Costumes of The Mind. Transvestism As Metaphor in Modern Literature
Costumes of The Mind. Transvestism As Metaphor in Modern Literature
Costumes of The Mind. Transvestism As Metaphor in Modern Literature
in Modern Literature
Sandra M. Gilbert
"There is much to support the view that it is clothes that wear us and not
we them," declared Virginia Woolf in Orlando (1928), adding that "we
may make them take the mould of arm or breast, but [clothes] mould our
hearts, our brains, our tongues to their liking."2 In the same year, how-
ever, W. B. Yeats published a collection of poems that included a very
different, and far more famous, statement about costume: "An aged
man is but a paltry thing, / A tattered coat upon a stick, unless / Soul clap
its hands and sing, and louder sing, / For every tatter in its mortal dress."
Where Woolf's view of clothing implied that costume is inseparable from
identity-indeed, that costume creates identity-Yeats' metaphor, re-
peated often throughout his career, posits a heart's truth which stands
apart from false costumes. For Woolf, we are what we wear, but for
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Yeats, we may, like Lear, have to undo the last button of what we wear in
order to dis-cover and more truly re-cover what we are.
It is not surprising that literary men and women like Yeats and
Woolf should have speculated on the significance of costume, for both
were living in an era when the Industrial Revolution had produced a
corresponding revolution in what we have come to call "fashion."
Though there has always been a tradition of theatricality associated with
the expensive clothing of aristocrats and wealthy merchants as well as a
long literary tradition exploring the implications of transvestism, until
the middle or late nineteenth century most people wore what were
essentially uniforms: garments denoting the one form or single shape to
which each individual's life was confined by birth, by circumstance, by
custom, by decree. Thus the widow's weeds, the peasant's Sunday em-
broidery, the governess' sombre gown, the servant's apron, and the
child's smock were signs of class, age, and occupation as fated and in-
escapable as the judge's robes, the sergeant's stripes, and the nun's
habit.3
With the advent of the spinning jenny and the sewing machine,
common men and women, along with uncommon individuals from
Byron to Baudelaire, began to experience a new vision of the kinds of
costumes available to them and, as a corollary to that vision, a heightened
awareness of the theatrical nature of clothing itself.4 By 1833 Thomas
Carlyle was writing obsessively about the mystical significance of tailor-
ing, and by the 1890sfin de siecle literary circles were dominated by poets
who defined themselves at least in part as dandies, poets whose art in-
3. Lawrence Langner, in The Importanceof Wearing Clothes (New York, 1959), notes
that in ancient Greece "women were not permitted ... to wear more than three garments at
a time. In Rome ... the law restricted peasants to one color, officers to two, commanders to
three. . . . In the reign of Charles IX of France, the ornamentation of clothing was
regulated according to the rank of the wearer, and most of these laws remained in force
until the French Revolution. In England Henry VIII insisted that a countess must wear a
train both before and behind, while those below her in rank might not have this distinc-
tion" (p. 179).
4. The first of Yeats' visionary "Fragments," though probably intended as a comment
on the Industrial Revolution, mythologizes the transformative power of the spinning
jenny: "Locke sank into a swoon; / The Garden died; / God took the spinning-jenny / Out
of his side" (The CollectedPoems of W. B. Yeats [New York, 1955], p. 211).
creasingly concerned itself with style in every sense of the word. In our
own century that literary concern with costume has, of course, con-
tinued, accompanying and in a sense commenting on the rise and fall of
hemlines and governments, houses of fashion and fashions of thought.
There is a striking difference, however, between the ways female
and male modernists define and describe literal or figurative costumes.
Balancing self against mask, true garment against false costume, Yeats
articulates a perception of himself and his place in society that most
other male modernists share, even those who experiment more radically
with costume as metaphor. But female modernists like Woolf, together
with their post-modernist heirs, imagine costumes of the mind with
much greater irony and ambiguity, in part because women's clothing is
more closely connected with the pressures and oppressions of gender
and in part because women have far more to gain from the identification
of costume with self or gender. Because clothing powerfully defines sex
roles, both overt and covert fantasies of transvestism are often associated
with the intensified clothes consciousness expressed by these writers. But
although such imagery is crucially important in works by Joyce, Law-
rence, and Eliot on the one hand, and in works by Barnes, Woolf, and
H. D. on the other, it functions very differently for male modernists
from the way it operates for feminist modernists.
