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PRJNCQPAL

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE


AT THE
SPEECHES OF CARLOS P. ROMULG
ASIAN‘AFRICAN CONFERENCE

Thesis {at H» 0229?» cf M. A.

MICHIGAN STATE UNWERSITY


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A hdgTOthAL ANALYSIS OF TdE PnlNGlEAL S£J£CHHS 0E

CARLOS P. hOmULO AT THE AdlAH—AfinlCAfl CONFEAJBCE

David John Mall

AH ABSThACT

Submitted to the College of Communication Arts


Michigan State University of Agriculture and
Applied Science in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of

EASTJR OF ALTS

Department of Speech

Year 1959

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David J. mall

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study is to examine, criti—

cise and evaluate the principal speeches of Carlos P. Romulo

at the Asian-African Conference. In achieving these objec—

tives, the writer attempted to direct attention to all of

the pertinent aspects associated with three speeches Romulo

delivered at this important international gathering. The

three Speeches were: 1) an address before the Opening


Plenary Session, 2) an address before the Political Com-
mittee, and 3) an address before the Closing Plenary Ses—
sion.

This study was undertaken because homulo is con—

sidered to be an outstanding speaker, and because the Asian—

African Conference was considered to be a significant mile-

stone in the history of international diplomacy. Since

no prior study of any aspect of Romulo's speaking has as

yet been made, it is therefore_felt that this study will

help to fill a conspicuous void in the accumulated know-

ledge of public address.

The method used in this study embodied the basic

formula of rhetorical criticism, which states that a speech

is the result of an interaction of speaker, audience, and

occasion. This study, therefore, embraced both historical


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and biographical materials. Specifically it considered

all those forces and experiences from the Speaker's life

which were believed to have influenced his speaking at

the Asian-African Conference. It presented an analytical

description of the conference itself, including an analysis

of the speaker's audience, and of how that audience viewed

the speaker. The general attitudes of the speaker toward

both his audience and the occasion were likewise considered.

In analyzing the speaker's three principal speeches,

the writer utilized classical concepts. Each speech was

treated separately in terms of invention (logical, emotion-


al, and ethical proof), arrangement and style. The three
separate analyses were each preceded by sections devoted

to a preper understanding of the immediate speaking sit-

uation, an authentication of available speech texts, and

a determination of the speaker's purpose in speaking.

Since response is considered the key to oratory, each speech

analysis was followed by a section devoted to this facet

of the total speaking event.

The material used in this study, which was derived

primarily from books, magazines, and newspapers, has been

organized into five chapters. Chapter I introduces the

problem. Chapter II seeks to provide sufficient background

information for a preper understanding of the Asian-African

Conference and the Philippine position at the conference.


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Chapter III furnishes a general description of Carlos P.

homulo, the head of the Philippine delegation, as both

man and speaker. Chapter IV contains a separate rhetorical

analysis of the three principal Speeches homulo delivered

at the conference, while Chapter V attempts to draw some

pertinent conclusions concerning his overall Speaking ef-

fectiveness.

The primary conclusions of this study, included

in Chapter V and at the end of Chapter iV, were that homulo's

principal speeches are excellent examples of rhetorical

craftsmanship, that they were well adapted to himself,

his audiences and the general orientation of Philippine

foreign policy, that they achieved response, and that they

had some influence upon the final outcome of the confer-

ence.
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A REETOBICAL murals or THE PRINCIPAL seasons as
cmos r. HOW’LO u was ASlm-AFRICAR CthniJnCB

3:

David John Hall

A THESIS

Submitted to the College of Communication Arts


hiehigan State University of Agriculture and
Applied Science in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of

EASTER OF ARTS

Department of Speech

1959
TM n

Wu. to Dr
alter being a

'3- lo: the


human. :
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writer would like to express his sincere

gratitude to Dr. Donald H. Ecrcyd for directing this study

and for being so generous of his guidance and encourage-

ment. For the advice and assistance of Dr. Kenneth G.

Hence and Dr. David 0. Ralph the writer is also deeply

grateful. Additionally and especially. the writer would

like to thank Ambassador Carlos P. Romulo whose uncommon

eloquence made this study possible.


.1.‘

:- .t
TABLE OF oomreure

Chapter

lfltIOdUCtioneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

Eurpoee...................................
LimitatiOHSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
Justification.............................
materials.................................
UbStflCleaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
MBtHOdeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
Ur;anization..............................

Background................................

fhe ABian”ArrlCfin Conference..............


Hiatorioal GeneSiseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
bbjectives.......o...................
Ireparationso........................
Attefld&nc¢eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
Lrbanization.........................
LQSUltSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
fhe rhilippine fOSitioneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
xhe inilippine View of the Conference
ire-conference Cutl°0k..........

rre-conference otrategy.........
The Conference View of the rhilip-
pines..........................o....

The neeulte of the Conference Favor-


able to the iflilippifle roeition..... 69
Ran and the Speakereeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 75
Ina man................................... 75
family BaCkgroundeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 75
Lducationeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 79
Career............................... 65
Newspaperman.................... 83
beldler......................... 89
btatebuan....................... 9'5
fersonality lraitaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 98
Eriendlinese.................... 100
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m0deaty......................... 102
dBlf‘COflfidenCeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 104
IhllOSOphy........................... 105
ldefllismeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 105
blze............................ 109
influeflCGSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 111
Gregorio hOmQIOeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 111
Manuel Le {Hezoneeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 112
[he bpeaker............................... 117
lreparation.......................... 118
Appearance........................... 119
DelIVdryeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 121

IV. The Analysis.........o........................ 124

LBtHOdeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 124
byeecn Una} the Ofeniflg AddreBS.......... 128
immediate getting.................... 128
Ieltdal AUtflenticationeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 135
rurpose.............................. 157
Arrangement.......................... 138
1nvention —- Logical froof........... 145
invention -‘ EMOtiOnal rrOOfeeeeeeeee 155
invention ~* Ltflical 1rQOfeeeeeeeeeee 160
otyle................................ 167
Audience heEponseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 175
opeech Two: the Address hefore the £011-
tical Committee.......................... 178
immediate bettingeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 178
leXtUdl AuthenticatiOn............... 182
rurpose.............................. 187
Arranéeulenteeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 190
invention -— Loaicel Lroof........... 197
invention -- hmotiOUal iroof......... 211
invention -- Qtflical IIOOf........... 215
DtylEeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 221
findidnce besponfle.................... 228
opeeCA Three: the closing address........ 230
immediate setting.................... 230
iBXtual Autfieflticatloneeeeeeeeeeeeeee 251
IUIQOSGeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 255
Arrangement.......................... 233
invention *- Logical irOOfeeeeeeeeeee 256
lnventiQn -- AMUtiunai frOOfeeeeeeeee "58
invention -‘ fitUical 1r00feeeeeeeeeee 240
otyle................................ 241
findience Response.................... 245
summdryeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 245
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v. concl‘QSionO.ICCOOIOCOOOOO00.000000000000000... 250

Appendix

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ilOOOCCOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOO 261
lli......'.......C.......O.............O.. 266

Bibliograpliy.OOOOOOOOOOOOOIIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.... 271
mm pm

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Chapter I

INThODUCTlCN

Purpose

The purpose of this study is to examine, criti-

cize and evaluate the principal speeches of Carlos P. Romulo

at the Asian-African Conference. Since the analysis is

rhetorical in nature, and since its form is essentially

that of a case study, attention must of necessity be di-

rected to all of the pertinent aspects associated with

homulo'l principal speeches at this important international

gathering. It is, however, not meant to be definitive.

Limitations

The major limitation imposed upon this study,

as suggested in the title, is to examine and criticize

only the principal speeches delivered by homulo at the

Asian-African Conference. A careful inspection of all

the available literature pertaining to the conference,

indicates that Romulo's principal speeches were three i


number: l) his address before the opening plenary session,
2: :1! address h
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2) his address before the closing plenary session, and
3) hie address before the Political Committee. Only these
three speeches will be analyzed.

Justification

The Justification for this study can be deter-

mined by answering two questions: Why study the speeches

of Carlos P. Romulo in the‘giggt place, and, in the second


place, shy study his speeches at the Asian-African Confer—
ence? fheee questions can be answered respectively with

a brief inspection of Romulo’s reputation as a speaker

and world figure, and by the historic significance of the

conference.
Carlos P. Romulo has been referred to as Asia's

asset articulate spokesman of democracy in English.1 An

editorial in the Chicago Epilx,figflg.orystallised this pre-


vailing attitude when it said: “He is probably as trench-

snt an advocate of a truly democratic Asia as ever kept

an audience spellbound.“2 Noted for his spirited and coura-

ge~ous attacks against Communism within the United Rationa,

1.. homulo Carlos P. na ' Current Biography ed.


Marjorie Dent Gandee, 18th ed.(219 8)7'p?'172. ’
zchicagg Daily News, April 15, 1955. p. 14.
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Ronulo was once described by Russia's late Andrei Y.

Vishinsky as ”this little man with the big, big voice."3


Besides fighting Communism, however, he has also sought

to voice the aspirations of millions of voiceless Asians.4

Bessweek magazine considers his to be ”a sparkling orator"

and "a world-renowned voice of Asia.”5


Ronnie's speaking ability has warranted many

favorable ecumente. he has been universally acclaimed

the nest eloquent speaker to appear on the rostrum of the

United Nations.6 In fact, the noted radio commentator,

8. V. Ialtenborn speaks of hiu.as "the best orator of the

General Assembly."7 The source of his eloquence was gauged

by an editorial appearing in the indiaggpolis Star. it

said that "he has a unique ability to marry passion with

logic.“8

3"Romulo - Little hen Who Was There," Eewswcek,


xiiiv (December 19. 1949). p. 22.
4"hormilo, Carlos P. (ens).'.;22-.2_1-
5s 'Rommy‘ Goes Out," Newsweek, XXXXII (August
31, 1953)s P. 40'
5 a - .
George A. aalcolm girst as a an no ublic (Bos-
ton: The Christopher Publishing ouse, 9515, p. 254.

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8u. s. c ressional Record, 81th Cong., lst


Sess., 1955, 01. §§%%”I3I“1537b7'333¥1ng from the Indiana-
polio §33£,of April 21, 1955. .
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Bomulo's reputation, however, is not solely cons

fined to the speaker's platform; he has also distinguished

himself as a world figure in the following fields: news—

pupcrman, soldier, and statesman. In 1941 a series of

articles he wrote predicting Japanese aggression won for

him the Pulitzer Prize for distinguished correspondence.

During the Second World Bar in the Pacific he served on

the staff of General Douglass hacirthur and by war’s end


was raised from the rank of major to that of brigadier

general. In January of 1949 he received the honor of be-


ing elected to the chairmanship of the U. R. General is-

sembly. He was the first Asian to hold this position.

The reputation Romulo has earned for himself

as a world figure has also brought him a large number or

decorations from foreign governments as well as from his

own government, including the Golden Heart, the highest

Philippine decoration. He has received soms.thirty hon—


orary degrees from colleges and universities across the

globe. Among the.more recent or many awards presented

to him by organisations in the United States are the Phi

Beta Kappa Distingdahed Service Award (1955) and the Pie-


neer Hedalicn cf the World Brotherhood (1956).9

Looking now at the historic significance of the

9"Ronulo, Osrlos P. (one),";gg.‘2;1.. p. 474.


warmer.

