Report

Male to Female Transgenders

Aayushi Verma
Jyotirmay Nirjhar
Rajat Kumar Sonkar
Shanaz Khan Khongthaw
Tarun Bhati

Dept. of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics

We would like to extend out heartfelt gratitude to Prof. Sudha Vasan for guiding us throughout
the project starting right from its inception to its completion.
CONTENTS

Acknowledgement
Introduction
Methodology and Field
Reporting and Analysis
- Traditional occupations
- Conventional occupations
- CBO-Sex Work
Limitations
Conclusion
INTRODUCTION
Historically in the South Asian context, non cis-gendered male to female people are commonly
called hijras. Nanda defines hijras as a “religious community of men who dress and act like
women and whose culture centers on the worship of Bahuchara Mata, one of the many
versions of the Mother Goddess worshiped throughout India” (1999: ix) thus, hinting towards
the multifaceted character of the group. While the term hijra is misused in general parlance to
refer only to people we would now call intersex – people born without clear male or female
sexual organs – even historically, hijras have also included people to whom the labels of
transgender, transsexual, or transvestite can be applied today, the latter groups contributing
greater numbers than the former. In her work, Nanda (1999) distinguishes between the two in
terms of the former being considered “real” hijras within the community, the one who possess
greater izzat (Reddy, 2007) and those of the latter who are considered part of community as
those who undergo “surgical removal of (their) penis and testicles, but (with) no construction of
a vagina (after it)” (Nanda: ix). The field in Delhi, almost 20 years later, provides a different take
on the procedures to do that where private hospitals are the preferred way to undergo Sexual
Reassignment Surgery (SRS).

While initially we were going forward with the category hijra (and its local variant kinnar which
is generally more preferred because of the term hijra’s usual negative connotation although
hijra is acceptable too) our fieldwork soon revealed that in modern trans-gender performance,
the term is inapplicable to a whole host of people who historically might have been included in
that category by default. Traditionally, the community has been associated with the occupation
of toli badhai and asking for alms. Traditional because there “is the transition of knowledge,
skill and attitude from one generation to the next generation” in the community, in terms of
“customs, rituals, belief, folklore, habits in the Hijra group”1, through which they legitimize
themselves in the given context. Ethnographies also bring out another occupation of
prostitution ‘typically’ associated with them which are carried out at more underground level,
not finding any legitimization in the traditions of the community. (Nanda 1999: 52-54)

The main reason, thus, for the substitution of reference to ‘male to female transgenders’
instead of ‘hijras’ is the consideration of a number of transgendered people who do not self-
identify with hijra/kinnar in the setting we are concerned with - Community Based
Organisations (CBOs) that falls within categories of NGOs referring to a particular kind therein.
CBOs works on community related issues and comprise mainly of members of the same
community in both implementation and managerial/decision making roles (Ross 1955).
However, the term is only dropped at the level of defining a group of people that was studied

1
https://hubpages.com/education/meaningoftradition

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and is retained as a sub-category relevant within for analytical purpose. The distinction, which
we also decided to adopt, lies in the presence or absence of a formal initiation into the hijra
order as a chela and the adoption of a guru in a generational scheme and does not get
restricted to it. Laxmi Narayan Tripathi in an interview defines hijra as “someone who is
feminine but not a woman, masculine but not a man, a person beyond the boxes of man and
woman. The person follows the rules and regulations of the community, has a guru, lives in
feminine attire, may or may not be castrated” (Chettiar 2015: 2). The definition can get
extended to include distinction on basis of traditional occupations but since that was used in
relative and vague terms by the respondents; it prevents any final consideration of the same for
distinction.

This choice to use an umbrella term is not merely for simplicity’s sake, a number of respondents
were aware of the distinction between the various terms and used transgender (TG) as a
shorthand to refer to the entire set and themselves. Our choice of the term transgender came
directly from this usage – on top of adding simplicity, we felt it also reflected, somewhere, the
voice of our respondents.