Literary men, working variations upon the traditional dichotomy of
appearance and reality, often oppose false costumes to true clothing.
Sometimes, they oppose costume (seen as false or artificial) to nakedness
(which is true, "natural," and the equivalent of a suitable garment or
guise). Frequently, moreover, they see false costumes as unsexed or
wrongly sexed, transvestite travesties, while true costumes are properly
sexed. In defining such polarities, all are elaborating a deeply con-
servative vision of society both as it is and as it should be, working, that is,
on the assumption that the sociopolitical world should be hierarchical,
orderly, stylized. Often, indeed, in their anxiety about the vertiginous
freedom offered by an age of changing clothes, these men seem nostal-
gic for the old days of uniforms, and so they use costumes in poems and
novels in part to abuse them. Even more important, their obsessive use
of sex-connected costumes suggests that for most male modernists the
hierarchical order of society is and should be a pattern based upon
gender distinctions, since the ultimate reality is in their view the truth of
gender, a truth embodied or clothed in cultural paradigms which all
these writers see as both absolute and Platonically ideal and which the
most prominent among them-Joyce, Lawrence, Yeats, Eliot-
continually seek to revive.
The feminist counterparts of these men, however, not only regard
all clothing as costume, they also define all costume as false. Yet they
don't oppose false costume to "true" nakedness, for to most of these
writers that fundamental sexual self for which, say, Yeats uses nakedness
5. James Joyce, Ulysses(New York, 1934), p. 519; all further citations to this work will
be included in the text.
6. Vern Bullough, Sexual Variancein Societyand History (New York, 1976), pp. 554-55.
7. See, e.g., Carolyn G. Heilbrun, Towarda RecognitionofAndrogyny(New York, 1974),
p. 95, and Suzette Henke,Joyce's Moraculous Sindbook:A Study of Ulysses (Columbus, Ohio,
1978), pp. 7, 93, and 194-97.
For one thing, Bloom's female costume is clearly a sign that he has
wrongly succumbed to "petticoat government" and thus that he has be-
come weak and womanish himself; his clothing tells us, accordingly, not
of his large androgynous soul but of his complete degradation. For
Joyce's parodic narrative implies that to become a female or femalelike is
not only figuratively but literally to be de-graded, to lose one's place in
the preordained hierarchy that patriarchal culture associates with gen-
der. If this is so, however, Joyce is also hinting that to be a woman is
inevitably to be degraded, to be "a thing under the yoke." And certainly
the language of the Nighttown episode supports this depressing notion,
for as Joyce (and all his readers) knew perfectly well, it was not just
Bella/Bello's whores who were "wigged, singed, perfumesprayed,
ricepowdered," shaven, corseted, and "restrained in nettight frocks";
this degrading reality of female costume is in fact the reality at the heart
of the pornography Joyce is parodying in Ulysses.(The sadism associated
with the male/female role reversal in transvestite Victorian pornography
suggests, moreover, that the pornography itself is perversely reversing,
exaggerating, and thereby parodying the male dominance/female sub-
mission that the authors of these works believe to be quite properly
associated with male/female relationships.)
