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FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School

11-6-2012

The Anagó Language of Cuba

Maria J. Concordia
Florida International University, [email protected]

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 FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Miami, Florida

THE ANAGÓ LANGUAGE OF CUBA

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

in

LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN STUDIES

by

Maria Concordia

2012
To: Dean Kenneth G. Furton
College of Arts and Sciences

This thesis, written by Maria Concordia, and entitled The Anagó Language of Cuba,
having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for
judgment.

We have read this thesis and recommend that it be approved.

_______________________________________
Astrid Arrarás

_______________________________________
Jean Robert Cadely

_______________________________________
Sherry Johnson, Major Professor

Date of Defense: November 6, 2012

The thesis of Maria Concordia is approved.

_______________________________________
Dean Kenneth G. Furton
College of Arts and Sciences

_______________________________________
Dean Lakshmi N. Reddi
University Graduate School

Florida International University, 2012

ii
© Copyright 2012 by Maria Concordia

All rights reserved.

iii
 DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to Jorge Morales Rodriguez Oggun Lana and Miriam

Licea Jimenez Ochun Migua, two Lucumí elders who wholeheartedly supported my

studies, and to my parents Joseph J. Concordia and Teresa Marie Concordia Campaneli.

iv
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the members of my committee, Dr. Jean Robert Cadely, Dr

Astrid Arrarás, and especially my major professor Dr. Sherry Johnson.

I would also like to thank Dr. Tometro Hopkins of the Florida International

University linguistics department, Dr. Joseph Murphy of Georgetown University and

Professor Michael Spiro of Indiana University. Finally, I would like to thank Rosa E.

Parrilla for her patience and support.

v
 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

THE ANAGÓ LANGUAGE OF CUBA

by

Maria Concordia

Florida International University, 2012

Miami, Florida

Professor Sherry Johnson, Major Professor

This thesis investigates the socio-linguistic factors that led to the emergence of a new

language in Cuba known as Anagó. This language emerged from contact between

multiple dialects of the West African Yoruba language and Spanish. Language contact

between the Yoruba language and Spanish took place in Cuba beginning in the nineteenth

century after the introduction of large numbers of Yoruba speakers into Cuba during the

trans-Atlantic slave trade. This thesis argues against the opinion that Anagó is simply a

corrupted and imperfect form of Yoruba. Instead, it maintains that Anagó is a new

language that emerged in Cuba and became a functional vehicle for the transmission of

ideas and culture. Additionally, this study will present evidence that the Anagó speaking

community was a constituent part of Cuban society since the nineteenth century, and is

therefore an inextricable part of Cuban cultural patrimony. Twentieth century examples

of Anagó language are examined as evidence of a vital Anagó speaking transnational

community.

vi
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................1
Key Definitions ........................................................................................................4
Contribution to the Field ..........................................................................................9
Research Design.....................................................................................................12
Literature Review...................................................................................................16

II. SOCIO-POLITICAL FACTORS ................................................................................26

Socio-political Factors in Africa and the Caribbean ..............................................26
Yoruba Speakers Arrive in Cuba ...........................................................................30
The Anagó Speaking Community in the Late Nineteenth Century .......................34

III. CUBAN INSTITUTIONS AND IDENTITY ............................................................40

Cabildos de Nación ................................................................................................40
Plantation Based Pre-Casa Templos ......................................................................46
Pan-African Sociedades de Color ..........................................................................49
Lucumí Identity in Twentieth Century Casa-Templos ..........................................50
Ethnographic Studies in the Twentieth Century ....................................................53
Secular Expressions ...............................................................................................57

IV. LANGUAGE ANALYSIS ........................................................................................65

Description of the Anagó Language ......................................................................65
Linguistic Analysis of Anagó ................................................................................69
The Source Language - Yoruba ............................................................................70
Classifying Anagó Speakers as Bi-lingual .............................................................76
Interview Analysis .................................................................................................77

V. MOTIVATIONS AND TRANSMISSION.................................................................81

Motivation for Language Preservation ..................................................................81
The Power of Speech -- Bara .................................................................................85
The Akpuon and Obá Oriáte, Key Transmitters of Ritual Language ....................88

VI. RESULTS ..................................................................................................................100

Conclusion ...........................................................................................................100

LIST OF REFERENCES .................................................................................................104

APPENDICES .................................................................................................................117

vii
 Chapter I

Introduction

The history of the Anagó language in Cuba is definitively tied to the importation

of thousands of Africans into Cuba during the trans-Atlantic slavery experience. Before

this event, Anagó did not exist in Cuba or in Africa. Slavery was the seminal event that

created a variety of communities and sub-communities in Cuba, each with its own

distinct language or dialect. One of these communities was created from the influx of

Yoruba speakers into Cuba in the mid and late nineteenth century. The community of

Yoruba speakers and their Creole descendents in Cuba are referred to in the literature as

the Lucumí1 or Anagó speech community. The origin of these terms is fully explained in

the section on key definitions which follows this introduction. The Anagó community of

speakers has preserved many cultural and religious concepts of the Yoruba ethnic groups

that were brought to Cuba from West Africa. Thus the Anagó language is inextricably

tied to the legacy of Yoruba traditional religion in Cuba. The Anagó language is an

essential language for religious and ritual communication in the religion known as

Lucumí, Santería or Regla de Ocha.2 The origin, characteristics and evolution of this

community of speakers is the subject of this study.

My thesis will critique the viewpoint of John Mason (1992), Wande Abimbola

(1997), and Miguel Ramos (2011) who have stated that the Anagó language is a

corrupted and incomplete version of Yoruba. Instead my study follows the logic of

linguists such as Noam Chomsky (1986, 2000, 2006, 2012) and Steven Pinker (1994)

who offer non-prescriptionist3 views of language. Instead of passing judgment on the

1
form used by the Lucumí community to communicate and preserve their culture and

religion, my study will present the position that the Anagó language is a functional

vehicle for the transmission of ideas and culture and is an irreplaceable cultural

component of the Lucumí community. Additionally, the present study will present

evidence that the Anagó speaking community was a constituent part of Cuban society

since the nineteenth century, and thus is an inextricable part of Cuban cultural patrimony.

My thesis offers a socio-linguistic overview of the events which shaped the

Anagó speaking community, beginning in the nineteenth century, continuing into the

twentieth century and up to the present day. The study will examine samples of Anagó

language from different periods in the development of Cuban society and culture. The

religious institutions created by the Spanish colonial government and the Catholic Church

during slavery known as cabildos de nación, which grouped Africans by ethnic affiliation

and shared language, provided Anagó speakers the opportunity to assemble both

publically and privately to share their common language. Documents taken from these

cabildos and presented in this study will provide evidence of the existence of Anagó in

Cuba as early as 1874.

After the abolition of slavery on October 7, 1886 by royal decree, the cabildos

were dissolved but they did not disappear. Neither did the speech communities associated

with them. The current study will present evidence of Anagó language retention that

occurred in plantation centered pre-casa-templos and in unofficial versions of cabildos --

that no longer had ties to the Catholic Church. For example, The Cabildo of the Virgin of

Regla, a Yoruba focused religious house that existed in the 1940s. Sociedades de color

2
(Society for people of color) and casa- templos (home based temple) during The Cuban

Republican Period (1912-1959) similarly provided a positive language environment for

this community by continuing to foster opportunities for Anagó language interchange.4

In the twentieth century, ethnographic works of Fernando Ortiz and Lydia

Cabrera related to Afro-Cuban religions, folklore and music preserved examples of

Anagó language on a large scale. The Sociedad del Folklore Cubano (Society of Cuban

Folklore) established by Fernando Ortiz in 1923 and the Conjunto Folklorico Naciónal de

Cuba (National Folkloric Ensemble of Cuba) created by the revolutionary government in

1960 were two Cuban institutions that documented Anagó and utilized members of the

Anagó speaking community as informants for publications and performances.

A key twentieth century event that resulted in the preservation of Anagó language

occurred when an elite priest class known as babalawos5 began to compile, publish and

disseminate Anagó language texts. The actions of these men resulted in the first official

publication of an Anagó based text, The Book of Diagnosis in Ifá Divination 6 (c1950).

By this time, the Anagó speaking community had expanded to communities in the United

States, Venezuela and Mexico. The exportation of Anagó language has continued into the

present century. The continuation of the Anagó language outside of Cuba is documented

in this study through in - person interviews in Venezuela, Paris and London. These

interviews with Anagó speakers in the neo-diaspora along with field notes from

interactions with modern day Anagó speakers in Cuba will provide further documentation

of this language.

3
 After a review of the evidence compiled from these periods in the development of

Cuban society and culture, my study will answer the following questions:

1. What conditions converged in Cuba to provide a favorable environment

for Anagó to emerge?

2. Were these conditions limited to external or internal social factors? What

other elements should be considered?

3. Were there specific events, individuals, or class of individuals, in the

Anagó speaking community who made a significant contribution to the

preservation of the Anagó language?

In order to answer these questions and also to present additional lines of

investigation my thesis will examine the available literature and present evidence of

Anagó language from diverse sources including texts, manuscripts, field notes and

transcripts of analog and digital recordings.

Key Definitions

Anagó and Lucumí are the two primary terms used interchangeably in the

literature to refer to a dialect of the Yoruba language spoken in Cuba. Other common

terms are: Yoruba language of Cuba, Yoruba dialect of Cuba, lengua,7 and more recently

Lukuñol.8 My thesis will use the term Anagó to refer to this language, and the phrase

‘Anagó speakers’, to refer to the community of speakers that utilize it. Lydia Cabrera

(1970) was the first researcher to use this term to describe the language of the

descendants of Yoruba speakers in Cuba.9 Although Cabrera assigned the term Anagó to

4
their language and published its first and only dictionary, many researchers continue to

use the term Lucumí when referring to this language. My thesis will respect this usage

when citing these authors.

The term Lucumí has a broad and confusing usage in the literature. It was first

used to describe the group of Africans who originated in West Africa and shared the

common language of Yoruba. Later it was used in Cuba to refer to not only these

Africans but also their Creole descendants. The term became inextricably linked to the

religious tradition brought to Cuba by this group of Yoruba speakers, thus the term

Lucumí was applied not only to the original Africans and their Creole descendants but to

their religious family members. Over time Lucumí became a term that no longer had an

ethnic component as its dominant characteristic. What now distinguishes Lucumí is its

association to a religious practice, not the ethnic makeup of an individual. Thus, the

meaning of the term Lucumí has changed over time and its definition depends on the

historical context. This thesis will use the term Lucumí as follows:

a) Africans brought to Cuba during the years of trans-Atlantic slave trade,

who were native to West Africa and who used the Yoruba language as

their lingua franca.

b) Any ethnic or ritual kinship10 descendant of the abovementioned group

c) A Cuban religious tradition originating from the Yoruba people of West

Africa

5
 For the purposes of this thesis the term Lucumí community is used to refer to

practitioners of Lucumí religion, some of which are fluent Anagó speakers and some not.

The Lucumí religion is founded on the ancestral religious beliefs and practices of

the Yoruba people. It was brought to Cuba (and the Caribbean) as a result of the trans-

Atlantic slave trade but has since obtained an international presence, and is one of many

African Traditional Religions (known as ATR) that are practiced all over the world. Its

main centers of worship are Cuba, Venezuela, Brazil, United States, Puerto Rico, Mexico

and other areas of Latin America and Europe. Other terms used to describe the tradition

are: Santería, a less accurate term which implies a syncretism with Catholic Saints and is

presently falling out of usage among practitioners; Ifá, which is a direct reference to a

Yoruba divination system containing all of the theological precepts of the religion; La

Regla de Ocha (The rule/law of Ocha), meaning the way of the Orisha (ancestral

divinities that intercede for humans), or simply Ocha (shortened version of the word

Orisha). The religion is monotheistic, having one God known as Olodumare, and

animistic, in that it recognizes Gods manifestation in nature. It also professes a belief in

the immortality of the human spirit, re-incarnation and universal law similar to the

Buddhist concept of the inherited debt of previous lives known as karma.

Within the Lucumí community, there are hierarchical positions of priesthood. The

aleyo is a beginning practitioner and can also refer to an outsider in that this individual

has not undergone a ceremonial initiation. An aleyo is usually a believer or creyente. The

novice priest is referred to as iyawo (mother of the secret) and the term is the same for

males and females. After completing certain restrictions that include a year of wearing

6
white clothing and eating while sitting on a mat the floor, the iyawo is then referred to as

an oloricha or owner of oricha. An oricha is a traditional Yoruba deity that is considered

an intermediary force between God and humankind. Each priest is dedicated to a

particular oricha and learns all of the rituals, prayers, songs and practices associated with

that Oricha. The olorichas may one day initiate followers into the religious tradition, and

if so, they may now be referred to as iyalocha (mother of the oricha) or babalocha (father

of the oricha). The term ocha is a shortened version of the word oricha and is used

interchangeably.

There are higher levels of the priesthood that have their access restricted by

certain criteria. The oba oriáte (king of the divining tray) is a level of priesthood which

can be attained by both males and females; however women have been generally

excluded from this level for various reasons.11 The oba oriáte is the master of ceremonies

and is required to know all the songs, prayers, rituals and divination verses that make up

the Lucumí religious practice. Fluency in Anagó is indispensable at this level.

A male-only position that represents the highest level of the priesthood is known

as the babalawo. The babalawo must know everything regarding the rituals and

ceremonies, divinatory advices, prayers, chants and sacrifices related to the philosophy

and theology of Lucumí religion. The system of knowledge is generally referred to as Ifá.

The term bozal has two applications and has relevance to my thesis both in its

linguistic usage and as a definition of cultural and national origin. It primarily refers to a

member of any African ethnic group who was born in Africa and brought to Cuba during

the years of legal and illegal slave trade. Newly arrived African slaves were called

7
bozales, by slave traders, Spanish, Creole and free- people of color in nineteenth century

Cuban society. Bozales generally retained a full knowledge of their original language,

religion and culture. The term bozal is also used to refer to a language spoken by

Africans who have been in contact with Spanish and Portuguese traders. Bozal language

is not unique to Cuba and has been documented from as early as the fifteenth century.

John Lipsky has defined bozal as “Spanish spoken imperfectly by slaves born in

Africa”12 He has affirmed that this language existed before any African arrived to Cuba.

The distinction between bozal and Anagó is an important point for my thesis. Bozal

existed many years before any African stepped foot on Cuba soil whereas Anagó did not.

My thesis uses the term Yoruba speakers to define individuals who use Yoruba or

one of its many dialectical forms to communicate. The term requires a bit of digression

to fully elucidate its usage. Before 1838, Yoruba did not exist in a written form, i.e., there

was no one universally recognized standard form of Yoruba. There are as many as twenty

dialects of Yoruba associated with regional and ethnic groups in West Africa. Yoruba

speakers share a similar history and culture, yet have well-defined identities which

distinguish them. The recognition of separate ethnic identities by Yoruba speakers is

important because at the time that these Yoruba speakers were brought to Cuba, the idea

of a single Yoruba identity did not exist. A parallel can be drawn by comparing this with

the English language. English speakers can communicate using their common language;

however, an Australian English speaker, a North American and a British one have

distinct cultures. If these groups of English speakers were placed on an island together,

this would not erase or negate their ethnic and cultural identities. Similarly, Yoruba

speakers were brought to Cuba and retained their ethnic identities. Therefore, for

8
purposes of this thesis, the term Yoruba speaker, when used to refer to speakers during

the nineteenth century, includes all of the dialects associated with that language. Yoruba

speakers in nineteenth century Cuba were members of a multi-dialectal, multi-ethnic

Yoruba speaking community.

The translation of non-English terms in this study will generally follow the format

of an italicized version of the non-English word followed by the English equivalent in

parenthesis. There are a few exceptions. Some Anagó words lack a one-to-one English

equivalent; the translation may involve a paraphrase. In that case the translation will be

found in the end notes. For example the priest name Omi T’oke is best rendered as the-

water-that-touches-the-base-of-the-mountain.

Informants for this study belong to the high level priesthood of the Lucumí

religion. It is customary and respectful to include the priest’s Lucumí name after the legal

name. The format followed was: legal name, priest name in italics (when known) and

translation of the priest name in parenthesis.

Contribution to the Field

My thesis seeks to contribute to the sociolinguistic and anthropological literature

on African cultural retentions in Cuba by focusing on the evolution of a specific language

community. The Anagó speaking language community however, does not follow the

regular evolutionary pattern of other language communities because after the turn of the

century this language ceased to be acquired during childhood. Instead, many speakers

learned Anagó as adolescents or adults. In addition, the language became relegated for

9
use primarily in Afro-Cuban Lucumí rituals and not for the purpose of general

conversation. The use of Anagó is mostly in one direction, between a practitioner and

heaven, God and/or the ancestors. Because of this unique aspect of Anagó, textual and

audio documentation of Anagó language should be considered proof-of-life of the

community. In other words, the community must exist and be vital if it continues to

produce examples of its language.

Researchers have typically approached Anagó from either a linguistic perspective

(Bascom 1950, 1951 Olmstead 1953, Castellanos 1977) or an ethnographic one (Ortiz

1921,1924,1939,1961, Cabrera 1968, 1970, Castellanos and Castellanos 1987). These

approaches do not provide satisfactory answers to the questions posed in this study. In

order to sufficiently address this complex issue this study will combine linguistic

information with an examination of the Anagó speaking community in its historical and

social setting. The process of nation building and the formation of the Cuban culture,

described by Ortiz (1939) as an ajiaco13 made up of African, Indian and Spanish

“flavors”,14 suggest the implicit contribution of an Anagó speaking community that was

present in Cuba during those years. My study will present evidence that the Anagó

speaking community was a part of that process and that until now its presence has not

been sufficiently investigated.

The majority of academic and non-academic publications such as: El Monte: Igbo

finda ewe orisha vittiti finda (The Forest: Sacred Land Sacred Plants Spiritual Vision) by

Lydia Cabrera (1954), Lengua de Santeros (Guiné Góngorí) (The Language of Santeros)

by T.D. Fabelo (1956) and The Use of Language in Afro-Cuban Religion by Isabel

10
Castellanos (1977), have focused on the significance of Anagó as a repository of ritual

knowledge. Although Anagó language is intrinsically tied to the Afro-Cuban Lucumí

religion, my study does not center its research on the theological or ritual applications of

Anagó texts. The underlying motivation for the analysis done in this study is to highlight

the importance of the emergence of this unique language and to value it as validation of

the importance of the Anagó speaking community from the nineteenth century until the

present day.

My examination of Anagó language in Cuba will fill a noticeable void in the

literature and contribute significant analysis of primary sources that have not been fully

evaluated by the academic community. It will also contribute to the available literature by

providing information from original interviews and field notes as well as from a number

of unpublished manuscripts. The current work approaches the subject matter from a

unique perspective and avoids the over emphasis on ritual authenticity that is prevalent in

some publications. The search for “purity” in ritual language expression is

counterproductive to a full understanding of the exceptional series of events and

distinctive environmental circumstances that led to the emergence of Anagó from the

contact between Spanish and the Yoruba language15. The approach taken in this study is

to value the circumstances and individuals that were a part of this process, to document

this and to shine the light of academic investigation upon it. In doing so, this thesis hopes

to be the first of its kind of many such studies that will examine the Anagó language as a

worthy entity in itself rather than an incomplete and corrupted version of its source

language.

11
Research Design

This thesis investigates the emergence of Anagó in Cuba from the time of the

highest introduction of Yoruba speakers to Cuba in the nineteenth century to the present

day Anagó speakers in the diaspora. To provide evidence of this language and to track its

origin and evolution textual examples from the nineteenth and twentieth century will be

presented and analyzed. In addition of digital and analog recordings will be examined.

The unit of analysis of this study is the community of speakers who were responsible for

these texts and audio samples.

The research conducted for this study was based on an extensive review of

available literature and utilization of accessible primary sources including interviews,

field notes and unpublished manuscripts. Interviews were conducted over a twenty-year

period using a combination of collection methods. Field notes from open ended oral

history discourse contributed to this study. Investigations were conducted in Havana and

Matanzas Cuba; Caracas, Venezuela; London, England; Paris, France and Oakland,

California. Subjects were chosen based on their high level of fluency of the Anagó

language and their level of ritual knowledge. Interviews were conducted in accordance

with the standards of responsible conduct in research (RCR) and the interview instrument

used in this study has received Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval.

This study will present a phonemic16 inventory of Anagó speech from the results

of a linguistic comparison of Yoruba and Anagó conducted by David Olmstead (1953).

The results published by Olmstead are important to establish the efficacy of the claim that

Anagó did result from the influx of Yoruba speakers and not another language group

12
from West Africa. Research conducted for this thesis shows that the Anagó language

presents identifiable linguistic characteristics and sufficient evidence of cognate

matching17 to point to Yoruba as one of its source languages.

The theoretical basis for my thesis is the theory of transculturalism developed by

Fernando Ortiz (1940) to explain the convergence of multiple ethnic identities in Cuba,

which resulted in the inimitable and distinctive Cuban national character.

Transculturation became the lens to observe all of Afro-Cuban culture and Cuban identity

after Ortiz published his findings. The importance of Ortiz’ theory of transculturation for

my paper relates to the specificity of his noting the distinct character of African speech as

it expresses itself in Cuba. Ortiz used language as a principal source of evidence to fuel

his ground breaking observations that acculturation18 was not an adequate explanation for

the cultural environment in Cuba. Ortiz specifically states that when examining the

formation of the lenguaje criollo (Creole style of speech) of Cuba “The African influence

is most definite and visible”19 This finding by Ortiz is an important focus because he

extracted a broad theory from his observations on language, demonstrating that language

can provide information about society and culture.