The organizations where our respondents work are categorised as NGOs in general, a nuanced
precision brings them out to be community-based organizations (CBOs). This precisions allows
for a greater detail to understand their setting, which otherwise would be referred to with the
broader term of NGOs. CBO refers to organizations composed of community members that
work on issues related to the community. Barring two cis-gendered exceptions, the
composition of employees in the CBOs we studied were all (male to female) transgender. The
primary work of these CBOs is connected to HIV prevention amongst the transgender
community. Other, non-HIV related, community based interventions, initiatives and programs
are present but are not primary. They have to be carried out as secondary to fulfilling their
targets towards combating HIV.

It must also be said that by workers we mean those who are employed in any category in the
CBOs and are being remunerated. Volunteers were excluded because, in practice, it is a very
fluid category without a necessary consistent level of participation. The physical spaces of the
offices of the CBOs also saw the socio-cultural participation of non-employed members of the
larger transgender community who could and would help with the CBO work every now and
then. There was greater participation of cis-gendered population as volunteers.

In terms of occupation, our focus is not on the everyday working practices but rather the
trajectories of restrictions, limitations, likes and choices that brought these people to this
particular occupation type. Our analytical framework is in terms of ‘push and pull’: the factors
that pushed the respondents away from other types of occupations and the factors that pulled
them towards working in CBOs. For analytical purposes, these factors have been divided into

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the categories of social, economic, and personal but in practice these categories aren’t mutually
exclusive and there are varying degrees of overlap between them that necessarily combine in
myriad ways in each individual case. In doing so, we try to abstract the factors that either push
or pull and combine to create a force towards the particular occupation we are concerned with.
Abstracted in the sense that there are certain push and pull factors to all the alternative
categories of occupation that creates the force. To note, no claim is being made in regards to
how the combinations and permutations of these various factors take place; in any case, this is
not an exhaustive list of factors to start with. The endeavour here allows us to understand, at a
very basic level, the choice to work in these CBOs or whether it was choice to begin with,
looking at how they got here and why they stay or plan to stay here. In doing so, we understand
how the ‘choice’ isn’t unrestricted but bounded by various social, economic and personal
factors that might be structural or cultural.

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METHODOLOGY AND FIELD
The report focuses on the study of male to female transgenders working in CBOs that primarily
deals with combating HIV. Out of this population, three CBOs were non-probabilistically chosen
based on a combination of convenience and purposive sampling. The purposive sampling was done
with aim to maintain homogeneity in our sample. The employees of these CBOs formed our sample.
We excluded those who were not self-proclaimed transgenders, were not working in traditional
jobs (as defined in the next section), and did not earn a part or whole of their income from working
at these CBOs. A project manager of one of the CBOs mentioned that there are total of 95 NGOs
working on the issue of HIV, out which 6 are targeted at transgenders under Delhi AIDS State
Control Society with funds and targets set by National AIDS Control Organisation. These six take the
form of CBOs for more effective work.

A total of 12 accounts were recorded from our sample. The data was collected through multiple
intensive interviews conducted in groups as well as with individuals. Their trajectories and their
subjective experiences were retrospectively traced in their occupational lives. The use of semi-
structured interviews for the same allowed us to get data of relative depth where questions are
constantly shaped based on the responses. The data so received while bringing forth a diverse
range of individual stories, also brought out certain suggestible patterns.

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REPORTING AND ANALYSIS
Working in CBOs was not the first occupation of any of the respondents. They either actively
participated in toli badhai or begging at some point in time as part of a dera before coming to
work here, or worked in conventional (term that will be used to refer to non-traditional, non-
CBO and non-sex work) jobs in companies, offices, shops and family businesses. In our study we
are using these four job categories - a) traditional, b) conventional (only intended to refer to
residual category aforementioned), c) typical job - sex work, and d) CBO; that cover the entire
range of possibilities.

Due to its particular and peculiar nature, we treat the interaction of CBO work and sex work
separately from the interactions with the other two types of jobs. This analysis is done in the
latter part of this section. The first part progresses by looking at the various factors pushing
transgender people away from traditional and conventional jobs and the corresponding factors
which pull them towards CBO work. However, not all factors have direct correspondences. In
each case, it is a combination of various factors that lead to the decision of working in CBOs.