In other words, just as Kate Millett extrapolated a true societal
evaluation of femaleness from the parodic posturings of Jean Genet's
male homosexual transvestites,8 we can extrapolate Joyce's vision of soci-
ety's vision of femaleness from Bloom's degraded androgyny. It is
significant, therefore, that after this episode the traveling salesman re-
turns home and, instead of increasing his commitment to nurturing
wholeness, femaleness, and androgyny, he figuratively, if only tem-
porarily, expels the suitors, gives the "viscous cream" ordinarily reserved
for "his wife Marion's breakfast" to his mysteriously mystical son
Stephen, and asserts his proper male mastery by ordering Molly to bring
him eggs for his own breakfast the next morning. Casting off his false
female costume, he has begun to dis-cover and re-cover his true male
potency, his masterful male self. "From infancy to maturity he had re-
sembled his maternal procreatrix," but from now on he will "increasingly
8. See Kate Millett, Sexual Politics (New York, 1970), pp. 336-61. Discussing Genet,
Millett suggests that "as she minces along a street in the Village, the storm of outrage an
insouciant queen in drag may call down is due to the fact that she is both masculine and
feminine at once--or male, but feminine. [And thus] she has .. . challenged more than the
taboo on homosexuality, she has uncovered what the source of this contempt implies--the
fact that sex role is sex rank" (p. 343). See also Maria Ramas, "Freud's Dora, Dora's
Hysteria: The Negation of a Woman's Rebellion," Feminist Studies (forthcoming), for a
useful analysis of the connections between sex role, sex rank, and sadomasochistic fan-
tasies. "Ultimately," Ramas suggests, "heterosexual desire cannot be separated from what
psychoanalysis terms 'primal scene' phantasies [which] are sado-masochistic in content and
have rigidly defined masculine and feminine positions. They are cultural and are perhaps
the most profound ideology, precisely because they are erotised."
resemble his paternal creator" for he has at last taken his place in a
patrilineal order of success and succession (p. 692).
Bloom's dramatic recovering of power is, however, curiously as-
sociated not only with his repudiation of the female and the female
costume but also with his wearing of that costume. But this is not because
his new power is in any way androgynous. On the contrary, Bloom's
regained authority seems to have been energized by the sort of ritual
sexual inversion that, as Natalie Davis notes, traditionally accompanied
festive misrule. In sixteenth-century France, Davis tells us, the ceremo-
nial functions of such sexual inversion were mostly performed by males
disguised as grotesque cavorting females, and the primary purpose of
their masquerades was usually to reinforce the sexual/social hierarchy.9
Through enacting gender disorder, men and women learned the neces-
sity for male dominant/female submissive sexual order. At the same
time, through a paradoxical yielding to sexual disorder, the male, in
particular, was thought to gain the sexual energy (that is, the potency) he
needed for domination. For since women were traditionally defined as
"the lustier sex"-the sex made for sex-it was only natural, if paradoxi-
cal, that a man could achieve sexual strength by temporarily im-
personating a woman. Through grotesque submission, he would learn
dominance; through misrule, he might learn rule; through a brief ironic
concession to "petticoat government," he would learn not androgynous
wholeness but male mastery.
Moreover, Bloom's revitalized male mastery might not derive just
from the essentially conservative psychodramas of misrule that Davis
describes but also from a transvestite enigma recently analyzed by the
psychoanalyst Robert Stoller. Discussing the phenomenon of "the phallic
woman," Stoller argues that the male transvestite uses the degrading
apparatus of female costume to convert "humiliation" to "mastery" by
showing himself (and the world) that he is not '"just"like a woman, he is
better than a woman because he is a woman with a penis. Unlike the
transsexual, Stoller notes, the transvestite is constantly and excitedly
"aware of the penis under his women's clothes and, when it is not
dangerous to do so, gets great pleasure in revealing that he is a male-
woman and [proving as it were] that there is such a thing as a woman
with a penis. He therefore can tell himself that he is, or with practice will
become, a better woman than a biological female if he chooses to do
so."'' Such a "phallic woman" does not merely, as Davis suggested, gain
female sexual power by impersonating femaleness, he assimilates
9. Natalie Davis, "Women on Top," Societyand Culture in Early Modern France (Stan-
ford, Calif., 1975), p. 129.
10. Robert Stoller, Sex and Gender, 2 vols. (New York, 1975), 1:177. Significantly (in
view of the connections I have been examining between sex role, sex rank, and transves-
tism), Stoller asserts that "fetishistic cross-dressing is almost non-existent in women"
(1:143).
13. D. H. Lawrence, "The Fox," Four ShortNovels (1923; New York, 1965), p. 130; all
further citations to this work will be included in the text. "Tickets, Please," which Lawrence
wrote during World War I, is an interesting mirror image of "The Fox." In this tale, a
group of uniformed young women tram conductors attack an inspector who is given the
significant Lawrentian name of "John Thomas"; like vengeful Bacchae, they strip him of
the official tunic that is a sign of his power over them, and the mock rape-murder they
enact suggests, as dramatically as the scene in Bella Cohen's whorehouse, the horror and
disorder associated with female ascendancy (see The CompleteShortStoriesof D. H. Lawrence,
3 vols. [New York, 1961], 2:334-46).