The framework of my thesis is as follows. Chapter one presents an overview of

this study as well as description of key terms. It also presents the important theoretical

and historiographical works that relate to the subject in the literature review section.

Scholarly works which examine Anagó from a socio-linguistic perspective are limited.

The fact that scholarship is limited contributes to the importance of my study, which is

13
expanded in chapter one, along with an overview of the research methods used to support

the conclusions.

Chapter two identifies socio-political factors that contributed to the increase of

Yoruba speakers brought to Cuba from 1818 to the 1860s and defines the language

environment of the Anagó speaking community in nineteenth century Cuba. I use data on

the ethnic composition of slaves brought to Cuba from Romulo Lachatañere (1939) and

Jesús Guaniche (2009) among others.

Chapter three examines institutions such as cabildos de nación, casa-templos and

the plantation based pre-casa-templo, as well as the post-abolition unofficial cabildos.

These official and unofficial organizations are important because they were havens for

Anagó language transmission. In chapter three, examples of Anagó texts from these

organizations will be presented. Examples of Anagó texts from the ethnographic studies

of Fernando Ortiz and Lydia Cabrera during the Cuban Republican period (1902-1959)

will also be presented. After this review of the important contributions made by Ortiz,

Cabrera and other ethnographers such as T.D. Fabelo and Romulo Lachatañere, my thesis

presents further evidence of Anagó language from the pre-Castro period. The compilation

and dissemination of Anagó texts by an elite caste of Lucumí priests, centered in Havana

during the late 1950s is examined. Secular music and its role in the preservation of Anagó

language is then explored through an analysis of the influence of Luciano “Chano” Pozo

on Latin Jazz and the creation of a new musical form known as Cu-Bop in 1947. The

post-Castro revolutionary period is dominated by the role that the Conjunto Folklorico

Nacional played in the maintenance of Anagó language in popular Cuban culture and the

14
integration of Anagó speakers, such as Jesus Pérez, as informants for folkloric and

academic purposes.

Chapter four gives a basic outline of linguistic features of Yoruba, the source

language for Anagó. It also places the Yoruba language in a historical perspective with

regards to its evolution towards a standardized version. This overview is followed by a

summary of the linguistic features of Anagó as defined by David Olmstead (1953) and

Isabel Castellanos (1977).

Chapter five will move the perspective from the socio-political and institutional to

the individual and identify members of the Anagó speaking community that hold

prestigious positions because of their knowledge. In this chapter I will include a

qualitative review of interview data and field notes complied with Anagó speakers.

Chapter five will also identify unique forms of ritual language such as patakín (folktale

with a moral message), refrán (short proverb) and oriki (praise-prayer) that require

Anagó language components in order to have efficacy in the Lucumí religious

community20. These elements of ritual language contain essential cultural and historical

messages and are not easily translated into other languages. The linguistic form used to

hold this information is just as important as the information itself.

Chapter six offers the conclusion of the thesis and reviews the questions posed at

the beginning of the study. The conclusion will address each question and offer

suggestions for future avenues of study. Following chapter six are relevant appendices.

15
Literature Review

The research conducted for this thesis revealed that the available literature

specific to the Anagó language in Cuba can be generally divided into three sections:

analysis of ritual texts and manuscripts, ethnographic analysis, and a linguistic overview.

Of these three categories, the most valuable and conversely the most difficult to analyze

proved to be the ritual texts and manuscripts. These texts are valuable because each one

of them represent evidence of Anagó language preservation and transmission. They are

difficult to analyze because of the lack of a standardized phonetics transcription and of

course the absence of the original native Anagó speakers’ intuitions.

The largest collection of primary sources of archival Anagó language texts were

found at the University of Miami Cuban Heritage Collection, Lydia Cabrera Archives.

Much of the sources for Cabrera’s publications are held in this archive. For examples of

Anagó prayers and songs this study used Cabrera’s Anagó Vocabulario Lucumí: El

Yoruba que se habla en Cuba (Anagó Lucumí Vocabulary: The Yoruba that is Spoken in

Cuba) which catalogued approximately 6900 words with contextual usage and extended

definitions, Koeko Iyawó: Aprende Novicia Pequeño Tratado de Regla Lucumí (Lessons

for the Mother of the Secret: The Novice Learns, A Brief Compilation of the Rules of

Lucumí Religion) and El Monte: Igbo finda ewe orisha vittiti finda (The Forest: Sacred

Land Sacred Plants Spiritual Vision). Cabrera has compiled the largest collection of

evidence useful for the study of Anagó language. Although she prolifically published this

information and has created the only Anagó dictionary to date, there remains a wealth of

information held in unpublished manuscripts and field notes in the Cabrera archives. Her

16
publications are useful to this study because they provide evidence of the vitality of the

Anagó speaking community in the 1930s and 1940s. She has stated that during the time

that she collected the information from her Lucumí informants there were many fluent

speakers of Anagó in Cuba. The prevalence of Anagó speakers in Cuba is no longer the

case. Cabrera’s publications and the archives that hold the original documents are critical

for any scholarly study of Anagó.

Literature that deals directly with the subject of Anagó as a language is scarce.

Therefore, this thesis attempts to go beyond the scope of available literature by relying on

primary sources. My study benefitted from field notes compiled from 1998-2010 in

Havana and Matanzas Cuba, as well as collections of unpublished manuscripts and

libretas. The libreta is a booklet, usually hand written, that contains ritual advice, secrets,

terminology, and genealogy of a casa-templo. It is usually handed down from god-parent

to god-child. A manual of Lucumí ritual teaching that is handed down through a religious

family. Several authors’ self-published works provided examples of Anagó texts with

helpful historical information. Some of these works are not available to the general

academic community. These books belong to a tradition that began in the 1950s when the

babalawo cast of priests began to compile oral histories and ritual information for

publication and dissemination within the Lucumí community. Many of these publications

were eventually sold outside of the community both officially and unofficially. The

practice of collecting and disseminating ritual knowledge is now a common practice and

has led to an attitude in the Lucumí community known as “every house has its [own]

book”.21 As each casa-templo maintains its own version of Anagó prayers and ritual

texts, conflicting information is inevitable. Nevertheless, this study found useful

17
information in the self-published works of Nicolas Angarica and Lazaro Pedroso. Both of

these authors publish from the perspective of participants and make significant

contributions to documentation of Anagó language. Angarica wrote El Lucumí al Alcance

de Todos (The Lucumí Language Within the Reach of All) (c.1955), and he is the first

author to document the existence of dialectical variation within the Anagó language. His

work presents crucial evidence for one of the central findings of this thesis. He directly

challenges Ortiz and other ethnographic researchers such as T.D. Fabelo and Lydia

Cabrera, by contesting their idea that Anagó could be represented as a singular form

without morphophonological variation. He proposes that ethnic identities were still

present in Cuba in the 1950s and that these ethnic markers as it relates to variation were

present in the language.

Lazaro Pedroso has self-published four books and distributed them through an

informal network. The most useful of these was Obbedí-Kaká Datos Bibliográficos

Yorubá-Lucumí22 (c1992). In it the author presents an extensive glossary and explanation

of Anagó grammatical structure. His personal biography is included which provides an

example of how Anagó was being preserved and transmitted in the early twentieth

century.

Ethnographic studies were important for this thesis. A number of publications by

Fernando Ortiz proved valuable to this study. Ortiz used members of the Lucumí

community who had a high level of fluency in Anagó as informants. Jesús Pérez a

Lucumí priest and drummer was a key contributor to Los Instrumentos de la Música

AfroCubana (The instruments of Afro-Cuban Music) Vol. Two (1952), which was useful

18
to this study because of its assessment of African influenced music in Cuba and its

collection of specialized Anagó prayers. In this book Ortiz explains the Yoruba roots of

Afro-Cuban drums known as bata23 and includes detailed information from bata drum

consecration ceremonies. The studies on bata are important because the bata drums have

an identifiable relationship with Anagó phonology. Certain drum sounds are designed to

reproduce Anagó phonemes and these sounds are therefore preserved through musical

performance.24

The works of Fernando Ortiz that relate to his theory of transculturation were also

essential for this study. Of most relevance to this paper are: Los Negros Curros (The

Marginal Blacks) (1986) published posthumously and Contrapunteo Cubano del Tabaco

y Azucar (Cuban Counterpoint of Tobacco and Sugar) (1940). In the former work, Ortiz

identifies the importance not only of Africans in Cuban culture, but specifically, the

influence of the Yoruba people. In the latter, he introduces for the first time the concept

of transculturalization. An excellent overview of Ortiz´s importance in Cuban

ethnographic studies as well as specific illustrations of the theory of transculturation can

be found in Diana Iznaga´s Transculturación en Fernando Ortiz (Transculturation in the

Works of Fernando Ortiz) (1989).

For the linguistic perspective of Anagó, the work of Isabel Castellanos, The Use

of Language in Afro-Cuban Religion (1976) provided a good starting point but as the

focus of this work tends towards the religious application of the language it was not

sufficient to address the questions posed in this study. Isabel Castellanos in conjunction

with Jorge Castellanos also produced an important summary of Yoruba Language

19
retention published in Cultura AfroCubana 3: Las Religiones y Las Lenguas (Afro-Cuban

Culture 3: Religion and Language) (1992). Their work examines in more detail each of

the separate ethnic groups which contributed to the African language influence in Cuban

culture.

My thesis utilized three books to establish basic linguistic concepts that were

important to understand the evolution of Anagó. First, A Vocabulary of the Yoruba

Language (1855) by Samuel Crowther. It was the primordial Yoruba language dictionary

and had about 2,700 entries. Second, Dictionary of Modern Yoruba (1958) by R.C.

Abraham, with over 50,000 words an extensive introduction, appendixes and hand

written diacritical marks, historical data elaborate botanical references and hand drawn

illustrations. Abraham was a leading authority on West African languages; at one time he

was a Nigerian government anthropologist and linguist. His work reflects these

influences. Abraham’s publication far surpasses that of Crowther in its detailed

investigation of the phonetics, orthography, diacritic marks, tonal system, noun-object

and noun-noun linkage rules, nasalized vowels, palatized tones, congruence of forms,

metathesis (transposition of sounds), reduplication and a complete grammar analysis. He

consulted over 150 academic publications and official sources to compile the information

and includes an extensive appendix of hand-drawn illustrations of flora, fauna and

cultural artifacts. Definitions include long narratives that link individual words to

historical events, religious significance and folklore. The work by Abraham is not a

simple glossary, it borders on being an encyclopedia of Yoruba culture. It is

indispensable for the study of Anagó as it creates the comparison model for Anagó’s

divergence. The third book within the group of linguistic sources is that of E.A. Akintan,

20
History and Structure of the Yoruba Language (1950). His book is essential for its

explanation of the tonal structure and diacritic marking system of the Yoruba language. A

basic understanding of Yoruba is important in order to understand the evolution of the

Anagó stress and tone system, a characteristic which distinguishes it from Yoruba.

In the preparation of my thesis I also consulted books that were not directly

related to the ethnographic, linguistic or religious aspects of Anagó. To understand the

ethnic makeup of the African slave community in Cuba during the nineteenth century, I

used the data provided by Jesús Guanche in Africania y ethnicidad en Cuba,( African

Identity and Ethnicity in Cuba) (2009). which was broadly helpful in understanding the

diverse ethnic make-up of Yoruba speakers in Cuba.

Two books were important to this thesis in providing a historical overview of the

evolution of the Lucumí community. A summary of the specific factors which brought

the high number of Yoruba speakers to Cuba was found in The History of the Yoruba

(1921) by Samuel Johnson, and a comprehensive history of the Lucumí community in

Cuba was obtained in Santería Enthroned: Art Ritual and Innovation in an Afro-Cuban

Religion (2003) by David H. Brown. These books are helpful to the thesis as they

highlight the interconnectedness between the political environment of the South Central

area of West Africa known as Oyó, and the dominant ethnic group in Havana during the

early stages of creation of religious communities in the nineteenth century. The

combinations of data from these two authors provide a panoramic view of the

development of the Lucumí community. Political upheavals in Oyó dovetail with ethnic

Oyó-style Lucumí casa-templos in Cuba. This information supports findings in this thesis

21
about the importance of recognizing the multi-ethnic make-up of the Anagó speaking

community.

Anagó language is one of three languages that had their origins during the years

of trans-Atlantic slave trade into Cuba. Each of the three languages, Anagó, Abakuá25 and

Bantu-Congo26 all have similar origins yet diversely different manifestations in Cuba.

Studies in the same vein as this thesis but focused on other African languages that

remained in Cuba after the end of slavery are being conducted by Ivor Miller. One

publication that was helpful was “Cuban Abakuá Chants: Examining New Linguistic and

Historical Evidence for the African Diaspora”. In this article, Miller explores the

retention of African identity and language in Cuba and gives evidence of how this

retained identity is functioning in modern society. He observed that after his publication

of Abakuá phrases from a commercially recorded album in 2000, "Nigerian members of

the Cross River Ékpè society living in the United States…recognized these texts as part

of their own history.”27 The author facilitated an exchange between a group of Cuban

Abakuá and West African Èfik at the Èfik National Association meeting in New York in

2001. Although Abakuá language and ethnicity are different than Anagó, this type of

interaction is also occurring within the Anagó speaking community. Yoruba speakers

from present day Nigeria are very involved in the modern Lucumí community and this is

having a great affect on the language. Miller offers a perspective as to why this may be

occurring. Miller’s study presents evidence that is important in recognizing that the

borders of the Anagó speaking community are ever-expanding.

22
 Studies published by Maureen Warner-Lewis on Trinidad Yoruba provided this

thesis with a contrasting example of Yoruba language retention. Trinidad Yoruba: from

Mother Tongue to Memory (1997) and Yoruba Songs of Trinidad (1994) illustrate that the

Yoruba language did not undergo the transformation into Anagó as it did in Cuba.

Cultural and theological concepts contained in Yoruba words were retained and

conserved by the Yoruba speaking community in Trinidad. These two books offer

numerous examples of Yoruba language retention in transcriptions of field songs and

funeral dirges and prayers. The evidence complied by Warner-Lewis shows that there is

no Anagó-like dialect in Trinidad. The absence of a comparable dialect is an interesting

event and provokes further questions. Is it possible that a Trinidadian form of Yoruba

exists but that it was lost in transcriptions that used standard conversational Yoruba

morphology? Are dialectical forms of Yoruba still present in Trinidad Yoruba? These

questions cannot be addressed within the scope of this thesis but nevertheless indicate

avenues for future study.

End Notes

1
Lucumí (also spelled Lukumí) - a term used to describe the religion, the language and the
community derived from the influence of the Yoruba people in Cuba.
2
Lucumí, Regla de Ocha and Santería are terms used to describe the religion derived from the
ancestral religion of the Yoruba people of West Africa as it is practiced in Cuba and the diaspora.
This thesis recognizes that these terms are used interchangeably in current literature and will
respect the usage when quoting sources however, recent changes within the community of
practitioners have made the term Santería less desirable as it implies a liturgical connection with
the Catholic Church.
3
Non-prescriptionist - The viewpoint that language can have a flexible grammatical structure
without diminishing the validity of that language and that one language may have more than one
correct grammatical expression. Prescriptionist opinions usually present one standard

23
grammatical form for a language and argue for the enforcement of laws and educational programs
to diminish the use of other versions.
4
Cabildo of the Virgin of Regla - Regla is a port town in the municipality of Havana Cuba, and
the entry point for many African slaves. It is noted for the hermitage of Our Lady of Regla which
was founded in 1690.
Sociedades de color – Lit. Society for people of color. Cuban Pan African societies created
during the Republican Period for self help and recreation.
Casa-templos - Home based temples where Lucumí religious families gather to worship.
5
Babalawos – Lit. Father of the secret. A male only caste of priests in the Lucumí religion.
6
The Book of Diagnosis in Ifá Divination – Ifá is another term used to define the religious
tradition of the Yoruba however this term refers to its African manifestation and implies a
relation to the male only caste of priests known as babalawos. The babalawo is considered an
eternal student of Ifá, and representation of its earthly manifestation. Ifá divination, the act of
interpreting divine messages to the individual and the community, is relegated to the babalawo.
7
Lengua - Lit. tongue, used to refer to any African based language spoken in Cuba.
8
Lukuñol - A hybridization of the words Lucumí and Español (Spanish) coined by Miguel Willie
Ramos in Orí eledá mí ó (2011).
9
Lydia Cabrera, Anagó: Vocabulario Lucumí (Havana: Ediciones Universal, 1970), 53.
10
Ritual kinship - Families based on religious affiliation rather than blood relation.
11
For a full explanation of how and why women have been excluded from the position of oriáte
see Willie Ramos, “La división de la Habana: Territorial Conflict and Cultural Hegemony in the
Followers of Oyo Lukumí- Religion, 1850s-1920s.” Cuban Studies 34 (2003).
12
John Lipsky “On the Construction ta + Infinitive in Caribbean Bozal Spanish”, (Romance
Philology Vol. XL, No. 4, 1987), 431.
13
Ajiaco- a type of stew made in Cuba that contains, root vegetables such as a yucca, taro, sweet
potato along with diverse cuts of meat and corn and pumpkin, and savory spices. The seasoning is
unique to the island and each of the ingredients represents foods that were typical to the different
ethnic groups that make up Cuba.
14
Fernando Ortiz, La Cubanidad y Los Negros: Párrafos tomados de una conferencia dicha en
1939 Universidad de la Habana., Estudios Afrocubanos Revista Trimestral, Sociedad de Estudios
Afrocubanos (1939), 4.
15
For a fuller explanation on the search for purity in African Traditional Religions (ATR) see
“The Cult of Nations and the Ritualization of Their Purity” The South Atlantic Quarterly- special
issue on Atlantic Genealogies, J. Lorand Matory.

24
16
Phonemic – A phoneme is the smallest unit of speech that makes up a language. Phonemes are
the sounds of a language and when languages share phonemes then relationships between
languages can be demonstrated.
17
Cognate matching - cognates are words that exist in one language that can be identified in
another language and show some similarity in sound and meaning.
18
Acculturation-Was the dominant cultural theory at the time and explained that when two
cultures come into contact one will dominate the other.
19
Fernando Ortiz, Los Negros Curros. (La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1986),
75.
20
Lucumí religious community - Group of people who are followers of the Lucumí religion.
21
Cada casa con su libro.
22
Obbedí-Kaká Datos Bibliográficos Yorubá-Lucumí - Eight-Seven kaká: Bibliographic
Information about the Yorubá –Lucumí ( Obbedi kaká in an allusion to a divinatory construct;
Ogbe is the number eight in Anagó, ‘Di is the shortened form of the number seven which is Odi,
and kaká is an onomatopoeic sound that evokes the hitting of a drum. The folktale associated with
the divination verse of Ogbe-dí --shortened to Obbedi in this title--is the history of the creation of
the drum hence this sound is associated with the eight-seven configuration).
23
Bata- a two headed drum shaped like an hourglass that originated in West Africa and is used in
Lucumí ritual. Ortiz with the co-operation of Pérez and other Lucumí drummer-priests brought
bata drumming into the public sphere in 1935.
24
This is covered in more depth by Katherine J. Hagedorn in Divine Utterances: The
Performance of Afro-Cuban Santería, c2001 Washington D.C. Smithsonian Institution Press.
25
Abakuá- Language of the West African Èfik Ékpè and Ejagham Úgbè societies of Southeastern
Nigeria and Southwestern Cameroon, used in the Afro-Cuban religious tradition also called
Abakuá.
26
Bantu-Kongo- Language from the West African Bantu-Kongo peoples used in the Afro-Cuban
religion of Palo-Monte.
27
Ivor Miller, “Cuban Abakuá Chants: Examining New Linguistic and Historical Evidence for
the African Diaspora.”African Studies Review. 48.1 (2005), 25.

25
 Chapter II

Socio-Political Factors in Africa and the Caribbean

There are three important events which contributed to the importation of Yoruba

speakers into Cuba in the nineteenth century. First, political upheavals in the West

African kingdom of Oyó (1823-1836), second the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and

third the British ban on slavery (1833- late 1840s). Although these events occurred

between the years of 1791 and 1840 their effects in Cuba lasted until the late 1880s.

After the Spanish government formally ended slavery by royal decree in Cuba on

October 7, 1886, the first stage in the evolution of the Anagó speaking community ended,

and although it was no longer legal to enslave people of color, Cuban society remained

divided along racial lines.1

During the 1500s Yoruba speaking groups of the Sub-Sahara region of West

Africa lived in a highly developed network of city states composed of diverse ethnic

groups. These city states were ruled by hereditary kings whose histories date back to the

fourth century AD. The lineages of these kings were preserved and passed on via intricate

oral histories that contain information which has been confirmed by archeological

studies. Copper, zinc-brass and terra-cotta sculpted heads and masks dating from the

twelfth to fifteenth centuries have immortalized some of the Yoruba kings of this early

era.2 Wars were common, not only between competing groups that spoke diverse

languages, but also inter-tribal ethnic groups among people who shared the same

language. Throughout history, wars between African kings in West Africa produced large

numbers of captives who were often sold into slavery. The selling of defeated enemies

26
into slavery was a motivation for the Portuguese, Spanish and British slave traders to

locate their supply depots in coastal cities.