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aim histc:

1: his ever
Asianpifrican Conference, it can be said that it was the

first inter-continental meeting of colored pecple in his-

tory of mankind.10 In this one respect, then, it is unique.

many sources have also considered the conference to be an

important landmark in the growth of international sooner-

ation.11 The historian Ian Thompson wrote that it “marks

one of the greatest and most crucial turning points of

modern history.'12 The Christian Centur1_saidx “Few events

in Asia ever attracted such brilliant representatives of

the fourth estatc.'13 Ehg_§gg'1g£§‘giggg maintained that


“in scope and importance it will rank second in world af-

fairs only to a meeting of the General Assembly of the

7—— —-— fi—v—MA—LH-

loAlex Jasey, “The Multitude at Bandung,” Egg;


Statesman and Nation, IL, No. 1259 (April 23, 1955). P.
S.
11While one source wrote that ”in history it may
come to be ranked with the Congress of Vienna, at which
modern Euroyean diplomacy was launched" 0. hand, "Our
Far-Flung Correspondents," fig! Yorker, Kill (June 11, 1955).
p. 39 , by way of contrast another wrote that"in sheer
geographical seeps the gathering at Bandoeng makes all
the congresses that Europe has held over the centuries
look like a neighbourly chat over garden fences“ "coun-
oil of Asia,” Economist, onixv (April 16, 1955). p. 179 .
12lan Thongon, The_Rige gg'godern fifiiQ (London:
John surrey Ltd, 1957). p. 230. He alsomsaid quite poeti-
cally: "Bandung was the touch-stone of a new age, the
articulation of a new dynamic. Early morning had broken
over the east." See lbiV.

13e’inburn T. Thomas, "Bandung shows spirit of


Unity,“ ghristian Ce tur , LXXII (say 11, 1955). p. 572.
End 531035

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United nations,"1‘ nails a high a. a. official himself
declared that it was “the most important conference of

the century."15

tith these factual and testimonial observations

in evidence, it is possible to conclude that Carlos I.

homulo has the reputation of an outstanding speaker and

world figure, and that when he attended the Asian-African

Conference as head of the Philippine delegation, he was

attending a meeting of genuine importance. Deepite these

twin Justificaticne for the present study, however, a sur-


vey of the Knower and Auer Indexes in Speech monographs

reveal. that no critical investigation dealing with any

facet of Romulc's speaking career has as yet been attempted.

in view of all these facts, therefore, it would appear

to be highly desirable to fill a conspicuous void in the


knowledge of public address by examining, criticizing,

and evaluating the principal speeches of Carlos E. Ronnie

at the Asian—African Conference.

“2.1.1.2 regressing. mu 17. 1955. see. 4,


P0 50 ~

15'The Chinese Communist Invitation to Talk,”


New Republig, oxxxxx (May 2, 1955). p. 5.
ted: to obta
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fiaterials

-The information used in this study was not dif-

ficult to obtain. A wealth of primary and secondary source

material was discovered by consulting such bibliographical

sources as library card catalogues, national trade lists,

general indexes to periodical literature, and various daily

newspapers. Letters to the Philippine Embassy in Washing-

ton also led to excellent material.


Because the Asianplfrioan Conference was attended

by a large number of Journalists, an abundance of periodi-

cal literature was written about it, including that which

appeared in both magazines and newspapers. In addition,

three peeple who attended the conference subsequently wrote

books about it, while others published their observations

in sections of books. Several pamphlets, devoted exclu-

sively to the conference, also appeared.

with respect to newspapers, a half-dozen Ameri—

can dailiee were consulted as well as a leading Manila

daily. An interview with Dr. Fiederiok Siebert, the Di-


rector cf the School of Journalism at Kichigan State Uni-

versity, suggested that the following American newspapers

would probably contain the most extensive and factually


objective information about what went on at the
L133 Renter.

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conferencexl6 the St. Louis‘gggtaflis atch, the Chicago
liaily Hews, the Sani‘rancisco Chronicle and Ell-2 M m
" es. lo this list were subsequently added the Christian

ficience Mo "tor, the Detroit 3333 M, and fly; Kamila


II;§32, Since the manila daily contained the best infor-
mation both qualitatively and quantitatively, it has been

quoted rather eiteneively throughout this study.17

material dealing with homulo himself was obtained

from.numorous magazine articles written about him as well

as from his official biography. Since the speaker's bio-

graphy proved to be far from definitive, however, what

information it did contain had to be supplemented by his

own autobiographical writings and by two short biographi-


cal sketches appearing in Qggrent Biography. Wherever

possible the greatest reliance was placed upon what homulo

has said of himself.

hegarding speech texts, no outstanding difficul—

ties were encountered. Ber Romulo'e Gpening Address, five


i_.._. 4.;

15interview with Dr. Frederick Siebert, Director


of the School of Journalism, Michigan State University,
harsh, 1959e

17The reason for this qualitative and quantita-


tive excellence is quite simple. ‘ggg Manila Times evident-
ly looked upon Bomulo as a 'favorite son'. This is read-
1 y observable from the number of 'interpretive' articles
devoted exclusively to him, and from the fact that news
agency dispatches were obviously utilized discriminately
in favor of those which contained the most information
about We
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w
different cepiee were obtained; for his speech before the

Political Committee, three different copies were obtained;

and for hie Closing Address, one cepy was obtained in ad-

dition to eome extensive excerpte. Although none of these

texte can be said to be completely accurate for varying

reaeone. it ie nevertheless felt that the versions actu-

ally need in thie analyeie most accurately reflect what


the speaker eaid.

In analyzing the speeches themselves, critical


concepts were obtained from.rhonseen and Baird's Speech

££1112i§5,and from Gilman. Aly. and Reid's Egg guacamen-


jggghgg’spgaking. The former was used extensively through-
out the analyeie while the latter was called upon in cir-

cunetancee requiring a more specialized approach. Both

booke proved very helpful.

Obstacles

Of the obstacles encountered in this study the

two meet important were derived from the nature of some

of the material used and from.the nature of some of the


conference proceedings. The first obstacle is partially

eXplained in the following quotation:

All during the week there were two ways


of regarding the conference - as a contest
and
gzel
cull
an
p12:
pro-
IOI‘

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10

and as a get tozether. The forIer had the


greater appeal for the Western, and parti-
cularli the American Journalists. Therefore.
any do agate who could be made to seem like
an anti-Gonnunist gladiator was apt to be
plazzd up, and the element of conflict was
pro bl: overemphaeised in the pictpre the
'world was given of the proceedings. 8
What this comment clearly implies is that since Romulo
was considered to be an 'anti-Oommunist gladiator“ by the
leeriean Journalists, his conference activities might not

have been given the most objective treataent.

the danger that Boaulc did not receive the most


dispassicnate reporting is further seen in some of the

results of a study dealing with the newspaper coverage

I! the ecnferenee.19' Iqbal Hasan Burney, a.qurnalist

who reperted the conference for the Associated Press of

Pakistan. has eade a ooaparative analysis of the Journal-

istie viewpoint which seven prestige newspapers presented

te their readers. these seven newspapers were:

line of Me (Baum)
flig§§,(ladrae)
Hindustan 1m (New Delhi)
‘2553,(Karachi)

' Ewgf' - **
”as M. me me. D. 62s

1’J‘Iiiqbeil. Hasan Barney, ’lewspaper Coverage of the


landing Genf e' (unpublished haster.s thesis. Sta-[era
Iniweesity. was. 1956). 1 , *
Waugh cent

a; dictate:

II of the f
Bur

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M u: of 1

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union is be

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ll Iran {.-
ll

Pakistan‘2;g§g (Lahore)
21ggg,(London)
lew York‘giggg
Although convenience and the factor of availability parti-

ally dictated the choice of the newspapers analyzed,20

ease of the findings are quite noteworthy.

Barney concluded in his study that 2.9.9. fig! 19;};


um gave its readers a "more lop-sided “picture of Bosnia
than an: of the other newspapers. "gag, .1191 2933 um.”
he said. "gives hin.a tremendous boost, while he is more

or less ignored by all the other newspapers."21 This con-

clusion is better understood, however, when it is realised

that at the writer's own admission, “six out of the seven

newspapers reflected support in their news coverage for

the known objectives of their national foreign policies."22

The absence of complinentary news about Ronulo in such


newspapers as the three published in India is therefore

to be expected. India and the Philippines pursue foreign

policy objectives that are quite different. The former

is a confirmed neutralist, while the second is a staunch

zoigide, Pe 2e

21M" p. u.
2?;p;g.. p. 122. The only exception was the
.Pakistan gimeg which reportedly subscribes to extra-nation-
31 1.831n83e
mom: of ti:
my man, i

at he! been i

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supporter of the West. The comparative analysis which

Burney makes, therefore. has only limited application to

what.has been included in this thesis. If the reporting

at the conference was “lap-sided“, it was not ”loposided”

in just one direction.


Even though Burney's study cannot adversely af-
fect what has been included in this thesis. there is the

pessibility that some of it night even enhance the quality

and reliability of the material used here. He states,


for example, that the Asian and African newspaper world

was under-represented at the conference and that there

was a predmainance of European and American newspaper per-

sonnel. He also states that the newspapers of Asia and

Africa depended largely upon international news agencies

for their foreign news 25 and that these news agencies as

a rule ”try to separate facts from comment."24 In light

of these admissions, therefore, it should be pointed out

that since American periodical literature has been exten-

sively need in this thesis, the most quantitative source

has been utilized. Also, since the greatest possible re-

liance has been placed upon news agency dispatches, the

23M. 1 Po 19.

2‘;b1a., pp. 121-22.


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most objective source, qualitatively, has been utilized

as well.25

The second important obstacle concerns an absence

of completely reliable news about what went on in the closed


sessions. Since these closed sessions were conducted in

secret, reporters were not permitted to cover them. The

same study quoted above, however. does not consider this

exclusion policy to be such a debilitating factor. Burney


says:

When the Conference started, it was


discovered that nothing at all could be kept
a secret. Newsmen had their 'pet’ delegates
and would know what was happening inside
before a particular session would formally
come to an end. Hews agencies were thus
able to keep a sort at running commentary
on the proceedings.2

He also states that “most of the delegates were eager to

air their respective viewpoints" and that nearly all imp

portant delegations had planted their officers to "culti-


vate the world press.” He concludes, therefore, that the

conference presented little difficulty to the resourceful

newsman.27 Although what went on in these closed sessions

25in attempt has been made to isolate these dis—


patches in the footnotes by including the author and title
or all interpretive articles.

25;;;g,. p. 18.
27lbid.
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has to be pieced together from a number of journalistic

sources, it is nevertheless believed that an accurate re-

construction of events has been made in this study.

Method

The function of the rhetorical critic is to des—

cribe, analyze, interpret, and evaluate the various aspects

of a speaker's ability to discover all the available means

of persuasion in a given case. An effort will be made in

the following pages to satisfy this function.

The kind of treatment required for a prayer rhe-

torical analysis embodies the basic formula of rhetorical

criticism, which states that a speech is the result of an

interaction of speaker, audience, and occasion. This study,

therefore, will embrace both historical and bingraphical

materials. Specifically, it will consider all those

forces and experiences from the speaker's life which are

believed to have influenced his speaking at the Asian-Afri-

can Conference. It will also present an analytical descrip-

tion of the conference itself, including an analysis of the

speaker's audience - its composition and background ..

and how that audience viewed the Speaker. The general

attitudes of the speaker toward both his audience and the


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occasion will likewise be considered.


When analyzing the speaker's three principal

speeches, classical concepts will be called into play.

Each speech will be treated in terms of invention (logical,

emotional, and ethical proof), arrangement, and style.


Since response is the key to oratory, this facet of the

total speaking situation will also be taken into account.

Crganization

The present study has been organised into five

chapters of which this introductory chapter is the first.

Chapter II seeks to provide sufficient background mater-

ial for a proper understanding of the Asian-African Con-

ference and the Philippine position at the conference.

Chapter III furnishes a general description of Carlos P.

Romulc as both man and speaker. Chapter IV contains a

separate rhetorical analysis for each of the three speeches

Romulc delivered at the conference, while Chapter V attempts

to draw some valid conclusions concerning the overall ef-


fectiveness of these speeches. The conclusions drawn will

be based on the material supplied in the preceding chap-

tors.
11

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Chapter II

THE BACKGEOUND

In order to analyze prepcrly the speaking ef-

forts of Carlos P. homulo at the Asian—African Conference,

it will be necessary to put both the speaker and his

speeches in their preper perspective. The present chapter

has been written for this purpose; and all pertinent in-

formation contained herein has been divided under two

general headings: the Asian-African Conference and the

zhilippine Pgsition at the conference.

The Asian—African Conference

who purpose of this section is to describe

in as objective a way as possible the event that occurred

at Bandung, Indonesia, between April 18th and 24th,

1955 ~- the now famous Asian-African Conference. In

achieving this intended purpose the following six ele-

ments will be considered: historical genesis, objectives,

preparations, attendance, organization, and


results.