Traditional Occupations

Traditional jobs include only toli badhai and begging with prime importance and prestige given
to the former. “Hindu society accords hijras, as sexually ambiguous figures, a measure of
power and requires (or at least accepts) their presence on auspicious occasions.” (Nanda 1999:
6) While begging is self-explanatory, toli badhai is the term for blessings given by a group of
hijras on occasions such as childbirth, weddings, etcetera. These performances take the form of
singing, dancing and fear on part of audience of exposure of mutilated genitals in event of non-
compliance in exchange for cash and goods. People comply to their demands due to belief in
their power to bless or curse. (ibid.: 1-12) Begging emerges as an offshoot of toli badhai. The
myths that legitimise the presence and role of hijras on momentous occasions also work when
they go to ask for alms in trains, buses or at traffic lights.

Any area of hijra presence is divided into ilaqa under various gurus who heads the dera for that
particular area. A particular dera is associated with either of these occupations as its main
occupation. However, not everyone in the dera can practice the same occupation because of
saturation. This situation emerges because the intake in any dera is not merely for occupation
purpose, so there are always people involved in other occupation. While even historically hijras
have had other occupations as well, as a whole they have been so strongly linked with these
two occupations that in everyday, uncritical understanding their identity is thought to lie in
these occupations – hijras are those who do toli badhai and begging (and secondarily, dress in a

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particular way with their signature clap with hollow palms) which gets reflected in the
responses that hijras get whenever they try stepping outside of the traditional jobs. The East is
considered to be more ‘tolerant’ towards transgenders in comparison to the West, Agarwal
(2016) points out Hijras have been ‘accepted’ to occupy a separate space in their established
traditional roles in the South Asian context.

As a result of these associations and history – corroborated by our respondents – dera life and
traditional work are deeply integrated and are accompanied by rigid structures and hierarchies.
There are strict rules of behaviour and looks that may include one having to wake up at dawn
and get dressed; remaining in the hijra attire and appearance throughout the day and not being
allowed to have short hair or wear non-feminine clothing out of comfort or choice, even
temporarily within the dera space; not keeping a phone; not stepping out of the dera after a
particular hour of the day; not having a giriya (if married within community, husband;
otherwise, boyfriend) in first place or if allowed to, being restricted to limited contact with the
person, etcetera. There are also rules concerning interactions with the guru: commonly, a chela
is not allowed to sit next to and at the same level as her guru and her head has to be always
covered. Permission has to be taken for any non-dera activity such as going on a trip. These
rules which vary from dera to dera are applicable when one stays in a dera and get a little
relaxed when one lives outside the dera, which is usually why the step is taken. The freedom to
move out of dera altogether to live in rented rooms nearby increases in order from working at
toli badhai to begging to other occupations. However, in case of traditional occupations, the
freedom still received may be less strict but are still applicable.

Violation of these rules is usually punished by censure in minor cases; for repeated or severe
offences, a hijra can be excommunicated on trumped up charges: “If we commit a big mistake
then we will be thrown out of the house on charges of theft.” Nanda (1998) has included a
whole chapter on the case of Salima who was born a ‘real’ hijra but was excommunicated later
by the elders of her community. This excommunication affects their membership in the hijra
community which in turn affects their very survival as excommunication is accompanied with
social boycott and extends to all contact with the person in question. Even hijras who are not
engaged in traditional jobs have to take permission from (which is usually easily given) the guru
of the respective local ilaqa and keep them regularly informed about their work.

It is not the case that all these rules are always rigidly implemented. However, the possibility of
their implementation (let alone strictness) requires individual hijras to be mentally vigilant and
mould themselves accordingly. This brings up the issues of alienation including alienation from
one’s expression of self. While it is generally understood that “hearts connect with the guru,” as
one respondent put it, “if it was love, there wouldn’t be any rules.” The rigid rules are seen as
overbearing and lead to great disaffection among some hijras – definitely, all of our

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respondents who left traditional work reported this to be one of the main factors behind their
decision.