The region of Central West Africa known as Oyó was originally involved in the

exportation of slaves who had been acquired from extensive military actions enacted

upon neighboring tribes. Oyó had a five hundred year golden period of expansion,

conquest and stability beginning in the fourteenth century, a product of its highly

developed army and cavalry. Oyó’s dominance of the area began to change in the late

eighteenth century and deteriorated under attacks from the Fulani3 of the northern

savanna region and the Fon people of Dahomey from the West. King Gezo of Dahomey

declared independence from Oyó in 1818 when he refused to pay the yearly tax tribute

and began conducting slave raids on neighboring Yoruba towns.4 Internal political

struggles between Oyó warlords and fratricidal wars added to the unstable conditions.

The systemic weakening of Oyó in 1817 occurred during a peak in trans-Atlantic slave

trade. Oyó, originally a provider of slaves to the trans-Atlantic market soon became a

major source of slaves to the Caribbean. The reversal of fortune for many residents of

Oyó territories turned previously affluent and privileged citizens into refugees and slaves

as a result of the political avarice of their rulers.5 The political upheaval in Oyó is the first

factor that contributed to the movement of Yoruba speakers into Cuba.

The second event did not occur either in Africa or Cuba. The Haitian rebellion in

1791 and the subsequent establishment of Haiti as a free republic on January 1, 1804,

created an opportunity for Cuba to develop its sugar industry. French elites forced off the

island by the slave rebellion brought their knowledge and experience as well as their

techniques to Cuba.6 As the price of sugar rose in Europe because of the dramatic fall in

27
production, the pressure to establish a base for production of sugar in Cuba increased.

Although Cuban elites in the nineteenth century diversified their economic investments

into other areas such as tobacco and cattle, the number of Cuban sugar estates increased

from 529 in 1792 to 1,000 in 1827, to 1,439 in 1846 and to 2,430 in 1862.7 Each ingenio

(sugar mill) required from 80 to 300 slaves to operate it during the sugar production

season or zafra.8 The increase in the number of sugar estates had a direct effect on the

demographics of Cuba because sugar production required an increased number of slaves.

The population of Cuba changed in size and composition, as the number of slaves and

free people of color increased to keep pace with the growing numbers of ingenios.9 The

harsh existence of the ingenios put the average life span of the workers at about seven

years requiring a constant supply of imported workers. The slave masters preferred

Lucumí slaves to work on the sugar plantations.10 This information is important to this

study because Yoruba speakers caught in the unstable political conditions in Oyó were

more likely to end up in Cuba during the years that Cuba was increasing sugar

production.

The last factor that contributed to the increase in the number of Yoruba speakers

in Cuba was the result of an act of English Parliament. The British, formerly participants

in the trans-Atlantic slave trade, legislated against it in 1807 with The Slave Trade Act.

The legislation was specifically aimed at making it illegal for ships to be outfitted with

any type of gear or fittings such as shackles or grated holds that could be used to

transport human cargo. For example Article Ten of the Act declared that “hatches with

open gratings, instead of sold or closed hatches, to be illegal...the usual fittings of a slaver

...to be illegal, and when found on board any Spanish...vessel they will be considered as

28
evidence against such vessels.”11 Unfortunately for every element implemented to stop

the transport of slaves by Spanish vessels as outlined by the Slave Trade Act, the slavers

succeeded in going around the regulations with methods that made the transport of slaves

even more inhuman. As a result of that Act, in 1808 British ships began patrolling the

coast of West Africa in an attempt to intercept slave ships. This action may have resulted

in the capturing of more than 1,500 slave ships and the freeing of 150,000 Africans12 but

it also increased the economic motivation for illegal slave trade. Slavers were motivated

to transport as many slaves as possible before the British ban went into effect.

The abolition of slavery did not occur on one specific date, nor was it universally

applied in every country. It was a process of a number of legislations and negotiations

that occurred throughout the nineteenth century. Britain, for example, passed more than

ninety legislative acts in Parliament from 1788 to 1834 related to ending slavery.13 As

stated above, Spain did not fully cooperate with the British bans on the trading of slaves.

On January 5, 1833 reports from Sierra Leone to Viscount Palmerston by the British

Commissioner of the area reported that “the Spanish slave trade carried on under our own

observation, is in as full activity on this devoted coast as it ever was.”14 Furthermore, the

legislation passed by the British had no effect whatsoever on the pressure to sell captives

from the unending wars into slavery. In fact, prisoners of war that could not be sold were

routinely slaughtered by their captors whose primary intent was not political but

economic. In 1829 the slaughter of 4,190 prisoners of war was witnessed by a rich

landowner from the coast of Puerto Rico who was traveling in West Africa.15 On the

African coast, slavers continued in direct defiance of the English laws. The continued

transportation of slaves dovetailed with the need for more slave labor in Cuba. During the

29
time period that the trafficking in slaves was technically illegal, slavery was still an

important component of the economic system in Cuba. The need for slaves was affected

by a fall in the price of sugar from 1826 to 1844 and a change in the method of sugar

production, specifically the introduction of horizontal rollers for crushing the cane

beginning in 1827.16 By the late 1840s the slave population was decreasing and there was

increased pressure to employ imported laborers. Although sugar production had doubled

from 1836 to1846 this was not attributable to an increase in the number of bozales

imported to Cuba, but rather to improvements in methods of production, as twice as much

sugar could now be produced with half as much labor.17 The British blockade put

pressure on the slave traders but, as with all illegal goods, it made their cargo more

profitable. Although the need for slaves may have lessened in terms of the ingenios, the

push from war lords on the African Coast to sell their prisoners coupled with the greed of

slavers who regularly made a 180 per cent or more profit on their cargo,18 kept the

contraband slave market functioning in Cuba.

Yoruba Speakers Arrive in Cuba

It is unlikely that any concrete number of slaves brought to Cuba will ever be

established. Slave traders had differing motivations for recording the number of slaves

brought on a particular journey. When it was profitable for them to keep accurate records,

they did, but if there were reasons to change the numbers to avoid tariffs or to hide

mortality rates then the figures could have been stated incorrectly. There is also the issue

of illegal slave trade, which by its very nature would be difficult to quantify. Slave

owners were motivated to present incorrect data because they were taxed for their slaves.

30
Abolitionists, who were responsible for producing much of the data after 1820, had a

predisposition to present a worst case scenario.19

The possibility of determining the number of Yoruba speakers brought to Cuba during

the nineteenth century has been considered in this study. Studies on the ethnic makeup of

slaves in Cuba have been undertaken by Fernando Ortiz (1906, 1916), Romulo

Lacahtañere (1939), Pedro Deschamps Chapeaux (1970), Rafaél López Valdéz (1986),

Jesús Guanche (2009) and others. A comparison of the results presented by these

researchers shows there is scarcity of definitive statistics and great variation in the data.

Jesús Guanche presented an overview of findings on the ethnic composition of Cuban

slaves published in Cuba from 1836 to 2001 and from these data he stated there was a

significant increase in the number of Lucumí brought to work in Cuba from the

eighteenth to the nineteenth century. He further stated that by the 1860s the Lucumí

comprised 35.52% of all slaves held on the ingenios in Cuba.20 He determined that from

the first half of the sixteenth century until the end of slavery, the Lucumí made up

38.81% of all slaves brought to Cuba from the area of Africa known as the Slave Coast.21

The literature on the number of slaves brought to Cuba in the nineteenth century

presents contradictory data. For example, Lachatañere reports that from 1820-1865,

while Spain was negotiating with England to end the slave trade, 238,948 new slaves

were registered in Cuba.22 Aimes reports a figure of 217,048 for the same time period, a

difference of just over 20,000.23 Other studies show that from 1760 to 1769, 4,307 slaves

were imported in to Cuba, from 1800-1820 this number increased to 5,402 and from

1850-1870 to 9,177.24 In the first time period quoted, the Lucumí comprised only 8.22%,

in the second 8.38%, while in the last time period they comprised 34.52%.25 These data

31
show that the number of Yoruba speakers increased fourfold from 1850 to 1870. These

years occurred directly after an extended period of ethnic clashes in the Oyó region of

West Africa known as the Owu and Egba wars (1821-1851). During those wars for the

first time in the history of the Yoruba people, whole towns were razed and their entire

populations enslaved.26 The fact that entire towns from West Africa were being captured

and sold into slavery is important to this thesis because there was a high possibility that

these Yoruba speakers ended up in Cuba.

It has been stated that the entire population of Ketu, a town located near the

present day border of Benín and Nigeria, was captured and sent to Cuba and Brazil.27 The

town of Ketu is considered to be the origin of a West African deity known as Ochosi28

whose worship is a crucial element of Lucumí ritual. Various sources have stated that this

deity is no longer worshiped in Africa as all of the inhabitants of Ketu who had this ritual

knowledge are gone. Ochosi is well known in Cuba and Brazil. The relocation of

Ochosi’s worship to Cuba may be the best evidence of the importation of Anagó speech

into Cuba because the ethnic group that carried the worship of Ochosi to Cuba, also

brought their regional dialect, as well as the songs, chants and prayers associated with

that deity. The importation of ritual practices from West Africa and the associated

ceremonial lexicon for worship may be a model for the introduction of the Anagó

language in Cuba.

Political upheavals in Oyó may have saturated the slave population exported to

Cuba with Yoruba speakers at the same time that Cuba was actively increasing

importation of labor to expand agricultural production and general development on all

fronts. The present study did not find evidence that linked increased slave importation

32
directly to the sugar economy; however during the 1840s the labor market in Cuba still

relied on slaves as its major component.29 A further investigation of primary sources

may reveal more information regarding the role of Yoruba speakers within that market.

The following three observations can be determined from the evidence collected for this

preliminary study. First, the early to mid-nineteenth century was a time when it was

likely that Yoruba speakers would be brought to Cuba. Second, illegal slavery coincided

with three definable periods of political instability in West Africa: the wars with

Dahomey instigated by King Gezo (1818-1821), The Owu - Egba wars, (1821-1851) and

the Fall of Oyó (1817-1840). Third, after 1850 the Lucumí population in Cuba was higher

on the ingenios than it had been at any time in the past.

On the basis of this information, my thesis considers the period from about 1807 to 1850

as the starting point for the development of the Anagó language in Cuba. During this

time, the seeds of Anagó language were being sown in Cuba. This “seeding” phase

evolved into a period of coalescence that took place over the next forty years until slavery

was abolished. The “seeding” and coalescence phases encompass the first stage in the

development of the Anagó speaking community in Cuba. After surviving the horrors of

the middle passage, Yoruba speakers would naturally seek out and form bonds with other

Yoruba speakers on the island. At the mid-point in this stage, around 1845, the

population of African born slaves and their Creole descendants reached as high as 60% of

the total population on the Island.30 These data bring into focus the demographic

environment faced by Anagó speakers during this time period.

33
The Anagó Speaking Community in the Late Nineteenth Century

The importation of African slaves to Cuba began to decrease in the 1844 and

ended in 1866. The economic conditions could not support the expensive labor system

that was required.31 Although some ships continued to smuggle Africans into Cuba, after

1870 the plantation owners were relying more and more on reproduction rather than

importation to replenish their supply of workers.32 Plantation owners who had formally

been importing only males began to import women and children. The pre-1790 slave

community was markedly different than the one that was created in the late 1850s. The

demographic change was intentional, and based on a model of economic efficiency not

because the plantation owners meant to create stable families in their slave population.

Nevertheless, a more stable family structure within the slave community was one of the

results. After 1850, seven out of every fifteen slaves imported to Cuba were women.33

The increase in importation of Yoruba women during this time may have been another

reason why the Anagó speaking community was able to survive. My study will show that

in one recorded case, two women were solely responsible for the transmission of Anagó

language for an entire regional religious family.

In the early 1890s there were approximately 500,000 men, women and children of

African descent living in Cuba.34 By 1907 in Cuba there were only about 8,000 bozales

who had been born in Africa.35 The community of Anagó speakers was becoming

creolized. Yoruba speakers who arrived when the era of slavery was approaching its end

had a better chance of participating in the fledgling Anagó community. There were more

opportunities for manumission and an already established language community in place.

The Anagó speaking community at the end of the nineteenth century would have been

34
composed of bozales and their Creole descendants, free-people of color, and

emancipados (slaves liberated under the treaties with Great Britain). Slaves taken from

ships that were seized by British anti-slave patrols were given certificates of freedom and

a sponsor. In the forty-two year period that this treaty and its sub-treaties were enforced

by the British Authorities, 25,660 Africans were given status as emancipados.36 This

community of freed slaves was still not fully integrated into Cuban society. As Cubans

fought to free themselves from Spanish rule, Anagó speakers found themselves in a

hostile and unstable society that was reluctant to accept them as full citizens. As people

of color continued to be excluded from the wider Cuban society, bonds created by the

sharing of a common language would be re-enforced.

The Wars of Independence (1868 - 1898) contributed to the already militarized

society and many ingenios were destroyed. Equally destructive to the ingenios were slave

rebellions that burned many acres of sugar cane. By 1895 only 1,100 ingenios remained

in Cuba, and the Wars of Independence had destroyed many of the principal agricultural

resources of the Island.37 Slavery had been abolished, but full emancipation in terms of

acceptance in Cuban society was still many years away. Although some freed slaves were

able to find other forms of employment such as masons, woodworkers, shoemakers and

tailors, many freed slaves still found themselves cutting cane during the zafra.38 At the

turn of the century the Anagó speaking community was composed of free people of color,

Creoles and bozales. Race was not a unifying factor and neither was ethnic origin. Once

again the unifying factor for this group was a shared language. The Creole and the ex-

slave may not have the same economic or social status, but the opportunity to

communicate in Anagó, perhaps only during religious festivals, could overcome this

35
barrier. This ritual centered mélange would encourage language preservation and

continue the process of coalescence.

In 1887 only 11% of Afro-Cubans of all ages could read and write.39 Although

there were laws in place that guaranteed Afro-Cuban children an equal education, many

Afro-Cubans remained illiterate. White Cubans responded to pressure from the Afro-

Cuban community to integrate public schools by opening more private schools for upper

class white families. As literacy is intrinsically tied to language, the thrust for Afro-

Cubans to become literate was contradictory to the preservation of Anagó language. A

countering influence to this was that Anagó continued to be preserved within the homes

of Afro-Cubans. In the twentieth century the children of freed slaves were educated in

two separate linguistic environments, one outside of the home and the other within. The

older generation, not able to attend school, maintained their oral traditions and passed

them on to their children. Many Afro-Cubans of this generation were still fluent in their

native dialects. Interviews with Lucumí descendants from the 1930s have stated that their

education had two distinct components, one in the municipal school system and one at

home. The existence of a home based schooling, that centered on the transmission of

African concepts and language is mentioned repeatedly by informants in the manuscripts

of Lydia Cabrera. “Everyone in my generation was Lucumí: father, mother, godfather,

godmother and husband. I came home from school and in my home we had African

school.”40

Chapter two has reviewed some of the socio-political conditions that existed at the

first stage of the development of Anagó language in Cuba. These conditions led to two

phases of development, a "seeding" phase, when Yoruba speakers were brought to Cuba

36
in great numbers, and a coalescence phase, where speakers relied on their shared

language to navigate the hostile environment that they were placed into. My thesis will

now examine in more detail the institutions and social organizations that may have

allowed the Anagó language to remain cohesive.

End Notes

1
Aline Helg Our Rightful Share, The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912.(Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 24.
2
Suzanne Preston Blier, “Kings Crowns and Rights of Sucession: Obalufon Arts and Ife and
Other Yoruba Centers” Art Bulletin Vol 67 No. 3 PDF web accessed Sept 2012.
3
Fulani- The Fulani are a Muslim group that began a Jihad in 1804 and succeeded in infiltrating
the highest levels of Oyó government. This action culminated in the destruction of Oyó 1840.
4
George Brandon, Santería from Africa to the New World: The Dead Sell Memories
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1997), 28.
5
Samuel Johnson, The History of the Yorubas: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the
British Protectorate. (London: Routlage & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1921) 201.
6
Arturo Arnalte Los Últimos Esclavos de Cuba: Los Niños Cautivos de la Goleta Batans.
(Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2001), 23.
7
Louis A Pérez Jr., Ed. Slaves, Sugar and Colonial Society Travel Accounts of Cuba, 1801-1899.
(Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc, 1992), xv.
8
Zafra- The period of sugar harvest in Cuba was from December to April. “For a plantation to
produce 2,000 boxes of sugar it must have 300 negroes” Pérez, Slaves, Sugar, 41.
9
Pérez Jr, Slaves, Sugar, xiii.
10
Jesús Guanche, Africanía y etnicidad en Cuba (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales 2009),
25.
11
Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery throughout the British Dominions,
Anti-Slavery Society, A Brief Account of the Foreign Slave Trade from the Date of the English
Abolition Act to the Present Time.(London: J. Hatchard and son, 1837), 7. Google eBook.
12
See Christopher Llyod, The Navy and the Slave Trade: The Suppression of the African Slave
Trade in the Nineteenth Century (London: Cass and Company 1949).
13
http://www.pdavis.nl/Legislation.htm D.O.A. June 2012.

37
14
Society for the Mitigation, Brief Account of the Foreign Slave Trade. 27.
15
Don Mariano Torrente, Slavery in the Island of Cuba with Remarks on the Statements of the
British Press Relative to the Slave Trade. (London: C Wood 1853), 14. Google eBook.
16
Hubert H.S. Aimes, A History of Slavery in Cuba; 1511 to 1868. (New York: Putnam and Sons,
1907), 154.
17
Ibid,158.
18
Ibid,171.
19
Ibid, 242.
20
Guanche, Africanía y etnicidad , 25.
21
Guanche. Africanía , 127. The Slave Coast was the area of West Africa that includes the
territories of what are known today as; Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Guinea, Sierra Leone
and Liberia.
22
Romulo Lachatañere, "El Sistema Religioso de los Lucumís y otras Influencias Africanas en
Cuba" Estudios AfroCubanos Revista Trimestral, Vol. 2, No’s. 1, 2, 3 and 4 (1934), 36.
23
Aimes, History of Slavery, 242.
24
George Brandon Santeria from Africa to the New World: The Dead Sell Memories
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1997), 58.
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid ,28.
27
Miguel A. De La Torre Santería: The Beliefs and Rituals of a Growing Religion in America
(Grand Rapids Wm B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2004), 66.
28
Ochosi- An Orisha associated with hunters whose symbol is the bow and arrow.
29
Aimes, History of Slavery, 171.
30
Pedro Deschamps Chapeaux, El Negro en la Economía Habanera del siglo XIX. (La
Habana:Unión de Escritore Y Artistas de Cuba, 1971), 16.
31
“Slavery is rapidly disappearing on the island. ‘Slave labor is more costly than any other, all
things considered’ Pérez Jr. , Slaves, Sugar,130.
32
Brandon, Santeria, 54.
33
Ibid.
34
Helg Our Rightful Share, 28.

38
35
Ibid.,55.
36
Aimes, History of Slavery, 222, 237.
37
Maria Poumier, Apuntes sobre La Vida Cotidiana en Cuba en 1898. (La Habana: Editorial de
Sciencia Sociales, 1975), 20.
38
Helg, Our Rightful Share, 26.
39
Ibid.25.
40
Quote from Calixta Morales a main informant of Lydia Cabrera. “Toda mi generación era
lucumí: padre, madre, padrino y madrina y marido. Legaba de la escuelita y en la casa tenia
colegio africano”. Lydia Cabrera Papers Cuban Heritage Collection Box nineteen folder 1,
unpublished manuscript entitled cosas oídas a Calixta-y notas sobre su biografía (Things heard
from Calixta-and notes about her biography)

39
 Chapter III

In the previous chapter, this thesis has presented information that traced the

arrival of Yoruba speakers to Cuba and detailed the composition of the newly formed

Anagó language community. Chapter three will examine the institutional and social

groups that allowed for the Anagó language community to remain cohesive enough to

preserve the language. In addition, chapter three will examine cabildos de nación, the

casa-templo, pan-African societies, ethnographic studies and secular expressions. An

examination of how the language contact that occurred within these groups contributed to

the formation of the Anagó language will be discussed in chapter four.

Cabildos de Nación

During the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century there were a

number of Afro-Cuban social groups and state sponsored institutions that most likely

allowed the preservation of Yoruba dialects while simultaneously providing direct

language contact with Spanish speakers. The most likely source for the early

development of the Anagó language community was within the cabildos de nación.

During colonial times throughout Latin America as well as in Cuba, the word cabildo

referred to a council that governed a town or city, also known as the ayuntamiento (town

council). In contrast, when writing about Cuban history, the word cabildo more often

refers to the cabildos de nación, African mutual aid societies, which were organized,

based on ethnic groupings and attached to the Catholic Church. The cabildos had their

origins in Spain in the fifteenth century and were designed based upon Iberian Catholic

principals. Their manifestation in Cuba surpassed the colonial and peninsular expressions

40
by evolving into further materializations such as the comparsa (street carnivals). The

comparsa tradition came from the seventeenth and eighteenth century processions of

patron saints which are directly related to the processions of patron saints in Spain. In

Cuba, these street processions such as the Día de los Reyes (Day of Kings) were yearly

celebrations when the slaves were allowed to march through the streets playing drums,

and singing and dancing which became part of Afro-Cuban identity. African concepts of

religion and culture were central to the African’s self-definition, one could not be

separated from the other, and consequently the cabildo was a safe haven for this

component of African personality. Furthermore, they were the bridge that allowed these

African ethno-cultural and religious beliefs to weather the storm of slavery, colonization

and the wars of independence as well as persecution during the formative days of the

republic.