16
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It would be impossible within the stipulated

limits of this thesis to trace the development of the

Bandung ides to its original source. for to do so would

necessitate a detailed explication of the entire history

of European colonialism in Asia and Africa. Rather, it

will be the purpose here to consider only those events

which will contribute most effectively to an understand-

ing or the reasons why the Asian-African Conference took

place.

While the immediate origins of the conference

are rooted deeply in the post-war emergence of an indepen-

dent Asia and Africa,1 the first tangible expression of

s genuine pan-Asian sentiment occurred in August of 1926


when the Asian delegates to the non-official International
Conference for Peace declared in a memorandum that Asia
must have its rightful place in the consideration of world

problems. The memorandum stated in part:

There is one thing which.cannot fail


to strike anyone who studies the peace
movements of EurOpe. It is the £act...that
when.huropean peeple think of peace they

V.

" 1Charles H. Malik, Egg Prgblem.g£10 existence


(Evanston: Northwestern University Press, §555, p. 19.
w the As;

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think of it only in terms of Europe. In


the insgination of European thinkers the
world seems to be confined to the areas
inhabited by European races. The vast
continent of Asia. containing as it does
sons of the nest ancient civilizations,
and holding the vast najority or the world's
population, and Atrics, with its paiticular
problems do not come into the picture at
all. This we submit wéth all humility, is
s wrong point of view.
A second link in the chain of events leading

up to the Asian-African Conference was added in March of

1947 when representatives from 28 Asian nations and non-

self-govsrning territories met in New Delhi under the aus-

pices of the Indian Council of World Affairs.3 It was

at this Asian Relations Conference, as it was called, that

the ides. or Asian unity first began to take definite shape.‘


to this conference delegates came to consider some of the

nsnifold problems which all Asia at that time had to fees,

such as movements for political independence and inequal-

ities resulting tron racial discrimination. Pandit Nehru.

who ens ohsirnsn of the conference, crystallized the thoughts

2
i. Appadorsi The " for noe (New Delhi:
Indian Council or World'AH-simfiare.56%
p. .
3Werner Levi, F as In is in Asia (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota, 1952 , pp. 36-38, cited by Alfred
Crofts and Pore Buchanan .é.§12f2£1 Of gnawing East ('0'
York: Longnans? Green and 00., nc.,“I9)8), p. FIE?
4Carlos P. Romulo, "The crucial Battle for Asia,“
ghg_lew Zgrk Times figgazine, September 11, 1949, p. 68.
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uppermost in the minds of the delegates when he said:

“In.this crisis in world history Asia will necessarily


play a vital role. The scantries of Asia can no longer

be used as pawns by others; they are bound to have their

own policies in world affairs.“5


The resulta of th.is anion Relations Conference

are noteworthy. Significantly, the conference s:c


be W1 th

a frank discussion of what the delegates adamantly opooced,


but it ggdcg with an equally frank discussion of What they
essentially gavore . After much discussion concerning
the failures of the white man in Asia, t.hc delegates turned

their attention to a discussion of agricultural output and

increased industrialization. The] objected to the concept


or ”‘“sin for the Asians" and talked instead of friendly
desperation with all nations. Beyond this they also called

for additional conferences to be held and a permanent staff

to be set up to work upon common economic problems.6 In

short, the most significant feature or the conference was

that the accomplishments were not to be found in concrete

actions, but rather in the mutual exchange of ideas between

A A— A;

SCerlos P. Ronnie, ”Asia Bust Dc Soon Through


Asian Eyes,” Thc .6! York Times magazine, September 3,
19.30;; Pe 150

6"Asians Hoot Africans,“ F


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Alien lccdcro concerning their future social and economic

progrccc.7
A third important landmark in the hictorical
genoci- ot the doinn-dtrican conference took place in may

of 1950 at Baguio in the Philippines. it thin time and

place certain South and Southeast Asian countries8 recoup

mended that they chould consult with each other in order

to further the intercotc of their own region. and to in-

curc that the viewpoint of the people. they represented

were prominently kept in nind.9


Reference should elcc be made at this point in

time to the formation of an drab-Aeian bloc in the United

lotion. on c recult or the Korean cricie and in response

to a growing demand for international reocgniticn.1°

7two years later, in January of 1949. another


important conference took place in New Delhi, but this
time cone concrete action resulted. The conference re-
ferred to brought moral preceurc to bear on the Juet and
cpccdy cclution of the lndonecian problem while acting
ctrictly within the framework of the United Nations. Sec
Ehillipc Talbot (cd.) 80 ‘Agig 13.1331“ 58(Chi--
coco: The Univercity'of'gfigcago Preco,l
31h. oountricc present were Ceylon, India, Pak-
ictmm, and the Philippinec.

sippudorai, no 0&50’ p. 20

10m l. Howard, “The Arab-Anion States in the


United lotions.“ 0 Mid Vll (Summer,
1953). p. 282. “QEHIEE, Itm wan ayour after the
international organisation wu- founded (in 1947) that the
Indian Ambassador to the U! Acct Ali called together all
the Alien-Atrium unborn in an endeavor to unify their
policy over the question of Israel. Sec Ian Thomson,‘ghg
Bloc of Modern Ania (London: John Murray Ltd., 1957),
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Because the principle or a new alignment was being initi-

amn.hsre, this development likewise pretigured the historic


meeting of Asian-African nations in the Spring of 1955.11
It has even been suggested that it was because the United

laticns had not been permitted to function as a world or-

ganisation that the representatives of five-eighths of


the human family were induced to assemble at Bandung.12

As a result or this common.feeling engendered

and enhanced by past conicrenees and by past experience

in.ths U.H.. the prime ministers of Burma and Indonesia

Joined with those of Ceylon, India and Pakistan at Colombo.


Ceylon. in.ipril of 1954 to seek a mutual understanding

ever the struggles then going on in Indc—China.13 the

delegates involved took a firm stand against the further

development of nuclear weapons and in favor of admitting

Communist China into the United nations. it the end of


their deliberations the participating countries issued a

Joint statement mentioning the desirability of holding a


full dress meeting or Asian and African nations sometime

in the near future. The Prime Minister of Indonesia, Dr.

”mu, m. m.
12H. Straight, 'Do We Want Asian Unity?', How
m. emu (April 25. 1955). p. 5-6. '""
13Guy Wint, Sguth Asia. Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace. Pamphlet 500. p. 163. cited by Crofts
and Buchanan, lg . c I.
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Ali SastroamidJoJo, was thereupon asked to explore all


the possibilities of staging such a conference.14

Ihese same Colombo Powers reconvened eight months

later on.December 28, 1954. at Bogor, Indonesia. At this

meeting Sir John Kotelawala of Ceylon stated the views


of the other members when he said: "I do not think any
of us claim.the right to speak for Asia, but until such

time as Asia can speak for herself, I think we have a duty


to see that our views on Asian affairs do not go unheeded.”
He added. ”We should strive to usher in a new era in Asian

relations by discarding the harsh word for the gentle one,

by replacing suspicion and misunderstanding with trust and

eon!idenee.'15 Therefore, in keeping with this commonly

held attitude, the five Colombo prime.ministers agreed

that an Asian-African conference should be inaugurated


under their joint sponsorship. (The dates subsequently

14Most of the sources the writer has consulted


seem to consider Dr. Sastroamidjojo as the originator of
the conference idea. In fact. nichard Wright calls him
“the ideoIOgioal father of the conference;“ see hichard
Wright, The Color Curtain (Cleveland: The World Publish-
ing Company. I953), p. 136. This assertion might be par«
tially based on the fact that in August of 1953. when the
struggle in lads-China was most acute, Dr. Sastroamidjojo
shad reportedly suggested that it was than time for the
countries of Asia and Africa to begin working together
in unison. -8ee Thomson. gp.‘gi3.. p. 220.
15Homer A. Jack, gandggg (Chicago: Toward Free~
dom, 1956), p. l.
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agreed upon were April 18-24, 1955, and the meeting place

was to be Bandung, Indonesia, a resort city situated in

the mountains of western Java.)

This brief historical sketch then, indicates

one of the chief underlying causes for holding the Asian-


Afrioan Conference, namely the desire on the part of the

nations represented, for a larger voice in world affairs.

it can be seen that the first significant historical land-

mark occurred nearly a quarter of a century before the


conference actually took place, that the conference was

rooted in the post~war emergence of an independent Asia

and Africa; and that for varying reasons it was prefigured

in the Arab-Asian bloc which formed in the United Nations.

It can likewise be seen that when the Colombo Powers met

at the capitol of Ceylon in 1954 they were not at all meet-

ing as complete strangers. 0n the contrary, a series of

conferences held over the years had served to instill the

idea in the public mind that much benefit could be derived

from.mutual consultation.

Objectives

Although the five Colombo prime ministers meeting


3 Bags: ii:

:1 til pro;

{alto speci:

1: Means:

{mice were
in Bagor did not prepare an advanced agenda,16 the purposes

of the preposcd Asian-African Conference were nevertheless

quite specifically spelled out in their Joint communique.

he subsequently stated the intended purposes or the con-

tersnce were:

(a) to promote good will and cosperation


among the nations of Asia and Africa, to ex-
plore and advance their mutual as well as com-
mon interests, and to establish and further
friendliness and neighborly relations.

(b) to consider social, economic and


cultural problems and relations of the coun-
tries represented.

(o) to consider problems of special in-


terest to Asian and African peoples, e.g.,
problems affecting national sovereignty and
of racialism and colonialism.

(d) to view the position of Asia and


Africa and their peoples in the world today
and the contribution they can make to thel7
promotion of world peace and cooperation.

more specifically, however, the five prime ministers be-

fore leaving Eager had demanded self-rule for Tunisia and

Horosco, supported Indonesia's claim to Westihfian, and

expressed grave concern over experimental nuclear bomb

160arlos r. Romulo, pp; meaning 9; Band (Chapel


U‘

Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1956b, p.


6. Ronnie also states here that this lack of a previously
drawn up agenda 'played...into the hands of the states
allied with, or more or less friendly toward the West.”
more will be said about this when the organization or the
conference is considered.

"mun-9.2m. April 17. 1955. p. 43.


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testin¢.1. The solution of these problems also constitu—

ted an intended objective of the asian—African Conference.

Upon first convening at Bandung the above objec-

tives were lmre firmly crystallised in the form of a seven-


pcint agenda prepared and agreed upon by the conference

Joint secretariat. is released to the press this agenda

included the following items: cultural cooperation; eco-

nonis cooperation; problems of dependent peoples; human

rights and self-determination; use of nuclear energy; wea~


pons of mass destruction; and promotion of world peace

and cooperation.19 It was uithin this framework that the

participating states hoped to gain for themselves a larger

share in world affairs.20

Ihe Indonesian government made every effort to

prove at Bandung that they could arrange,with competence,


21
s.nsJor international conference. The selection of the

1.0 l !. Bevan ‘_f H


torn sues-ages... 1956,1153".L W Q; the. 2222‘; ( u
”m 11mins W. April 13. 1955. p. 8-
ZO‘n editorial in the Christian Science monitor
observed, ”the Bandung conference is being organised around
political and philosophical concepts Asians share.“ See
pgggigtigngcienge Monitog, April 18, 1955. p. 12.
”Ram. 93. m” p. 585.
Mex-once I

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55

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conference site was one of the more significant of these

efforts.

Bandung. (called the ”Paris of Indonesia") is


situated in an ancient lake bed. the crater of an extinct
volcano, more than 2,000 feet above sea level and about

120 miles south of Djakarta on the island of Java.22 The

city is located amidst wooded hills and lovely valleys


where the weather is neither too warm nor too cold. It

was truly an ideal spot to hold a conference.

When it was finally decided to make this pleasant

resort city the site of the Asiansdfrican Conference a

heavy responsibility fell upon the three quarters of a

million inhabitants. In general, the entire city was cleaned

and renovated from top to bottom; and in less than four

months Bandung was transformed into an efficient conference

headquarters.23

At a cost of about $1,500,000, some 20,000 build-


24
jinn; had been painted or whitewashed. Some seventeen

hotels and numerous residences were requisitioned by the

government for the delegates and newspaper personnel.