This rigid structure of rules is maintained by the hierarchical and generational guru-chela
system. Each generation of guru is responsible for the chelas under her and exercises extensive
authority over them. Usually, a particular dera is associated with a particular occupation in
terms of toli badhai or begging in some area. In order to change deras, permission has to be
taken from the original guru and the prospective one or it adds to further complications in
one’s positioning within the community, say when one has run away from a dera to another.
This rigid hierarchy leads to a situation of subservience to one’s guru, to the extent that severe
violations of the rules by the guru or her leaving the dera system can have an impact on the
chelas as well. Furthermore, the gurus and dad-gurus receive cuts from the chelas on their daily
earnings. In some situations, these cuts can form a significant part of a hijra’s daily income
making it difficult for her to get by. Moreover, as has been noted above, even those working
outside the traditional job need to at least keep the local guru informed of their work and stay
on friendly terms.

These rules also mean that there has to be a complete disjunction of a hijra from their assigned
gender. One cannot move back and forth being a hijra and just some other (male) person. The
desire to do so doesn’t necessarily have to be a will to express one’s male identity, it could also
stem from the need to pass off unnoticed in the larger society. Such a need was particularly felt
in terms of family support. Either families pressurized them not to ‘be like hijras’ associating
the idea with those involved in traditional jobs, or they consciously restrained themselves in
order to maintain the double truth, in Bourdieu’s sense of the term, with their families whereby
they were aware of their family knowing the truth but neither parties actually acknowledging it
in their daily interactions. CBO, and at this level any other job, provides them with a means to
keep the mask.

The rigid and restricted structure of dera life and associated traditional jobs meant that in
practice other occupational choices are absent and furthermore, there is little scope for hijras
to explore their hobbies and personal interests. After completing the day’s work, hijras are
supposed to just stay within the dera. This leads to boredom and monotony.

The combination of rigid rules, subservience to their guru and a monotonous life leads to a
situation of alienation for the hijras. While dera life does offer a safe space for living freely as
hijras and expressing one’s identity (sexual and gender), the lack of freedom in their personal
sphere and in expressing the non-gendered parts of their identity resulted in a number of hijras
looking for alternative occupations and lifestyles. Although we will cover sex work in detail in
the later sections, it is pertinent to mention here that for a number of hijras sex work offered
the option of leading a life largely independent of one’s guru and her dera. Sex work hasn’t

7
been a traditionally recognised hijra occupation since it contradicts their identity based on
tradition however it has been practised by hijras historically as well. Hence the labelling as
typical.

As reported to us, apart from the daily cut to be given to the guru, there were no other forms of
restrictions or rules for a hijra doing sex work. Moreover, it provided sufficient income to
support a non-dera independent life for a hijra, despite the daily cuts that had to be given.

Working in a CBO offers similar escape from the three main problems with dera life and work
apart from monetary self-sufficiency. Since CBOs are structured organisations, a hierarchy does
exist but it is minimal and largely in terms of professional structures. Based on our observation
of the group dynamics, there was an element of social hierarchy as well. Certain people were
accorded greater respect by the others as seen through the prominence given to them in the
group discussions including not interrupting them and accepting their interruptions, the
respectful referential terms used for them - bua, didi, etc. Certainly, we were never served
water or tea by the (professionally) higher ranked people at the CBOs. They always asked
others to do so.

In part, this hierarchy is due to the organisational role of these people, in part because of
personal respect others might have for them, and in part, because of notions carried over from
the traditional setup. A transgender who was a guru, higher in hierarchy, is likely to garner
some of that respect even in a CBO job. Although, to be fair, this hierarchy is absolutely not
rigid and definite; in practice, it is far more flexible and the relations between the transgenders
are easy going. While a particular person might be called didi by the others, it was also noticed
that she might be addressed by her first name by the same people as well.

The authority of the guru is quite tangential in CBO occupations. The CBO as a whole, through
its leadership, needs to take the local guru into confidence, at the very least keep them
informed. However, individual workers if they are non-hijra transgenders do not need any
permission from the gurus.

The minimal hierarchy with flexible work styles and lack of directly dominating authority,
whether from a guru or from the immediate boss, also allows for TGs working in NGOs to have
a sense of ownership of their work. According to most of our respondents, the work they did at
their CBOs was satisfying and fulfilling. After their experience working in a CBO, multiple
respondents could be found pursuing Masters of Social Work from open schools and to quote
one that this is her ‘line’ now. We will come back to this aspect of CBO work being more than
just a means of livelihood, it is also seen as a legitimate job with prospects of career progress.

