Minority Matters: 12 Angry Men as a

Case Study of a Successful Negotiation

against the Odds
Eirini Flouri and Yiannis Fitsakis

In his famous book, Social Influence and Social Change, celebrated

social psychologist Serge Moscovici contended that minorities influ-
ence change by creating conflict. Because people wish to avoid conflict,
they will often dismiss the minority position. But when the minority
refuses to be dismissed by remaining committed to its position and
maintaining a well-defined and coherent point of view, then the
minority can make the majority reconsider its beliefs and consider the
minority’s position as a viable alternative. Moscovici identified five key
aspects of the minority’s influential behavior: consistency, investment,
autonomy, rigidity, and fairness.
In this article we analyze the negotiation process depicted in the
1957 film 12 Angry Men. This critically acclaimed film powerfully
illustrates the dynamics of bargaining and the use of informal author-
ity with a focus on the role of personality. The film illustrates how, by
adopting the five behavioral strategies described by Moscovici, the
minority — in this case a lone dissenting juror — is able to success-
fully negotiate and, against the odds, influence the overwhelming
majority comprising the other eleven jurors.

Key words: negotiation, minority viewpoints, persuasion, juries,

film.

Eirini Flouri is senior lecturer in psychology at the School of Psychology and Human Develop-
ment, Institute of Education, University of London. Her e-mail address is [email protected].
Yiannis Fitsakis is senior risk manager for the Kashagan Oil and Gas Project at AGIP KCO. His
e-mail address is [email protected].

10.1111/j.1571-9979.2007.00156.x
© 2007 President and Fellows of Harvard College Negotiation Journal October 2007 449
Minority Viewpoints and Social Change
In the late 1960s, French psychologist Serge Moscovici challenged the
dominant functionalist approach to social influence, promoted largely by
American social psychologists in the 1950s and 1960s, which emphasized
the unidirectional flow of social influence from the majority to the minority.
Moscovici argued instead that change, innovations, and new ideas are really
products of the influence of the minority.
In his celebrated book Social Influence and Social Change, Moscovici
(1976) contended that minorities influence change by creating conflict.
Because people wish to avoid conflict, they will often dismiss the minority
position. But when the minority refuses to be dismissed by remaining
committed to its position and by maintaining a well-defined and coherent
point of view, then the minority can make the majority reconsider its beliefs
and consider the minority’s position as a viable alternative (see Martin and
Hewstone 2003 for a review). Moscovici identified five key aspects of
the minority’s influential behavior: consistency, investment, autonomy,
rigidity, and fairness.
In this article, we analyze the negotiation process depicted in the 1957
film 12 Angry Men (Orion-Nova Productions), which was written by
Reginald Rose and directed by Sydney Lumet. This critically acclaimed film
powerfully illustrates the dynamics of bargaining and the use of informal
authority with a focus on the role of personality. The film illustrates how, by
adopting the five behavioral strategies Moscovici described, the minority —
in this case a lone dissenting juror — is able to successfully negotiate and,
against the odds, influence the overwhelming majority comprising the
other eleven jurors.
According to Jacques Rojot (1991) the goal of parties to a negotiation
is to reach agreement, often while operating under time constraints. They
do not primarily seek to destroy each other, and the chance that they will
fail to reach agreement is always present to some degree. Although the plot
of 12 Angry Men encompasses each element of Rojot’s definition of nego-
tiation, it does not exhibit many of the criteria typically present in “one-off”
negotiations: the jurors do not have quantifiable positions, and they stand to
gain or lose nothing of material value. Instead, highly emotional discussions
involve such deeply felt issues as civic duty. Personalities and conscience
seem to drive the negotiation.

The Story
12 Angry Men is a gripping drama that depicts twelve American jurors
confined to a jury room on a hot and humid summer day to decide the guilt
or innocence of a defendant in a murder trial.1 Before sending out the
twelve jurors to deliberate, the judge reminds them that their verdict must
be unanimous and that if they hold “reasonable doubt” as to the guilt of the

450 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters

accused then their verdict must be “not guilty.” If, however, they find the
defendant guilty then he will be sentenced to death.
Eleven of the jurors, believing that the prosecution has presented an
“open-and-shut”case,quickly vote for conviction.They believe that the young,
poor Puerto Rican defendant, who has a criminal record and lives
in the “slums,” killed his father with a switchblade knife. The sole initial
dissenter is Juror 8,played in the film by Henry Fonda,who votes“not guilty”
as the deliberations begin. As the film proceeds, he deconstructs the pros-
ecution’s case,progressing from communicating a sense of vague uneasiness
to articulating a precise refutation of the other jurors’ specific arguments.