—-—-_1 *-

2ZWinburn.T. Thomas, “Bandung Site on a Volcano,“


Christian Century, Lilli (April an, 1955). p. 470.
23Jack, gg,‘g$£.. p. 5.
‘4Rowan, loc. cit.
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Special foods were imported to satisfy the appetites of


the visiting dignitaries, and the hotels were given spe-

cial instructions in preparing their menus.25

The roads to the city were all resurfaced and

new mercury arc lamps were installed. done two hundred

automobiles were taken over by the government and put at

the disposal of the various delegations. In addition,

each delegation was furnished with a military and motor-

cycle escort.

Eithin the city itself, the supply of electricity

was augmented to accommodate the increased demand for light-

ing. Two large buildings, completely redecorated for the

occasion, furnished the conference with excellent halls

and rooms. One or them. an old Dutch club called "Concor-


dia” was entirely rebuilt to house the plenary sessions and
the press facilities.20 The building itself was located

near the center of town, and its main hall could easily
accommodate 2,000 peOple. The other building called the

Geding Dwi Warns (formerly an Old Dutch civil service buil-


ding) was situated near the outskirts of town, and it

_ .A

25Jack, L93. cit.


26Thie building was subsequently renamed Ueding
Herdeka (House of Freedom) by President Sukarno of Indo-
neais a few days before the conference began. Furnishings
for the main.hall were imported from Europe.
purified all

31

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provided all the roe-s necessary for the closed sessions.27


Substantial press facilities were also set up

with special cable and radio-telephone links to almost

forty countries around the globe. The Indonesian ministry

of Information published a daily conference bulletin; and

the Indonesian telecommunications office was also prepared

to transmit for the world press and delegations up to

200,000 words of news and official.reports each dey.28

The conference hall was equipped with the United

Nations system of simmltaneous translation; and English

was made the official language of the conference. During

the plenary sessions, however, there were simultaneous

translations into both English and French, while any dele-

gate could have translations in any other language if he

supplied his own translator.

Before the conference got under way all undesir-

ables were rounded up and taken out of the city for ten-

porary internment. A siseable detachment of Indonesian

soldiers and policemen armed with grenades and submachinc

guns were stationed throughout the city specifically to

278pencer Davis, ”Hohru Sets Antinhed Weapon,"


ggih filings, April 9, 1955. p. 16. Where possible
wr or include the author and title of all news-
paper articles.
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keep order, 29 and an entire army division was stationed

on the outskirts of town to prevent any surprise attack

from the Darul Islam, a violent sect of Islamic extremists

which threatened to disrupt the eonf“rence thereby ember-

Tossing the Indonesian government.


3O Fortunately, no in—

dications of rebellion occurred.

Attendance

In analyzing the comgosition of the membership

of the Asianuifriosn Conference certain similarities and

differences are easily discernible. Before considering

these common and divergent factors, however, it would be

well first to consider briefly the general attendance char-

acteristics of the conference.

General Characteristics

A list or the countries invited to attend the

conference includes the following independent nations:31

29Jack, loc. it.


3oKeyes Beech, “Have-Note 1flock to Bandung,"
Chicago Bail! H9338, April 16’ 1955, Po 1.

3lfixoeptions to the independence rule were made


in the cases of the Gold Coast and the Sudan. Nehru cone
sidered these exceptions justified in order to give Africa
a “more adequate representation." See Detroit Free Press,
1. Afghanistan 13. Lebanon

2. Cambodia 14. Liberia

3. Central African 15. Libya


Federation)3

17. Philippines
5. Egypt ,
18. Saudi Arabia
6. Btdopia
19. Sudan
7. Gold Coast
20. Syria
8. Iran
21. Thailand
90 Japan
22. Turkey
100 Jordan
23. Vietnam (Earth)
11. L308
24. Vietnam (South)
12. Iraq
25. Yemen

These countries plus the five Colombo powers (Indie, Burma,


Ceylon, Pak.stan, and Indonesia) constituted the 29 inde—

pendent stctes which sent official delegations.34

32Ths Central African Federation subsequently


turned down its invitation to attend the conference because
he head of state had too many problems of a rather press-
ing nature to attend to at home.

33Sinco the countries invited were asked to send


foreign and/or prime ministers, the head of the Philippine
delegation was raised to cabinet rank without portfolio
so that he could participate on a level of equality with
the other chief delegates. See Vera micneles Dean, "han-
dung: Acid Test for test and East," Egggigg Policx‘ggl-
I125;g, ixx1v (April 15, 1955). p. 119.
34Thc official delegations totalled some 600
peeple none of whom were women.
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31

In addition to these official delegations, a

number of unofficial observers also came to plead Special

causes. North Africa was well represented by spokesmen

from Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria who seized every oppor-

tunity to berets French policy with respect to their own

countries. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Nadj Amir e1 Hus-

sein, attended and was made a member of the Yemen delega-

tion. His time was mostly spent in describing the plight

of the Arab refugee in Palestine. His Highness the Arch-

bishop of Cyprus, was also readily available to present

the idea of freedom for his island from Great Britain.

And Congressman Adam Clayton Powell was present in an un-

official capacity to participate in several press confer-

ences designed to paint a favorable picture of America's

racial policies. For the most part, however, these and

other unofficial observers of less importance worked be-

hind the scenes to accomplish their individual goals.35


As far as the press was concerned, between five

and six hundred journalists came from nearly 50 countries

around the world. It is reported that the largest single

contingent came from the United States which sent approx-

imately 50 press and radio correspondents.36 The British

35James Cameron, "Chou En-lai at the Asian-Af-


rican meeting,“ heporter, XII (May 19. 1955). p. 13.
36Spencer Davis, "Nehru bets Anti-med Weapon,”
loc. cit., p. 16.
pm It! I

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32

preee wae aleo eaid to have sent a sizeable group. These

people, taken.together, represented a great variety of

media ranging from daily newspapers to scholarly Journals.37

Similarities

The points of similarity among the member states

were the result of a common ethnic and religious background

ae well ae a shared political and economic exPerience.

To begin with, the Asian-African Conference was unmistak-

ably organized around the concept of "race," for it can be

eeen from the list of the countries represented that no

“white" nations were invited. Whether intentional or not

the eponeoring countries had drawn a clearly discernible

"color line."38 As one writer who attended the conference

put it, "The delegatee...were there because of a convic-

tion that the problem.g§,the twentieth century is the pro-

blem‘gg the cglor line."59

)7Jack. 22e age, Pe 9e

38Thie eo-called ”color line" probably did not


apply to the Turks and Iranians,"Who do not regard them-
eelvee as colored.” See “Strange Bedfellows," Newsweek,
VI. (April 11, 1955). p. 53.
39Saunders Bedding, "The Meaning of Bandung,“
American Scholar, XXV (Autumn, 1956), p. 411. The writer
ievee that it would be generally incorrect to say that
the “color line" had been deliberately drawn by the con-
ferenoe planners. hather he thinks it would be more cor-
rect to say that the problem of race was the result of a
political, economic and historical coincidence.
nJJ

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33

Closely aesociated with this concept of race

was the allied concept of religion. "1 began to sense

a deep and organic relation...in Bandung between race and

religion" stated one observer in a book he later wrote

dealing with the conference.


40 This observer also main-

tained that the merging of race and religion was the re-

sult of attitudes and practices engendered by testern na-


tions which had instilled in the peoples of their former

colonies a sense of racial and religious inferiority.41

In the book's preface, which was written by the famed Swe—

dish Sociologist Gunner hyrdal, appears the following quo-

tation:

Religion is their cultural heritage,


from many thousands of years of living and
dying and fearing, and it has molded their
institutions and loaded their valuations. 2
Race is the eXplosive pressure of their reac-
tion to West Burcpcan prejudice and discrim—
ination, stored and accumulated under cen-
turies of colonial domination. 3

4oWright, 22. cit., p. 140.

‘11b1d.
42The truth of this observation was later corro-
borated by the moral and spiritual sentiments espressed
by the heads of delegation during the Opening session.
Wrote one reporter: "Expressions of religious sentiment
and faith have been much more numerous than in comparable
meetings of Western nations." A. Bank barnett, "heligion
Steps in at Asia Parley," Chicago Daily News, April 20,
' 1955. De 2e

43Wright, _2, cit., p. 7.


1% ha cs:

:2: rec-sit

recently {
d1 aharei
4 '..A
"Wit-due.
54

Another unifying factor among the delegations

at the conference was that they represented nations which

had received an independent political status relatively

recently (twelve of post-war date) and that they nearly


all shared at one time or other a condition of colonial

servitude. 44 In other words, the twenty-nine nations re-

presented at Bandung shared a common abhorrence of imper-

ialism, because they had all arisen in general Opposition

to western domination.4S

In addition, the countries present at Bandung

comprised the poorer and less deveIOped nations of the

worlde 46 Although the delegates represented about 62 per

cent of the world's peeple, their countries received only

about 15 per cent of the world's income.47 According to

‘4"Counc11 of Asia," Economist, CLiiv (April


16, 1955), p. 119.
4Shalik,‘_p..git., p. 18. It would be possible
to assume, therefore, that on questions involving colonies
or the treatment of non—self-governing peeples, the con—
ference membership would present a fairly solid front.
See will haslow, "The Afro-Asian Bloc in the United Nations,”
hiddle hastern Affairs, Vill (November, 1957), pp. 372-77,
for further substantiation.

46homulo, The Meaning of Banduns, op. cit., p. 3.

47Ronald Stead, “Asian-African Delegates PUt


Success Label on Bandung," Christian Science monitor, Ap-
ril 25, 1955, p. 1.
a: records c

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the records of the conference secretariat, the nations

assembled at Bandung were importing at the time only 18

billion dollars worth of products annually, while the Eur-

cpcan countries, on the other hand, exclusive of the Soviet

bloc and with a much smaller pepulation (300 million), were


importing 32 billion.48

Qigferegces

If the nations attending the Asiannifrican Gon-

fcrsncc hold certain things in common, they also reflected

some very basic differences. Chief among these differences

were divergent political views as well as contrasting so-

0131 and ethical values. The twenty-nine nations at the


conference nominally comprised four distinct orientation

blocs: Communist, pro-West, neutralist, and uncommitted.

in article in the Manila Eimgg, in turn, broke these blocs

down partially by countries as follows:49

Communist - China and North Vietnam

Pro—West - the SEATO powers (Thailand,


Pakistan and the Philippines),
and possibly Japan, Cambodia,
Laos, South.Vietnam, Turkey,
Iraq, Iran and Lebanon

‘81 comparison of exports during the same period


of time showed the Bandung countries with a combined total
ctdl¢§ billion and Western Europen bloc with $28 billion.
See the Q3, genie Post-Dis tch, April 26, 1955. p. 2A.

4921-: W Lime. April 6. 1955. pp. 1 and 3.


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Hsutralist - India, Burma, Indonesia and


Ceylon50
Uncommitted - the Arab bloc (Afghanistan,
Libya, Egypt, Saudi Arabia,
Sudan, Syria, Jordan and
Yemen), plus Liberia, Nepal,51
Ethiopia and the Gold Coast.

is great as the differences of a political nature

might have been, those of a social and ethical nature were

possibly even greater. One observer previously quoted

couched these differences in the following terms: "They

ran the scale from animal worship to ancestor worship;

from polygamy to polyandry; from practical classlessness

to theoretically rigid caste; from industrial competence

to agrarian stagnation. n52 Another stated: "Mingled to—

gsther were Catholic and Buddhist from Burma; Hindu, hoslem

50Generally, the neutralist powers at the con-


ference pull more weight in Asian-African affairs than
‘thcss nations committed by alliances and philosOphy to the
scat. See 0 New York imes, April 17, 1955, see. IV,
p. 5. Spec dEITy, Ind a endeavored to promote her thesis
that the more of Asia and Africa remaining neutralist in
the Cold War, free from any military alliances, the better
would be the chances for maintaining peace. See George
HcTurman Kahin,Ԥhg Asian-African Conference (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1953), p. 5.

slit is also significant to note here that of


these twenty—nine nations only seven recognized Communist
China "Upset at Bandung," Time, LEV (flay 2, 1955), p. 28 ,
more than one third did not belong to the U.N. A. C. Pow-
ell, Jr., "nod China Exposed - hot Dominant in Asia," y.§.
ews g Wgrld Re ort, XXXVIII (April 29, 1955). P. 43 , and
wenty had received U.S. aid during the previous year
Cordon Walker, "Bandung Corners Spotlight," Christian §gir
cnge hogitgr, April 19, 19b5, p. l. .

