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In 2008 the National Education Agreement (NEA), (Council of Australian

Governments (COAG), 2008) committed to raising the educational attainment for all

Australian school students with specific attention to “social inclusion and [the reduction] of

educational disadvantage of children, especially Indigenous children” (COAG, 2008, p. 4).

The NEA is supported by the Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young

Australians (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs

(MCEETYA), 2008), and the Aboriginal Education Policy (AEP) (NSW Department of

Education (DET), 2008, updated 2016). Education is considered a keystone factor in the

health and wellbeing of Indigenous youth (Jones & Harris-Roxas, 2009) yet Indigenous

students continue to be disproportionately represented in the number of students

suspended or expelled from school (NSW DET, 2015: Appendix A); demonstrate a widening

gap in attendance in secondary school years (NSW DET, 2015: Appendix B); and in young

people’s wellbeing, have substantially higher rates of stress, death, suicide, child protection

orders and juvenile justice supervision (Australian Institute of Health & Welfare (AIHW),

2011: Appendix C).

This essay will examine the use of exclusory disciplinary practices in Australian

schools and the detrimental effects on Indigenous students’ behaviour, wellbeing and

inclusion (NSW Aboriginal Education Consultative Group (AECG) and NSW DET, 2004). In

particular there will be a focus on historical attitudes and ineffective educational policies

that follow a uni-directional approach targeting Indigenous students, families and

communities (Price, 2015) while exposing the dire need for nationwide training of culturally

competent teachers in mainstream schools and whole-school approaches to social and

emotional wellbeing that demonstrate a respect for culture (Dobia & O’Rourke, 2011 and

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Dobia & Roffey, 2017). The importance of culture in the positive wellbeing of Indigenous

students is limited by social and emotional learning (SEL) programs in schools that have

limited scope and lack cultural relevance (Dobia & O’Rourke, 2011). There is a strong need

to offer a two-way sharing of knowledge and learning between cultures to heal the cultural

gap and address inequity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples (Purdie, Milgate

& Bell, 2011).

As a future teacher, the capacity to be culturally responsive and respectful of local

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students, their community, cultural setting, linguistic

background and histories, is embedded in the Australian Professional Standards for

Teachers (APST), (Standards 1.4 & 2.4, Australia Institute for Teaching and School Leadership

(AITSL), 2011). In addition, there is a need to engage professionally with colleagues,

parents/carers and community networks to broaden knowledge and participate in

collaborative and respectful relationships that enhance student learning and wellbeing

(APST Standard 7.3, AITSL, 2011). To gain proficiency requires the ability to design and

implement culturally appropriate teaching strategies that are inclusive of cross-curricula

priorities in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories and cultures (Australian

Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA), 2016). To achieve these goals

requires professional learning in strategies that explore other ways of knowing and learning,

such as Yungaporta’s 8-ways pedagogy (Yungaporta & Kirby, 2011), Universal Design for

Learning (CAST, 2011) and the embedding of Aboriginal knowledge and perspectives in the

classroom (Harrison & Greenfield, 2011). At the core of engaging with Aboriginal education

philosophy is an understanding historical, social and school-based impacts on Aboriginal

disadvantage.

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Since European colonisation in the eighteenth century, Australia’s Indigenous

peoples1 have endured dispossession, assimilation, marginalisation, racial discrimination,

social and economic disadvantage, and the loss of many languages and cultures. Indigenous

peoples were erroneously considered “uneducable” and only capable of learning “menial

tasks” within the colonising Western culture (Price, 2015, p. 4). Dr Kaye Price (2015),

(educator, consultant and researcher specialising in Aboriginal education), gives a succinct

historical context to significant events in Aboriginal education. It was not until the 1967

Referendum removed exclusion of Indigenous people from Commonwealth legislation and

national statistical recognition, that nationwide policies were developed in partnership with

the States to address the poor levels of Aboriginal education (Price, 2015). The 1970s

highlighted the wide disparity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students within the

Western school system. Subsequent programs in the 1980s sought to address educational

inequality through the provision of remedial teachers, training and employment of

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) teachers and teacher aides, the development of

ATSI specific curricula, a focus on early education and post-school transition (Price, 2015).