The Negotiation Environment

To analyze the negotiation environment in 12 Angry Men, we adopt the
methodology outlined by Rojot (1991), who wrote that a negotiation is
structured by the relationship between the parties, the resources and con-
straints within the environment, and the bargaining power. Rojot identified
two significant dimensions for evaluating the environment within which a
negotiation takes place. The first dimension involves the fixed elements
of the negotiation that the parties cannot influence but may use to their
advantage. The second dimension involves the changeable elements of the
negotiation.
The Parties
At the jury deliberation stage of the trial with which the movie begins, the
jury is left as the only party to the trial that has any ability to influence the
outcome (although in reality judges may set aside jury verdicts.). The jury’s
deliberations are private and jurors do not need to justify their determina-
tions of fact to anyone, as long as they deliberate appropriately according to
the judge’s instructions. Each juror’s obligation is to fulfill his civic duty and
the dictates of his own conscience.
Relationship Dynamics
The jurors have no existing relationships with each other prior to the
formation of the jury and are not expected to retain any relationship after
the trial (although in reality jurors are free to form social and professional
relationships after the trial concludes, and sometimes do). Therefore, this
particular negotiation process is a “one-off” situation; the jurors can be
predicted to have fewer inhibitions against conflictual and competitive
behavior because they will feel less necessity to maintain existing personal
and professional relationships. Furthermore, no alliances or teams initially
exist; each juror answers only to himself and to the law.
Resources and Constraints
The jurors’ resources and the constraints on their deliberations appear to
be static: they have no access to the external world and have no means to

Negotiation Journal October 2007 451

acquire further evidence or even leave the room to which they are con-
fined. But because of the strategies that Juror 8 uses, the resources and
constraints change repeatedly: testimony is reexamined — almost as if “new
evidence” were actually being produced (although in theory all evidence
has been produced and it is just being reframed) — and alliances form and
shift among the individual jurors.
The resources at the jury’s disposal are the evidence and the witness
testimonies presented at the trial, and the arguments made by the prosecu-
tor and the defense attorney. The internal constraints include time (as soon
as the trial is over the jurors may resume their own lives) and the physical
environment (they are confined to a small, hot, locked room). The external
constraints include the rule of law and the expectation (their own and their
community’s) that they will behave responsibly and deliver justice.
A less tangible constraint is human behavior’s “bounded rationality,”
that is, personal prejudices that influence people’s decision-making capa-
bilities. Therefore, although “the objective of a negotiation is to negotiate
specific items” (Rojot 1991) rather than objectively focus only on the case
at hand, jurors can bring their own personal biases and concerns into the
jury room.
Bargaining Objectives and Issues
The lack of quantifiable objectives presents challenges to any effort to
analyze 12 Angry Men from a negotiation perspective. As the judge reminds
the jury in the opening scenes, what is at stake is the delivery of justice and
the life of the accused. The outcome will have little material effect on any
of the parties involved in the deliberations, which is atypical of most
negotiations — or at least of those that receive attention in the negotiation
literature. In fact, some of the jurors seem to lack any commitment to, or
interest in, the process at all, a phenomenon exemplified by such comments
as:“I almost fell asleep” (during the trial) or, when pushing for a quick vote,
“maybe we can all get outta here.”
Table One outlines each juror’s key bargaining objectives. We make no
attempt to define optimum, realistic, and sticking points as all objectives are
intangible.
Best Alternatives to a Negotiated Agreement (BATNA)
The best alternative to a negotiated agreement (Fisher and Ury 1981) is the
same for each juror. Should they fail after lengthy deliberations to reach a
unanimous verdict they can walk out and declare a “hung jury,” which
would result in a mistrial.
The implications of the BATNA, however, are not the same for all
jurors. For the majority, this would mean they failed to fulfill their respon-
sibility and that they will burden another jury. Juror 8, however, seems to
perceive that it is his responsibility to ensure that the defendant is treated