52hedding, loo. cit., p. 412.


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and Sikh from India; heslem and athiest from China..."53

Linked to the above political, social and ethi-

cal differences was the additional fact that many of the

countries which came to the conference had particular axes

to grind for nearly every one of the twonty-nine member

nations had problems with neighboring countries.54 "The

deliberations, in fact, disclosed differences deep—seated

and passing, inviving contested territories and borders,

economics, politics and minority groups."55 Examples of

these problems included Pakistan's differences with lndia

over Kashmir and with Afghanistan over the Bathan tribes—

men.56 As the London iconomist remarked just prior to the

convening of the conference: "The sad fact is plain that

most of the delegations are coming with expectations so

different from each other as to be virtually contradictory.""57

53Bowen, 0 . cit., p. 390.

54”Bandung Conference," world nodal, 11 (June,


1955), p. 236 and st. Louis rcet~hl_Latcn, Aplil 17, 1955,
p. 23A.

591m mule, The Meaning of Bandung, g2. cit., p. 35.


56Ronald Stead, "Bandung Flexes New Nationalism",
Christian Science honitor, April 19, 1955, p. 3-

57"Council of Asia . ,L loo. cit. How


true this statement eventually bee ‘e can be seen in a
similar idea presented by an eyewitness observer:
"had there been provision for the recording
of votes for and against the prepcsals considered,
fr
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38

Organization

As was stated previously, the dates agreed upon

by the five Sponsoring powers for the holding of the Asian-

African Conference were April le~24, 1955. And, as with

most such gatherings of similar size, the preliminary pro-

blems of organization and procedure naturally fell into

the following main categories: the adeption of an agenda;

the establishment of voting regulations; the setting up

of committees; and the issuance of communiqués.

The conference agenda, according to the Bagor

communique, which had been sent to all the participating

countries, was to be determined by a plenary session of the

conference as its first order of business. 58 A seven point

agenda, as already noted, was agreed upon and constituted

the potential scope of the conference committees. These

conference committees as set up were three in number --

__.v_

differences in points of view would have been


emphasized and sharpened, nd it would pro-
bably have been much more difficult to dis-
cover common denominators of attitude or to
find the basis for compromise."
See Kahlil, 22. 21:3... p. 100

58All of the nations attending were asked to send


in any items which they wanted placed on the agenda. flack—
ground memoranda and explanatory notes interpreting these
items were also requested. See helix, pp, git., p. 19.
39

political, economic, and cultural. The most controversial

issues were submitted to the Political Committee and the

Chiefs-of-Delegation were assigned to it as paraffieio

members. should difficulties happen to arise on a parti—

cular question these committees were also enpouered to set

up subcommittees which, in turn, would consider the matter

and then refer it back to the parent body for further dis-

cussion and eventual decision.59

With respect to voting regulations, it was agreed

that there would be no formal voting. instead, the freei-

dent or committee chairman were to ascertain whether or

not a consensus prevailed, and if a unanimous agreement

could not be reached, no decisions were to be taken. With

respect to the issuance of communiqués, the conference


secretariat was authorized to issue one daily and also

one at the end of the conference.

The plenary sessions, (both Opening and closing),


were Open to the public and provided each chief delegate

with an opportunity to speak. The closed sessions, in

which all the committee work took place, were not Open

to the public. ihe reason for this secrecy was that the

conference sponsors wished to build a defense against what

59mm, 22. cit., p. 12.


40

they considered to be the tendency of the press to distort

and exaggerate in order to sensatiozlalize. 60 These closed

ssions, however, were tape recorded so that there could

be no misunderstandings later on if disputes happened to

arise.61

After two days of 15 minute formal policy state-

mensgez the conference remained in closed sessions until

the evening of the final day. Then the delegates net once

again in plenary session and those chief delegates who

wished were allowed 5 minutes for any closing remarks. 63

The work of the conference on the whole was conducted in

60Winburn T. Thomas, "Bandung was it Key to


Enoure‘i", Christian Centurg, LXKII (hey: 18, 1955), p. 603.
61
Also, the "access of the deleb.ates to the con—
ference premises was "closely and effectively" controlled
by an elaborate system of passes and badges See ihe [ew
York s,
time April 20, 1955, p. 9.
62
There was a great deal of disaureement among
the delegates concerning the necessity for tnese oyenin3
policy statements. in the beginning, lrime minister Nehru
of india, who was anxious to use the relatively unstruc-
tured meetings of the British Commonwealth as a pattern
for the conference procedure, sudgested tnat no cgening
statements be made. Although he was originally sole to
secure the endorsement of twenty-one nations for his pro—
posal, the idea, heuever, encountered much resistance from
a handful of deleegations led by Prime Minister mohammed
All of xakistan and Carlos l. nomulo oi the rhiliptines
and was finally defeated by an overwhelming vote. For
additional information see nahin, on. cit., p. 9, and the
fit, Louis Post-Dispatch, April 27 ,_i555.p. 58.

5353;. Louis Egg-gsgatch, April 25. 1955. p- 4A-


Li

H.
bu
41

accordance with Western parliamentary rules; and English

was made the official language.64

Results

A truly objective assessment of the results of

the Asian-African Conference would be impossible at this

time for two reasons; first, we are too near its initial

impact to arrive at any kind of detached estimate; and,

second, too little is known about what went on in the closed

sessions where the most important matters of the conference

reportedly took place.65 This situation does not appear

‘to be completely hOpeless, however, for while the first

reason can be remedied only with the passage of time, the

second can be partially remedied by referring to the pub-

lished final communique and by couching our remarks in


general terms. It should also be pointed out here that

since reporters and news commentators with friends among


. 66
the delegates had access to the secret meetings, we can

64C. Rand, "Our Far-Elung Correspondents,"‘flgg


192333: AXXI (June 11, 1955). p. 39. By securing accep-
tance of the United Nation's rules of parliamentary pro-
cedure, the nations friendly to the West succeeded in steer—
ing the deliberations of the conference.
;.
See Romulo, gag
‘!

meanings 0f Bandung, Op c Cite, p. 6.

65mm, 211. cit., p. 24.


66 Thomas, "Bandun~: Was It Key to Future?”,
100. cit.
*-

'1
to

Hi?
42

by piecing tagether certain bits of information gathered

from these sources, determine some of the chief accomplish-

ments of the conference. In the writer's estimation some

of the more important results of the conference were the

following.

Cultural Committee

In the Cultural Committee the countries involved

recommended that cultural exchanges take place among the

participating nations especially with reSpect to artists,

writers, and various kinds of publications. fhe committee

also recommended the holding of festivals of art, music,

drama, and dancing on an intra-regional basis as well as

on occasions of historic or religious significance. for

the exchange of information the committee also recommended

the establishment of news agencies, and the exchange of

cultural broadcasts and documentary films.67 An important

feature of this enchance of information item was the re-

commendation that news correspondents be allowed to move

freely in all countries attending the conference. In its

draft to the conference the committee said: "Governments

should encoura e the provision of facilities for the entry,

movement and the accommodation of correspondents in accordance

67"Communique, Final of the Bandung Conference,”


Current history, June, 1955: PP. 371-75.
43

With the laws and regulations of each country."68


Economic Committee

(L!
In the Economic Committee the countries tr~ sent

stressed mutual aid and cooyeration. They looked with

favor upon the continuance and enlargement of aid from

other nations, especially in the field of new capital in-

vestment. They likewise recommended the establishment of

a special U.N. fund for economic develoyncnt, and urged

the establishment of the International Atomic hnergy Agency

plus the adequate representation of the Asian and African

nations on that body. This committee also recognized the

need to stabilize commodity trade and suggested that ship—

ping lines review their freight rates more often and adopt

a more "reasonable attitude."69 Reports filtering from

the closed committee sessions finally indicated that an

attempt to censure the U.N. bar on selling strategic goods

to Red China was successfully blocked by friends of the


West 0 7O

Political.gommittee

In the Political Committee, it is reported, most

6 1 13‘ o ' - t“-


BTne manila Times, April 24, 1995. P- 5-

6gfit. Louis Post~Dispsteh, Agril 26, 1955, p. 2A.

79ihig.. April 21. 1955, p. 6A. It was also


felt by some that such action would be straying too far
into the political field.
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44

of the verbal clashes of the conference took place. After

deciding upon a working agenda the chief delegates finally

reduced the outstanding political isSues to three categories:

1) questions of human rights and self-determination; 2)

problems of dependent peoples; and 3) the question of pro-

noting world peace and cooperation.71

Under human rights and self—determination the

committee discussed such issues as the controversial Pales-

tine dispute. There could be no peace in Western Asia,

the Arab delegates declared, unless and until this problem

was finally resolved. After prolonged debate the committee

contented itself with declaring its support for the rights

of the Arab peoples, and with calling for the implemente-

tion of pertinent U.R. resolutions.

Under the question of dependent peoples some

more serious debate was engendered. it is reported that

the delegate from Ceylon, Sir John hotelawele, raised an

issue which had considerable repercussions. In talking

about two kinds of colonialism he said: "If we are united

in our opposition to colonialism should it not be our duty

to declare our ongosition to Soviet colonialism as much

as to Western imaerialism?"72
1 As a result of this line

A .— 4 ‘ ww— ~—*.fi--m

“helix, 32. cit., p. 21.


72.Jack, 2Q,Ig;£., 9. lb.
«
tt
45

of argument 3 resolution was presented to the committee

by certain friends of the West rejecting all types of

colonialism "including international doctrines resorting

to methods of force, infiltration and subversion."73

A deadlock was thereby produced; and, although this par-

ticular phrasing did not find its way into the final con-

ference communique the ambiguous phrase "colonialism in


all its manifestations" was used instead.

0f the other problems concerned with dependent

peeples, the questions of teetlrian and the North African

colonies of Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria loomed most

prominently in the committee deliberations. in keeping

with its attitude toward the freedom of dependent peeples,

the conference supported the claims of the agrieved par-

ties in each of these instances.74

The last major area dealt with by the Political

Committee involved the promotion of world peace and cosp-

eration. After the chief delegates had discussed several

of the manifold facets of this problem, the question of

73The resolution was endorsed by Turkey, Pakis-


tan, Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Libya, Liberia, the Sudan, and
the Philippines.

74The question of the Aden protectorate was


likewise brought up, for discussion. The Country of
Yemen was particularly interested in obtaining it from
British rule.
nations

me ii

I"! I‘.
46

national security was finally reduced to the need for

some kind of mutual deterence. Three broad solutions

were subsequently examined and evaluated. These solutions

were: 1) passive resistance, 2) military pacts, and 3)


an enlargement of the unaligned area of peace.75

In analyzing the outstanding accomplishments

of the three committees Just mentioned it should be noted

that a mere itemization of results falls to tell the whole

story. It is also significant to note that frankness and

a spirit of compromise were said to be in evidence through-

out all committee deliberations. As one delegate exglained,

"We were able to work toward peaceful conclusions because

we were a peaceful conference." In the closed sessions,

he stated, whenever feelings began to rise a recess would

be called and the delegates would later reconvene and

continue aorking without any ill-will.76 Patience and

a consideration for the viewpoints of others helped to

orplain what was achieved. Ehe areas of common purpose

were defined and delineated, while concentration was placed

primarily upon those things which could be mutually achieved.

Finally, it should be noted that the consideration of their

7Sippadoraihgp. cit., p. 24.