16. Eliot, The Waste Land: A Facsimile and Transcript of the Original Drafts Including
the Annotationsof Ezra Pound, ed. Valerie Eliot (New York, 1971), p. 5; all further citations
to this work will be included in the text. The Augustine allusions in "The Fire
Sermon"-"To Carthage then I came" and "Burning burning"-also of course recall "un-
holy loves" in a sort of ancient Nighttown.
she willfully disguises what Eliot describes as her "good old hearty
female stench."
Worse still, although Eliot/Tiresias tells us that "in other time or
other place" Fresca would have been her proper self, a creature devised
by male poets, "A meek and lowly weeping Magdalene; / More sinned
against than sinning, bruised and marred, I The lazy laughing Jenny of
the bard" (and at the same time "a doorstep dunged by every dog in
town"), in the upside-down realm Fresca now rules she is, of all im-
proper things, a woman poet, the inevitable product of an unnatural age
of transvestite costumes, masks, disguises:
20. Orlando, p. 138; all further citations to this work will be included in the text.
duchess Harriet becomes Archduke Harry; he/she and Orlando act "the
parts of man and woman for ten minutes with great vigour, and then
[fall] into natural discourse" (p. 179). Similarly, marriage for Orlando
need not be the affair of pure masterful maleness embracing pure sub-
missive femaleness that it was for Lawrence's foxy Henry. Wed to the
magical sea captain Marmaduke Bonthrop Shelmerdine, Orlando comi-
cally accuses her simpatico husband of being a woman, and he happily
accuses her of being a man, "for ... it was to each .. . a revelation that a
woman could be as tolerant and free-spoken as a man, and a man as
strange and subtle as a woman" (p. 258). Thus a question with which
Bella Cohen's Fan surrealistically initiated the phantasmagoria of sick
horror that overtook Bloom in Nighttown aptly summarizes not the
disease but the delight of Orlando: "Is me her was you dreamed before?
Was then she him you us since knew? Am all them and the same now
we?" (Ulysses, p. 516).
Orlando is, of course, in one sense a utopia, a revisionary biography
of society not as Woolf thinks it is but as she believes it ought to be; and
in another sense Orlando is a kind of merry fairy tale, its protagonist an
eternally living doll whose wardrobe of costume selves enables her to
transcend the constraints of flesh and history. But though Woolf defined
the book as a happy escapade, satiric and wild, Orlando'scarefully plotted
transvestism contrasts so strikingly with the transvestism we have seen in
major works by male modernists that I believe we must consider this
fantastic historical romance more than merely a lighthearted jeu. How,
in fact, can we account for the extraordinary divergence between the
transvestism depicted in Ulysses, "The Fox," and The WasteLand, on the
one hand, and in Orlando on the other?
There is a major sense, of course, in which Orlando is first and
foremost a costume drama of wish fulfillment, a literary pageant (com-
parable to the one in Betweenthe Acts) designed to prove to Everywoman
that she can be exactly who or what she wants to be, including Everyman.
In this regard, it is significant that the tale forced its way out like a
mirage of health just when Woolf was preparing to defend Radclyffe
Hall's The Well of Loneliness and settling down to confront the painful
problems of female subordination in the treatise on Womenand Fiction
that was to become A Room of One's Own. "How extraordinarily unwilled
by me but potent in its own right ... Orlando was!" she exclaimed in her
diary. "As if it shoved everything aside to come into existence" (WD, p.
118). Yet if Orlando is primarily a fantasy of wish fulfillment which can be
explained as a feminist pipe dream, a self-deceptive response to the
anxieties instilled in women by a society structured around male
dominance/female submission, what male anxieties energize the night-
mare fantasies of Ulysses, "The Fox," and The Waste Land? And what
engendered such anxieties in artists like Joyce, Lawrence, and Eliot, all
of whom lived in a world that was still, as Woolf knew to her sorrow,
comfortably patriarchal?
Obviously this last question is not one that can be answered hastily.