452 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters

 Table One
Bargaining Objectives

Party Bargaining Objectives

Position Driver
Jurors 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 Follow the majority,“go with the flow” Compliant personalities
Juror 1 Control the deliberations Seeks to fulfill his role as foreman, but
lacks leadership skills
Juror 3 Punish the defendant Hostile toward the accused because of
his failed relationship with his son
Juror 4 Adhere to facts, pursue logic Rational, self-assured
Juror 5 Disassociate from his past Insecurity arising from his
disadvantaged background
Juror 7 Finish quickly to go to baseball game Xenophobia
Juror 8 Consider the possibility of innocence, Sense of duty to the truth; in pursuit of
deliberate carefully and adequately truth and justice
Juror 10 Suppress minorities Racist convictions against the

Negotiation Journal
defendant
Juror 11 Success of democracy and justice Blind faith in the American system

October 2007 453

justly during these deliberations and that responsibility is not merely passed
to the next jury.
Bargaining Power
Max Weber (1947) broadly defines power as someone’s ability to achieve his
or her goal despite resistance, a definition that is particularly appropriate in
the case of 12 Angry Men. In the film it seems initially that Juror 10, who
argues immediately that the defendant is guilty, holds more power. A major-
ity of jurors agree with him, and it seems unlikely that Juror 8 will be able
to change their minds. Juror 8’s only power at the early stages of the process
derives from his right to refuse to support the otherwise unanimous guilty
verdict. In the context of jury deliberations, this is a legitimate source of
power, but on its own it only creates stalemate. It does not seem that he can
leverage his position to shift the positions of the other jurors and achieve his
objective, which is an adequate deliberation of all the facts in the case.
Juror 8, however, seems to understand that bargaining power is both
relative and subjective because it is based on the party’s perceptions of
each other. Robert Cialdini (1993) argues that formal authority is fragile —
establishing credibility, “common ground,” and emotional connections can
shift the balance of power in circumstances such as those that Juror 8 faces.
David Mechanic (1962) sees power as resulting from access to and control
over information, people, and instrumentalities. Despite his initial weak
minority position, Juror 8 dexterously commands all available sources of
power.

Information. When the jurors convene for the first time, Juror 8 sits
back, staring quietly through the window, but at the same time observing
the behaviors of his peers, presumably gathering information about them
without revealing anything about himself. This behavior is consistent
throughout both the deliberations and the break. In the bathroom scenes,
for instance, he seems almost oddly quiet, which seems to compel anyone
who walks in to speak, revealing personal information in the process.
Juror 8 reinforces this behavior with his own brief, neutral, mirroring
responses (“Aha. . . .,” or “Is that so?”).

People. Juror 8 approaches and forms alliances with the jurors who
seem most peripheral: the old man (Juror 9), the immigrant (Juror 11),
and the follower (Juror 2). Although he always remains opaque and
ambiguous, he elicits personal information from the jurors that allows
him to both guide the deliberations and encourage the other jurors to
bond with him. For example, when Juror 2, a somewhat meek, indecisive
man, offers cough drops to dissipate the tension during confrontations,
Juror 8 is the only one who accepts them. One assumes that he does so
not really because he needs them but in order to connect with Juror 2.

454 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters

 Table Two
Broad Strategies

Strategy Adopted Party

1. Avoidance/neglect Jurors 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12
2. Aggression/domination Jurors 10, 3, (7)
3. Appeasement/self-sacrifice —
4. Collusion —
5. Collaborative problem solving Jurors 4, 8
6. Sharing, give and take Juror 8