76Winburn T. Thomas, ”The Community of the Hurt,"
Christian Oentur , LiXil (May ll, 1955). p. 560.
I" v V '9
47

common problems evoked among the delegates a solidarity

of aspiration and a strong sense of unity.77 This last

idea was summed up by a Filipino delegate who said,

It was a miracle. Twenty-nine


nations met and adopted 39 resolutions
unanimously. I've never seen anything
like it. We never took a vote. Nothing
was passed by show or hands. We had no
ballots. we Just talked until we had
explored each other's minds. 8

The Philippine Position

The purpose of this section is to analyze the

most important factors which influenced the position of

the rhilippine delegation at the Asian-African Conference.

This analysis will include a consideration of the Philip-

pine view of the conference and or the conference view

of the Philippines. Particular emphasis throughout will

also be given to the special role played by the chairman

of the Philippine delegation, Carlos P. homulo. The sec-

tion will end with a brief analysis of the results of

the conference which were favorable to the Philippine

position.

77Ronald Stead, "Bandung Finale from Backstage,"


Christian Science Monitor, April 30, 1955. P. 4.

78James A. Richener, "Historic Meeting in In-


donesia,“ Reader's Digest, LXVII (August, 1955). P. 79.
duet

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\
The Philippine View 2; t e Conference

The manner in which the Philippine delegation

viewed the Asian-African Conference was influenced in

large part by certain preconditioning factors, and these

preconditioning factors were, in turn, influenced by the

basic orientation of Philippine foreign policy. It would

be well, therefore, to consider some of the principles

and objectives underlying the conduct of this country's

international relations.

gggrconference Outlook: rhilippine Foreign Policy


Without going into lengthy detail here, the

writer would like to confine his remarks to the most prom-

inent features of Philippine foreign policy, ;,g,, to

general characteristics and practical applications.

General Characteristics

Under the Philippine Constitution, the Chief-

executive is by clear implication the foregn.policy spokes-

man of the nation.79 Although the Philippine presidents


have not deviated from each other very greatly in the

79sdward w. mill, ”The Philippines in the World


Setting,” Ehilippine Social Sciences and Humanities Egg
iew, XX (March, 1955): p. 7. Cited hereafter as TSBHR.
49

field of international relations, we might limit ourselves

only to those official pronouncements made by the presi-

dent who held office during the time of the conference -

Ramon magsaysay. Fortunately, until his death, hamon

hagsaysay was considered to be his country’s most vocal

chief-executive on foreign policy matters. in an article

appearing in Eoreign gffaigs magazine, magsaysay listed

the following trends and tendencies of his country's in—

ternational relations:

In shaping its foreign policy the


Philippines is primarily moved by three
considerations; first, national security;
second, economic stability; and, third,
political and cultural relations with
the free world. These considerations are
equal to each other in importance and
they receive varied attention only because
of the difference in urgency and in the
time, effort, and financing required for
their implimentation.80
In addition to these stated foreign policy ob-

Jectives, the Philippines has also endeavored to play an

interpretative role between Western and other Far Eastern

powers.81 In this regard Magsaysay can once again be

8oliamon Magsaysay, "Roots of Philippine Policy,"


Foreign Affairs, XXXV (October, 1956), p. 28.

8limry Vandenbosch and Richard A. Butwell,


§Qutheast Asia among the World Powers (Lexington: Uni—
versity of Kentucky Press, 19377} p. 95.
50

quoted. In an exclusive interview he said:

The Philippines can play such an


interpretative role. he are an Oriental
nation which has derived many benefits
from our western contacts. Cur common
religious roots contribute greatly to our
understanding of the nest. This is true
nowhere else in Asia today. in a way we
feel that we have already played the role
on a number of occasions. In recent years,
for example, numbers of Asiatic leaders
have come to the Philippines. They have
learned and liked the idea that the United
States of America is no longer here as a
colonizer.8
Another chief characteristic of the overall

Philippine foreign policy has been its frank anti-commu—

nist tendencies. Unlike some Southeast Asian states,

the Philippines has adOpted an active anti-communist for-

eign policy.83 in fact, governmental leaders consider

communism to be the most serious challenge which the na-

tion has had to face. Eagsaysay, for example, stated that

his government did not view Communism as Just another

world force to be satiated with territory and gold; it was

rather a vicious international conspiracy designed to

overthrow helpless Asian states.84 The Philippines,

82"where the Philippines Stand in Critical Asia,"


Newsweek, lileV (August 2, 1954), p. 38.

83Johh Kerry ‘
King, boutheast l p ec-
Asia in lers
tive (New York: The Macmillan Company, l95677'p. 49.
84Hagsaysay, loc. cit., p. 33.
51

therefore, has constructed a foreign policy designed spe-

cifically to curb potential communist aggression.85

A final Philippine foreign policy characteris-

tic to be taken up here includes an active participation

in the United Nations and a strict adherence to the U.N.

Charter. As befits a small country the Philippines finds

its best hope for peace in an agency like the United Ha-

tions, and as a result has never hesitated to give the

international organization its loyal support. 86 The Phil-

ippines has placed much confidence and reliance in the

UN and "the record indicates that it has given more sup-

port to the United Nations than any other nation in Asia."87

Practical Applications

The importance of these stated foreign policy

85such of the credit for this strong anti-com-


munist attitude can be given to the Catholic Church to
which a large majority of the Filipino people belong.
See Edward s. mill, ”The Conduct of Philippine Foreign
Relations" (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Princeton
University, 1954), p. 215.
86George A. malcolm, First Malayan Republic
(Boston: The ChristOpher Publishing House, 1951), p. 254.

87111111, PSSHH, loc. cit., p. 29. This state-


ment lends credence to an observation made nearly ten
years earlier that "...the Philippines, having been priv-
ileged to Join the United Nations, will undoubtedly make
every effort to fu%f111 her commitments under the United
Nations Charter... see "Philippine Foreign Affairs Train-
éng Program,“‘£§§ Eastern Surve , 1V (July 3, 1946), p.
O .
chective

o! Lair

1:] o‘t;ec

a! 81,531}

this It's:

1330 4‘

M Alia

“fin

t‘n‘l‘
“43*- J
5:251;
52

objectives can be further realized by considering some

of their practical applications. rhilippine foreign pol-

icy objectives have manifested themselves in a number

of significant ways three of which are of importance to

this study.

1) The quest for national security. National


security has always been a prime factor in the thinking

of Philippine governmental leaders. This desire to pre-

serve the territorial integrity of the country has been

enhanced for several reasons. To begin with, the primary

reason is the fact that the lhilippine islands are situ-

ated in an exposed and threatened sector of the free world.88

The over 7,000 islands of the arohepelago extend for some

1500 miles from north to south just off the Eastern coast

of Asia, and the nearly 10,000 miles of coastline which

these islands provide constitutes a defense problem of

the first magnitude. Also, bitter memories of Japanese

aggression still linger in the islands, and the foreign

policy makers are determined not to let this happen again.89

Furthermore, the communist advances in China in 1948 and

in lndo-china in 1954 awakened tlie country to the need

for adequate defenses.90

88m111, rssna, lo . cit., p. 33.


89Malcolmgp. cit., p. 272.

9oIt should likewise be borne in mind that in-


ternally the Hukbalahap movement caused a great deal of
consternation.
5.5%

and” .r

in...“ a..."

E 3%.;

:3...» E

naps“
53

As a result of this preoccupation with national

security the Ehilippines entered into a mutual defense

treaty in the Fall of 1951.91 The Charter of this treaty,

which subsequently came to be known as ShATO, called upon

the signatory nations to oOOperate in resisting any ex-

ternal armed attack. mach party to the treaty agreed

that an armed attack against another member would'gg'ipgg


constitute a threat to its own peace and security and

"in that event would act in accordance with its consti-

tutional processes." Another significant feature of this

defense treaty was its provisions dealing with internal

acts of subversion and infiltration. These possibilities

were likewise brought within the scope of the charter


92
commitments.

91Two years prior to this treaty the rhilippines


entered into a mutual defense pact with the United States.
Both countries pledged their forces to each other in the
event of armed attack, but because of the concern which
the Filipinos have had for their territorial integrity,
in the islands felt at the time that the terms of
the pact did not commit America definitely enough. See
Theodore A. Gill, "home Away from Home," Christian‘ggg-
tur , LXXIV (January 23, 1957), p. 107. i
92For additional information concerning the
Philippine role in SdATO the following books should be
consulted: Francis Law, Struggle for Asia (New York:
Frederick A. kraeger, lnc., 1935) and noyal Institute
of International Affairs, Collective Defense in_50uth
hast Asia (London: Chiswick Press, 1956).
54

2) The interest in economic develOpment. A1-

most every regional conference which the rhilippines has

attended contains some provisions dealing with economic

COOperation. As fresident magsaysay pointed out, "we

must broaden our economic horizons and develop the meter-

ial well-being of our peeple. l believe this can be done

by strengthening our existing foreign relationships, and

the development of new channels of intercourse."93

in pursuit of the above aim the rhilippines

has relied upon both multilateral and bilateral economic

arrangements. In 1954 the island republic became a mem-

ber of the Colombo Elan, and for quite some time has been

receiving extensive aid from the United States.94

3) The desire for improved cultural and poli-


tical relations with the free world.

(nelations with Asia)


Since achieving independence in 1946 the Phil—

ippines has been trying to develop closer relations with

neighbors in Asia;95 and, in one respect, her participation

932.139. M 223$ iiaae. November 16. 1953. Do 11-


94"The Philippines -- Foreign Relations,” Our-
rent Notes 22 international Affairs, iaVll (1956), p7"821.
To date, the total American foreign aid expenditures to
the rhilippines has run well into the billions.

95Mill, (unpublished Ih. D. dissertation), 10c.


ci ., p. 168.
in to A

ate;- in

head of

26:71“

ticn at

heights:

based c:

Pine 3:
55

in the Asian—African Conference could be considered a

step in this direction. in fact, it was averred by the

head of the Ihilippine delegation in his first press in-

terview that the main mission of the rhilippine delega-

tion at the conference was "to make friends with Asian

neighbors."96 This frank admission, it will be seen, is

based on stated foreign policy objectives of the ihilip-

pine government.

A year prior to the Asian—African Conference

concern was expressed in the Ihilippines that Philippine

relations with other countries in Asia had not been suf-

ficiently close.97 An outgrowth of this concern was an

attempt to resurrect the Japanese wartime s10gan "Asia

for the Asians." The public controversy which this slo-

gan engendered did not quickly subside until Iresident

magsaysay was forced to make a formal statement clarify-

ing his country's foreign policy intentions with respect

to Asia. Excerpts from that statement follow:

The Philippine Government stands


for the right of self determination and
independence of all Asian nations; for
closer cultural and economic relations
and mutual cOOperation with freedom-

96The manila Times, April 17, 1955. p- 2.


97"Foreign Policy of the Philip ines,” QEEEEEE
Notes an international Affairs, xiv (1954 , P. 633.
Ease

Plies

5&1 j

the g;
56

loving Asian countries as a group and


within the framework of the charter of
the United Nations; and for the preposi-
tion that a return to colonialism, of
which the last vestiges are now disap-
pearing from Asia, shall not be tolerated
in any form.

The Filipino peeple can best serve


the cause of freedom and democracy by
OOOperating actively with other Asian
peeples in achievement and maintenance
of political independence, economic sta-
bility and social justice. he cannot
contribute to that cause if we isolate
ourselves from other freedom-loving Asian
states and are suspected by them of ul—
terior motives or insincerity in our
relations with them. our Asian policy
must, therefore, seek to remove all causes
of distrust.35
These excerpts indicate the Asian policy of the Philip-

‘pines during the period of the conference. More will be

said in this regard when we analyze the general view of

the Ihilippines held by the other Asian and African states.

(Relations with the United States)

By and large the Philippines has followed what

nflgflit be termed an American oriented foreign policy. One

of the gpale of the khilippihe governmental leaders has

been to maintain close relations with the United :5tates.99

981bid., pp. 634-35.