Spanish institutions in Cuba were part of a religious strategy used by the Spanish

government in alignment with the Catholic Church to control the slaves and the general

public. The government backed up the Church’s evangelical motives with laws that

required all slaves to be baptized. The Church was inextricably part of the colonial

government and was the overseer for the indoctrination of the arriving slaves. In this way

the Yoruba speakers brought to Cuba were forced into the new world religious

community.

Hierarchal social organizations had precedence in Africa where benevolent and

secret societies held religious, charitable, recreational, political and economic functions

and were composed of individuals who possessed the same language, ethnicity,

nationality and/or gender.1 The structure of the cabildos was analogous to hierarchical

41
structures of these secret societies. The Ogboni2 society had been a part of West African

culture for hundreds of years and during the 1812 Aponte rebellion in Cuba, there was

evidence that this society was functioning.3 Secret societies and hierarchal religious

orders were not unknown to the Yoruba speaking slaves. The cabildo’s outward structure

took the form of the Spanish Church-inspired cofradía (Iberian Spanish religious

association or brotherhood) but kept an internal component that existed in Africa. The

social organizations brought by the slaves from Africa were firmly intertwined with each

nation’s understanding about nature, god, and human purpose in life, and formed the

basis for understanding how to interact with the world. These rules were easily

transferred to the Catholic cabildo because they already were part of African social

structure.

The conservation of ritual language is a necessary component to religious

practice. Modupue Idowu has stated that the defining characteristic of the African, in

terms of self-definition is religion, which forms the foundation and the all-governing

principle of life.4 Africans who were brought to Cuba were intensely loyal to their

religious traditions, and this dedication found a cooperative system for preservation

within the cabildos de nación. This combination of a strong cultural quality of religious

expression with an institution that provided ethnic association, gave African language and

culture a chance to remain cohesive in Cuba.

In 1894 the Cabildo Carabalí Isuama, had about 700 members and had as its

mission the legal recreation and mutual aid of its members.5 The cabildo, although named

Carabalí, which would indicate a relation to the Bakongo ethnic group, maintained within

its ceremonies, Yoruba prayers. The Yoruba word mo júbà (I pay homage) 6 was

42
preserved in the prayers of this cabildo. When the members of the cabildo gathered to

rehearse for public performances they would pay homage to the ancestors of the cabildo

by reciting the following prayer.

Moyú bareo to commander Simon Baracoa

Moyú bareo to lieutenant Juan Baracoíta

Moyú bareo to Capitan Luis Baracoa.7

These prayers provide an early textual example of the Anagó version of a Yoruba word.

See example one.

(1)

Moyú ba reo

I pay homage to

/mo yu ba rə o/

Other cabildos have preserved songs and prayers that are specific to the ethnic

roots of their speakers. The Iyesa Modu Cabildo of San Juan Bautista was founded on

June 24, 1845, but had begun its organizing as early as 1830.8 Cabildo Iyesa still exists

in Matanzas and is the source of many of songs that come from this Yoruba ethnic group

known as Yesa or Iyesa. These songs now belong to the greater Anagó song corpus. One

song which has been preserved by this ethnic group states “Come to the world orisha who

always works the earth speak to us bless our home the earth we are calling to you.” 9

43
 Each cabildo was arranged by ethnic group and as such we can safely assume that

within that group there existed a corresponding dialectical form of Yoruba. The names of

these cabildos provide evidence of these ethnic identities and each region in Africa had

corresponding cabildos. For example in Santiago de Cuba the following cabildos:

Cabildo Lucumí, Cabildo Bibí, Cabildo Congo del Rey Melchor, Cabildo (I)suama,

Cabildo Arará and others registered property with the city.10 The Cabildo de Nación

Arará was founded in Havana in 1691 and was still in existence in the same location in

1909.11 These cabildos were legal entities until 1884 when they were prohibited by the

Spanish government from having their traditional street parades to celebrate Christmas.12

The law was modified in 1885, and the cabildos were forced to adopt a Catholic

patronage and pass all of their real estate holdings to the Catholic Church. The laws

pertaining to the legal character of the cabildos began to change during the same time

period that slavery finally ended in Cuba. The transition into Cuban society was hindered

by racist attitudes and the cabildos were seen as un atraso (holding back, a left-over from

slavery).

The cabildos had long been suspected as being havens for anti-government

activity ever since the 1812 slave rebellion masterminded by Jose Antonio Aponte. The

Cabildos were an ideal center for planning rebellion “because its members usually

communicated in their African languages whether Mandinga, Yoruba or Carabali.”13

Aponte was the principal architect of a slave rebellion that united slaves and free people

of color as well as some Creoles with the aim of ending colonial rule. He was also the

leader of Cabildo Shangó Tedun and a member of the most powerful secret society of

Yoruba land, the Ogboni.14 It is easy to see that the leader of cabildo dedicated to

44
Chango, who was considered the greatest Yoruba king and war strategist, would assume

the lead in a rebellion to free his fellow Africans. Under the guise of meeting to plan

religious holidays, Aponte’s home which was also the location of the cabildo, was used to

plan the rebellion. Although the internal workings of the cabildo cannot be documented at

this point, it is likely that they followed a similar pattern as that which we find within the

traditional casa-templos of today. Therefore, it is likely that African Divination systems,

such as those described by Bascom (1952), were used to plan strategies for the rebellion.

Afro-Cuban divination systems in Cuba were identical to those used by the Yoruba in

Nigeria and divination is traditionally used for political decisions by Yoruba chiefs.15

Although Aponte failed, this did not stop other cabildo leaders such as Hermengildo

Jáurequi (leader of Cabildo Lucumí) and Juan Nepomuceno Prieto (captain of Cabildo

Lucumí Oyó) from planning and implementing insurrections in 1835.16 The colonial

government under Capitan General O’Donnell tried to disband cabildos in 1844, but

ultimately let them continue until 1882 when the separatist character of the cabildos was

discouraged by the enactment of a law discouraging the prohibition of the mixing of

Africans and Creoles in the cabildos.17 Changes in the laws relating to the membership in

the cabildos opened the way for Creoles and whites to participate in African religions.

From 1877 to 1888, because of the passage of specific laws relating to the

functioning of the cabildos, the creation of the patronato (tutelage), the character of the

cabildos changed from decidedly ethnic and African to Creole and Catholic. The

patronato was an abolition law passed in 1880 that made newly freed slaves pass through

an eight year period of indentured servitude. It is possible that this time period saw an

increase in Spanish language contact in the Anagó speaking community. Ortiz recognized

45
that the Cabildos were fighting to maintain themselves against a “rising current of apathy

and hostility in the social environment, which is destructive to them.”18 The late 1880s is

often viewed as the end of the cabildos, however the social and religious bonds that were

made did not disappear, and the cabildos resisted dissolution for the next fifty years. The

speech communities created in the cabildos evolved into other forms such as the casa-

templo and the sociedades de color. The former provided a purely religious environment

and the latter a more social one.

Plantation Based Pre-Casa-Templos

Looking closely at the word casa-templo (home-church) will reveal a defining

characteristic of African traditional religion in Cuba. After the cabildos lost their legal

rights to own property, the home located church was the next logical step. A home that is

also a church implies that the community will gather in private homes for the purposes of

worship. Although, these private homes became the standard for Lucumí ceremony the

term casa-templo could also be applied to communities that had no physical address. The

leader of a lineage of practitioners could also be said to have a casa-templo, and yet never

be associated with a physical building. Once the cabildos were ordered to have a church

sponsor the actual activities of that group and its associated speech community became

controlled by the Catholic Church. The independent casa-templo however, was free of

this and could exist outside of any physical structure and free from control of the Catholic

Church. The Anagó language community would benefit from both types of organizations

because both would provide an opportunity to share language. In its loosest

interpretation, the casa-templo could be a corpus of inherited knowledge passed from an

elder to his or her religious followers. At the other end of the spectrum, the casa-templo

46
could be an extensive community of speakers originating from the cabildos de nación

which survived the dominance of the Catholic Church and were able to maintain their

traditional practices.

In contrast to the casa-templo which evolved out of Church controlled cabildos,

the plantation based casa-templo provides a more plausible model for language

preservation in rural Cuba. There is evidence that the tradition of passing on Anagó

language from elder to religious neophyte was functioning in the extensive network of

small farms and plantations far away from the urbanized areas and the formal cabildos. A

Lucumí historian who is also president of Church of the Lucumí Babaluaye in Miami (a

new world casa-templo), has stated that the cabildos were not the primary socio-linguistic

incubators for the Anagó language nor did the cabildos did not play such an important

role in the preservation of Lucumí language.19 The cabildos were Catholic institutions

that Lucumí practitioners belonged to because of pressure from the colonial government

and the Catholic Church, because they were a convenient vehicle for social gatherings

and because they conferred certain privileges to their members. The main purpose for

membership in the cabildo then was to gain social status or power not to transmit

language and culture. His viewpoint encourages an examination from the perspective that

the actual preservation of religious teaching was taking place much more successfully

and intensively on the actual plantations and ingenios. Under this scenario we can see

that it is quite possible that the first casa-templos were occurring on those very

plantations.20 African language retention in these communities has been evidenced in

collections of plantation work songs and folktales.21

47
 In Villa Clara, located in the central region of Cuba, 287 Anagó words have been

cataloged from texts recovered in Placetas, a small village located in that region. Placetas

was formally established as a village in 1861. It was primarily involved in cattle farming

and sugar cane production. Baptism records from the archives of the Catholic Church of

Placetas contain the record of the number of slaves in the area and their ethnic origins.

Although these records show that the Lucumí were not the largest group, there was a

strong presence of casa-templos that emerged in the area. The data from 1817-1886 show

a total of 940 slaves with only nineteen Lucumí (seventeen males and two females),

fifteen of which arrived between 1843 and 1847; three arrived between 1848 and1852

and one between 1863 and 1867.22 The largest group of slaves in Placetas during that

time period were the Congos with 160. The source of Lucumí tradition, according to

various sources in Placetas seems to have been attributed to one very important female

oloricha, Ma. Antoñica Finez. “The first slave who could freely practice her religión

thanks to the benefits she received from the daughter of Coronel Martínez Fortún.”23

After the abolition of slavery, another female oloricha, Ma.Donata Garcia, began a casa-

templo in the same barracones (slave quarters) where once they were enslaved.24 These

two women are attributed with the entire Lucumí religious tradition of the area, including

the transmission of sacred prayer and songs. The transmission of this Anagó lexicon

occurred outside of any cabildo.

The plantation based pre-casa-templo model fits in with 1857 census data from

the Archivo Historico Naciónal (National Historical Archives) of Las Villas, Cuba. The

document shows that the smaller sized plantations usually had less than ten slaves. The

census showed of the 1,233 plantations a total of 6,466 slaves. The Sociedad Agrícola

48
Cubana (Cuban Agricultural Society) located in Las Villas, shows a record in the county

of Esperanzas (Hope) of 100 slaves, whereas that of Mr. Mariano Mora recorded fifty-

six, and Mr. Franco Maestic Eraso recorded fifty-eight. In the county of Niguas, Mr.

Joaquin Machado listed 121 slaves while the majority of the other plantations had less

than ten slaves, many having one to five. In the area of Las Villas, smaller plantations

clearly outnumbered the ingenio model.25

Pan-African Sociedades de Color

Religious communities and their associated Anagó speakers may have been

solidified in casa-templos but the general population of freed slaves and people of color

in Cuba after abolition and during the wars of independence had other options for

maintaining their culture and language. In the late 1880s people of color were attempting

to present a unified stand against racism and to that end created the Directorio Central de

las Sociedades de la Raza de Color (Central Directory of Societies for People of Color).

It was founded in 1887 to represent the interests of people of color and to coordinate the

actions of the various “color societies” throughout the island in order to present a unified

stand against racism. By July 1892, the directory consisted of 65 societies throughout

Cuba.26 Its official newspaper was entitled La Igualdad (The Equality).

The struggle went on well into the twentieth century. The cabildos then began to

suffer under a developing Cuban identity that wanted to separate itself from the memories

of slavery Afro-Cubans generally wanted to separate themselves from the memories of

slavery. Many cabildos were replaced by sociedades de color, which were organized

around mutual help and education rather than religion and ethnic identity. For example

49
the Cabildo de Nación Gangá Purísima Concepción (Cabildo of the Gangá Nation of The

Immaculate Conception) which was founded by ethnic Malinkes of Sierra Leone, filed an

official request to transform their association into a society of educational instruction “so

as not to remain in the state of ignorance and backwardness.27 Other societies focused on

trade organizations such as cooks and dock workers, and sports such as baseball. The

demographics at that time reflected the conflicts that Cuban society was facing. Although

there may have been conflicts in loyalty and ethnic divisions were now beginning to blur,

African language was still a strong component of identity for Afro-Cubans.28 These Pan-

African societies did not have a religious or ethnic purpose. They were centered on labor

groups and modeled on the white-only mutual aid societies established for “honest

workers and day-laborers” and enrolled only all-white people of good education.”29 The

Pan-African societies did not restrict membership on the basis of origins, nationality or

ethnicity, and the model of integration was being followed in the religious casa-templos

as well. In general the Anagó speaking community evolved from the limited ethnic

environment of the early cabildos to an expansive and inclusive social setting such as in

the Pan-African societies. The inclusion of Creole members into twentieth century casa-

templos permanently changed the makeup of the Anagó speaking community.

Lucumí Identity in Twentieth Century Casa-Templos

In the early 1900s the idea of being Lucumí was a part of Creole identity as well

as African born. The Lucumí community started by multi-ethnic Yoruba speakers from

Africa grew to include Cuban-born mulattos, Creoles, and finally non-Cubans. During the

early twentieth century, the formal casa-templo flourished. It was an independent entity,

not tied to the Catholic Church, led by Creole elders who were fluent in Anagó and could

50
still understand Yoruba. The number of African born in Cuba at this time had been

reduced to less than 8,000. The casa-templo’s main purpose was to transmit Lucumí

religious tradition and to provide a safe place to worship. Some may have been composed

of former members of cabildos, in fact may have been considered an extension of the

cabildo without the tethering to the Catholic Church. These organizations however, were

no longer defined by ethnic association. All ritually initiated members were considered

Lucumí. The metaethnonym30 Lucumí was now applicable to a group of people who

shared two qualities: one, a religious affiliation and two, the use of Anagó as a ritual

language. The change in the community of Anagó speakers typified the makeup of the

casa templos in the early twentieth century.

The transition from ethnic cabildo to Creole casa-templo is well studied. One

example is the Cabildo Africano Lucumí which was founded in 1891 by Joaquín Cádiz in

Regla, a municipality of Havana. The Cabildo Africano underwent a number of personnel

and name changes as the social conditions in Cuba changed from early post-abolition, to

the first American occupation (1899-1902), to the first republic (1902-1940). Its roster of

membership began to reflect the increased presence of a sub-class of Creole Lucumí

priests known as the babalawo. The babalawo class membership began to rise in the late

1900s and this particular cabildo was the origin of one of the most influential priests in

Havana, Eulogio Rodríguez Gaitán “Tata Gaitán” (1861-1944). He was a property owner

who purchased a huge house in the Guanabacoa (a suburb of Havana) in 1916 and was

linked to several influential politicians of the time, such as the mayor of Guanabacoa and

President Gerado Machado (1924-1933).31 Tata Gaitán was important because he was

part of a supremely effective course of action undertaken in the 1940s to compile the oral

51
and hand written recollections of Lucumí rituals into a printed form. Three other Cuban

babalawos -- Bernardo Rojas, Miguel Febles and Pedro Pablo Pérez Rodríguez -- are

credited as being the first to begin “collecting (recopilando) textualizing and

disseminating in the form of libretas (notebooks) the Ifá oral tradition from the African

and early Creole elders.”32 In effect they became their own ethnographers and created the

first Anagó texts. The information was archived into hand written volumes, and then later

typed into individual volumes, or by using carbon paper where a limited number of

copies could be made. The first known book of this type appeared in the early 1950s in

Havana it was called The Book of Diagnosis in Ifá Divination and is described as “...a

consensus of oral knowledge held by free-slave and first generation religious leaders of

Cuba from the late 1800s to early 1950s.”33

The motivation for this enormous task was twofold. First, there was the very

important task of preserving ceremonial knowledge from the elders who had high levels

of information and in some cases direct connection to the source in Africa. But the

element of power was also a motivating force because these teachings had never been

written down whoever possessed them could lay claim to a high level of ritual

knowledge. Some of this oral knowledge had never been written down because of the

high level of secrecy associated with the ceremonial ingredients and other of it was only

passed within ritual families who may have sworn an oath of secrecy. The elders were

cautious and did not want this information to leak out to the general public and certainly

not to non-priests. In the 1950s, Pedro Arango, an Orisha priest (not a babalawo) began to

sell this information throughout Havana. He was known to make his living selling

information. He was probably the first “information broker” of Lucumí knowledge. This

52
information however, was intended for babalawos and they were outraged when they

found that their books were being sold.34 The by-product of this effort was the

consolidation of thousands of traditional prayers, songs and chants many of which have

formed the foundation of language transmission for the modern Anagó speaking

community.

The creation of a written version of the oral Anagó tradition created a great

problem for its speakers. Prior to this time period, Anagó language was mostly

transmitted orally from elder priest to novice or intergenerationally within families. The

compilation and publication of thousands of Lucumí prayers without consistent

orthographic representation created repercussions when novice priests, without access to

living elders, were faced with interpreting these prayers without a model for

pronunciation. At the time of these early publications it was standard practice to type all

Anagó prayers in capital letters with no diacritical marks. To add to this, these

publications were the first versions accessible to English speakers, creating yet another

layer of language contact.

Ethnographic Studies in the Twentieth Century

A major source of Anagó language samples can be found in the ethnographic

studies of Fernando Ortiz (1924, 1939, 1954, 1961). Although Ortiz did not focus on

Anagó language specifically, he did make observations about African languages in

general and their effects on Castilian Spanish. In 1924 Ortiz published Glosario de Afro-

Negrismos (Glossary of Africanisms) where he presented examples of bozal speech in

Cuba, collected from Afro-Cubans of various ethnic groups. Ortiz found support for his

53
theory of transculturation in observations he made of bozal speech. He used the metaphor

of the ajiaco to identify the formation of the Cuban identity. An ajiaco is a type of stew

made in Cuba that contains root vegetables such as a yucca, taro, sweet potato along with

diverse cuts of meat and corn and pumpkin, and savory spices. The seasoning is unique to

the island and each of the ingredients represents foods that were typical to the different

ethnic groups that make up Cuba. The indigenous Arawak Indians gave the corn, yucca

and taro and other root vegetables that formed their diet. This pre-Columbian stew used

iguana, turtle and bush rat to provide the meat element. The Spaniard substitutes that

element with ham and beef and added pumpkin. The African portion included yam and

plantain. Ortiz also includes in his accounting of ajiaco Chinese, French and Anglo-

American elements. Ortiz states that “The image of the Creole stew is a good

representation of the makeup of the Cuban people.”35 He includes Creole speech patterns

as expression of that identity. He expresses the metaphor of the ajiaco in detail and rather

romantically in La Cubanidad y Los Negros (Cuban Identity and Afro Cubans) where he

explains that the unique phonology of Cuban speech as well as the use of refrains has

been attributed to the influence of African languages. The shortening or elimination of /r/

is a marker that can be easily observed in Cuban Creole speech as well as that of

Southern Spain. The elision of /r/ in Creole Spanish has been identified as a marker of

Caribbean and Southern Spanish accent. Ortiz reported that the weak /r/ was possibly the

result of contact with African languages whose speakers belonged to Kwa-Niger

language groups, such as Yoruba, where /r/ also was pronounced as such. He related the

distinct character of African speech as it expresses itself in Cuba (and the Antilles) with

interchange of the /r/ and /l/ sounds as a marker for African influenced language. “With

54
the Lucumí or Yoruba, as with the blacks of Sudan and Egypt, the switching of /r/ for /l/

is frequent.”36

Ortiz’s observations are important to my thesis because of the emphasis that he

put on language being a strong marker of culture and community. Furthermore, Ortiz

used language as evidence to demonstrate that neither Spanish Culture nor African

culture had been subsumed by the other, but that a third culture had been created. His

thinking is complementary to my thesis because I consider Anagó a new language which

is neither Yoruba nor Spanish.