The 1990s continued with goals of Aboriginal education support, but at the same

time the National Inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children

from their families (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC), 1995) was

initiated. The subsequent Bringing them home report (HREOC, 1997) highlighted the

devastating impact of the forcible removal of Aboriginal children from their families,

communities and ‘country’, had long term repercussions on cultural identity, as well as

1
For the purposes of this essay, “Australia’s Indigenous peoples” refers to peoples of Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander (ATSI) heritage and Australia’s First Nations peoples, but does not infer that all Indigenous
peoples are culturally or linguistically homogenous.
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psychological and emotional wellbeing. The report recommended compensation and an

acknowledgement of government responsibility and apologies from all involved agencies.

Compensation was not awarded and the new Howard Coalition Government refused to

offer an official apology, by refusing to take responsibility for the past. The 2000s

highlighted the ongoing disparity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students in

literacy and numeracy but the government response to improving education outcomes was

highly controversial.

The Federal Howard Government (1996-2007) introduced draconian policies such as

the Northern Territory Intervention (2007) and Shared Responsibility Agreements (2005)

which linked social welfare payments to behavioural reform in Indigenous communities,

especially in school attendance and protection of children from abuse (Partington &

Beresford, 2012). The Intervention highlighted the inadequate provision of health, education

and family support services in Indigenous communities and the willingness of the

Government to invoke discriminatory policies without consultation with local peoples. While

the Government contended the programs were effective, critics of the interventions

suggested the social problems simply moved to areas where Government bans were not in

effect (Partington & Beresford, 2012). The contentious claims of success have brought to

light the necessity for new approaches to Indigenous education and wellbeing that are

inclusive and culturally relevant.

Following the election of the Rudd Labour Government, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd

made a public apology to the Stolen Generations in 2008, that intended to repair the past

and acknowledge a positive future partnership between Indigenous and non-Indigenous

Australians. The year 2008, also heralded the advent of multiple reports and programs that

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targeted the promotion of cultural and social inclusion and targeted improvement in

Indigenous education outcomes (NEA 2008, MCEETYA 2008, AEP 2008). Each document

makes a firm commitment to ‘close the gap’ for young Indigenous Australians through

collaboration between government agencies and Indigenous communities and yet the

prolific number of programs over the decades have had little impact on the disparity

between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students in literacy and numeracy (ACARA, 2013

and Price, 2015) which is not an indication of Indigenous student abilities but rather the

cultural prejudice in assessment and data collection that favours native English speakers

(Ford, 2013).The National Assessment Program – Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) is

designed to test proficiency in Standard English and numeracy within a Western knowledge

system. This standardisation of ways of learning entrenches a deficit model of thinking that

embeds low expectations, low motivations and poor educational outcomes with emotional

and behavioural consequences for Indigenous students within the education system (Dobia

& Roffey, 2017).

The school setting has a significant impact on reinforcing deficit models of thinking

about Indigenous students. The ‘hidden’ curriculum of colonial values, priorities and

attitudes are normalised, while erroneous assumptions devalue the importance of culture to

the Indigenous community (Partington & Beresford, 2012). The failure of the education

system to address Australia’s multicultural and multilingual Indigenous communities

contributes to cultural degradation, loss of languages and poor teacher attitudes to

Indigenous students. A student’s likelihood for disciplinary action is most affected by

“teachers’ beliefs and perceptions” (Australian Government Department of Education,

Employment and Workplace Relations (DEEWR), 2005). School disciplinary policies

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“disproportionately target males from low socio-economic backgrounds of a minority ethnic

or racial origin who are identified as having a disability or low academic ability” (DEEWR,

2005). The impact of exclusion policies negates school/student relationships, can deprive at-

risk children of an education in a safe environment and lead to long term community

consequences (DEEWR, 2005). Reduction in suspensions is supported by clear school

policies and high expectations of student behaviour, strong parent/school relationships,

strong school learning support and liaison with community support services including

Aboriginal Education consultants and Community Liaison Officers, school behaviour

programs and time-out space in schools (Aboriginal Education Portfolio Western NSW

Region Suspension Evaluation Report, 2004 cited in DEEWR, 2005).