Unique biographical irritants contributed, for instance, to the sexual
worries of each of these men: Lawrence's mother-dominated childhood,
and perhaps ambiguous sexuality, and maybe even his large, strong-
willed motherly wife; Joyce's ambivalent relationship to his mother, his
church, and his old gummy granny of a country; Eliot's clouded and
cloudy first marriage, perhaps his somewhat beclouded relationship to
the Frenchman Jean Verdenal, and maybe even his poet mother, who so
strongly disapproved of the vers libre her son had been writing.21 His-
tory, too, must have intensified these male anxieties, history which-as
Eliot wrote in "Gerontion"--"gives with such supple confusions I That
the giving famishes the craving." Certainly the nineteenth century's in-
cessant contrivance of costumes may have bewildered these writers,
along with what must often have seemed the threatening effeminacy of
the decadentfin de siecle and the threatening rise of serious feminism in
England and America. Yet another important irritant may have been the
hidden but powerful attraction that the modernists' ancestors, the
Romantic poets, felt for matriarchal modes and images.22 In addition,
many men of letters were obviously disturbed by the fact that "scribbling
women" on both sides of the Atlantic had begun to appropriate the
literary marketplace.23 These speculations are necessarily vague, how-
ever, and in place of further generalities I would like briefly to consider
one significant event which is in any case always associated with the
characteristics displayed by modernism: World War I.
21. For a discussion of Eliot's relationship with Jean Verdenal, see James E. Miller, Jr.,
T. S. Eliot's Personal WasteLand (University Park, Pa., 1977).
22. See Leslie A. Fiedler, "The Politics of Realism: A Mythological Approach," Sal-
magundi 42 (Summer/Fall 1978): 31-43, and Northrop Frye, "The Revelation to Eve," in
Paradise Lost: A TercentenaryTribute, ed. Balachandra Rajan (Toronto, 1969), pp. 18-47.
There is, of course, a significant nineteenth-century tradition of writing about androgyny,
hermaphroditism, transvestism, and even transsexualism, with some key texts being Swin-
burne's lyric poem "Hermaphroditus" (1863) and Balzac's two short novels Sarrasine (1831)
and Seraphita (1835). (For a brilliant, though in some respects evasive, reading of Sarrasine,
see Roland Barthes, SIZ, trans. Richard Miller [New York, 1975].) In addition, Theodore
Roszak has noted the powerful but neglected impact of nineteenth-century feminism in his
"The Hard and the Soft: The Force of Feminism in Modern Times," in Masculine/Feminine:
Readings in Sexual Mythologyand the Liberationof Women, ed. Betty Roszak and Theodore
Roszak (New York, 1969), pp. 87-104. An important twentieth-century transvestite fan-
tasist who seems to have actually enacted many of Balzac's (and Joyce's) fictions was Marcel
Duchamp. Photographed by Man Ray as Rose Sselavy, his female alter ego, Duchamp
asked essential gender questions for many contemporary dadaists and surrealists (see
Calvin Tompkins, The Worldof Marcel Duchamp [New York, 1966]).
23. For a discussion of Hawthorne's "scribbling women" and their appropriation of
the literary marketplace in America, see Nina Baym, Woman'sFiction: A Guide to Novels by
and about Womenin America, 1820-1870 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1978), esp. chaps. 1 and 2.
Surely that Great War which so haunts modern memory had some-
thing to do with the different costume metaphors I have been reviewing
here and with their very different implications: male gloom and female
glee; male sexual anxiety and female sexual exuberance; male yearnings
to get backto myth and female desires to get behindmyth. For World War
I, after all, is a classic case of dissonance between official, male-centered
history and unofficial female history.24 Not only did the apocalyptic
events of the war have very different meanings for men and women,
such events were in fact very different for men and women.