Instrumentalities. The physical evidence seems to overwhelmingly

support a guilty verdict. Nonetheless, Juror 8 is able to use it to make his
case. We discuss how he accomplishes this in the next section of this
article.
The Lone Dissenter
In Table Two we outline the strategies initially adopted by the twelve jurors
as outlined in Jacques Rojot’s (1991) framework.
As the movie begins Juror 10 opens the deliberations with highly
inflammatory statements, which is typical in one-off negotiations that are
not part of an ongoing relationship and in which parties are unequal in
power: “It’s pretty tough to figure, isn’t it? A kid kills his father. Bing! Just
like that. . . . It’s the element. . . . I’m telling ya, they let those kids run wild
up there. Well, maybe it serves ’em right.”2
Juror 8 silently evaluates the situation. The jury takes a preliminary
vote by raising their hands. Six of the jurors (1, 3, 4, 7, 10, and 12) quickly
vote “guilty.” After a slight pause, Jurors 2, 5, 6, 11, and 9 join them. Juror 10
shakes his head, indicating that he is unhappy with the lone dissenter
(Juror 8).
Juror 8 explains that he voted “not guilty” not because he is sure of the
defendant’s innocence, but because he wishes to discuss the case objec-
tively, without prejudging the defendant. Because Juror 8 is overwhelmingly
in the minority, he apparently recognizes that supporting outright acquittal
could discredit him with the other jurors. Arguing simply that the jury takes
the time to weigh the evidence would seem to be a more defendable and
reasonable compromise position.
The frame that a negotiator chooses can be critical in achieving his or
her objectives. Research has shown that at critical moments in a negotiation
the parties will assess each other as individuals — judging their personal
credibility, integrity, trustworthiness, and authority (Atkinson 1990). Speak-
ing softly, Juror 8 would seem to be aware of that. He uses this phenomenon

Negotiation Journal October 2007 455

— that each of the jurors is judging each of the other jurors — in his
successful attempts to systematically discredit his opponents by forcing to
the surface their underlying extreme beliefs.
Juror 8 also achieves his objective by addressing the constraints of time
and information. He wants to lessen the time pressure and to question the
group’s assumptions. He does this by encouraging his fellow jurors to
express themselves. Juror 10 says of the defendant:“I don’t mind telling you
this, mister. We don’t owe him a thing. He got a fair trial, didn’t he? What do
you think that trial cost? He’s lucky he got it. You know what I mean? Now
look, we’re all grown-ups in here. We heard the facts, didn’t we? You’re not
gonna tell me that we’re supposed to believe this kid, knowing what he is.
Listen, I’ve lived among them all my life. You can’t believe a word they say.
You know that. I mean, they’re born liars.” But the extreme nature of this
argument apparently repels some of the more open-minded of his fellow
jurors. Juror 9 says: “Only an ignorant man can believe that. . . . Do you
think you were born with a monopoly on the truth?”
The willingness of many jurors to commit to a guilty verdict outright can
be seen as an indication of“groupthink.”Groupthink describes the tendency
of members of a group to value unanimity at the expense of good decisions
and to fail to adequately consider alternatives (Janis 1972 and 1982). By
indicating that groupthink is happening,Juror 8 challenges it and manipulates
it for his own objectives. He admits that he does not necessarily believe the
boy’s story,but he feels that the accused is entitled to adequate deliberations.
As the film proceeds, the other jurors decide to “convince” Juror 8 of
the defendant’s guilt. Going around the table, each juror is given a couple
of minutes to make his case. Using questions and logic-based arguments,
Juror 8 refutes the other jurors’ comments. In these scenes Juror 8 seems to
be using an integrative approach to negotiation by focusing on the issue at
hand rather than on other jurors, in effect separating the people from the
problem (Fisher and Ury 1981). He engages with them in joint problem
solving and, in the process, attempts to build relationships.
A rift within the group that supports a guilty verdict then becomes
apparent. The extremism and racism of some of the jurors alienates some of
the others. For example, when Juror 7 states that the defendant’s back-
ground doomed him to a life of crime, Juror 5, a man who has himself
escaped poverty, becomes uneasy and defensive.
Juror 8 then employs another tactic;he systematically attacks the sources
and constraints that have produced the guilty verdict. He does this by
discrediting both the trial itself,specifically the competence and performance
of the defense lawyer,and the evidence presented at the trial.He does the latter
by instilling doubts about the validity of the witness testimonies.
Juror 8 requests that the very unusual knife “in evidence” be brought in
for another look. The jury reviews the sequence of events related to the
knife, as follows:

456 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters

1. The defendant left his house at 8:00 P.M. after being “punched” several
times by his father.
2. He went to a neighborhood “junk shop” and bought a switchblade knife
with a “very unusual carved handle and blade.”
3. He met some friends in front of a tavern about 8:45 P.M. and talked with
them for about an hour.
4. The defendant’s friends identified the “death weapon” in court as the
“very same knife” that the defendant had with him.
5. The defendant arrived home at around 10:00 P.M. He said that he went
to a movie at about 11:30 P.M., returning home at 3:10 A.M.“to find his
father dead and himself arrested.”
6. The defendant claimed that the knife fell through a hole in his pocket on
the way to the movies and that he never saw it again. However, no
witnesses saw him go out of the house, or at the theatre, and he could
not recall the names of the films he saw.
Juror 8 argues that the defendant’s story may be true. In a dramatic
twist he confounds the other jurors by pulling from his pocket a knife that
appears to be identical to the one with which the defendant allegedly
stabbed his father. He tells the incredulous jurors that someone else could
have bought an identical six-dollar knife, just as he did the night before at
a little pawn shop in the boy’s neighborhood, and used it to kill the boy’s
father. In doing this Juror 8 has confounded procedural constraints by, in
effect, introducing new physical “evidence.” This action also indicates a
highly premeditated strategy.3
With the other jurors surprised or upset by this, Juror 8 shifts his
strategy. At this point, perhaps suspecting that he might have turned the
tide in his favor, he takes what seems to be a gamble; he proposes that
the jury take another vote with secret ballots (with himself abstaining). He
states that if there are eleven votes for guilty he will not stand alone and he
will agree for the jury to take a guilty verdict to the judge immediately. But
if any other juror votes “not guilty” they must agree to stay and continue
deliberating.
Suggesting that the ballot be secret seems to be a successful conces-
sionary strategy for Juror 8. If he succeeds in bringing even a single juror
over to his side, his position will be strengthened. Juror 8 may have recog-
nized that some of the other jurors may have doubts but are uncomfortable
going against the majority.
The Dissenter Is No Longer Alone
The revelation of the result of the secret balloting marks an important shift
in the film and in the balance of power in the negotiation. One juror has

Negotiation Journal October 2007 457

indeed changed his vote. Tensions rise and some jurors “get personal” in
their arguments. Juror 3 accuses Juror 5 of being swayed by Juror 8. This
kind of personal attack can be expected to backfire, however, as it is likely
that it will shift Juror 5’s support away from the majority and further
toward Juror 8. But, in fact, Juror 9 unexpectedly admits that he was the one
who changed his vote, explaining that he did so because he respects Juror
8’s independence of thought.
Juror 8 at this point calls for a break; it seems that he has achieved
a critical victory and wishes to consolidate his position. He is no longer
alone in his quest and he has defended his credibility. He goes to the
bathroom where he is able to speak to several jurors one-on-one and
establish rapport. He targets those jurors who seem most receptive to his
message and reinforces it in a less formal setting. Establishing personal
relations is one of Juror 8’s major tactics for changing the outcome of the
deliberations.
Following the short break, the jurors resume discussion of the testi-
mony. Juror 3 discusses the testimony of the elderly witness who heard the
young man threaten to kill his father and the sound of the body hitting the
floor, and who saw him running down the stairs and out of the house. Jurors
12 and 4 repeat the testimony of the woman who “looked right in the open
window and saw the boy stab his father,” and who “saw the killing through
the windows of a moving elevated train.” There were six cars on the train,
she said, and she saw the killing through the last two cars.
Juror 8 questions how easy it would have been to hear and identify the
voice that issued the threat. He asks the jury “Any idea how long it takes an
el train at medium speed to pass a given point?” He engages the other jurors
and encourages their participation in his brainstorming, giving them “own-
ership” of the process of reframing the evidence.
The jurors agree that a six-car el train traveling at medium speed would
have taken ten seconds to pass by the open window of the room where the
killing took place. Juror 8 wonders how the old man in the apartment
downstairs could have heard the threat and the body hit the floor a second
later so distinctly while a noisy el train passed.
Juror 8 further suggests that the accused seems “too bright” to have
shouted “I’m gonna kill you” for the whole neighborhood to hear if he had
really intended to kill his father. Juror 10’s objection “Bright! . . . He don’t
even speak good English!” is corrected in an ironic manner by Juror 11, an
immigrant (“He doesn’t even speak good English”), who seems to now
distance himself from Juror 10.
According to Robin Martin (1992), power is measured by the degree of
dependence between parties, that is, the degree to which one perceives
oneself as dependent on another. Juror 8 enhances his power by slowly
establishing links with the jurors who are most receptive to his message
while marginalizing his most vocal enemies. By shifting the dependence of