Ethnographers who collected Anagó prayers, songs and vocabulary to document

and analyze the Lucumí religion did not at first recognize the fact that the Anagó

language was a conglomerate of ethnic dialects from the Yoruba family. However, their

informants were quite adamant in pointing out that ethnic identity was still an element to

be considered in regards to language. Each religious house spoke their own unique

version of Anagó based on their particular heritage. “In one house they spoke oyó, in

another, ará-tàko, egguado, iyesá, arará and so on.”37 Some members of the Lucumí

religious community were even offended that this fact had gone unnoticed by the

academic and literary elite who were studying them. Twentieth century researchers were

accused of misrepresentation and “improper condensation”38 of the varied African

languages and religions. They had overlooked the fact that there still existed “diverse

clases of African religions each one possessing their own language in alignment with

their place of origin. Each piece of Africa, which was the home land of a feudal tribe,

maintained a religious tradition, which was in accordance with the traditional customs

taught to them by their ancestors.”39 One Lucumí priest who self-published a libreta with

55
an extensive glossary stated “The Lucumí had their spoken language, that was different

from their close neighbors and within the Lucumís themselves there were varios dialects:

the iyesá, the tacua, the eguado, the ará-taco. This [sic] last dialect is what we will utilize

in this book.”40 He then presented a glossary of over 700 “Lucumí words of the ará-táco

dialect.”41 The central point here is that throughout the time that Anagó was being

crafted by the Yoruba speaking community, there were distinct dialects present. Each

region of Yoruba land had its own dialect of Yoruba and these dialects were maintained

in Cuba within the Anagó language. Angarica’s information is relevant to my thesis

because it reinforces the concept that Anagó is not simply the result of contact with

Spanish, but that dialectical versions of Yoruba that were associated with distinct ethnic

groups also contributed to the creation of the Anagó language community.

Lydia Cabrera (1954, 1970) collected the largest amount of Anagó texts and

produced the definitive dictionary of the language. These publications indicate that

during the mid to late twentieth century the Anagó language was being used by the

community and had solidified its position as the ritual language of the Lucumí. Data from

Cabrera’s collections of manuscripts and libretas allow us to say for certain that during

the early twentieth century there were groups of Afro-Cubans decisively transcribing

Anagó vocabulary and passing it down through religious or blood families. Libretas,

hand- written or manually typed manuscripts that contained Anagó-Spanish glossaries,

prayers, patakins, songs, chants, ceremonies and divination instructions. For example the

1938 hand written manuscript entitled Vocabulario lucumí (Lucumí vocabulary); written

by Anagó speaker Má Calixta y Calazán Herrera Bangoche (king that always works)

56
contained numerous examples of Anagó speech with Spanish translations.42 These

libretas were hand written and passed down from elder to novice within the casa-templo.

The libreta was used to teach Anagó to novice priests of all ages and continues to

be used in modern Lucumí casa-templos. Cabrera states that during her studies in Havana

in 1928-1930 she met various Lucumí who provided vocabulary for her collection of

Lucumí dictionary.43 After publishing the Anagó-Spanish dictionary, Cabrera was told

that Yoruba speakers in Nigeria recognized and understood her compilation of words.

Furthermore, she states that Yoruba sailors who landed in Cárdenas understood Creole

speakers of Anagó.44 Cabrera’s research can allow us to say decisively that in the early

twentieth century there were still Cubans who spoke Anagó fluently and that this dialect

was understandable to Yoruba speakers.

Ethnographic studies and compilations by elite babalawos, libretas and glossaries

published in the twentieth century have left strong evidence that as late as the 1970s the

Anagó language community was vibrant and multi-faceted. While some researchers

attempted to represent Anagó as a singular form, others struggled to assert a particular

ethnic identity within the Lucumí community. All of these examples reinforce a major

tenet of this thesis. Anagó is derived from Yoruba, not an imperfect form of Yoruba.

Secular Expressions

In the twentieth century, Anagó was being documented in academic publications

and in compilations of ritual knowledge. These disseminations expanded and re-enforced

the Anagó language community. The greatest influence occurred through folkloric and

popular musical performances. After Ortiz published his studies on the African influence

57
on Cuban music, Anagó language began to appear on stage and in popular song. The

Sociedad de Folklore Cubano and the Conjunto Folklorico National de Cuba (National

Folkloric Troupe of Cuba) collected a substantial amount of information from members

of the Anagó language community. The information provided by knowledgeable Lucumí

practitioners, was used to create secular versions of Afro-Cuban religious performance.

The most prolific contributor to the documentation of Afro Cuban folklore in the

1940s was Jesús Pérez Oba Ilu (king of the town/drum). He was a recognized priest and

olu bata (owner of the sacred bata drum) of Lucumí. He was an instrumental informant

for the studies published by Ortiz and Rogelio Martinez-Furé and was the source of much

ritual information used in the creation of Afro-Cuban folkloric performance. He was a

well known musician and traveled to Mexico where he performed the play Obá Kosó (the

king did not hang). The production of Obá Kosó was most likely the first time Anagó

songs appeared in secular context outside of the island of Cuba. While in Mexico, Pérez

recorded an album that combined secular music with Lucumí ritual songs, and in 1962 he

co-founded the Conjunto Folklorico Naciónal de Cuba. In the 1940s Merceditas Valdés

with the help of Jesús Pérez and another Ortiz informant Trinidad Torregrosa, created a

radio program that broadcast authentic Anagó songs and prayers on radio Suaritos45

which became famous throughout the island.46

Jesús Pérez, Merceditas Valdés and other musician/priests provided Anagó song

lyrics for folkloric performances, and popular musicians used Anagó in mambo, rhumba

and son.47 Luciano “Chano” Pozo Gonzales better known as Chano Pozo was born in

1915 and grew up in a neighborhood of Havana called cayo hueso (bone alley). He was

known to be an initiate of Lucumí religion, specifically devoted to Chango. He became a

58
well known drummer and was one of the Cuban artists who had a direct influence on the

development of Latin Jazz in the United States through his association with Dizzy

Gillespie. He traveled to New York with Miguelito Valdes in January of 1947 and

performed at Boston Symphony Hall in October. The merging of the Afro-Cuban

rhythms of Chano and improvisational jazz style of Dizzy is considered to be the birth of

the Afro-Cuban swing sound known as Cu-Bop. Chano Pozo was one of many rumberos

(player of drums and rumba rhythms), who used Anagó as lyrics for popular song. Some

of these songs were taken from the comparsa or carnival tradition, which has its roots in

the early religious processions of the cabildos de nación. The comparsa is a venue where

secular and non-secular music can freely mingle. The song Ariñaña-ra iya48 written by

Chano and recorded by Orquestra Casino de la Playa (1940) in Cuba was made famous

by Miguelito Valdes and has been re-recorded by many famous artists. It contains Anagó

lyrics and also utilizes some Congo elements.

Mambo, Rumba, and Son are examples of Afro-Cuban music that often have

Anagó words in their lyrics. The drum rhythms that are central to these types of music are

also part of the cultural legacy of Africans in Cuba. A good example of this can be seen

in the song Cantaremos y Bailaremos49 recorded by the group Clave y Guaguancó 50 in

1994.

There is no one in this world

Who can say to me

That they like the rumba more than me

I am from over there

Where the blacks eased their pain

59
To the rhythms of the drum

I am a Lucumí king who came from a land of mountains with a secret speech/tongue

The base of the mountain holds my secret51

Afro-Cuban secular songs have travelled the globe and taken Anagó language

with them. This exportation via secular usage has de-mystified certain lexicons and

placed them the category of the vernacular. The purpose of this digression is to note that

the Anagó language has a recognizable presence in popular music and this music in turn,

has influenced the Anagó language community. Anagó language in secular song may

preserve certain lexemes, and may distribute Anagó vocabulary far and wide, but the

applications of these ritual words are out of context and may lose ritual value. Folkloric

performances and popular renditions of traditional Lucumí songs often are mis-

represented on purpose to preserve secret knowledge, inaccurately transmitted, or

modified to fit some musical requirement. It brings to the forefront questions about how

ritual knowledge and language may be altered in communities via secular expression and

how a language community may react to the diluting of this knowledge. It also brings

into focus how Anagó may be perceived as a corrupt and useless form of Yoruba by some

researchers. The dilution of Anagó ritual language via secular usage underscores the

importance of key transmitters of language in the Anagó language community, who are

able to maintain a baseline of functionality. The linguistic progression of Anagó language

will be discussed in chapter five.

60
End Notes

1
Philip Howard, Changing History Afro-Cuban Cabildos and Societies of Color in the Nineteenth
Century.(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1998), 20.
2
Ogboni society - A West African fraternal secret society with political and religious functions
3
Howard, Changing History, 78.
4
Bolaji E Ìdòwú Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief. (London: Longmans, 1962.), 5.
5
Nancy Perez El Cabildo Carabalí Isuama, (Santiago de Cuba: Editorial de Oriente, 1982),62.
6
Yoruba Mo = ( I ) + júbà = ( to pay homage or respect) + re = (blessings or goodness) + o =
emphasis.
7
Pérez Jr., El Cabildo Carabalí, 14.
8
Rogélio Martinez Furé Dialogos Imaginarios. La Habana: Editorial Letras Cubanas. ca. 1997.
9
June 2008 field notes Matanzas, Cuba. Notes taken during street festival (comparsa) for the
celebration of the beginning of summer, and presented by members of the Cabildo San Juan de
Bautista located on Salamanca Street in Matanzas. The cabildo members begin at the entrance of
the cabildo then parade down Salamanca Street to the river playing drums and coroneta and
singing Yesa songs. When they arrive at the river they light a large doll on fire and all of the
priests collect the ashes to be used to bless their homes. The original song is as follows Laye laye
ara oko nso ile oko ara oko nso ile oko /li yə li yə a ra o ko so i lə o ko a ra o ko so i lə o ko/.
10
Marcelino Arozarena “Los cabildos de nación ante el registro de la propiedad” Actas de
Folklore Centro de estudios del Folklore del Teatro Naciónal de Cuba (TNC) La Habana Enero
1961 Año 1 no. 1 ed. Argeliers Leon , 15.
11
Rogelio Martínez Furé, Diálogos Imaginarios. (Habana: Editorial Letras Cubanas, 1979),139.
12
Ibid.,16.
13
Howard, Changing History , 78.
14
Ibid.,74.
15
William Bascom, “Yoruba in Cuba” Nigeria Magazine. Vol 37, (1951),169.
16
Howard, Changing History, 79.
17
Arozarena, Los Cabildos, 16.
18
Arozarena, Los Cabildos, 23.
19
Ernesto Pichardo personal interview January 20, 2012 Miami, FL.

61
20
Pichardo personal interview January 20, 2012 Miami, FL.
21
See Lydia Cabrera Los Animales en el Folklore y La Magia de Cuba (Madrid: Editorial Vosgos
S.A.,1988).
22
Nerys Gomes Abreus“Estudio de la Presencia de Remanentes Linguísticos de Origen Lucumí
(Yoruba) en la Region Central de Cuba:Zona de Placetas, Villa Clara.” Islas no. 95 ( ) 175.
23
Ibid 162 “la primera esclava que pudo practicar su religión con libertad, gracias a los beneficios
que recibiera de la hija del coronel martínez Fortún.”
24
Gomes Abreus, Estudio, 162.
25
AHN Censo de esclavos 1857-58 Levi Marerro Collection Greene Library FIU.
26
Aline Helg Our Rightful Share: the Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality 1886-1912.
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, (1995)28.
27
Ibid.,30.
28
Ibid., 28.
29
Howard Changing History ,97.
30
Metaethnonym- an ethnic description that includes multiple ethnic identities.
31
David H.Brown Santería Enthroned: Art Ritual and Innovation in an Afro-Cuban Religion.
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2003),72.
32
Ibid 84.
33
In-person Interview Ernesto Pichardo Miami Fl January 2012.
34
Ibid.
35
La imagen del ajiaco criollo nos simboliza bien la formación del pueblo cubano Fernando
Ortiz, La Cubanidad y Los Negros: Párrafos tomados de una conferencia dicha en 1939
(Universidad de la Habana., Estudios Afrocubanos Revista Trimestral, Sociedad de Estudios
Afrocubanos) ,4.
36
“Entre los Lucumís o Yorubas, como entre los negros de Sudan y del Egipto, el cambio de r
por l es frequente “ Fernando Ortiz, Los Negros Curros. (La Habana:Editorial de Ciencias
Sociales, 1986), 76.
37
“en una casa hablan oyó y en otras ará-táko, egguado, iyesa, guérefé, arará…” T.D. Fableo
Lengua de Santeros (Guiné Góngorí) (La Habana, 1956), 6.
38
condensación impropia

62
39
“Diversas clases de Religiones Africanas donde cada una posee una lengua propia que es de
acuerdo con la religion natal de origen. Téngase presente que cada pedazo de tierra africana, de
donde procede o radica una tribu de tipo feudal mantienen por tradición religiosa, una religión
especial, que está en concordancia con sus costumbres tradicionales que les enseñaron sus
antepasados”. Nicolas Angarica,. El Lucumí al Alcance de Todos. Havana n.d. ,ii.
40
“Los Lucumí tambien tienen su lenguaje hablado, que es distinto al de los vecinos cercanos y
entre los mismos Lucumís hay varios dialectos: El iyesá, El tacua, el eguado, el ará-taco. Este
ultimo dialecto es el que utilizaremos en este libro”. Anagrica, El Lucumí, 1.
41
“palabras Lucumís, del dialecto ará-taco” Ibid.
42
The following is an example of a typical glossary entry in a Lucumí libreta
Estoy sufriendo - Ollún cuan mi, (I am suffering)
Estoy llorando - Mofén sucu (I am crying)
Estoy llorando - sucú-sucú (I am crying)
Estoy ciega - Moda fá llú ( I am blind)
Niño que nace de pie – Atésébi (name for a child born feet first)
Sientese - Yó kó (yo có) (sit down)
43
Lydia Cabrera, Anagó: Vocabulario Lucumí- ( El Yoruba que se Habla en Cuba). (Miami:
Ediciones Universal Collección de Chicherekú. 1970), 14.
44
Lydia Cabrera, Koeko Iyawó: Aprende Novicia Pequeño Tratado de Regla Lucumí. (Miami:
Ediciones Universal Collección de Chicherekú,1980), 3.
45
Cuban radio station founded in the 1930s by Laureano Suárez Valdés. For more information
see http://www.cubarte.cult.cu/periodico/letra-con-filo/6837/6837.html
46
Ivor Miller, “Jesus Perez, and the Transculturation of the Cuban Bata Drum.” Dialago 7,
(2003), 74 .
47
Mambo, rhumba and son are three types of Cuban music that use African rhythms.
48
The source appears to have been a combination of traditional Anagó songs sung for Olba and
for Chango. The original song, arinyanya kirin nya kirin ya kirinya eleri mo ba’le, refers to a
patakin where Olba cuts off her ear and cooks it in Chango’s favorite corn meal porridge in order
maintain his love. The plan of course backfires, as he is revulsed and she is rejected. This story
recounts the bad advice of Oya who originally convinced Olba to undertake the doomed plan.
49
We will sing and we will dance.
50
Beat and drum rhythm.
51
No hay en el mundo un ser
Que me pueda decir
Que le gusta la rumba más que mi
Yo soy decendiente de allá
Donde los negros calmaban su dolor
Al ritmo del tambor
Yo soy lucumí obá oke mewo mewo

63
Clave y Guagaunco was a famous rumba ensemble which had many Lucumí initiates as
members. Transcription/translation by author.

64
 Chapter IV

Description of the Anagó language

The phonemic1 inventory of Anagó has been catalogued by David Olmstead

(1953). His information came from a sampling of informants originating from the

Habana-Jovellanos-Matanzas areas of Cuba. Olmsted created a map of Anagó phonemes

as shown below.2

Anagó vowels /i/ /e/ /ɛ/ /a/ /o/ /u/

Anagó consonants /b/ /gb/ /kp/ /d/ /t/ /j/ / č/ /g/ /k/ /f/ /s/ /r/ /l/ /m/ /n/ /ñ/ /ŋ/

Anagó word structure is similar to Yoruba word structure. Akintan (1950) describes the

Yoruba language as follows, “it is an agglutinating3 language like the Chinese. It has no

closed syllable, that is no consonant ending in a word …The final ‘n’ in some cases is but

part of a nasal vowel.”4 Yoruba is a tonal language, having three tones, low, middle and

high. A single word has the potential for three different pronunciations, depending on the

tonal pattern of the vowel. The tonal pattern of the vowel carries a rising or falling sound

as in dò, re, mí. This tonal pattern associated with the vowel will determine the

significance of the word as indicated in example one.

(1)
bu /bu/ (moldy)

bù /bù/ (dipped out)

bú /bú/ (insulted)

Anagó does not follow this pattern. The vowels in Anagó do not have tones; the more

correct description for the pattern is stress.5 The Anagó stress pattern is shown in

65
example two. The stress is not accompanied by a raising or lowering of the pitch, as in

Yoruba. See example two.

(2)
Omí /o mi/ (water)

orí /o ri/ (head)

óke /o kə/ (mountain)

iché. /e čə/ (work)

The Anagó language does not have tonal vowels but rather follows a Spanish stress

pattern with the stress usually falling on the last syllable of the word. The stress pattern of

Anagó is a subject that requires further study which is not within the scope of this thesis.

The examination of Anagó stress patterns and their relationship to the Yoruba tonal

system should be an area of further research and one that may provide important

information about the emergence of Anagó and the presence of Yoruba dialects within

Anagó.

The Anagó word is composed of morphemes. A morpheme is the smallest

semantically meaningful unit of language. Anagó is generally an agglutinative language

(with a few exceptions discussed below), that is morphemes are joined together to form

new words. The sentence structure of Anagó is subject verb object (SVO). See example

three.

(3a)
Mo Ofé Iré
I to see blessing/goodness

(3b)
Mo’ferere

66
It is a blessing for me to see you/ look at you.

Tense, mood and aspect are indicated by particles placed before the verbal morpheme.

See example four.

(4a)
Mo Wa
I to come

(4b)
Mo ti wa
I past arrived/come
I have arrived

(4c)
Emi Ni Lo
I/myself here to go

(4d)
Emini un ló
I here aspect leave
I here am leaving

Anagó usually follows the regular patterning of subject, tense/mood/aspect, and

verb. However, the contact with Spanish has created some hybrid forms. Some Anagó

verbs are being used in an infinitive form and being conjugated in the same way as the

Spanish verbs. The creation of an infinitive form would negate the observation that

Anagó is a completely agglutinative language since it is showing some fusional6

properties. See example five.

(5a)
Mo yuba
I pay homage

Mo’yuba
I pay homage/I pray

Mo yubar

67
I to pay homage

Moyubando
I am praying/paying homage

(5b)
Até ifá
divination tray religious work/knowledge

Tefar
to tap the edge of the divining tray

The plural form is formed by the addition of number markers. See example six.

(6)
Awon
many

Ile
house

Awon ile
many houses

Akuko
rooster

Meta
three

Akuko meta
three roosters

Negation is formed by the addition of the marker ko. This marker is also used to indicate

intensity. See example seven.

(7a)
Ko Si Aro
No/not are/exist/be illness

Ko si aro
May there be no illness

68
(7b)
Arere Ko Wa Ilé
Owner of blessing/goodness forcefully/strongly to arrive the house

Arere ko wa ile
The bringer of blessings should forcefully arrive to my home

Linguistic Analysis of Anagó

William Bascom (1950, 1951) was the first American researcher to suggest that

the African source language for Anagó was Yoruba. He stated that the Yoruba influence

is recognizable throughout Cuba, despite regional variation and that many individuals

could name their towns of origin in Yoruba speaking areas of West Africa.7 In order to

test Bascom’s hypothesis that the Anagó language is related to the Yoruba language,

David Olmsted did a comparative study of Yoruba and Anagó.8 Olmsted used 231 Anagó

terms gathered from a field trip to the Matanzas area of Cuba in 1952 and compared them

to a speech recorded by a native Yoruba speaker (N.A. Adibi) in 1950 and 1951. From

these recordings he attempted to find cognate matches.9 His secondary source for cognate

matches was Samuel Crowther's Yoruba dictionary (1855). He does not provide

information that specifies the regional dialect of Yoruba spoken by N.A. Adibi. He

found that the proportion of cognates to be 48.5%.10 He also found that Yoruba and

Anagó share a number of phonemes, however the Yoruba phoneme /š/ was represented

by the Anagó phoneme /č/, and the Yoruba /ỹ/ was represented by the Anagó /ñ/.11

His conclusion drawn upon the full study was that he did support Bascom’s

hypothesis that Yoruba and Anagó are generally related languages but that further study

needed to be done that included dialectical influences. More evidence from morphology

69
and syntax is needed before a definitive determination can be made. Furthermore the non-

cognates could not be attributed as having been derived from Spanish.12 The presence of

non-cognates would indicate that there was additional language contact that must be

identified. It is possible that the non-cognate words are Yoruba ethnic regionalisms, or

that there was contact with non-Yoruba based languages in Cuba.