As Paul Fussell has shown, World War I fostered characteristically
"modernist" irony in young men by revealing to them exactly how spuri-
ous were their visions of heroism and, by extension, history's images of
heroism.25 For these doomed young soldiers, history's "cunning pas-
sages" (Freudianly female!) had deceived "with whispering ambitions"
(like Belladonna's hair) and had guided "by vanities." But of course
young women had never had such illusions, either about themselves or
about history. Whether or not they consciously articulated the point,
almost all had always shared the belief of Jane Austen's Catherine Mor-
land that "history, real solemn history ... tells me nothing that does not
either vex or weary me. The quarrels of popes and kings, with wars or
pestilences, in every page; the men all so good for nothing, and hardly
any women at all-it is very tiresome."26 With nothing to lose, therefore,
women in the terrible war years of 1914 to 1918 had everything to gain.
And indeed, when their menfolk went off to the trenches to be literally
and figuratively shattered, the women on the home front literally and
figuratively rose to the occasion and replaced them in farms and fac-
tories. While their brothers groped through the rubble of No Man's Land
for fragments to shore against the ruins of a dying culture, moreover,
these women manned the machines of state, urging more men to go off to
battle. At times, in fact, these vigorous, able-bodied young women, who
had so often been judged wanting by even the weakest of young men,
became frighteningly censorious judges of their male contemporaries.
Speaking with some bewilderment and disgust of "the gratification that
war gives to the instinct of pugnacity and admiration of courage that are
so strong in women," Bernard Shaw complained that "civilized young
women rush about handing white feathers to all young men who are not
in uniform."27 But though such behavior may have offended Shaw's (or
24. For a useful discussion of such "dissonance," see Joan Kelly-Gadol, "Did Women
Have a Renaissance?" in BecomingVisible:Womenin EuropeanHistory, ed. Renate Bridenthal
and Claudia Koonz (Boston, 1977), pp. 137-64.
25. See Paul Fussell, The Great Warand ModernMemory(New York, 1975), esp. chap. 1.
For equally telling analyses of the war, see also Eric J. Leed, No Man's Land: Combatand
Identity in World War I (Cambridge, 1979).
26. Jane Austen, NorthangerAbbey(New York, 1965), chap. 14.
27. Shaw, quoted by Virginia Woolf in Three Guineas (New York, 1938), p. 182.
state, and with a female state at that, a Britannia not a Union Jack. And,
as we know, the female intuition expressed in that renaming was quite
accurate: in 1918, when World War I was over, there were 8.5 million
European men dead, and there had been 37.5 million male casualties,
including killed, wounded, and missing, while all the women in England
over the age of thirty were finally, after a sixty-two year struggle, given
the vote. For four years, moreover, a sizable percentage of the young
men in England had been imprisoned in trenches and uniforms, while
the young women of England had been at liberty in farm and factory,
changing their clothes.
In an analysis of Austen's novels, Susan Gubar and I have used
Rudyard Kipling's "The Janeites" to show that Austen's heroines inhabit
"a tight place" not unlike the constricted trenches of World War I.30 But
of course the converse of the proposition is also true. If eighteenth- and
nineteenth-century women occupied a place as narrow as a trench, the
soldiers of World War I kept house in trenches as constricting as what
had heretofore been woman's place.31 Paradoxically, then, the war to
which so many men had gone in the hope of becoming heroes ended up
emasculating them, depriving them of autonomy, confining them as
closely as any of Austen's heroines, or any Victorian women, had been
confined. It is not surprising, therefore, that the heart of darkness Yeats
confronts in "Nineteen Hundred and Nineteen" is the nightmare of the
return of Herodias' castrating daughters together with the horror of the
ascendance of that fiend Robert Artisson, a low and no doubt carbuncu-
lar creature "To whom the love-lorn Lady Kyteler brought / Bronzed
peacock feathers, red combs of her cocks." For while the Jake Barneses
of the early twentieth century were locked up like Victorian girls in the
trenches of No Man's Land, their female counterparts were coming out
of the closet as flappers, like Lady Brett, barelegged, short-haired, cor-
setless, in simple shifts, knickers, and slacks.32 For many, indeed, "wear-
ing the pants" in the family or even stepping into "his" shoes had finally
become a real possibility.