458 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters

these “in-the-middle” jurors toward him and away from Jurors 10 and 3, he
increases his power in the process.
The tide shifts again in Juror 8’s favor when Juror 5 changes his vote
to “not guilty.” Soon after Juror 11 changes his mind because of his “reason-
able doubt.” Juror 3 expresses frustration with those who have shifted their
votes to not guilty, asking “What is this? Love Your Under-privileged Brother
Week or something?” He seems to know that he is losing control of the
other jurors, and is angry.
The jurors return to the discussion of the elderly male witness. Juror 8
wonders if an old man who suffered a stroke the previous year and dragged
one foot when he walked into the courtroom could have walked from his
bedroom to his front door within seconds after the killing to see the
defendant descend the stairs. Juror 3 is exasperated with Juror 8.“Suddenly,
you start getting through to some of these old ladies,” he says.“Well, you’re
not getting through to me. I’ve had enough.” He turns to the rest of the jury
and continues,“What’s the matter with you guys? You all know he’s guilty.
He’s got to burn. You’re letting him slip through our fingers.”

“Slip through our fingers? Are you his executioner?” asks Juror 8.
Juror 3 says,“I’m one of ’em.”
Juror 8 replies,“Perhaps you’d like to pull the switch.”
“For this kid?” Juror 3 answers,“You bet I would.”

At this point Juror 8 changes tactics. He apparently senses that Juror

3 is losing credibility with the others as well as his temper, and he makes
a personal attack. “I feel sorry for you,” he says. “What it must feel like to
want to pull the switch! Ever since you walked into this room, you’ve
been acting like a self-appointed public avenger. You want to see this boy
die because you personally want it — not because of the facts. You’re a
sadist.”
Juror 3 lunges at Juror 8 but is held back by other jurors. He plays into
Juror 8’s hands by shouting “Let me go! I’ll kill him! I’ll kill him!”
Juror 8 says softly and defiantly,“You don’t really mean you’ll kill me,
do you?”
Juror 8 has destroyed Juror 3’s credibility and has also undermined the
evidence that pointed to the defendant’s murderous intent (his overheard
shout of “I am going to kill you” directed toward his father). The rest of the
jurors now gather around Juror 8, silently staring back at the isolated and
repudiated Juror 3.
The results of the next vote, an open ballot, are tied. Discussion now
turns to the victim’s wounds. Juror 2 asks about the stab wound and its
“downward angle.” The accused was seven inches shorter than his father
and so the angle looks awkward. Juror 8, as the victim, and Juror 3, as the
killer, reenact the murder. The reenactment does little to strengthen Juror