The Source Language-Yoruba

On the basis of the research done by Bascom and Olmstead it can be said that

Yoruba is most likely the source language for Anagó. Because of this, it is important to

now present some information about the Yoruba language. African languages were

classified by Joseph Greenburg (1949) into four geographic areas, Northwestern Sub-

Sahara, Upper Guinea, Lower Guinea, and Bight of Biafra and then into subdivisions

according to linguistic criteria.13 The Niger-Congo language family was named after the

two rivers in Africa that form the geographical borders of the areas where these

languages dominate.14 The Yoruba language is classified in the Kwa subgroup of the

Niger-Congo language family and has been in existence for over two thousand years. The

Kwa sub-group has four major branches, Ewe, Akan, Yoruba and Nupe. The Yoruba

branch has six sub-branches; Yoruba, Egba, Ife, Ijesha, Ekiti, and Ijebu, which are most

likely sources of the Anagó language in Cuba. See appendix one. Each of these sub-

branches represents at least one dialect. These same ethnic group divisions and their

dialects were identified in Cuba within the slave population by Jorge Castellanos and

Isabel Castellanos (1987). The study by Castellanos and Castellanos utilized the

following terms to designate these groups: Lucumí, Oyó, Egguado, Egbado, Lucumí-

Egbado, Ketu, Fee, Yesa, Yeza, Lucumí-Yesa, Ekiti, Ijebu, Yebú, and Lucumí-Yebú15

70
(see appendix two). These data are important because it defines the ethnic composition

of the Anagó speaking community in Cuba, and indicates that this community carried

their identifiable dialects with them. These data show that at the time of the early

formation of the Anagó speaking community, there were at least six dialects of Yoruba

present. The information shows that there was the opportunity for intra-language dialect

contact within the Anagó speaking community. Castellanos created a detailed list of

Anagó phonemes and compared them to Yoruba phonemes (see appendix three).

The information on intra-language dialectical contact underscores a central point

that this thesis has uncovered. Anagó emerges from contact between varieties of the

Yoruba language and Spanish. The central point is that besides the obvious language

contact with Spanish, Anagó exhibits intra-language dialectic contact. That is to say that

the source language that the Anagó speaking community drew from was not

homogenous. The non-homogenous language pool means that when the different Yoruba

speaking ethnic groups formed the new speech community in Cuba, their unique dialects

each contributed to the formation of Anagó. However, it is not known which of these

varied dialects had more influence on the emergence of the Anagó language. Further

qualitative and quantitative analysis could lead to a more definite outline of the formation

of Anagó. That investigation is not within the scope of this study; however it has been

shown that there are sufficient examples available to conduct such a study.

Yoruba ethnic groups in Cuba, each with their respective dialects, no longer had

geographical boundaries that contributed to the maintenance of a cohesive speaking

community. The new speaking community was an amalgam and the boundary was based

on race, not geography. In this new environment, Anagó emerged with representations of

71
many dialects combined, something that did not happen on the continent because

communities could maintain their separate identities. Yoruba is known to have many

dialects and has often been called a Yoruba dialect continuum.16 The fact that Yoruba has

many dialects would tend support the idea that like all languages, Yoruba has always had

many correct forms, and supports the idea that Anagó is not a corrupted or incomplete

form of Yoruba. Anagó emerged from a re-organization and expansion of the Yoruba

speaking community as a result of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade.

The first attempt to produce a standardized written form of Yoruba was in 1838

by Bishop Samuel Ajai-Crowther in Sierra Leone.17 Samuel Crowther published a

number of grammar and vocabulary books (1849, 1852) and utilized Roman characters to

create the Yoruba alphabet in 1856. Prior to this time, Yoruba speakers had an oral

tradition of regional dialects some of which were mutually intelligible, others not. After

Crowther published the first tentative guides for the standardization of formal Yoruba, a

wave of prescriptive publications were produced, all in the search for a more exact

definition of proper Yoruba. Akintan has presented seventy rules for proper spelling and

pronunciation and 201 examples of common mistakes being made by the Yoruba

speaking public. Dialectical forms that did not align with these linguistic standards have

been discouraged on the continent of Africa. The creation of a standardized form of

Yoruba by Samuel Crowther in the late nineteenth century, and the prescriptionist

publications by Akintan and other linguists has made one dialect of Yoruba the “favored”

form. The development of standard or “favored” language status from dialectical forms

has been extensively researched and presented by Leonard Bloomfield (1914).18 While a

standard version of Yoruba was being developed on the continent of Africa in the

72
nineteenth century, Yoruba speakers in Cuba were protected from these prescriptive

publications. This allowed dialectical forms to be preserved and contribute to the

evolution of Anagó. The replacement of the Yoruba tonal pattern with the Spanish stress

pattern may provide some evidence that Anagó emerged from contact between Yoruba

and Spanish.

Spanish has also contributed to the formation of Anagó sentence structure.

Sentence construction in the Anagó language follows a similar pattern to that which is

found in bozal speech patterns. John Lipski (1987) has defined bozal as “Spanish spoken

imperfectly by slaves born in Africa”.19 He has stated that the influence of the African on

Spanish language in the Americas is “indisputable.”20 He examined the bozal speech

feature of sentence construction ta+ the infinitive verb form in various Afro-Hispanic

dialects such as Colombian palanquero21, Papiamentu22 and nineteenth century Cuban

and Puerto Rican bozal and has found many parallel features.23 The ta + the infinitive

feature is also found in Anagó. Example eight from a 1937 manuscript shows the +ta

form being used in Anagó sentences.24

(8a)
Cucúnducú ‘ta áro

/ku ku ndu ku ta a ro/

The mulata is sick

(8b)
Cuando omorde tá cuelé-cuelé, bobo madé que tayo con ilé ofé y sodaque
/kuan do omo or d e ta kue le kue le, gbo gbo ma de ke ta jo kon i le o fe i so da kə/
When everyone is speaking it is better to watch and be quiet

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Sentence (8b) in the above example shows not only ta + infinitive, but also code-

switching, the substitution of Spanish words for Anagó words. The Spanish words have

been written in bold italics.

The above examples show the influence of Spanish on Yoruba in the formation of

Anagó. This thesis has also found evidence that Yoruba dialects have influenced Anagó

as well. In other words, Anagó was not created from one version of Yoruba, but from

many. As stated earlier six or more Yoruba dialects were identified as components of the

early Anagó speaking community. Remnants of these dialects are present in phonemes in

the Anagó lexicon. Castellanos and Castellanos noted that that the shift from the Yoruba

sound /š/ to the Spanish sound /č/ was the result of “a powerful Castilian (Spanish)

influence.”25 See example nine.

(9a)
Yoruba Ṣango /ša ŋo/ (Yoruba deity and King of Oyó)

Anagó Chango /ča ŋo/ (Yoruba deity, Orisha of fire)

(9b)
Yoruba Aṣe /A še/ (may it happen)

Anagó Aché /A če/ (may it happen, Amen, blessing)

(9c)
Yoruba Aṣo /A šo/ (cloth)

Anagó Achó /A čo/ (cloth, clothing)

There may be another explanation for the use of /č/ instead of /š/ in Anagó speech.

The earliest recording of Anagó speech was done in the late 1950s by Lydia Cabrera.26

Upon hearing these recordings, Wande Abimbola (1997), an expert on Yoruba religious

history and texts and a native Yoruba speaker, was able to identify the regional origin of

74
these songs and prayers. He stated that the language revealed the lead voice to be using a

dialect of the Egbado region which he recognized in words using the /č/ phoneme as

opposed to the standard Yoruba /š/. “It is the dialect of the whole of the western part of

Yoruba land, from Sakí, Ìsẹ́yìn, Ìbàràpá, Ẹ̀gbádò and Kétu, where they make use of the

/č/. We call most of these dialects Ònkò. Also some of their vowels are nasalized in a

way that is distinct from standard Yorùbá”.27 It is very likely that there are other songs

and prayers that have preserved distinct dialectical features of the various Yoruba

speaking ethnic groups that comprise the Anagó speaking community. The presence of

Yoruba dialectical features in Anagó would suggest that more research should be done to

find other influences in the creation of Anagó and perhaps trace the presence of specific

Yoruba dialects. Some of these dialects may have declined on the continent as a result of

the process of Yoruba standardization that began in 1838.

In addition to the presence of the /č/ phoneme, which is a marker of a Western

Yoruba dialect, research conducted as part of this thesis revealed further evidence of a

Western Yoruba dialect in Anagó. During in-person interviews conducted as part of my

thesis Chief Kola Abiola identified the origin of certain song texts as being from the

Egbado area of Yoruba land. The Egbado area of West Africa is the same area where

Abimbola localized the /č/ phoneme. Chief Kola was able to identify the origin of the

song from its cadence, which had the distinct sound of the Egbado people.28 On the basis

of the above evidence, Anagó should be considered to have evolved via the consolidation

of a number of Yoruba dialects as well as through contact with Spanish.

The Anagó speaking community preserved many songs, prayers and chants that

are used in Lucumí ceremony. The Egbado ethnic group has been identified by David H.

75
Brown (2003) as one of the principal contributors to that corpus but he has also

documented Oyó based contributions as well as Arará and Yesá ethnic group traditional

songs and prayers. 29 If the literary corpus of songs, prayers and chants utilized by the

Anagó speaking community has retained such a well defined indication of ethnic identity

and origin, then it is safe to say that the dialects associated with those groups are present

in the Anagó language. If so, ethnic groups such as Egbado, Oyó, Yesá and others

identified by Castellanos and Castellanos in their study on the linguistic and ethnologic

roots of Cuban blacks would have left evidence either in phonetic or lexical form. The

ethnic roots of Cuban black as they relate to Anagó is an area of investigation that would

be beneficial to explore because it may unveil evidence that will more fully describe the

ethnic makeup of the early Anagó speaking community.

Classifying Anagó Speakers as Bilingual

Castellanos states that the relationship between Lucumí and Spanish does not

follow any of the established rules for diglossia and may be better defined as a

“superimposed bilingualism, because it is learned in the context of religious instruction

and is not the native language of any of the speakers”30 Standard linguistic models of

bilingualism do not sufficiently address the unique characteristics of the Anagó language

community. Bilingual models that rate first and second languages by qualitative

comparisons of word usage in conversation will not be able to assess the importance of

Anagó within its community. A fluent speaker of Anagó may never use Anagó in normal

conversation, yet be able to participate fully during Lucumí ritual using Anagó and

Spanish. Defining the Anagó speaker as bilingual may be difficult. Can a speaker with a

compartmentalized usage of a second language be classified as bilingual? My thesis is

76
not designed to measure whether the Anagó language community would be considered a

bilingual community. But I was able to document that Anagó speakers do code-switch

when their knowledge of Anagó prayers are incomplete. Anagó speakers in Cuba were

observed inserting Spanish words into Anagó prayers, as well as reciting prayers in

Spanish with Anagó words inserted for emphasis. During interviews conducted for this

thesis, three informants used code-switching during conversations about Anagó song

translations. Although Anagó is not used in general conversation and after the turn of the

century it can better be described as a ritual language, there is a multi-national

community that relied on Anagó for religion specific discourse. The question of

bilingualism during ritual speech is not within the scope of this thesis; however this line

of investigation would most likely benefit from a quantitative analysis.

Interview Analysis

Research conducted for my thesis included four in-person interviews with Anagó

speakers. The four Anagó speakers were shown ten traditional Anagó songs and asked

two questions:

1. Have you ever heard this song?

2. Do you know the meaning of this song?

In order to create a comparative scale, the speakers’ answers to these questions were

rated as a bi-partate value with a maximum of .5 for each question (see appendix four).

Scoring a perfect response for familiarity and interpretation of a song would result in a

value of one making the total for ten songs a perfect score of ten. Although the sample

size for this study was small, and therefore cannot be used for quantitative analysis, it can

77
be considered as a proto-type for future studies. The informants for my study included

three Anagó speakers and one fluent speaker of Yoruba. All of the informants in this

study had a high level of knowledge of Lucumí tradition. On the comparative scale used

in this thesis (with ten being a perfect score) the three Anagó speakers results were 9.1,

8.8 and 8.4 and the Yoruba speaker’s result was 6.7 (see appendix five). The findings of

the present thesis could be expanded, and would benefit by future studies if and when

travel to Cuba becomes possible.

End Notes

1
Phoneme- the smallest unit of language, a word is composed of segments called phonemes.
2
David L. Olmsted, “Comparative Notes on Yoruba and Lucumí.” Journal of the Linguistic
Society of America. Vol 29. no.2 (1953), 161.
3
Agglutinating language- a language where each component of a word corresponds to a single
meaning, the meaning of a word changes based on what is added to it not by internal changes in
the root word.
4
Akintan, History Yorùbá Language,1.
5
Stress - emphasis given to certain syllables of a word, also known as accent, or lexical stress.
6
Fusional languages will change the meaning of words by altering the root word, In Spanish the
verb, comer- to eat, will change meaning as the root form is changed as in comí - I ate.
7
William Bascom, “The Focus of Cuban Santeria.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 6.1
(1950): 64.
8
Olmsted used the term Lucumí to refer to the Anagó language.
9
A cognate match is a word that means the same thing in two different languages, the word soap
in English and Jabón in Spanish are cognate matches. The word white in English and fúnfún in
Anagó are cognate matches.
10
Olmsted, Comparative Notes,160.
11
Ibid.,161.
12
Ibid.,163.

78
13
Jorge and Isabel Castellanos, “The Geographic, Ethnologic, and Linguistic Roots of Cuban
Blacks”, Cuban Studies. 17 (1987): 102.
14
Joseph Greenberg, “Studies in African Linguistic Classification: I The Niger-Congo Family”
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol 5 No. 2 ( Summer 1949), 85.
15
Castellanos, Geographic, Ethnologic Roots, 102.
16
Dialect continuum - was defined by Leonard Bloomfield(1977) as a range of dialects that are
spoken in a geographic area, these dialects will not vary greatly in neighboring areas but as the
boundaries extend outward there will be greater variations, until the two forms become
unintelligible. Yoruba has been referred to as a dialect continuum because it is composed of a
collection of dialects, with standard Yoruba being an independent member of the Yoruba dialect
cluster.
17
E.A. Akintan, The History and Structure of the Yoruba Language. (Lagos: Oluseji Press, 1950),
1.
18
See Leonard Bloomfield, An Introduction to the Study of Language pp 28—291 for a complete
account of the development of “favored” language status from a dialectical form.
19
John Lipsky, “On the Construction ta + Infinitive in Caribbean Bozal Spanish”, Romance
Philology Vol XL, No. 4, (1987), 431.
20
John Lipsky, “Contactos hispanos-africanos en el Africa ecuatorial y su importancia para la
fonética del Caribe hispano” Studies in Carbbean Spanish Dialectology,Eds Robert M.
Hammond, Melvyn C. Resnick, (Washington: Georgetown University Press, 1988), 50.
21
An Afro-Columbian language.
22
Papiamentu - A language spoken in the Caribbean which has official status on the islands of
Aruba and Curaçao.
23
Lipsky, ta+infinitive, 443.
24
Cuban Heritage Collection University of Miami Lydia Cabrera Papers box 18 folder # 1.
25
una poderosa influencia del castellano Isabel Castellanos and Jorge Castellanos “Las
Religiones y Las Lenguas in Cultura AfroCubana 3.” Ediciones Universales, (1992): 296.
26
Havana & Matanzas, Cuba ca. 1957: Batá, Bembé and Palo Songs from the historic recordings
of Lydia Cabrera and Josefina Tarafa. Smithsonian Folkways SFW 40-434.
27
Wande Abimbola, Ifa will Mend Our Broken World. (Houston: AIM books, 1997),145.
28
Kola Abiola,Personal interview. London, England, March 2012. Digital recording.
29
Arará song and chants are part of the Lucumí ritual corpus and are attributed to the Benin ethnic
group, The Yesá are part of the Yoruba sub-family.

79
30
Jorge and Isabel Castellanos, “The Geographic, Ethnologic, and Linguistic Roots of Cuban
Blacks”, Cuban Studies. 17 (1987), 70.

80
 Chapter V

The preceding chapters have explored the process by which the Anagó language

community was established in Cuba. It has been acknowledged that the community of

Anagó speakers was created in Cuba as a result of the slave trade and that a large group

of Yoruba speakers arrived to Cuba in the mid-nineteenth century. This group arrived to

Cuba right before the Yoruba language was captured into a standard written form in

1856. Therefore, these speakers brought dialectical versions of Yoruba, based on their

ethnic origins and these dialectical forms were the foundation of Anagó. This fact has

established one of the tenants of this thesis -- language contact between dialects occurred

in conjunction with the more obvious Spanish language contact. Anagó shows evidence

of both events; it has retained the character of some Yoruba dialects as well as features of

the Spanish language.

Motivations for Language Preservation

The following section will examine possible motivations or underlying reasons

why the Anagó language community was so successful at retaining its ritual language.

Considering the fact that Yoruba speakers were brought to many areas during the trans-

Atlantic slave trade, why was Cuba more successful in producing a new dialect? Similar

conditions existed in Trinidad, yet no new dialectical form of Yoruba has been identified

there. In fact, based on the research done by Maureen Warner-Lewis (1994, 1997), the

Yoruba language community in Trinidad has retained an abbreviated religious lexicon

and a more traditional version of Yoruba.

81
 Warner-Lewis has examined the retention of Yoruba language in Trinidad, which

she calls Trinidad Yoruba. Her assessment as to why so many Yoruba speakers were

present in the late nineteenth century trans-Atlantic slave trade so as to create a stable

new world Yoruba speaking community in Trinidad is comparable to the assessment

presented in this thesis for the Cuban case. An unsettled situation brought about by

political upheaval lent itself to the economic exploitation of captive humans, many of

whom were Yoruba speakers.1 In Trinidad, the social structures that gave protection to

chants, songs, dirges and the like, was not as developed as in Cuba, however

intergenerational exchange within families was present. Warner-Lewis found that the

Yoruba language in Trinidad is largely a mnemonic language competence based on a

corpus generated by formerly active Yoruba language users. The main vehicle for

language transmission is song which is confined to religious ritual and funeral dirges. At

the same time, her research uncovered that in Trinidad there did exist further competence

in Yoruba discourse which extended beyond sacred topics and functions.2 Warner-Lewis

observed a number of factors that led to modification in pronunciation and interpretation

such as “the disappearance of certain social and religious institutions in the new

locale…[and] a decline in the original complex divination rituals.”3 The lack of social

structures such as the cabildo de nación and the casa-templo has made the majority of

evidence for Yoruba language retention to be found in entertainment or work-

accompaniment songs. Warner-Lewis does note that what remains of religious chant has

survived due to the vitality of the Shango4 religion.5 Shango religion in Trinidad does not

have the complexity of Lucumí tradition in that it focuses on the worship on one deity,

Shango. This deified king was the main political and spiritual deity of the deposed

82
Yoruba capitol, Oyó. “In Trinidad, as in northeastern Brazil, Shango is the name of the

cult in which the Yoruba gods, known as “powers,” are worshipped.” 6

Warner-Lewis’ study translated and reconstructed these Yoruba songs. Apart

from whatever the actual pronunciation was on the original recorded texts, the

transcription is presented in grammatically correct Yoruba. She employed the assistance

of a phonologist and other linguistic and cultural specialists to produce “textually

cohesive renditions” by “exploring the multilayered sound and semantic play yielded by

these literary artifacts.”7 As a result of this action there is no way to ascertain from the

texts if there was a cohesive Trinidad Yoruba dialectical form such as we find in Cuba, or

if the retention was strongly tonalized similar to its original form. All of the texts are

presented with contemporary Yoruba diacritical accent marks. Only a review of the

original recordings could reveal this information.

This information is relevant to the following discussion because Warner-Lewis

identified the same underlying motivation for language retention as has been identified by

this thesis. Speakers are highly motivated to retain their language, even when the multi-

layered historical and cultural meanings have become scarce because of generational

language loss, language-contact and dilution of an ethnic identity.8 Language loyalty is

upheld because of the communal belief that mystic power invests African languages.

Such belief permeates the community with universal religious ideas about the creative

and generally enabling potency of speech.9 This concept of the power of speech is crucial

to understanding the common motivation shared by all members of the Yoruba-Anagó

speaking community across the diaspora and ethnic borders.

83
 Isabel Castellanos (1976) identifies this point as follows, “In ritual events, words

and actions are inextricably bound together and the utterance of words is part of the ritual

action.”10 Anthropological linguists, such as Leach (1966) and Tambiah (1968) have

found that speech is so important to ritual, the two are almost inseparable. The words and

the rite are not disparate; the performance of ritual speech is itself the ritual. Castellanos

rightly notes that the members of Afro-Cuban religious sects deeply believe in the

efficacy of the spoken word.11 These observations can help to explain why in every stage

in the development of the Anagó speaking community, from their arrival as enslaved

Yoruba speakers, to their dispersion and extension across new world communities of

varied ethnic composition, their vocabulary has been carefully preserved. Simply put, for

the Lucumí practitioner, words are sacred.

The desire of speakers whether individual or communal, to preserve their

language may be stronger than transitory institutional constructs or historical events. This

desire may explain why no one institution or event can be credited as being the vehicle

for continuity for Anagó speakers, rather, the motivation for lexical preservation adapted

to any form presented to it. Here is an example of a language process, to which Salikoko

Mufwene (2001) alludes to when he stated that languages should be noted to have always

been in an ecological motion of change not solely due to contact. He discusses the role of

innovation and survival of idiolects when there is no language contact, or the “distinction

between internally and externally motivated changes.”12 These prayers were important

and transmitted essential elements of West African thought. A belief in the veneration of

the ancestors that was shared across all ethnic groups and ethnic divisions took second

position to the survival of an important construct. Internal factors based on the

84
individual’s desire to preserve heavily concept laden words may be an invisible

component that makes external forms such as cabildos and casa-templos function

uniformly in maintaining a language community.