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Conventional Occupations

Our respondents might have joined conventional occupations for various reasons, but barring
one, everyone reported, at the very least, discrimination, and in a number of cases, sexual
harassment including outright demands for sexual favours. Discrimination and sexual
harassment came out as the biggest and the most common factors pushing transgenders away
from conventional occupations. The words of one respondent, “if we have to get jobs in return
for sex, we might as well get our income directly from sex work” were reiterated by other
respondents as well.

Closely associated with discrimination is the pushing factor of lack of space to express one’s
identity, particularly gender identity. There is of course the issue of not being able to cross
dress or put on makeup as one would like, but also, body language and behavioural forms such
as ‘feminine’ speech patterns and ways to walk are discouraged. Some respondents were
directly censored while others censored themselves as much as they could in order to fit in and
avoid verbal and sexual harassment. As one respondent told us, “despite all attempts, some
[mannerisms] do come out” and in response to such visibility, co-workers and management
resort to verbal taunts, crass comments and name calling.

This discrimination also extends to judging a transgender person’s performance and workplace
behaviour as pertaining to their gender rather than other aspects of their identity and
personality. Whenever a transgender seems to be doing well in terms of performance or
earnings, they are tried to be pulled down by their co-workers. Conventional workplaces see
such singling out of and (of a person) from their trans gender in a negative way thus precluding
them from an equal and equitable share of the work space.

This exclusion also happens due to sexual harassment and (extortive or otherwise) requests for
sexual favours. Narratives were shared of instances where interviews were asked to be
conducted in toilets, interviews becoming excuses for asking for sex without serious intent to
hire the respondent, and respondents being pressurised, and not just being asked, to perform
sexual acts either by co-workers or by management in exchange for vague promises of
occupational benefits.

This problem is not so easily avoided. There is already the point that a person should not have
to hide their core identity but even when respondents willingly chose to fit in and behave
according to societal norms of their assigned gender, they told us that behavioural markers do
slip out and people manage to get an idea of their true gender identity, especially as time goes
by. All of this is exacerbated by ignorance on part of the general public about both the facets of
transgender as a concept and the issues faced by transgenders: “Common people have no idea
about all this.”

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Some respondents had the option of working in their family business such as a dhaba for one of
our respondents. Either the lack of even minimal acceptance from one’s parents forced one
away from the family or even if there is acceptance at some level, the idea of actual or potential
inconvenience to one’s immediate family from neighbours and relatives, including loss of
business, drove our respondents away.

Other issues reported to us were a lack of skills and an absence of inclination to learn those
skills or even to work in conventional jobs: “I can’t do masculine jobs.” The list of alternatives
accordingly, then, came out to be working at BPOs, running/working in beauty parlours (within
the community), dance trainer, henna artist (seasonal), or being a masseuse (which could act as
double source of income from related sex work). The reasons for this set of choices are unclear.
It is possible that these jobs are seen as ‘feminine’ and thus suitable for hijras/transgenders.
From our observations, there did appear to be a sense of ascribing to female gender roles in
our respondents. However, this reason does not explain the preference for BPO work.
Moreover, even if BPO jobs allow the free expression of one’s gender identity, the
discrimination and sexual harassment faced are still quite discouraging of transgenders working
there.

There is also the concern that conventional jobs do not pay well to support one’s lifestyle. The
same issue is applicable to working at the CBOs which sees incomes ranging from six to fifteen
thousand depending on one’s position, however, as will be discussed in detail, CBO work is
almost always done along with sex work on the side. The latter can easily provide income of
two to three thousand a night on average. There is a sense among the community then that
conventional work would be worth opting for if it can provide reasonable amount in
comparison to what they are earning currently.

Out of the total twelve respondents, there was one who formed an exception to all the stories
of discrimination and sexual harassment. Unlike everyone else, she had a long career in a
conventional job; her co-workers, especially her boss, knew about her identity. In fact, she said
she could express her identity, at least in part. For example, she said she has been to work
wearing henna up to her elbows without any taunting or stares on a number of occasions.
While she herself acknowledges that she is a rare exception, her case does raise the possibility
of transgenders working in conventional jobs without the spectre of discrimination or sexual
harassment and having the freedom to express themselves.