Current Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, acknowledges the importance of “the

connection to land, family and culture” as critical to success in education and crucial in

Indigenous wellbeing and closing the gap on Indigenous disadvantage (Commonwealth of

Australia, 2017, pp. 6-8). The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education

Strategy 2015 attempts to redress inequity, cultural recognition and potentiate partnerships

between Indigenous peoples and local education services (Education Council, 2015).

Priorities include the provision of culturally competent teacher training and professional

standards that address Indigenous students’ cultures and histories (AITSL, 2011), the

development of Indigenous languages curricula, and strategies for implementation of ATSI

histories and cultures as a cross-curricula priority (ACARA, 2016). These strategies place high

expectations of culturally inclusive strategies in my classroom in the key learning areas

(KLAs) of English and History. This means bringing a dialogic approach into the classroom –

“bringing culture into the ‘how’, not just the ‘what’ … [of curriculum content and pedagogy

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so that we] … learn ‘through’ culture and not just ‘about’ culture” (Yungaporta, 2011, p.

206). The Aboriginal approach to education is narrative-based and process driven as

represented in the 8 Ways of Learning pedagogy (Figure 1: Yungaporta & Kirby, 2011).

Figure 1: The eight-way framework (Yungaporta & Kirby, 2011, p. 207)

As a non-Indigenous, Western educated person, this interconnected, two-way

approach to teaching and learning is best understood through the inclusive principals of

Universal Design for Learning (UDL) (CAST, 2011) which promotes flexible and customisable

curricula instead of a ‘one-size fits all’ approach to education. The three principals of UDL

enables the use of multiple means of representation (the “what” of learning), multiple

means of action and expression (the ‘how’ of learning) and multiple means of engagement

(the ‘why’ of learning) (CAST, 2011). Learners differ in the ways they perceive and

comprehend information therefore content is presented in multiple forms. In 8 Ways

pedagogy (2012), the “what” of learning is seen through story sharing (Elders and significant

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community members), mapping and visualising processes, modelling and scaffolding

(deconstruct/reconstruct), can be place-based (site visits, living landscapes) and offer

opportunities for independent learning. The “how” of learning is achieved through the use

of non-verbal learning including the interpretation of symbols and images in objects and art,

and kinaesthetic skills in the use of hands-on objects, or dance or performance. The “why”

of learning can be mapped to the creation of new knowledge through non-linear lateral

thinking and the connection to authentic life experiences, contexts and communities. While

it may seem erroneous to apply yet another Western approach to education upon

Aboriginal ways of learning; the purpose is to create a dialogue between two cultural

approaches, to find their strengths and similarities and avoid the uni-directional approaches

of the past.

In a political environment in which the wellbeing and education of Indigenous

students has had a strong focus for so long, it seems anomalous that there remains a

disparity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. In spite of numerous programs

focussed on eliminating educational disadvantage, it is clear that the solution to improving

education outcomes involves culturally inclusive curricula, pedagogies and wellbeing

programs in collaboration with students, families and local communities in conjunction with

a reduction in the use of exclusionary disciplinary procedures in favour of in-school

remediation. What stands out strongly in Aboriginal education philosophy is the relational

nature of learning between people and the land, therefore one approach to redress

educational disadvantage for Indigenous students is to find the relational nature of learning

between two cultures and to apply the most effective ways of learning into all education

environments to close the cultural gap.

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References

Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) (2016). Cross-curriculum

priorities: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories and cultures. Retrieved from

http://www.acara.edu.au/curriculum/cross-curriculum-priorities

Australian Government Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations

(DEEWR) (2010). What works: The work program: Improving outcomes for

Indigenous students. The Workbook and guide for school educators, (3rd ed.).

Retrieved from

http://www.whatworks.edu.au/upload/1269678468869_file_WorkbookEd3.pdf

Reducing suspensions. Retrieved from

http://www.whatworks.edu.au/upload/1284012446636_file_2Suspensions.pdf

Engagement. Retrieved from

http://www.whatworks.edu.au/upload/1250830979818_file_5Engagement.pdf

Australian Government, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (2017). Closing the

gap: Prime Minister’s Report 2017: Chapter 3: Education. (pp. 36-51).