99Vandenbosch and Putwell, pp. cit., p. 93.
fhe extent of these relations launched the "great debate"
in the evolution of Philippine foreign policy. see Claude.
A..Buss, The Far East (New York: ihe hacmillan Company,
1955). P0 6230
57

The current ideological struggle between hast and west

has confirmed the Filipino people in their desire to stick

by the United states at all costs. hagsaysay has said,

for example, "negardless of what the politicians here

say in an election campaign don't let anyone tell you

that the Eilipino peOple don't know who their real friends

are."100

but while it is true that on any fundamental

issue between democracy and totalitarianism the Philip-

pines can be empected to follow a line of policy closely

parallel to that of the United states, deviations have

nevertheless occurred from the orthodox Hashington line.101

in the United Nations, for example, where the lhilippines

has voted consistently with America on a majority of is-

sues, she has also just as consistently differed with

America on various trusteeship questions and on the gen—

eral question of human rights.102 ihis stand, it should

be pointed out, is in basic agreement with the position

taken by the Afro-Asian bloc, and is prompted, no doubt,

by the desire of the Filipinos to see the complete

_ lOOBrunoWShaw, "uehave a Loyal Ally in the


Orient -~ the flaili'pines," fiaturday evening Lost, UCLXX
(September 28, 1957 , p. 10.

101m1colm, pp. cit., p. 254.


102noward, loc. cit., p. 286.
58

independence of all subject peoples.103

A classic example of the independent spirit

of Philippine foreign policy in the U.N. can be seen in

the stand taken on the self-determination question of

Tunisia and morocco. She very presence of this question

on the agenda of the U.N. had been a constant source of

embarassment to the United States; and, because of con-

flicting loyalties, no clear cut position could be taken.104

When showdown votes finally occurred the American delega-

tion was forced to abstain and, in some cases, actually

to vote with the minority. The Philippines, on the other

hand, took an active and forthright position from the

very start. She consistently took the stand, whenever

the question arose, that, contrary to the American view,

lo’rhe New York Times, July 5, 1949,p. 18. is


far back as 1943, the year of rhilippine independence,
Carlos 2. homulo declared:
"te of the Ehilippines know the aspira—
tions and yearnings of the dependent people
of the Ear hast because we are part of their
world. we know how they hunger for freedom.
we know, too, the fears and the resentments
which they have long harbored in their hearts."
See Carlos r. homulo, "Human nights as a Condition of
reace in the far east, " ihe nnna
is of the .émerican Aca-
degyo
of rolitical and Social science, UQAAAAlll (January,
1946)!P0 8.

104 hobert E. higgs, lolitics in the United Ha-


tions (Urbana: The University of illinoisw
iiess, 19337,
p. 135.
59

the U.N. General Assembly was fully competent to take

constructive part in the negotiations between France and

her two North African protectorates. She held, further-

more, that Tunisia and morocco were sovereign states,

that a treaty had been violated by France, and that the

problem constituted a present and potential threat to

the peace. 105 This is just one example of the indepen-

dent role played by the rhilippines in the United Nations;

others could be cited with little difficulty.

Eggyconference strategy

in addition to following the basic orientation

of her foreign policy at Bandung, the ihilippine delega-

tion was also given some specific instructions prior to

departure. During the week preceding the conference, the

Philippine delegation met in manila with President hab-

saysay, the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committees

of both Houses of the Philippine Congress, and with cer-

tain political figures composing the so-called Council

of Leaders. The purpose of this meeting was to map out

the strategy which the Philippine delegation was to fol-

low. The charges subsequently given were quite simple

105United Nations, General Assembly, First Com-


mittee, The Tunisian question (Ale. 1/537, sec. 4, 1952),
p. 187 and The guestion g; morocco (Alc. 1/547, Dec. 13,
1952)! p. 2750
60

and in no way did they impose upon the delegation an ob-

ligation to bring back any concrete accomplishments.

nether, the delegation was simply enjoined to so repre-

sent its country as to avoid the pitfalls of commitment

on any critical issues. 106 After the conference the chief-

delegate stated, "we were given instructions as simple

and as historic as those the ancient homans gave their

proconsuls in times of danger: See to it that the hepub-

lic comes to no harm."107

while the Philippine delegation was not put

in any policy strait-jacket at Bandung, specific recom-

mendations were nevertheless given. In considering the

possibility that the countries at the conference might

be asked to renounce their military commitments with the

test, for example, the delegation was instructed to re—

affirm strongly the purely defensive and non-aggressive

character of its obligations. in considering the possi-

bility that the participating nations might be asked to

ad0pt Nehru's "five principles" of coexistence, the dele—

gation was instructed to maintain that although the prin-

ciples were certainly meritorious on paper, the territory

106The Manila Times, April 27. 1955. P- 4-


107This is an excerpt from a speech homulo de-
livered before the rhilippine Columbian association, Ap-
ril 29, 1955. bee The nanila Times, April 30, 1955, p. 12.
61

they covered had already been adequately covered by the

UN Charter, and that the problem involved was not one

of recognizing what the necessary bases for peace were,

but of sincerity in implementing the requirements for

peace.108 In anticipating the question of colonialism


being raised, the delegation was told to stress the fact

that imperialism should have no label, but that imperi—

alien in all its forms should be condemned.109


Apart, however, from the strategy laid out for

its delegation by the Philippine government, the chair-

man, Mr. Romulo, went to the conference with some precon-

ceived notions of his own. He knew, for instance, that

the delegation which he headed was likely to be a minor-

ity pro-Western voice. he even expected to be outvoted

at times, but still he maintained hope that his delega-

tion would be able to exercise enough influence on the

proceedings to solidify temporarily the dangerous politi-

cal and racial tendencies then forming in Asia and Africa.110

The political fallacies he wished to expose were neutralism

108This, in reality, was the only plausible po-


sition which the rhilippine delegation could have taken,
for if they were to oppose the "five principles", they
would be accused of wanting war by some of the other con—
ference members. See Keyes beech, "rive Principles' Key
to Asia Earley," Chicago Daily News, April 16, 1955, p. 14.

109The Manila Times, April 14, 1955. p. 18.

110Carlos P. Romulo, "Warning to Americans:


Watch Bandung," $913 peek magazine, April 16, 1955. Po 7.
62

and communism; and the racial fallacy he wanted to pre-

vent was the possible nurturing of an alliance based on

race which could develop, in his words, "into an enormity


111
that would convulse the earth." During the week prior

to his departure hr. homulo said, "We have been working

hard in recent weeks readying ourselves to answer the

Communists, and the neutralists, point by point: to coun-

ter their resolutions with constructive resolutions of

our own." He further stated that his delegation fully

appreciated ”the intensity of Asian-African suspicion of

the West.”
112 And later, when the conference was over

he summed up the prevailing attitude of the Philippine

delegation by saying:

But despite the odds facing the


non-communist states at Bandung, the
Ehilippine delegation took the same
attitude as that succinctly stated by
Bacon in The Advancement 2£_Learning:
They are ill discoverers that think
there is n land when they see nothing
but see.11

The Conference View g§,the Ehilippines


An analysis of the Philippine position at the

1111bid., p. 29.
1121nm.
llaflomulo, The Meaning 93, W9 9.2- 2.1.1.7.”
p. 19.
63

Asian-African Conference would be incomplete without a

corresponding examination of the manner in which the Phil-

ippines was viewed by the other conference members. This

section will, therefore, review briefly some of the gen-

eral impressions made by the Philippines in her contacts

with neighboring Asian states.

It was stated previously that one of the car-

dinal principles of rhilippine foreign policy has been

to develop closer relations with her Asian neighbors.

Because of various factors, however, only moderate suc-

cess has been achieved in this direction. For one thing,

the Filipinos are not generally popular with Asians.

The latter feel that the Filipinos regard themselves as

different and, at times, even superior to their neigh-

bors.114

One of the reasons for this prevailing attitude

can be traced to the fact that the peeple of the Philip-

pines are regarded as alienated from their native culture.115

This criticism can be considered in large part true, for

historically and even philosOphically, the Philippines

is the product of a mixed Oriental-Western environment.

114Vandonbooon and Butwell,,gp. cii-. P- 95-


llslbid.
64

For over four hundred years the khilippines has been nur-

tured in the Western tradition, first by Spain and then

by the United States. During this period of time a dif-

ferent set of values has been transplanted in the islands.

Religiously, the Philippines was Christian while the rest

of Asia was not.116 Politically, the Philippines was

democratic while the rest of Asia was built on a strong

authoritarian base. Factors such as these gave the Fil-

ipinos a ”Western" way of looking at things, while their

Asian neighbors retained an "Oriental" point of view.117

A further reason why the Philippines might have

been viewed with some distrust by her Asian neighbors

at the Asian-African Conference can be found in the close

foreign policy ties she has kept with the United States.

The basic similarity between Philippine and American in-

terests in the cold war struggle has given rise to the

Opinion in Asia that the Philippines is a mere satellite

116The significance of this fact can be further


seen in the assertion by hagsaysay that Philippine cul-
ture received its most permanent and universal mark from
the Catholic faith. See hagsaysay,‘lgg.|gi§., p. 30.

117In this connection Bomulo once wrote " Fili-


pinos are not of the Orient." Carlos P. homulo,|gy
Brother Americans (Garden City: Doubleday, Doran & Com-
pany, Inc., 19455, p. 19 and "The Filipino is the cos-
mOpolite of the Orient..." Carlos P. homulo, ; pg! Egg,
Fall gf'ghg Phili ines (Garden City: Doubleday, Uoran
& Company, Inc., 19435. p. 36.
65

of the United States with little or no sovereignty of

her own. 118 This feeling, however, appears to be con-

fined to those countries which are either communist dom-

inated or have strong neutralist tendencies.119 Commu-

nist China and neutralist lndia, for example, prefer to

look upon the Philippines as some sort of American pup-


pet.120

But if the last mentioned attitude gave the

Philippine delegation a decided handicap at the confer—

ence, the situation which gave rise to this attitude might

have possessed certain compensatory advantages. It is

possible to maintain, for instance, that the Philippine

hepublio also illustrates one of the world's great tran-

smions from colonialism to a full and vigorous indepen-

dence. 121 As the President of Indonesia publicly ac-

Inmwledged in the course of a tour he took of the U.S.

a year after the conference, Philippine pregress was of

118Conrado Benitez, "Nationalism and Bandung,"


The Manila Times, April 10, 1955, p. l.

119Vandenbosch and Butwell. 22! Eli" p.


96’
lzoniil, PSSHB, loo. cit., p. 24. It is also
pertinent to note here that an lndonesian press announce~
ment pictured homulo as ”the Voice of America." See Rowan,
pp. cit., p. 395.

121Erwin D. Canham, "Bandung: Study in Diver-


sity," Christian science Monitor, April 20, 1955, p. 16.
66

such substance that it constituted an enviable pattern

for peeples who had yet to realise the full enjoyment

of the blessings of freedom.122

Furthermore, it should be pointed out that while

the Philippine government was Open to the criticism of

being an American puppet, this was not necessarily true

or the chairman of the Philippine delegation at the con—

ference. homulo himself never hesitated to differ with

the United States on questions of colonialism in the Uni-

ted Hations; and it was for his outspoken attitude on

these and similar questions that he was elected to the

presidency of the General Assembly in 1949.12 3 As an

editorial in the Manila Eiggg observed, the head of the

Philippine delegation was "one who will appear with the

cleanest hands as far as colonialism is concerned." This

editorial further stated, "No one in Asia..., has been

so much in the forefront of all the struggles to end oo-

lonialism... Throughout the years, no voice has sounded

stronger than his, in the cause of...an honorable place

for all nations and all peeples..."124

122The New York Times, July 8, 1956, See. X,


p. 11.

123Ibid., p. 13.
124The manila Times, April 14, 1955, p. 4.
67

The personal stature and popularity of homulo,

it was the writer's Opinion, would have served to tone

down any accusations that the Philippines was a colony

of the United States and a blind sympathizer of the West,

and there are certain facts to substantiate this claim.

For one thing, apart from his position in the UK as al-

ready noted, (during his Pulitzer prise winning tour of


Southeast Asia in 1941,) homulo brought to the world's

attention the political aspirations of many of the lead-

are whom he met in Bandung. 125 Also, it has been stated

that homulo knew most of the other chief delegates per—

sonally, and that some of them were able to trace their

friendship with him as far back as his student days in

the United States.126 Furthermore, homulo was looked

upon as a leader by some of the other chief delegates.