Another of our respondents does both CBO work and conventional work simultaneously. She is
a new entrant to CBO work having been employed only for about two months. She also
became aware of her transgender identity and the community around it about two years ago at
which point she was still a student at university and did part time teaching; teaching is her

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primary occupation in terms of both income and interest, although, in our estimation, she still
seemed to be exploring and discovering her way through life. However, even she reported
harassment at workplace and a lack of space to fully express her identity.

After the NALSA judgement (National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India, April 2014),
there is an expectation of possibility of government jobs and government support but as
reported by our respondents, among the community it hardly translated beyond receiving of
identity cards with changed gender. However, even that process is cumbersome and it is still
quite early to make any concrete statements on the effects it has had. Furthermore, we know
of at least one occasion on which some of our respondents were hired by Delhi Traffic Police to
help with sensitisation of the public on traffic rules but that program fizzled out, mainly due to
lack of funds and, likely, dedicated interest on part of the government officials. From one of our
respondents we heard of a transgendered person who is employed in a Delhi court but that is a
singular data point and she hasn’t been employed there for long.

In contrast to conventional jobs, the primary attraction of CBO work is that it offers a safe space
and comfort zone for transgenders where they can be themselves without fear of judgement,
discrimination or harassment. While traditional occupations also offer this same advantage, the
pushes operating there makes CBO work a lucrative option. In CBOs, transgenders work as
themselves. Moreover, it is also important that they be themselves season the entire idea of
transgender community based organisations that primarily work on combatting HIV is that the
people from a particular community are best suited to understand and interact with other
members of the community, especially on sensitive topics. This legitimation brings us to our
next section.

CBO-Sex Work

Unlike the contrastive relationships between CBO work and the other two categories, the
interaction between working at CBOs and sex work is, in fact, symbiotic. While independently
of each other, each occupation type is seen as perfectly legitimate and respectable by our
respondents, when it comes to societal judgement and the whole set of occupational needs and
desires and the ability of particular occupation types to fulfill them (or not), CBO work and sex
work act in tandem to fulfill requirements which they independently couldn’t. Moreover,
barring one respondent (the one whose primary occupation is teaching, as mentioned above),
everyone else reported doing both simultaneously - CBO work in the daytime and sex work at
night, the latter being done either regularly or intermittently as needed. Even with this
exceptional respondent, we saw one of the other respondents try and persuade her of the
legitimacy of sex work and invite her to at least go along at night to observe.

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The main reason for doing sex work was the high income it provided. It was reported that other
jobs, including CBO work, do not pay enough for a basic livelihood. Furthermore, lifestyle costs
associated with necessities such as make up and two sets of clothing (male and female) and
luxurious desires both added to the need for a higher income. Also, the expenditure for various
sex reassignment surgeries in private hospitals is typically supposed to be taken care of by the
person concerned, if one plans to and these surgeries can be costly. Sex work being a very
typical job even historically meant that it was an easy available alternative for transgenders
which fulfills multiple needs.

There is also an element of fulfillment of sexual desire at personal level which came out from
that part of the accounts when they realised they could get paid for sex. Another way to get sex
is through having a giriya (husband, married only within bounds of community). But they are
not always preferred when they are seen to come with their own baggage which can be
avoided through sex work: “Eat, drink and have fun.” This also points to the grey area resulting
from combination of reasons emerging from sexual harassment and their own sexual desire.
The reasons, along with the fact that there are limited other option for income in form of other
job opportunities combine to create sex work as a viable option to be taken up currently. The
options like traditional jobs didn’t suit them due to push factors associated with them.

This reason of lust was revealed when the respondents in one CBO contradicted themselves on
the reasons to do sex work. In the initial meeting, they said the only reason to do sex work was
the income. At a later meeting, they mentioned, without any particular prompting or
questioning, that sexual desire (lust) also plays a part in people choosing and continuing with
sex work. After consideration, we decided that both factors play a role. However, the seeming
contradiction is quite interesting in that it further reveals the possible apprehensions regarding
sex work. Even if sex work is totally respectable and legitimate in their own eyes, our
respondents seemed to be aware of how it might be seen by outsiders. The complete picture
only emerged, we feel, after a certain level of comfort and friendliness had been established in
the interview setting. It is also possible that the apprehensions aren’t about sex work but about
sex itself, or at least, talking about it to us.

