mountain Temples and The Gupta Empire. Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des
Temple-Mountains: Masrur. Journal of the Society of musées nationaux.
Architectural Historians (Harvard) 65/1: 26-49. VIENNOT, Odette (1954) Typologie du makara et essai de
MEISTER, Michael W. & M.A. DHAKY, eds. (1986) Encyclo- chronologie. Arts Asiatiques (Paris) I/3: 189-208.
paedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. I: South — (1958) Le makara dans la décoration des monuments de
India, Part 2: Upper Dråviadë¸a, Early Phase, A.D. l’Inde ancienne : positions et fonctions. Arts Asiatiques
550-1075. New Delhi: American Institute of Indian Stu- (Paris) V/3: 183-206; V/4: 272-292.
dies/Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. VOGEL, Jean Philippe (1929-1930) Le makara dans la sculp-
MIDDLETON, Sheila E. Hoey (1997) Two engraved Gems ture de l’Inde. Revue des Arts Asiatiques (Paris) VI/3:
with Combination Monsters from Southeast Asia. The 133-147.
Journal of the Siam Society (Bangkok) 85/1-2: 95-106. ZÉPHIR, Thierry (1997) Introduction à la ronde-bosse
— (2005) Intaglios, Cameos, Rings and Related Objects khmère : quelques généralités. In: JESSUP & ZÉPHIR 1997:
from Burma and Java. The White Collection and a 130-137.