The Power of Speech -- Bara

Yoruba speakers brought many West African concepts with them that have

survived in Cuba and the diaspora. One of these is the concept of spiritual power --

aché,13 which is related to the concept of the power of speech—bara.14 Olaoluwa Fasadé

states, “Within the belief system of Yoruba culture, there is the overwhelming belief in

the divine power of the word…bara is the power of creative speech. Bara is the power

that sets life force (ase) in motion.”15 The corresponding Yoruba term is ofo’ṣe 16

meaning "the power of making events to happen through utterance.” 17 The idea of sound

being sacred is common to many cultures. The fundamental importance of sound, the

absolutely irreplaceable nature of certain words for Lucumí rituals to function has given

Anagó language a preferred position for cultural retention. Bara is intrinsically tied to

another essential concept -- aché -- which is another important West African concept that

as a result of transculturalism has become a part of Cuban culture. The Yoruba-Lucumí

notion of aché is similar to the Chinese concept of Qi18 or the indigenous Pacific Islander

concept of mana,19 a life force that animates all living beings. The German ethnologist

Leo Frobenius (1873-1938) was the first scientist who recognized the Yoruba concept of

aché which he defined as a life-force of mystic character inherent in gods and man.20

Roland Hallgren (1995) has stated that the ultimate definition of Yoruba aché has yet to

be elucidated but identifies the principal investigators as Pierre Verger and Wande

Abimbola.21 The relation between words and aché has been described as follows, “Ritual

85
instruments as well as ritual words are full of authority, [and] you have to handle them

carefully. They are forces of authority.”22 From his personal studies in Nigeria (including

on-the-street interviews with common people as well as priests) and a comparative

review of ethnographic and academic literature, Hallgren concludes that “Àṣẹ is the

dominant power of an uttered order. Such an order proves its power by being efficacious.

Àṣẹ is a combination of letters forming a sound that connotes the spoken word has

power.”23 The Yoruba person who follows traditional religion and the new world Lucumí

practitioner equally believe that bara, the word, holds a life force -- aché. This fact is

important to this thesis because it establishes that speakers were highly motivated to

preserve their language. If the power of speech is a fundamental rule of ritual, the

conservation of unique ritually-specific lexemes becomes a communal goal.

The belief in the power of speech may explain why nineteenth century Afro-

Cubans diligently passed hand written libretas down through generations of religious

families, and why a privileged class of babalawos in the 1950s collected hundreds of

prayers, songs, refrains and folktales from members of the community who had direct

memories of their African elders and diligently passed these books through an informal

network of priests in Cuba and Miami. Knowledge contained in these Anagó texts was so

important that Pedro Arango became a successful “information broker” of Lucumí ritual

knowledge.

Members of the Lucumí religious community who have retained a large Anagó

vocabulary have a higher status. A prayer in Spanish does not have the same status as a

prayer in Anagó. Prayers in Anagó will invoke the correct response from the community

during call and response ritual song, and therefore are passed on. Anagó prayers have a

86
position of prestige within the Lucumí speech community but not in the general Spanish

speaking community. “In the Afro-Cuban speech community, the relative prestige of

Lucumí and Spanish is in an ambiguous or even conflictive situation…for members of

Afro-Cuban sects its is prestigious to know Lucumí since fluency in this language is

associated with wisdom and deep religious knowledge.”24 Higher status for sacred ritual

language, even when it is not completely understood by the congregation, is not unique to

Lucumí ritual. It is much like Latin in Catholicism used to be. However Latin would

always have a higher prestige whereas Anagó only temporarily has prestige within the

community of Anagó speakers during ritual actions and ceremonies. This is because

Anagó is identified with a lower social class and therefore may also stigmatize the

speaker creating tension.25 Therefore within a limited community, such as during a ritual,

Anagó temporarily ascends to a higher position, and Spanish which is the dominant

language, becomes the low variety. This makes the classification of Anagó speakers

difficult in terms of diglossia or bilingualism.

Within the speech community there are contradictory forces acting upon the

speakers. Anagó may be a prestige language within the religious community but outside

of that community, it has no status. In contrast, for the believer, the essential concept of

the power of speech remains a motivating factor for the Anagó speaker to retain their

language. Many religions utilize prayer and song to worship their deity or deities. For

some, there are also metaphysical or even supernatural qualities attributed to words,

sound and utterances. Lucumí tradition has this West African element in its practice and

because of this religious component Anagó language has been afforded a privileged place

87
in the tradition. The importance of the power of the word, called bara, is undoubtedly a

motivating factor in the preservation of this language.

The concept of bara and the privileged position of the word in Lucumí ritual has

in turn endowed certain Anagó speakers with a prestigious position within the

community. This position has created pockets of language concentration sectors of the

Lucumí community that have a greater retention of language, as well as a greater

understanding of the significance. These positions of prestige are completely dependent

on the level of Anagó language ability. These language dependant positions are the

akpuon26 and the obá oriáte.27

The Akpuon and Obá Oriáte, Key Transmitters of Ritual Language

The Anagó speaking community is a religious community which has a

hierarchical structure, so certain individuals have more responsibility than others in the

correct transmission of religious lexicon. There are two positions, which are most imbued

with this power, the akpuon and the obá oriate. The akpuon is the master of songs who

must lead the congregation during drumming celebrations and other public ceremonies.

The akpuon may also be a master drummer known as omo anya,28 in which case he will

be equally skilled in the playing of sacred rhythms on the bata drum. The bata drum is an

hourglass shaped drum, of Yoruba origin, which Ortiz fully documented in his book Los

Instrumentos de la Música Afrocubana (The Instruments of Afro-Cuban Music) in 1954.

The relationship of bata tone language and Anagó song is complex, certainly warranting

its own study, as the tonal nature of Yoruba is reproduced by the different drum sounds to

imitate sacred speech. Because of this, the drums in Afro-Cuban religious tradition are

88
said to “talk”. Some research has been done in this area by Kenneth Schweitzer (2003),

but this is mostly from the perspective of ethnomusicology, not language. A linguistic

perspective or multi-disciplinary approach may show that Anagó was assisted in the

retention of phonological elements because of the relationship to tonal Yoruba drum

expression, however no studies have been done as of yet. The akpuon/omo-anya, is a

male-only position; females are not allowed to touch the sacred drums, although they are

allowed to sing with them. The akpuon holds a prestigious position and a very public one

and literally is a broadcaster of Anagó language. The akpuon must learn thousands of

songs and know correct application and the significance of the song in order to create a

proper ceremonial experience. The akpuon is specifically charged with directing the

correct invocation to invite the participation of the orisha during public ceremony. These

songs and invocations must be done in Anagó, any akpuon who lapses into bozal or

Spanish would be considered incompetent.

Examples of Anagó song and ritual language used in this study have been

collected from knowledgeable Anagó akpuon and obá oriátes, via digital recordings, field

notes, interviews, video transcriptions, cassette recordings, and direct oral transmission

from 1992 to the present day. A qualitative review of these samples has contributed to the

findings of this thesis. This study has directly benefitted from some of the greatest

akpuon of all time including Maestro Lazaro Galaragga in Los Angeles, Lazaro Pedroso

Ogun Tolu (Ogun gave me the power of the drum/town) of Havana, and Amelia Pedroso

Olo mide (the owner of water has given me a crown) ibaye.29 Other exceptional akpuon

such as Marta Galaragga Obá nire (king of good luck), Nioli Obá Nile (king of the

house), Renecito Celgreñas and Maikel de Leon have also contributed songs and prayers

89
with corresponding translations. In this thesis, the collection of Anagó speech in song,

prayers and chants includes four directed interviews using ten Anagó songs as models to

test familiarity and comprehension. See appendix four. Approximately 60% of interviews

and field notes were from Lucumí akpuon, the remaining interviews and field notes were

from obá oriátes.

Compared to the akpuon, the obá oriate occupies a more private position in the

community; however some extraordinary obá oriátes are akpuon and omo-anya as well.

One such individual, Michel Madrazo Obá ni Koso (the king did not hang) in Matanzas,

made significant contributions to this study. The obá oriáte is charged with knowing

complete song and chants corpus, refrains of Odun30 and all ritual actions to construct

initiations and other rituals that accompany Lucumí theology. The obá will memorize

thousands of oriki (praise prayer), súyeres (chanted prayer), orin (song) and refránes

(refrain) and must know the meaning, order and placement of each one, or will be

considered incompetent by the community. The position of obá oriáte was previously

open to males and females; however a surge of fundamentalist conservatism in the 1990s

caused women to be excluded from this position. At the present time males outnumber

females in a ratio of about 100 to 1; there are only five women in the world who are

functioning as obá oriáte. This study has benefitted from the information provided by one

of them, Gladys Quiroga Delgado Omi Toke (water touches the base of the mountain), as

well as from one of her teachers, Wagner Barreto Aladé Jinmí (a crown was given to me).

Because this study focused on Anagó speakers who hold a high level of prestige

and responsibility in the community, there was a correspondingly high level of semantic

knowledge found in all of the interviews. Every informant questioned could provide

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substantial information about the content and correct application of the songs in the

sample. These speakers possessed a high level of ritual register which is a means of

delineating expert knowledge and social or sacred power.”31 All of the interviews and

examples used in this study came from individuals who hold this high position.

Research done for my thesis has shown that akpuon and obá oriátes are

meticulously aware of the semantic content of the songs and verses they sing, although

they do not always agree with each other on that content. This causes conflicting

information for the community, yet these semantic interpretations are somehow able to

co-exist without causing complete disorder. What this study focuses on is not the fact

that there may be contradictory interpretations, but that the action of preserving an

interpretation is operative. All obás and akpuon make a supreme effort to understand the

significance of what they are saying, and to accurately reproduce the sounds. The ability

to be fluent in Anagó is one quality that distinguishes them from other members in the

community.

My study has documented many instances of akpuon with a high level of

semantic knowledge and meticulous attention to the details. For example, in 1998 in

Barrio32 Jesús Maria in Havana, a well known akpuon in the casa-templo of Amelia

Pedroso, exhibited a high level of fluency in Anagó and was able to recite from memory

over one hundred songs with their meaning in Spanish.33 He explained how the akpuon

can alter songs by changing one term in order to fit the appropriate situation. One word

changes the meaning of the entire song and the akpuon must be able to apply it correctly.

The very detailed knowledge required to make this type of word substitution should

directly negate claims that Lucumí practitioners do not know the meaning of what they

91
are singing.34 A single word shift will result in a different invocational intent to that

orisha. The akpuon must know when to make this subtle word substitution. Research

done for this thesis clearly shows that this level of discourse was not simply a mnemonic

repetition of phrases and that there was a consistently high level of ritual register.

Further evidence of this type of high ritual register came from Maestro Lazaro

Galarraga who explained the meaning of more than 500 songs during a three year

transcription/translation project conducted by Professor Michael Spiro of Indiana

University. Maestro Galarraga explained that many songs have more than one correct

expression. The skilled akpuon has to exhibit elaborate fine tuning during the

performance of these songs in order to respond to ritual action as well as possible

challenges from other akpuon. Maestro Galarraga emphasized that ritual song was

important because the act of playing drums and singing was purposeful and that this was

being lost in today’s environment. Galarraga and other akpuon effortlessly switch

between Spanish and Anagó. He elaborated on the meaning of ritual song as follows,

“iche ni a sara ma wo eh, [means] come to work, you are calling the orisha because…

when you play [a tambour]35 for the orisha… [it is not] to have a party, people are

mistaken, the tambour is not a party, it is for a specific reason, to do an ebó (offering) or

because the orisha asked for it, or for your stability or something.”36 Maestro Galarraga

expressed that transmission of ritual song in communities is purposeful and vital and the

akpuon has a position of responsibility in the accurate transmission of those songs.

The transmission of sacred knowledge is taken very seriously by Anagó speakers.

In Matanzas, Cuba in 2009, during an interview with Miriam Licea Jimenez Ochun

Migua (Ochun should arrive), while relating a story about an annual communal worship

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done at the edge of the ocean, she stopped to express to all in the room the importance of

recalling and recording events and circumstances of Lucumí traditions. “This is a story

that I have told before, but the problem is you all don’t pay attention, so don’t confuse

yourselves, we are not eternal, everyone will die one day, and I speak so that you all who

will remain will know and remember this story.”37 Miriam is a direct religious descendant

of the famous iyalocha Fermina Gomez, who is credited with establishing the worship of

Olokun (orisha of the ocean) in Cuba.38 Fermina’s casa-templo carries the Egbado

tradition which still has a strong presence in Matanzas. The establishment of Olokun

worship, a deity that originates in the Egbado area of Yoruba land, is another example of

concrete evidence that ethnic identity has been preserved in Lucumí tradition even to the

present day.

Jorge Morales Rodriguez Ogun Lana (Oggun is power) ibaye, a well known obá

oriáte from La Vibora, in Havana, would often illustrate the various advices given in the

itá39 of the novice priest with songs which re-enforced the divinatory message. In 2009 in

Matanzas, during one such itá, Jorge stopped and began to sing a song to Ochun to

illustrate the message given during the divination. He interrupted his own rendition of the

song to translate. “This is where Ochun takes off the shackles of slavery because she

cannot stand to be imprisoned anymore.”40 Jorge, like the skilled akpuon, will move

from Spanish to Anagó seamlessly within a sentence. This ability gave him the highest

level of status in the community.

Jorge explained the origin of the Orisha Agallu (volcano) by translating a rezo-

cantado (song-prayer) during an interview in 2007. During this explanation Jorge moved

effortlessly between Spanish and Anagó and exhibited a high level of ritual knowledge.41

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See appendix six. His explanation was a testament to the importance of original Anagó

words being used to transmit cultural and religious concepts. Certain words must be said

in Anagó in order for the ritual contract to proceed. These words cannot be substituted by

Spanish equivalents because they are too charged with historical meaning or they possess

a sound quality that provides additional information to the listener. For example the

Anagó word alagwa lagwa (respected elder). The speaker can repeat the final syllable

(lagwa) up to three or four times for emphasis thus rendering higher praise upon the

orisha. As this often occurs during a sung prayer, the variation and intonation of the

repetition will also create a deeper meaning for the congregation. Repetition of words for

emphasis is common in the Yoruba language and this tradition has continued in Anagó.

An obá oriáte must know the meaning of the songs in order to apply them

correctly during ritual, and to give a unique version that demonstrates their knowledge.

Most prayer chants, follow a similar form but every obá has a personal version which

contain the basic required elements along with his particular innovation. Certain terms

must be present in Anagó for a prayer to be acceptable. The prayer chant for Yemalla

(Orisha of the Ocean) has to contain alagwa lagwa as well as a la ko uro kowa kowa,

(will you come to the earth to be with us), in order to be considered traditional because

these are markers of knowledge and essential elements that define that particular Orisha.

The permissive form of the prayer chants which allows a degree of improvisation,

has given highly skilled akpuon the ability to create new versions of the standard prayers.

This has given vitality to the language. Most of the Anagó rezo-cantado follow a standard

form and are meticulously passed down from teacher to student. Matanzas and Havana

have distinct styles and the former has preserved Egbado and Arará versions which often

94
lead to differences of opinion about which one is the most correct. The rezo-cantado is a

vehicle for language preservation and has functioned successfully in retaining ethnic

identity. Anagó speakers can still identify whether these prayer chants are of Oyó,

Egbado, Yesa or Arará origin.

In the quest for the highest pinnacle of traditional prayer, some Lucumí scholars

have arrived to similar conclusions; Anagó is a corrupt and mostly useless form of

Yoruba. John Mason has stated that the textual sources of Anagó prayers in the works of

Lydia Cabrera are of little value and are “a confusing perfusion of run-on, seemingly

repetitive word clusters.”42 Miguel Ramos regards Anagó as archaic and almost

ridiculous because the lack of accenture causes nonsensical results. Ramos states that as a

result of years of separation from native speakers, what was left of the language has been

corrupted and degenerated and that very few Lucumí practitioners can give the exact

meaning of the prayers and songs that they recite.43 Research conducted for this study

found that not to be completely true. Informants in this study consistently translated long

passages of songs, prayers and folktales from Anagó into Spanish. They could make

purposeful additions and adjustments to these traditional forms. Some oba oriátes and

akpuon would effortlessly switch between Anagó and Spanish within the same sentence.

Wande Abimbola author of many books on Yoruba traditions has stated that

Lucumí recordings are impossible to understand and that “the Cubans have lost the

language and literature terribly due to official neglect. They had no convention to

establish Yoruba and standardize it with an alphabet.”44 Abimbola further laments that in

Cuba the Yoruba language is no longer a living language and that the Anagó language

community does not understand its own corpus of songs and chants.45 These opinions

95
come from the perspective of ritual purity. The perspective of this thesis is that languages

should never be compared. Each one is a microcosm of interconnected cultural and

historical events, and is a cognitive process that occurs naturally as a part of the human

experience.

Noam Chomsky (1975) has established that the human species is equipped with a

“mental organ” which makes possible the acquisition of language.46 This “language

faculty” makes possible the knowledge of a language from limited and impoverished

primary linguistic data.47 New dialects emerge from the natural and autonomous process

of language acquisition. Steven Pinker (1994) has stated that language does not shape

thought, language illustrates thought. Language is a way we can “see” how the mind

works, it is an auditory illustration of bio-chemical synapses, a physical representation of

brain-logic.48 This perspective does not allow for the existence of an imperfect language.

Furthermore, Pinker states that “every sentence that a person utters or understands is a

brand-new combination of words appearing for the first time in the history of the

universe.”49 From this perspective, language is continually being invented and the

creation of Anagó is a natural process of evolution not corruption. What can deteriorate,

however, is a community of speakers. My thesis has documented that the Anagó

language community has not disappeared and that it is vitally present today and has left

traceable evidence of its existence since the nineteenth century.

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End Notes

1
Maureen Warner-Lewis Trinidad Yoruba: From Mother Tongue to Memory, (Barbados: The
Press University of the West Indies, 1997),6.
2
Ibid 4.
3
Ibid 10.
4
Shango is the Trinidadian version of the Yoruba cult dedicated to the 4th Alafin (king) of Oyó. In
Cuba this worship is included in the general worship of the Orishas and does not have its own
dedicated cult.
5
Ibid 8.
6
William Bascom, “Shango in the New World.” African and Afro-American Research Institute.
Occasional Publication. (1972): 10.
7
Maureen Warner-Lewis Yoruba Songs of Trinidad. (London: Karnak House, 1994), 1.
8
Warner-Lewis, Mother Tongue, 17.
9
Ibid.
10
Isabel Castellanos The Use of Language in Afro-Cuban Religion, (PhD Diss. Georgetown
University, 1977), ii.
11
Ibid,51.
12
Salikoko Mufwene The Ecology of Language Evolution. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2001),15.
13
Ache- A Lucumí word that means Amen or So be it, and refers to a metaphysical power that
pervades all nature. This word has a variety of orthographic representations depending on the
source. This thesis will use the Anagó spelling which is Ache, but will respect other authors’
spelling, such as aṣe, àṣe, etc when citing.
14
Bara- Lucumí word that relates to the power of speech.
15
Olaoluwa Fasade, The Orisa Says Speak (Orisa ni oro). (New York: Iwas Publishing Co.,
1991),3.
16
Ofo ‘ṣe Yoruba word composed of two parts- ofo [o foh] speech and ‘ṣe [shay] from aṣe [ah
shay] may it be so.
17
Oduyoye, Modupe. The Vocabulary of Yoruba Religious Discourse. Ibadan: Daystar Press,
1971), 207.
18
Qi- the active energy held in all living things.

97
19
Mana- an impersonal life force that resides in all living things.
20
Roland Hallgren “The Vital Force: A Study of Aṣe in the Traditional and Neo-traditional
Culture of the Yoruba People.” Lund Studies in African and Asian Religion 10 (1995), 33.
21
Ibid 2.
22
Ibid 91. From an interview with Chief Àràbà Aworeni Awoyemi high priest of the Yoruba
religion conducted by Hallgren in Ile-Ifẹ̀ in 1992.
23
Ibid 87.
24
Isabel Castellanos The Use of Language in Afro-Cuban Religion, PhD Diss. Georgetown
University, (1977),72.
25
Ibid 72.
26
Akpuon- lead singer in religious ritual in the Lucumí tradition.
27
Obá oriáte- king of the divination mat. A high level Lucumí priest who is responsible for
transmission of scared knowledge and the enactment of proper ritual. The term is often shortened
to Obá.
28
Omo anya- a drummer who has been ritually consecrated to play the sacred bata drums
29
Ibaye- this term is used to give respect to a deceased priest.
30
Odun- a collection of divinatory advices that are expressed through folktales and sayings each
with a moral or message.
31
Kristina Wirtz “Where Obscurity Is A Virtue: The Mystique of Unintelligibility in
Santeria Ritual.” Language & Communication 25 (2005), 353.
32
Barrio- Spanish term meaning neighborhood, it is used to give more specific locations in
Havana and Matanzas as many areas are known more by their barrio designation. Certain barrios
have fame as centers for Lucumí tradition such as Barrio Jesus Maria in Havana and Barrio
Simpson in Matanzas.
33
For example “Eni kawo mada kawo meyo kawo maferelekun fereni oka chon chon awa mi
awade awade l’ orun obátala, was translated as “whoever comes to me for help will never lose
their head, and I will give them strength to continue helping others.” Field notes, in-person
interview, El Gordo, Barrio Jesús Maria Havana Cuba 1998.
34
Certain Anagó words have no direct translation and their use within a song will reference an
historical event. For example without changing any of the other words in a song for the orisha
Asojano (the orisha of disease) the use of osi nana will mark a request to be protected from
epidemics and etu l’ona would refer to a folktale about war between two kings.
35
Tambour- Ceremony of ritual drumming.