The historicity of the occupation makes it an acceptable option to fall back in the absence of
other options. However, for most respondents, sex work is more than merely a fall back option,
it is seen as perfectly legitimate and respectable in their own eyes. This point is further
supported by other things which they told us. There is also a sense that if all the transgender
sex workers leave their work there would be so much of unaddressed sexual tension that things
could turn violent in society, along with, “however much we are blamed for prostitution,
society comes to us in night.” There is the added angle of clients’ behaviour based on myths

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around transgenders in terms of touching of the feet, being worshipped because they are cross
dressed, and seeking blessings after mentioning that things that aren’t going well at home.

However, sex work alone isn’t enough for those working at CBOs. In exclusive practise, it can
create monotony. Also, CBO creates a pull in terms of being socially fulfilling. It provides the
communal experience that traditional hijra setting did but is different from it in terms of being
more flexible and allowing greater freedoms. One of the initial reasons for particular choice of
CBO included this particular environment. Each of these NGO has a day of week where
transgenders come together for dancing and singing among themselves in a room meant for
their recreation purposes alone. No work is done in these DIC rooms. This day especially, any
self-identified ‘community member’ can join in the celebration. The doors of the offices are
open to them on other days as well. This and a sense of doing something for community
through various secondary projects - along with HIV combatting - are added reasons for
selecting CBO work - they provide for a sense of ownership of work and a sharing of this sense
of like-minded others.

CBO at another level also provides a cover for sex work towards the maintenance of double
truth with family who are told that they are out doing ‘NGO’ work. It provides a generally
respectable occupation to be identified with at a societal level. CBO work also is an acceptable
answer to questions on sources of income. It, then, works both as legitimate and respectable in
their eyes and also societally. It is a career: “this is a job” and not just a means to earn money;
there is scope for skill development and career progression.

Thus, CBO work and sex work are in a symbiotic relationship in which one occupation fulfills the
shortcomings of the other allowing those who do both to have a more complete sense of
personal fulfillment, including deeply personal desires, while still being legitimate employed in
their own eyes and those of the society.

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LIMITATIONS
In our opinion, our methodology was most suitable to the question posed and the nature of the
field. It allowed us to uncover more depth of data as compared to quantitative methods.
Moreover, our method of semi-structured conversation-style face-to-face interviews allowed
the opportunity for creating a comfortable and friendly environment. However, there are a
number of limitations inherent in our methodology as well as deriving from our effectiveness -
or lack thereof - at applying it. These limitations should be considered both to give a better
picture of our achievements and also to give ideas about what more can and should be done as
an extension from our research. A discussion on limitations also serves to recursively test
sociological epistemology.

The biggest limitation is that our method reduced the scope for corroboration. There were no
respondent-independent ways to corroborate the reported data. Our data has a heavy bias
towards the respondent’s own voice and interpretation. This was exacerbated by our research
question which looked at epistemic interactions over a history which we couldn’t have directly
observed; we had to go by what the respondents told us and could only rely on cross-
examination and careful questioning to uncover complicating details or other viewpoints. Lack
of direct observation further increased our reliance on reporting and prevented us from
verifying the respondents’ claims ourselves, beyond the limited observations of their body
language during our discussions. It might have thrown light on our respondents’ frame of mind
as they were talking to us, however, that is all the corroboration it could provide.

Another major limitation is the restricted depth in our data. Given our enquiry into epistemic
processes and concerns as reflections of social factors, we would have liked to do intensive case
studies of two or three respondents, however, there were issues of trust on their part that
precluded this option. It was quite difficult to get the respondents to really open up and took
multiple visits. Sometimes, the respondents gave information that they corrected or reversed
once a certain friendliness and comfort had been established. This hesitation is understandable
given the level of discrimination, misunderstanding, and judgement our respondents have to
face every day from the larger society.