Negotiation Journal October 2007 459

8’s position, but Juror 3 grows angry and nearly attacks Juror 8, further
weakening his own position.
Juror 5, who says he had experience with switchblade fights in his
childhood neighborhood, argues that switchblades are normally used
“underhanded” to save time by any expert knife user:“Anyone who’s ever
used a switch knife wouldn’t handle it any other way.” But the victim’s stab
wound angled down, according to the trial testimony.
Juror 7 suddenly announces he is changing his vote to “not guilty”
because he is “sick of all the talking” and he wants them to reach a decision
soon so that he can attend a ball game:“You’ve heard me. I’ve had enough.”
Juror 12 and Juror 1, the foreman, then switch their votes. Jurors 3, 4, and 10
are left as the only supporters of a guilty verdict.
Juror 10 then launches a hateful tirade against minorities. One by one,
the other jurors rise and literally turn their backs on his racist attitudes.
Eventually, he is left standing and babbling in the middle of the room. Juror
4 silences him firmly: “Now sit down and don’t open your mouth again.”
Eventually, everyone moves back to their seats.
The only other major issue outstanding involves the testimony of the
woman living across the street from the defendant who testified that she
saw the murder committed. According to Juror 4 she said she saw the boy
raise his arm over his head and stab down into his father’s chest. She went
to bed at eleven o’clock that night. Her bed was next to an open window
where she could look out while lying down and see directly into the boy’s
room across the street. Unable to sleep she turned toward the window at
about 12:10 A.M. and, as she looked out, she “got a good look” through the
windows of the passing elevated train at the defendant in the act of
stabbing his father.
Discussion of her testimony prompts Juror 12 to change his vote back
to “guilty.” But Juror 9 notices that Juror 4 is rubbing the deep indented
marks on the sides of his nose where his glasses rest, and remembers that
the woman who testified against the boy had the same marks on the sides
of her nose, although she wore no glasses in court. Juror 4 announces that
“no one wears eyeglasses to bed,” and so it was highly unlikely that the
woman could have had time to put her glasses on to see the murder
committed sixty feet away, in the split second it occurred through the cars
of the passing el train in the middle of the night.
Juror 12 changes his vote back again to “not guilty.” Juror 4 says he has
“reasonable doubt.” And Juror 10, initially the most convinced and forceful
of those who advocated a guilty verdict, now switches his vote. Juror 3, left
alone to vote guilty, is pressed to argue his beliefs by Juror 8: “We’re not
convinced; we want to hear them again.” Now Juror 8 has taken complete
command of the deliberations. He has become the group’s leader and
representative. Juror 3, broken and incoherent, agrees with the majority at
last. The “not guilty” vote is now unanimous.

460 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters

Conclusion
Juror 8 is a masterful negotiator. His personality and charisma aside, he
skillfully employs several negotiation techniques. He builds alliances, uses
brainstorming, offers concessions, anticipates offers, and reframes and
masters the factual information. Against what seem like overwhelming
odds, one juror has managed to dominate this group of twelve men. The
strategies and tactics of this successful negotiator are impeccable. He gradu-
ally and carefully gains control. As the negotiations proceeds the audience
witnesses his change from a quiet observer to an increasingly active and
resourceful leader. He encourages engagement and uses the strengths and
weaknesses of his counterparts to his advantage. His people and informa-
tion tactics are also exemplary. While on the one hand he establishes
alliances at every opportunity, on the other he creates pressure and forces
his opponents to lose control and isolate themselves in the absurdity of
their positions.
Throughout the film, Juror 8 demonstrates that he is certain and
committed to his position, and that he believes that the majority should
shift to his position. He exhibits all five key aspects (consistency, invest-
ment, autonomy, rigidity, and fairness) of a minority’s influential behavior.
For example, by being consistent, that is, by holding on to his position over
time and modality, he is “visible” in the group and attracts attention. Rigidity,
a variant of consistency in which the source of influence is perceived
negatively, reduces influence. Instead, by being flexible (e.g., by proposing,
after making his case, a secret ballot with himself abstaining) Juror 8
appears reasonable and rational. He shows autonomy (i.e., no ulterior
motives) and fairness by establishing early on in the process that he is not
trying to acquit the defendant but to behave responsibly and deliver justice.
He shows a considerable amount of investment, that is, significant sacrifice,
by stating that if, after the secret ballot, none of the eleven members holds
“reasonable doubt” as to the guilt of the accused, he will accept the
majority’s position. Juror 8 manipulates the rules of the game and the
resources and relationships available in order to build a base for action and
establish himself as the unassailable leader of the negotiation. In the end his
opponents — fragmented, exposed, and isolated — acknowledge defeat
and proclaim a “not guilty” verdict.

NOTES
1. In the 1957 film version all the jurors are male, white, and mostly middle-aged and
middle-class. In a 1997 television remake some of the jurors are African-American. Some sub-
sequent theatrical versions have been renamed 12 Angry Jurors and have included women.
2. All quotes from the film are from Dirks 1996–2007.
3. Juror 8 has also, however, broken the law, as this action would be illegal in any actual
American court of law. And in introducing this plot twist, the scriptwriter would also seem to have
violated the play’s sense of realism, threatening the audience’s suspension of disbelief.

Negotiation Journal October 2007 461

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462 Flouri and Fitsakis Minority Matters