Commonwealth of Australia.

Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) (2011). Young Australians their health and

wellbeing. Cat. No. PHE 140. Canberra. Retrieved from

https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/children-youth/young-australians-their-health-

and-wellbeing-2011/contents/table-of-contents

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Council of Australian Governments (COAG) (2008). National partnership agreement on low

socio-economic status school communities. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia.

Retrieved from

http://www.federalfinancialrelations.gov.au/content/npa/education/national-

partnership/past/Low_SES_NP.pdf

Dobia, B. & O’Rourke, V. (2011). Promoting the mental health and wellbeing of Indigenous

children in Australian primary schools. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia.

Dobia, B. & Roffey, S. (2017). Respect for culture – social and emotional learning with

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth. In E. Frydenberg., A.J. Martin., & R.J.

Collie (Eds). Social and emotional learning in Australia and the Asia Pacific:

Perspectives, programs and approaches (pp. 313-334). Singapore: Springer.

Education Council. National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education strategy 2015.

Retrieved from

http://www.scseec.edu.au/site/DefaultSite/filesystem/documents/ATSI%20docume

nts/DECD__NATSI_EducationStrategy.pdf

8 Aboriginal Ways of Learning Factsheet (2012). Retrieved from

https://intranet.ecu.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0016/510073/8-Aboriginal-ways-

of-learning-factsheet.pdf

Ford, M. (2013). Achievement gaps in Australia: what NAPLAN reveals about education

inequality in Australia. Race Ethnicity and Education, 16(1), 80-102.

doi:10.1080/13613324.2011.645570

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Frydenberg, E., Martin, A.J., & Collie, R.J. (2017). Social and emotional learning in Australia

and the Asia-Pacific. In E. Frydenberg., A.J. Martin., & R.J. Collie (Eds). Social and

emotional learning in Australia and the Asia Pacific: Perspectives, programs and

approaches. Singapore: Springer.

Gray, J. & Partington, G. (2012). Attendance and non-attendance at school. In Q. Beresford,

G. Partington & G. Gower (Eds.). Reform and resistance in aboriginal education: the

Australian experience (Fully rev. ed.) (pp. 261-303). Crawley, W.A.: UWA Pub.

Harrison, N., & Greenfield, M. (2011). Relationship to place: positioning Aboriginal

knowledge and perspectives in classroom pedagogies. Critical Studies in Education,

52(1), 65-76. doi:10.1080/17508487.2011.536513

Jones, A. & Harris‐Roxas, B. (2009). The impact of school retention and educational

outcomes on the health and wellbeing of Indigenous students: A literature review.

Sydney: Centre for Health Equity Training Research and Evaluation (CHETRE) UNSW.

Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (MCEETYA),

(2008). Melbourne declaration on education goals for young Australians. Melbourne,

VIC: MCEETYA.

NSW Aboriginal Education Consultative Group Inc (AECG) and NSW Department of

Education and Training (DET) (2004) The report of the review of Aboriginal education

— Yanigurra Muya: Ganggurrinyma Yaarri Guurulaw Yirringin gurray [Freeing the

Spirit: Dreaming an Equal Future] Sydney: author. Retrieved from

https://www.det.nsw.edu.au/media/downloads/reviews/aboriginaledu/report/aer2

003_04.pdf

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NSW Department of Education. (2008). Aboriginal Education Policy. PD/2008/0385/V03

(updated 2016). Retrieved from https://education.nsw.gov.au/policy-

library/policies/aboriginal-education-and-training-policy

NSW Government Department of Education (2015). 2015 suspension and expulsions.

Retrieved from https://data.cese.nsw.gov.au/data/dataset/suspensions-and-

expulsions-in-nsw-government-schools/resource/a0ae2c7e-82ea-4d4e-8151-

21c4c84fc7fa

NSW Government Department of Education (2015). School attendance rate by Aboriginality

and year level. Retrieved from https://data.cese.nsw.gov.au/data/dataset/schools-

attendance-rates-by-aboriginality-and-year-level

Partington, G. & Beresford, Q. (2012). The context of Aboriginal education. In Q. Beresford,

G. Partington & G. Gower (Eds.). Reform and resistance in aboriginal education: the

Australian experience (Fully rev. ed.) (pp. 35-84). Crawley, W.A.: UWA Pub.