In other limitations, the sense of community level patterns is quite imprecise since we did not
have a fixed questionnaire or survey. The lack of demographic and statistical data also
precludes establishing a more thorough idea about the research population as a whole. This is
an issue which is exacerbated by lack of contrasting data whether in the form of non-CBO
occupations amongst the transgenders or cisgenders working in CBOs. However, these are
improvable in future. The precision in questions for the research requires greater knowledge of
the field in terms of preliminary patterns which this research provides. As mentioned earlier,

14
there is knowledge of total ninety five NGOs working on HIV in Delhi out of which six focuses on
transgenders from a reliable source. Currently that can’t be cited as officially corroborated data
but it points out to a possibility of a more representative study in future.

There is also one limitation pertaining to research design. Our sampling reveals a selection bias
- we talked only to those employees who were present at the CBO offices at the time of our
visits. The others, particularly those in the field, weren’t interviewed. Thus, we are unaware of
potential countervailing responses.

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CONCLUSION
The research started out with looking at a group of people clubbed around their gender who
are associated with a limited set of three occupations - two traditional and one typical. NGO
jobs which turned out to CBOs, more precisely, were seen as starting point to study the
remainder of hijra people who work outside those three occupations. However, it turned out
our segregation of these jobs based on assumption of clear distinction between categories of
traditional/typical and the rest, was wrong.

Tracing their trajectories focusing on their occupations but also including other factors like
guru-chela dynamics that we identified as playing a role from literature and based on constant
revision, we came across certain patterns that created a framework for choice to work in CBOs,
however, this choice wasn’t unrestricted. The factors that push away from traditional jobs
require a solution that could be filled by any other jobs such that it doesn’t necessarily have to
be CBO. However, at those other jobs there are factors that push away from those jobs, which
again could be tackled outside CBOs. It is only in combination appearing with variations in case
of every individual that CBO makes sense. Needless to mention, CBO has its own push factors.
The biggest being the monetary factor, lack of which comes as a void in face of fulfillment of
other needs that in the field could be seen as getting filled through sex. Again, there is no
elective affinity between two. The reasons we look at attempts delineating why the void is
occupied by sex work mostly.

Then what we have currently, at the end of this brief research is increased knowledge on the
occupations exercised by the hijra community within wider male to female transgender
category. Ethnographies on the community (Nanda 1990, Reddy 2007), in exploring the whole
hijra identity also give out details of working in traditional/typical occupations without
questioning in depth on how and why just these occupations and not others. Such study, then,
focusing on occupation of the group and more relevantly against the backdrop of 2014 NALSA
judgement which grants them a legal status, helps contributing to knowledge on occupations
that this group is associated with outside the well known framework.

However, as mentioned, the assumption was falsified in face of unraveling of symbiotic

16
The study resulted in formulation of an hypothesis regarding ‘first contact’ that can be further
explored especially in comparison to those involved in traditional occupations. According to
hypothesis, hijras growing up face a period of identity crises in face of societal lack of
knowledge on gender and non-acceptance thereof demanding a desperate resolution. It can
during be during whatever age and the first contact with someone who helped towards
resolution during this period could be playing a heavy role in their subsequent occupation
choice. Anjali Lama’ India’s first transgender model, for instance, hailing from no special
background had an altogether different kind of first contact which pushed her in the direction
she is in today. It could be more likely for a person to go into traditional work or non-traditional
work if the first transgender person they come in contact with hails from the traditional or non-
traditional category respectively. In all our cases, the first contact was someone outside
traditional set up.

Clearly from our study, CBO work is not something completely detached from the traditional
dera set up and its linkages between traditional and typical jobs. The nature of the CBO work as
uncovered seems to be pointing towards it being an alternative that is emerging in recent
times. Anitha Chettiar (2015) in her doctoral research on hijras in Mumbai starts out with
considering NGO work as a new type of typical jobs for hijras since a number of hijras are found
in that occupation. This alternative is not merely as a different occupation but as a different
community based lifestyle that ensures the benefits of the traditional setup while overcoming
its shortcomings and at the same time, responding to influences of the contemporary Indian
society which includes relatively greater general acceptance in recent years along with legal
recognition. However, it remains to be seen the extent to which CBOs replace dera life and the
extent to which they build upon it. At the very least, CBOs and working in them offer a viable
alternative to hijras dissatisfied with dera life and the younger generation of transgenders who
disavow the hijra identity: “I am a transgender. I am not a hijra.”

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