It is no wonder, then, that Lawrence's Henry, like Homer's Ulysses
(if not Joyce's), is a soldier from the wars returning-and returning
specifically to a home and farm that have been taken over by undutiful
Penelopes. It is no wonder, too, that Joyce's Stephen feels himself
haunted by the powerfully reproachful ghost of a mother who refuses to
lie down in the grave where she belongs and no wonder that in one
version of The WasteLand Eliot wrote that he had "spelt" these fragments
from his ruin, as one would painfully spell truths out of the sibyl's
leaves.33 Finally, it is no wonder that toward the end of the last draft of
The WasteLand a wounded voice babbles that "London Bridge is falling
down falling down falling down," hinting at and simultaneously re-
pressing the next line of the nursery rhyme: "Take a key and lock her up,
My Fair Lady" (my italics). Coerced by women, at the mercy of women,
bedded down in the terrible house of women, all these male modernists
must have felt that they had painfully to extract the truth of their gen-
der's ancient dominance from an overwhelming chaos of female leaves
and lives and leavings. For the feminist redefinitions fostered by World
War I had reminded them that even the brothel, ostensibly an institution
designed to serve men, had served-as it does in Ulysses-both to test
men and to reinforce female power, autonomy, sisterliness.34 Finally,
therefore, it is no wonder that when Woolf came to write those twin
meditations on gender, Orlando and A Room of One's Own, she had to set
herself against what Rebecca West astutely called "an invisible" but un-
friendly "literary wind." Woolf's argument, wrote West in an early re-
view of A Room, "is all the more courageous because anti-feminism is so
strikingly the correct fashion of the day among the intellectuals." And
West's explanation accurately summarizes what has been my speculation
here: "Before the war conditions were different. The man in the street
was anti-feminist but the writers of quality were pro-suffrage. Now the
case is reversed. The man in the street accepts the emancipation of
women .... But a very large number of the younger male writers adopt a
[misogynistic] attitude."35
32. In the unpublished essay "Original Sin in 'The Last Good Country'; or, The
Return of Catherine Barkley," Mark Spilka speculates, however, that Hemingway saw
"Lady Brett's defiance" as an "implicit tribute to male superiority: the girls were more like
men, they were copying male styles," and he adds that "androgyny ... was for Hemingway
a reassurance of manly superiority which allowed him to be womanly" (p. 25).
33. See The WasteLand: A Facsimile, p. 81.
34. For a discussion of the covertly feminist function of late nineteenth-century
brothels, see Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood:Prostitution in the AmericanPast (Ph.D. diss.,
University of Calif., Berkeley, 1976).
35. Rebecca West, "Autumn and Virginia Woolf," Ending in Earnest: A LiteraryLog
(New York, 1971), pp. 212-13.
tumes (and selves) to reveal the pure, sexless (or third-sexed) being
behind gender and myth.
As early as 1847, for instance, Charlotte Bronte's Rochester dresses
himself as a female gypsy not to degrade himself but to try to "get at" the
truth about Jane; in Villette, moreover, Bronti's Lucy Snowe discovers
ultimate truths about herself, first, when she impersonates a man for the
school play and, later, when she perceives that the nun who has haunted
her is really no more than a costume worn by a transvestite male. Just as
Rochester is trying to communicate with the "savage free thing" trapped
in Jane, Lucy is trying to uncover that purely powerful element in her-
self and her life. Similarly, throughout the middle years of the century,
Emily Dickinson defines herself variously as Emily, Emilie, Uncle Emily,
Brother Emily, and Dickinson,40 as if attempting to name not what is
fixed but what is fluid in herself; in the same years Florence Nightingale
continually calls herself a "man of action" or a "man of business."41 Like
latter-day gnostics, moreover, many of these women see the transforma-
tion or annihilation of gender as theologically necessary. "The next
Christ will perhaps be a female Christ," writes Nightingale in Cassandra
in 1852, and in 1917 the feminist theorist Olive Schreiner fantasizes a
mystical encounter with "a lonely figure" standing "on a solitary peak,"
about whom she notes that "whether it were man or woman I could not
tell; for partly it seemed the figure of a woman but its limbs were the
mighty limbs of a man. I asked God whether it was man or woman. God
said, 'In the least Heaven sex reigns supreme, in the higher it is not
noticed; but in the highest it does not exist."42
More recent writers have elaborated the transvestite metaphors
Bronte, Dickinson, Nightingale, and Schreiner only provisionally imag-
ined. For example, Barnes' Nightwood (1937) hurls us back through tun-
nels of history and literature to the third-sexed figures of Robin Vote
and Dr. O'Connor. Both star in a novel that was, ironically enough,
introduced by Eliot himself, but despite the Jacobean eloquence that
must have appealed to the admirer of Webster and Beaumont and
Fletcher, Dr. O'Connor is an anti-Eliotian witch doctor or medicine man,
half Circe half Ulysses, who wears women's skirts and wigs. Robin Vote,
40. See Dickinson, The Lettersof Emily Dickinson, ed. Thomas Johnson, 3 vols. (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1965). In a few poems, Dickinson speaks of an "it" with which she seems to
identify her ontological being, as if to emphasize a secret belief that ultimately her true self
is gender-free. See, for instance, "Why make it doubt-it hurts it so--" and "I want-it
pleaded-All its life--."