98
36
“venga aqui para trabajar, tu estas llamando santo, cuando uno calling the Orisha, es porque..es
mas, cuando you play, nobody plays for party, es un cuento la gente tiene un diferente concepto
que tambour es party, cuando you play es por una razon por un ebó o porque the ocha asking to
you for your stability o something! la gente estan equivocado” Lazaro Galarraga.
37
Field notes interview Miriam Licea Jimenez Versailles, Matanzas 2009.
38
Wille Ramos, La división de la Habana: Territorial Conflict and Cultural Hegemony in the
Followers of Oyo Lukumí- Religion, 1850s-1920s.” Cuban Studies 34 (2003)
39
Itá- A daylong session of advices given to new initiates which are considered to be the direct
messages of the Orisha.
40
The full quote is as folows: “ide wede wede ide ochun ide wede wede, Ocha kini wa dide
Ochun cheke cheke…Aqui esta donde Ochun quita sus cadenas de esclavitud, y las lanza porque
‘no me dejan no me dejan, estoy presa y yo quiero ser libre’ y se quito los cheke cheke y salio.
Field notes Interview Jorge Morales 2009 Versailles Matanzas, Cuba.
41
Field notes Interview Jorge Morales 2009 Versailles Matanzas, Cuba.
42
John Mason, Àdúrà Òrìsà: Prayers for Selected Heads, Brooklyn: Yoruba Theological
Archministry, 2002 iii.
43
Miguel Ramos Orí Eledá mí ó…Si Mi Cabeza No Me Vende. (Miami: Eleda Org. Publications
Kindle Edition, 2011) Loc. 307.
44
Wande Abimbola Ifa will Mend Our Broken World. (Houston: AIM books, 1997), 145.
45
Ibid.
46
Noam Chomsky The Generative Enterprise Revisited (Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter, 2004), 5.
47
Ibid.
48
Steven Pinker The Language Instinct. (New York: William Morrow and Co. Inc. 1994),18.
49
Ibid, 22.

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 Chapter VI

Conclusion

Anagó -- a language that was distilled from multiple dialects of Yoruba in contact

with Spanish, survived in Cuba for four reasons. First, from as early as the seventeenth

century, the community of speakers had many options to remain cohesive; these options

included: cabildos de nación, sociedades de color and casa-templos. Second, key

individuals compiled and transmitted Anagó songs, chants, vocabulary, prayers, refrains

and folktales to members of their own ritual families and to the general community of

Lucumí practitioners. Third, beginning in the early twentieth century folkloric

performances based on de-facto religious texts and ceremonial lore were encouraged in

Afro-Cuban secular expressions. Fourth, the West African concept of sacred speech,

integrated into Lucumí religious thought, made the preservation of correct ritual speech

obligatory for high level priests. These four aspects of Cuban culture illustrate the

conditions that produced a favorable environment for Anagó to emerge which answers

question one posed in the introduction to this thesis.

The community of Anagó speakers was created in Cuba as a result of the slave

trade. The largest group of Yoruba speakers arrived to Cuba in the mid-nineteenth

century. These speakers brought dialectical versions of Yoruba based on their ethnic

origins and these dialectical forms were the foundation of Anagó. Ethnic boundaries in

Africa, whether geographical or social, did not exist in Cuba so ethnic language

communities converged into a multi ethnic Yoruba speaking community. Language

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contact between dialects occurred in conjunction with Spanish language contact, and

Anagó shows evidence of both events.

Lucumí priests who were Anagó speakers were highly motivated to retain ritual

elements because speech is considered sacred in West African religion. This internal

element within the Anagó language community shows that the conditions which

contributed to a favorable environment for Anagó to emerge are not limited to external

social factors. This addresses question two which was posed in the introduction -- were

these conditions limited to external or internal social factors? The akpuon and oba oriáte

held important positions in the religious hierarchy, and were obligated to transmit ritual

language as accurately as possible. Heads of casa-templos known as iyalochas,

babalochas and babalawos also held the responsibility of passing on ritual knowledge

correctly and did so in hand written libretas, typed manuscripts and self-published

manuals. These highly knowledgeable individuals contributed to the ethnographic studies

done by Fernando Ortiz and Lydia Cabrera and were instrumental in Anagó language

being used in folkloric performances and secular music. These individuals made

significant contributions to the preservation of the Anagó language. This addresses

question three stated in the introduction to this thesis -- were there specific events,

individuals, or class of individuals, in the Anagó speaking community who made a

significant contribution to the preservation of the Anagó language?

The study of the Anagó language community, its history and evolution, and the

investigation of some of its linguistic features can contribute to several areas of academic

investigation. In the area of socio-linguistics, the Anagó case can contribute to the study

of bilingualism, language endangerment, language loss and contact linguistics. Future

101
longitudinal studies could shed light on the impact of Anagó language community

expansion across transnational borders, and multi-language contact such as in Anagó

language communities in Europe comprised of French, Spanish and Italian speakers in

contact with Anagó.

A more detailed study of the socio-political aspects of the Anagó language

community may contribute to efforts for revitalization and maintenance. This thesis has

identified that a core characteristic of the Anagó language community is the desire to

preserve and transmit ritual language. This motivation is fueled by the belief that words

have power and that speech can be sacred. This belief will positively impact revitalization

and maintenance efforts because a speaker’s attitude about his/her own language is an

important factor in language preservation.

The Anagó language is a solid example of Ortiz’s concept of transculturation. The

contact between multiple Yoruba dialects and Spanish has resulted in a new language; a

language that did not exist before, a language that is neither Spanish nor Yoruba. This

language is a reflection, or more exactly a projection of its community of speakers. As

the community changed; from enslaved Africans, to free people of color, to Creoles and

Afro-Cubans and onto its present transnational and multi-ethnic composition, the Anagó

language likewise changed, evolved and expanded. Anagó language faithfully represents

its people and the culture that it is a part of.

In the corpus of ethnographic literature regarding African cultural retentions in

Cuban culture, the study of Anagó has demonstrated that even up to the present day

African religious concepts have been preserved. In the religious community ethnic

102
identities remain important. The impact of the trans-Atlantic slave trade on the new world

and the importance of the African element in diaspora music, art and religion, is reflected

in the multi-national Anagó language community.

My thesis challenged the idea that Anagó is a corrupt or imperfect form of

Yoruba. It approached the investigation of Anagó from an anti-prescriptive position and

put forth the idea that Anagó should not be judged in comparison to any language, that it

is the logical outcome of contact between various dialects of the Yoruba language and

Spanish. Documentation of Anagó from the early nineteenth century through the present

day was presented in this thesis as proof-of-life of the Anagó language community.

Disagreements over semantics, conflicting dialectical versions, and orthographic

inconsistency has caused some researchers to underestimate the vitality of this

community. My thesis does not consider those aspects of the Anagó language community

to be negative, and has considered all versions as worthy of investigation because they

are only reflections of the speakers themselves. This is why my thesis considers these

Anagó texts in all their varied forms to be proof-of-life of this community

103
 List of References

Interviews and Field Notes

Abiola, Kola. Personal interview. London, England, March 2012. Digital recording.
Alonzo, Eduardo. Ogbefunfunlo. Personal interview. Diez de Octubre, Havana. April
2007. Digital recording, video, field notes.
Arce, Cristobal. Personal interview. Lawton, Havana, August 2000. Field notes
Barreto, Wagner. Alade Jinmi Personal interview. Caracas, Venezuela, May 2011. Digital
recording.
Calderón, Magdelena. Omi Llale (wate perfects me). Personal interview. Versailles,
Matanzas, June 2010. Digital recordings, video, field notes.
Cartaya, Sonia. Ododo Ou.(the flower of the cotton) Personal interview. Versailles,
Matanzas, June 2010. Digital recordings, video, field notes.
Celgreñas, Rene. Renecito Eleggua. Personal interview. Versailles, Matanzas, March,
May 2009. Digital recordings, video, field notes.
De Leon, Maikel. Personal interview. Simpson, Matanzas, June 2008, April 2009;
Versailles, Matanzas, June 2010. Digital recording, field notes.
Dominguez, Raul. Kimbo. Personal interview. Versailles, Matanzas, March 2009. Digital
recording, field notes.
Felix Omi kue’lu (water calls the town) Personal interview. Pueblo Nuevo, Matanzas,
March 2008. Digital recording, field notes.
Galarraga, Marta. Oba N’ire.(King of good luck) Personal interview. Paris, France,
March 2012. Digital recording.
Herrera, Reynaldo. Papito Oggun. Personal interview. Versailles, Matanzas, June 2010.
Digital recordings, video, field notes.
Joelito Obatala. Personal interview.Versailles, Matanzas, March 2008. Digital recording,
field notes.
Jimenez, Alida. Sobo S’ire. Personal interview. Versailles, Matanzas, January, 2008;
March, April, May 2009; June 2010. Digital recordings, video, field notes.
Jimenez, Antonico. Personal interview. Versailles, Matanzas, March 2009. Digital
recording, field notes.
Liciea Jimenez, Miriam. Ochun Migua.(Ochun should arrive) Personal interview.
Versailles, Matanzas, January, 2008; March, April, May 2009; June 2010. Digital
recordings, video, field notes.

104
Madrazo, Michel.Oba ni Koso (the King did not hang) Personal interview. Versailles,
Matanzas, January, 2008; March, April, May 2009; June 2010. Digital recordings, video,
field notes.
Mendoza, Ester. Ochun Toche. (Ochun makes all things possible) Personal interview.
Oakland, Ca. December 1992. Cassette recording and field notes.
Nioli Oba Ni’le. (king of the home) Personal interview. Lawton, Havana. March 2001,
February 2004, October 2005. Digital recording, field notes.
Pavel Ofun Nalbe. Personal interview. Diez de Octubre, Havana. April 2007. Digital
recording, field notes.
Pedroso, Amelia. Olomide.( the owner of the water gave me a home) Personal interview.
Barrio Jesus Maria, Havana, August 1998. Field notes. Personal interview. Oakland, Ca.
March 2000. Field notes.
Quiroga Delgado, Gladys. Omi Toke (water touches the base of the mountain) Personal
interview. Caracas,Venezuela, May 2011. Digital recording.
Roberto Ogberosun. Personal interview. La Marina, Matanzas, January 2008. Digital
recordings, video, field notes.
Reynaldo El Gordo. Personal interview. Barrio Jesus Maria, Havana, August 1998.
Cassette recording and field notes.
Rodriguez, Jorge Morales.Oggun lana.(Oggun is power) Personal interview. La Vibora,
Havana. April 2007; La Marina, Matanzas, January, March, June 2008; Versailles,
Matanzas, March, April, May 2009. Digital recordings, field notes.

105
Manuscript Sources

Arango, Pedro. "Gramatica Yoruba Conocida en Cuba por Lucumí." unpublished

manuscript, Habana, Cuba, n.d PDF.
Archivo Historico Nacional (AHN) Censo de Esclavos (1857-1858) Las Villas Y Oriente
Colección Levi Marrero 1-300. 300 pages (1 volume) Bound volume; Manuscript. In 77,
79;SPC Note esclavos pg 6 of catalog # 43, 50
Cancionero Rumbero. unpublished, University of Georgia, New York, 2002, Web
http://cancionerorumbero.blogspot.com/
Fernandez Robaina, Tomas. Interview. March 3 1993 Ivor Miller Papers. Amherst
College Archives, Special Collections.. CD.
Herrera, Reynaldo. “Libreta para Santo” Unpublished manuscript. Copy in possession of
author.
Lopez Zaldivar, Francisca.“Panchita”. Interview. Ivor Miller Papers. Amherst College
Archives, Special Collections. August 9, 1993. CD.
Los Oraculos de Biague y Diloggun typed manuscript, no author, 1959 Habana. Print.
Copy in possession of author.
Morales, Calixta. Odeddeí (the arrow makes the way). Vocabulario Lucumí. Subseries 2:
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Ortiz, Manuel. Interview. 1993. Ivor Miller Papers. Amherst College Archives, Special
Collections. CD.
Pedroso, Amelia. Interview. 1995 Ivor Miller Papers. Amherst College Archives, Special
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“Pucho” Omo Eleggua. Interview. 1993. Ivor Miller Papers. Amherst College Archives,
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“Religiones Africanas: Tratados Sobre el Culto, Rito y Practica Religiosa de las Reglas
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no author, n.d. Copy in possession of author.
Spiro, Michael. Unpublished Manuscript. “Analysis of Traditional Afro-Cuban Texts:
Informant Maestro Lazaro Galarraga” Jacobs School of Music, Indiana University. 2004-
2008. Digital recordings and Print.

106
Printed Primary Sources
Angarica, Nicolas. El Lucumí al Alcance de Todos. Havana: self-published, n.d. Print.
Handbook for International Course of Music and Dance, University of Matanzas “Camilo
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Pedroso, Lazaro “Ogun Tola” Obbedi Cantos a Los Orishas Traducción E Historia.
Havana: Ediciones ARTEX, 1995
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---.Oloddumare Origen y Tradición Lucumí, self-published manuscript 2004
The Book of Diagnosis in Ifa Divination Iwe Ni Iyewo Ni Ifa Orunmila, No. Author,
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Caird Library Archives. National Maritime Museum. London, England.
Diaz Ayala Collection. Green Library, Florida International University, Miami, Fl.
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Ivor Miller Papers. Amherst College Archives and Special Collections, Frost Library,
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Levi Marrero Collection. Green Library Special Collections, Florida International
University,Miami, Fl.
Lydia Cabrera Papers. Cuban History Collection, University of Miami, Miami, Florida.
William R. Bascom Papers 1933-1981. The Bancroft Library, University of California
Berkeley California.

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 Appendices

Appendix One

Joseph Greenburg’s (1949) Classification of African Languages showing Yoruba as

belonging to the Niger Congo Language Family:

Niger-Congo Language Family

Ewe Akan Yoruba Nupe

Diagram of Yoruba language dialects that were identified in Cuba:

Sub Branches of Yoruba Language

Yoruba Egba Ife Ijesha Ekiti Ijebu

Source: Jorge and Isabel Castellanos, “The Geographic, Ethnologic, and Linguistic Roots

of Cuban Blacks”, Cuban Studies. 17 (1987)

117
Appendix Two

Comparison of Yoruba language linguistic groups identified in Africa by Joseph

Greenburg (1949) with Yoruba speaking ethnic groups in Cuba identified by Castellanos

and Castellanos (1987).

Greenburg’s division of Linguistic Castellanos and Castellanos’ division of

groups in Africa Linguistic groups in Cuba

Yoruba Lucumí, Oyó

Egba Egguado, Egbado, Lucumí-Egbado

Ife Fee

Ijesha Yesa, Yeza, Lucumí-Yesa

Ekiti Ekiti

Ijebu Yebú, Lucumí-Yebú

Source: Jorge and Isabel Castellanos, “The Geographic, Ethnologic, and Linguistic

Roots of Cuban Blacks”, Cuban Studies. 17 (1987)

118
Appendix Three

A Comparison of Yoruba and Anagó Phonemes.

Yoruba Anagó Yoruba Anagó Yoruba Anagó

i i kp kp š (ṣ)

e e d d h

ɛ ɛ t t r r

a a j j l l

Ə Ə č w

o o g g y

u u k k m m

b b f f n n

gb gb s s ñ

ŋ ŋ

Source: Jorge and Isabel Castellanos, “The Geographic, Ethnologic, and Linguistic Roots

of Cuban Blacks”, Cuban Studies. 17 (1987)

Appendix Four

The list of Anagó songs with their English translations used in this study during

interviews with Anagó speakers. Research conducted from May 2011 to March 2012.

1)

a) Ichon chon abe i chon chon abe odara ko leri eyo ichon chon abe odara ko leri

eyo baba che mi. (The razor advances, the point on the head like a razor

advances splendidly, we do not want tragedy in our path, father work to help me.)

b) Ago kori oma le kawa olele ago tori oma lekawa fumiye bara nsoro ogodo omo

lowo sire o olele. (Permission of the head to create power, open the world so that I

may walk, man who holds power in speech, who holds prosperity in his hands.)

2)

a) Acho eje ogun de ogun arere kowa ile. (Oggun is clothed in blood, Oggun who

owns blessings enter the home.)

b) Akuko oko ejeun ota kele kele alado ogun mai mai. (The male rooster feeds the

stone, the prince Oggun is enjoying it.)

3) Aya beken bele ko ima ko ima Ayan bekun bele ko ima ko ima wa ile. (Who has fear

should buy a dog. The hungry leopard is stronger than the well rested and well fed

dog.)

4)
 a) Emi nso emi alado nso moni jere miye. (I am the prince owner of the sacred

throne, I speak with power, pounded beans are eaten to give sustenance, I eat for

survival.)

b) Oba do chango kueri oba lado chango kueri oba. (King of the sacred throne we

are calling you to be seated on your throne.)

c) Mo fori nyana moforisole moforisole aku kpa aro awa alado feyi sole. (A good

head knows where to pay homage, I pay homage to the thrower of stones.)

5) Dada ma sunkun mo dada ma binu mo ero ijaye m bo lona. (Dada don’t cry, Dada

we speak on the road for you to be calm.)

6)

a) Oya de mariwo oyansa loro yoko ro. (The sound of the mariwo announces Oya)

b) Oya de o aina oyade iya made che ku be le. (Oya with the crown of fire, Oya

shares the power with death.)

7) Oyigi yigi ota lomi o Ojigi ji ota lomi oyiki yiki awado kuma oyigi jigi otan lo mi.

(The immoveable stone, the ancestors arise from the river-water, we defeat death with

the unbreakable stone from the river.)

8) Ba sien se mi osain youro me ewiwi awa yoroko ewiwi awa tinibu. (The waterfall

incites the King of herbs and plants to arrive and work for us.)

9)
 a) Se kure a laido are mi yeyé wa che o moro refa. (The veil of the river defeats

death, mother come to save us child of prayers brings blessings.)

b) Yeyé yeyeo arideun a dinyale kowsi yeyé o moro efa ariwoyo arideun adinyale

kowo si. (Mother we have your offerings, see the offerings are you coming to

enjoy them.)

c) Dide maro pranga. (Arise and stand with us.)

10) Akere iya mi mo tumba o Yemalla woyo mo tumba o. Yemalla okun moforile akota

awoyo olodo. (Chief-mother we wish to praise you, Yemalla we give praise. Deep

waters we praise the home you have and the power owner of the sacred throne.)
Appendix Five

Results of ritual song interviews conducted for this thesis between May 2011 and March
2012. Scale: each song has a potential to score 1 point based on familiarity (upper score)
and translation (lower score). A perfect score would give a final result of ten.

Song #1 #2 #3 #4 #5 #6 #7 #8 #9 #10

TOTAL

.5 .2 .5 .5 .0 .5 .5 .5 .5 .5

G.Q. 8.4

.5 .5 .5 .5 .0 ..5 .5 .5 .5 .2

.5 .1 .5 .5 .4 .5 .5 .5 .5 .5

W.B 8.8

.5 .2 .5 .5 .2 .5 .5 .5 .5 .4

.5 .5 .5 .5 .0 .5 .5 .5 .5 .5

M.G 9.1

.5 .5 .5 .5 .1 .5 .5 .5 .5 .5

.4 .3 .0 .5 .1 .1 .2 .5 .1 .3

K.A 6.7

.5 .5 .1 .5 .5 .4 .4 .5 .4 .4
Appendix Six

Field notes: Interview Jorge Morales 2009 Versailles Matanzas, Cuba

“Mana Mana Alaguede iwin oricha, porque Agallu nadie lo conocia, y entonces con la

fragua Oggun escarvó la tierra y encontró un hombre encadenado, por eso dice…”

(No one knew who Agallu was and Oggun was working with his forge and began to dig

in the earth and found a man in chains [Agallu] and that is why we say mana mana

alaguede Oggun oricha.”)198

“porque, awgwa lagwa lagwa lagwa, porque es un orisha mayor, porque un oricha

mayor? porque gracias a yemalla nosotros tenemos oricha, porque el otan viene del mar y

el dilogun no mas de ningun otro lugar.. porque Olofi dijó a Yemalla, a la ko uro a la ko

uro a la ko uro kowa kowa, y Yemalla empezó con sus olas a llevar los otanes a la orilla,

y el dilogun.”

(“Why do we say alagwa lagwa, lagwa lagwa?199 Because she is an honored elder

Orisha, and why is she honored? Because thanks to Yemalla we have oricha, because the

otan200 come from the ocean and the dilogun201 come from the ocean …Olofi202 said to

Yemalla a la ko uro a la ko uro a la ko uro kowa kowa203 and Yemalla began with her

waves to carry the otan and dilogun to the edge of beach.

198
Mana mana alaguede Oggun Orisha: mana mana refers to lightning and alaguede to the
blacksmith, an avatar of the Orisha Oggun. The image is a blacksmith working as a lightning bolt
strikes the earth, which opens and reveals a man, chained deep in the earth, who is the Orisha
Agallu.
199
Alagwa lagwa - respected elder.
200
Otan - Sacred stones used in Orisha worship.
201
Dilogun - Cowery shells used in divination.
202
Olofin - Orisha who is considered an aspect of God-in-heaven.
203
a la ko uro a la ko uro a la ko uro kowa kowa - will you come to be with us, implies the action
of the ocean waves on the shore .