Price, K. (Ed.). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education: An introduction for the

teaching profession. (2nd ed.). VIC, Australia: Cambridge University Press.

Purdie, N., Milgate, G. & Bell, H.R. (Eds.). (2011). Two way teaching and learning: Toward

culturally reflective and relevant education. Australian Council for Education

Research, Camberwell, VIC: Acer Press.

Yungaporta, T. & Kirby, M. (2011). Yarning up Indigenous pedagogies: A dialogue about

eight Aboriginal ways of learning. In N. Purdie, G. Milgate & H.R. Bell (Eds.) Two way

teaching and learning: Toward culturally reflective and relevant education. Australian

Council for Education Research, Camberwell, VIC: Acer Press.

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Appendix A: NSW Suspensions & Expulsions 2015

Short suspensions 2015

Short suspensions are up to 4 school days.

Total short suspensions in 2015 were 47,622. Of these, 20,859 were for continued disobedience and
26,763 were for aggressive behaviour. (Note: These figures are based on the total number of short
suspensions in 2015 and include students placed on short suspension on more than one occasion).

Total students short suspended were 29,651. The number of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander
students short suspended was 7,005 = 23.6% of total short suspensions*

Average length of suspension was 3.0 days.

Students receiving Total enrolments in Number of students Percentage of student

short suspensions mid-year census suspended enrolment
Year
K-6 467,815 7,280 1.6%
7-10 216,708 19,384 8.9%
11-12 88,271 2,987 3.4%
All Grades 772,794 29,651 3.8%

Long suspensions 2015

Long suspensions are up to 20 school days.

Total students long suspended were 12,388. The number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
students long suspended was 3,399 = 27.4% of total long suspensions*

Average length of long suspension was 11.5 days.

Students receiving long Total enrolments in Number of students Percentage of student

suspensions mid-year census suspended enrolment
Year
K-6 467,815 2,650 0.6%
7-10 216,708 8,453 3.9%
11-12 88,271 1,288 1.5%
All Grades 772,794 12,388 1.6%

Source: NSW Government Department of Education (2015). 2015 suspension and expulsions.
Retrieved from https://data.cese.nsw.gov.au/data/dataset/suspensions-and-expulsions-in-
nsw-government-schools/resource/a0ae2c7e-82ea-4d4e-8151-21c4c84fc7fa

*BOLD % author addition

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Appendix B: 2015 NSW student attendance Years 1-10

comparison Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal students

grade - full year Aboriginal % % difference non-Aboriginal % all students %

year_1 89.3 4 93.3 93
year_2 89.7 3.8 93.5 93.2
year_3 89.6 3.9 93.5 93.3
year_4 89.4 4.1 93.5 93.2
year_5 89.4 4.1 93.5 93.2
year_6 88.8 4.1 92.9 92.7
primary _support 86.8 3.5 90.3 89.7
primary_total 89.3 4 93.3 93
year_7 84.2 8 92.2 91.6
year_8 81.1 9.4 90.5 89.8
year_9 77.6 11.6 89.2 88.4
year_10 73.2 14.6 87.8 86.8
secondary_support 74.7 9.7 84.4 82.8
secondary_total 78.8 10.9 89.7 88.9
year_1-year_10_including_support 85.4 6.7 92.1 91.6

Source: Adapted from NSW Government Department of Education (2015). School attendance rate by
Aboriginality and year level. Retrieved from
https://data.cese.nsw.gov.au/data/dataset/schools-attendance-rates-by-aboriginality-and-
year-level

% difference calculated by author

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Appendix C: Family, community and socioeconomic factors

Source: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) (2011). Young Australians their health and
wellbeing. Cat. No. PHE 140. Canberra. Retrieved from
https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/children-youth/young-australians-their-health-and-
wellbeing-2011/contents/table-of-contents

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