41. See Myra Stark's introduction to Florence Nightingale's Cassandra(Old Westbury,
N.Y., 1979), p. 17.
42. Nightingale, Cassandra, p. 53; Olive Schreiner, Stories,Dreams, and Allegories (Lon-
don, 1924), pp. 156-59. For further discussion of Schreiner's work, see Joyce Berkman,
"The Nurturant Fantasies of Olive Schreiner," Frontiers:A Journal of Women'sStudies 3, no.
3 (Fall 1977): 8-17.
47. Emile Delavenay, D. H. Lawrence and Edward Carpenter (New York, 1971), pp.
190-235.
48. Ibid., pp. 243-44.
49. See Ursula K. Le Guin, The Left Hand of Darkness (New York, 1969), esp. p. 17:
"For it was impossible to think of him [Estraven] as a woman . . . and yet whenever I
thought of him as a man I felt a sense of falseness. .. ." For a revision of an early story
about Winter, in which Le Guin uses "she" instead of "he" to describe her androgynes, see
Sylvia Plath in one of the Ariel poems sees her world as a series of
civilized suitcases "Out of which the same self unfolds like a suit I Bald
and shiny, with pockets of wishes,"'5 in another poem this paradigmatic
post-modernist transcends the pain of her own life by imagining her
"selves dissolving [like] old whore petticoats"-the old whore petticoats,
for instance, of the "tuppenny uprights" whose degradation Barnes de-
scribes with such nightmarish precision in Nightwood.51And in the fierce
monologue of reborn "Lady Lazarus," Plath boasts that she is a "big
striptease," a savagely naked shamanistic spirit who "eats men like air."
In the end, Plath may have been killed by the fixity of her situation,
her imprisonment in an identity the world refused to see as a costume.
But she fought by trying to throw away costumes, trying to redefine
herself as a "savage free thing," sexless and "pure as a baby," rather than
as "a thing under the yoke," like the masochistic female Bloom had
impersonated (Ulysses, p. 523). In The Bell Jar, for instance, Plath has
Esther Greenwood enact a Woolfian utopian fantasy on the roof of the
Amazon Hotel in New York City. Biblically queenly in her first name,
green with the untried chaotic power of forests and wishes in her last,
this cynical but feminist heroine renounces both true and false costumes
as casually as Orlando adopts them. "Piece by piece, I fed my wardrobe
to the night wind, and flutteringly, like a loved one's ashes, the gray
scraps were ferried off. .. ."52 To Bella Cohen's "As they are so shall you
be," she replies, like Orlando, no I shall not.
her "Winter's King," The Wind's Twelve Quarters (New York, 1976), pp. 85-108. See also
Dorothy Gilbert, "Interview with Ursula Le Guin," California Quarterly 13/14: 48-51.
50. Sylvia Plath, "Totem," Ariel (New York, 1963), p. 76.
51. Plath, "Fever 103," Ariel, p. 55; Barnes, Nightwood, pp. 130-31.
52. Plath, TheBellJar (New York, 1972), p. 91. FromJane Eyre and The Mill on theFloss
to Kate Chopin's The Awakening and Margaret Atwood's Surfacing, ruining, tearing, or
throwing away clothes is of course a general female metaphor for defiance of sex roles, but
Plath, especially in her poems, presses it farther than most of her precursors and con-
temporaries.