One of his close associates, for example, stated that he

was quickly and eagerly sought after by his fellow chief

delegates many of whom requested him to lead on several

lzslbid.
1a62§g Manila Times, April 17, 1955, p. 1.
In this same article it was reported that because of
homulo's fight for Indonesian independence in 1949, many
Indonesian leaders called upon him at his private resi-
dence in Bandung and when seen in public he was greeted
with cries of "nomulo! Romulo! homulol" by the Indone-
sian peeple. See lbid., p. 2.
68

127
issues. The extent of his personal influence can like-

wise be seen in the results of separate conferences he

held with the chief delegates from each country. In two

days of behind the scenes work homulo succeeded in lining

up the support of 16 of the 29 participating countries.128

All these facts would lead one to believe that the head

of the Philippine delegation enjoyed enough pepularity

and prestige at the conference to offset any unfavorable

attitudes which might have been generated toward the coun-

try he represented.129

In viewing the overall position of the Philip-

pine delegation at the conference, it can be concluded

that the chairman of the delegation was faced with no

easy assignment. In fact, prior to his departure for

Bandung, it was reported that diplomats in sashington

considered his assignment to be one of the hardest in

127The Manila Times, April 27, 1955, p. 5.


This statement was made by the Philippine delegation co-
ordinator, Paul S. hanglapus who was at the time Philip-
pine Undersecretary cf Foreign Affairs.

lZBLhe Manila Times, April 18, 1955. p. l.


Romulo held separate conferences with the chief delegates
from each country.

129As a result of homulo's efforts to promote


a favorable attitude toward the ideas and interests he
represented, he was Jestingly nicknamed, along with Prince
Wan of Thailand, one of the "mighty mice of Asia." See
Chicago Daily News, April 22, 1955, p. 2.
69

his long career.130 The significance of this statement

will be seen a little more clearly in the next chapter,


but first, the results of the conference which were fa-

vorable to the Philippine position must be briefly ana:

lyzed.

The hesults of the Conference Favorable tg_the Philippine


Position
The Asian—African Conference showed that in

Asia and Africa there is a strong pro-democratic align-

ment.131 The final lineup on controversial issues, which

was revealed in secret debates and declarations on "co—

lonialism" and "world peace" helps to indicate this.

A news analyst for the Chicaro 2Eéll.§2fl§ summarized the


———-—&

final lineup as follows:

13°The Kamila Times, April 10, 1955. p. 3.


The Philippine gOVernment must have realized this diffi-
culty somewhat because in order to strengthen the Phil-
ippine position at Bandung with respect to the rights of
subject peoples, a resultion was unanimously passed in
the senate expressing the sentiment of that body that
the right of self-determination included the ribht of
the colonial peeples to decide exclusively by themselves
their ability to assume the responsibilities inherent
in an independent political status. See Egg manila Times,
April 14, 1955, p. l, and April 15, 1955. p. 9.
l3lcarloa P. Bomulo, "shat the Asians Expect
of Us," The New York Tiggg Magazine. June 19, 1955, p.
9.
70

The pro-nest group included fifteen


countries: Turkey, Pakistan, Iraq, The
rhilippines, Thailand, Japan, Ceylon, South
Vietnam, lran, Jordan, Libya, Liberia, The
Gold Coast, The Sudan and Lebanon.

The other group of fourteen countries


included: india, burma, lndonesia, Afghan-
istan, Laos, Cambodia, Nepal, Saudi arabia,
Yemen, hgypt, byria, hthiOpia as well as
the Communist states of China and Berth
Vietnam.

This final lineup is significant in view of the composi-

tion of the conference when it first opened. At that

time, it will be remembered, the pro-test group numbered

only eleven members.

More tangible results of the conference favor-

able to the Ehilippine position can be seen in the word-

ing of the final communique. Pro-sestern forces cited


as evidence of their strength at the conference numerous

clauses in the communique.133 Although admittedly ambig-

uous, or contradictory,134 there are two provisions of

132A. Doak Barnett, "Asian Talks End; Here's


the Score," Chicago Daily News, April 25, 1955, p. 5.

133The New York Times, April 25, 1955. P- 1o


l34fiaving this ambiguity and contradiction in
mind, a delegate attending the conference said: 'Inter-
national being is not a logical unity nor certainly an
existential human whole, and reason in it is the servant
of partial interest and often of brute or arbitrary force.’
See halik, 92, 235., p. 27.
71

the communique in particular which indicate a pro-Western


attitude. “he first of these provisions deals with co-

lonialism and the second deals with collective defense

alliances. in Section“®"umdnr1roblems of Dependent Peo-

ples," it was declared by the conference members that

”colonialism in all its manifestations is an evil which

should speedily be brought to an end."135 This is, of

course, the position dictated to the rhilippine delega-

tion by its government in pre-conference strategy sessions.

The delegation was instructed to present communism as

Just another form of colonialism. In section "G" under

the "Declaration on the Promotion of World Eeace and Co—

Operation," it was declared that all participating nations

at the conference should have "respect for the right of

each nation to defend itself singly or collectively, in

conformity with the Charter of the United nations."136

This was also the position which the rhilippine delegation

135"Communique of the Bandung Conference,"


Current History, loo. cit., p. 575.

136nm. Almost paradoxically, immediately


after this clause alliances for security were also con~
demned. fhe communique said that all participating na-
tions should abstain from the use of arrangements of cob
lective defense to serve the particular interests of any
of the big powers, and abstain from exerting pressures
on other countries. This was obviously the work of com-
munist and neutralist elements.
72

was requested to uphold at the conference.137

Looking now at the final communique in a broader


perspective, it will be noted that on almost every page

there are references made to various aspects of the United

Nations which can be of benefit to the conference members.138

This is especially significant in view of the genuine

rhilippine interest in that organization. In section

"C" under Human nights "the Asian—African Conference de-

clared its full support of the fundamental principles

of human nights as set forth in the Charter of the United

Nations and took note of the Universal Declaration of

human nights as a common standard of achievement for all

peoples and all nations." 139 In other sections there

are comparable declarations.

it can also be noted in viewing the final com-

munique as a complete entity that the word “co-existence"

137It is surprising to note that the fhilippine


delegation upheld this position in the face of what one
writer called a 'prevailing mood...against eastern-organ-
ized collective security.‘ has G. F. Hudson, "Balance
Sheet on Bandung," Commentary, IX (June, 1955). p. 567.
ljaSaid the St. Louis Post-Dispatch: 'Something
much more fundamental than mere verbal agreement emerged
from the parley: A common attachment to the United Na-
tions and to doing things by peaceful means.‘ See St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, April 23, 1955, quoting an editorial
in the yes moines aegister.

139"Communique of the Bandung Conference," Cur-


rent Historx, loc. cit., p. 373.
73

is conspicuously absent. Although the five principles

of oo-existenoe appear in varying forms through different

wording, the word "co-existence" itself does not appear.

Since the rhilippine foreign policy does not favor the

theory of co-existence, this can likewise be interpreted

as a victory for the rhilippine position.

Apart from any particular wording of the final

communique, however, there are other indications that the


Ihilippine position at the conference had been vindicated.

As one writer stated, "the conference did not result in

the formation of the feared neutralist regional bloc,"140

nor, for that matter, did it Openly favor the communist

cause. of these two possibilities which the rhilippine

delegation intended to prevent the one farthest of attain-

ment was the latter. in this regard it should be stated

that a preposal endorsing the membership of sad China


141 and
into the United hations was successfully blocked,

restated that amidst Open criticism the U.h. embargo on

trade to had China was successfully sustained. soth of

these results, it will be noted, coincided with lhilip-

pine foreign policy interests.

140’i‘his writer also said that the bro-western


Asians succeeded in defending 'the orientation of their
foreign policies.’ See Vincent 5. Kearney, "hchoes from
Bandung,“ America, VllC, ho. 6 (may 7, 1955). p. 152.
141The manila Times, April 30. 1955: P- 3-
74

summarizing briefly the results of the confer-

ence favorable to the Philippine position, if it cannot

be said that the Philippine delegation achieved these

results einglehandedly, the least that can be said is

that many of their points of view ultimately prevailed.

With this thought in mind, it is easier to understand

the significance of the congratulatory message which

President nagsaysay sent to the rhilippine delegation

at the end of the conference. he said:

heartieet congratulations to you and


members rhilippine delegation for brilliant
performance at nandung step You have upheld
highest interest of the ihilippines as well
as the free world of which we are proudly
a part. Lhe entire country Joins me in
greeting you for job well done.14

Let us now turn to an examination of the person whose

speaking helped engineer the above accomplishments and

who merited the foregoing congratulations.

142Vicente J. Guzman, "rJ mission Uue Today,"


The manila Times, April 26, 1995, p. l.
Chapter III

THE MAN AND THE SPEAKER

Before speeches can be fully analyzed from a

rhetorical point of view, there must be a previous analy-

sis of the man and the speaker. The present chapter has

been written for this purpose.

lashes
A logical precursor to a study of the speaker

is a study of the man, for it is in the nature of a phi-

losophical truism that a proper understanding of the for-

mer is dependent upon a sufficient knowledge of the lat-

ter. The purpose of this section, therefore, is to ar-

ticulate the study of homulo the speaker with the most

prominent features of Romulo the man. In so doing chief

emphasis will be given to those aspects of fiomulo's life

which should have contributed most to his speaking effec-

tiveness at the Asian-African Conference.

Family Background

Carlos Pena homulo was born in hanila in the

75
76

Philippine Islands on January 14, 1901, to Gregorio and

maria (Pena) homulo. l From Manila the family moved 75


miles north to the small town of Camiling in Tarlac Pro-

vince, Luzon.2 It was here that Romulo spent his earli-

est childhood years. In his own words, Camiling was "a


town of nipa shacks and tin-roofed houses under which

the pigs and goats lived. there was little sanitation,

few roads, no telephones nor public libraries."3

Not too much is known of Romulo's parents.other

than the fact that his father was a well-known guerrilla

fighter in Tarlac Province during the first days of the

American occupation.4 As Romulo simply puts it, ”then


the Americans came, and my father fought them."5 The

intensity of his father's devotion to his country can

be seen in the fact that he was wounded seven times by

l"liomulo, Carlos P (ena)," Current Biography,


ed. Maxine Block, 4th ed. (1944): p. 626. Cited hereafter
as Block.

38 2"Against the Odds," Time, LXI (may 25, 1953),


p. .

3Carlos P. Romulo, nether America (Garden City:


Doubleday, Doran a Company, inc., 1945). p. XIV.
4His father was the first Filipino in Camiling
to learn English; he was elected 8 municipal councilor
and later mayor, and eventually became governor of Tarlac
Province. See Bloc, lag.‘g;t.
Sfiobert van Gelder, eriter and Writing (New
York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1946}, p. 370.
77

American bullets. "Dut he finally surrendered and took


his oath of allegiance to America."6
One of the earliest recollections homulo had

of his father was that of a man who deeply resented the

"blue-eyed devils" camped out in the town park. As a

result, nomulo learned at an early age to distrust the

Americans; and he resolved to hate them as long as he

lived.7 Curiously, this animosity remained unchanged

even after his father became sincerely reconciled to the

American rule. The friendly Americans who eventually


came to live at the homulo household were treated as ex—

ceptions -- as being different from the other "foreign

devils."8
while in intermediate school this animosity

found a convenient outlet. Ihe story is told by homulo

that he was able to center part of his resentment toward

Americans on the son of an American supervising teacher.

In the intermediate school our Amer-


ican supervising teacher had a son named
Charlie... We were the same age and in the
same grade, and I chose him to be my rival
and representative of all the hated Ameri-
cans. How I worked that semester! I had

6Carlos P. Romulo, "The People of the Philip—


pines," 3, §, Office of nducation Bulletins, 1945, No. 7,
p. 27.

7 Bloc, 100. ci .

81bid.
78

to beat Charlie in every subject. Finally


I beat him up physically one afternoon in
the school yard, and finished the Job by
wedging him so firmly in the fork of a
camachili tree that his father had to come
out of the building and pry him loose. I
stood watching small and defiant. I was
prepared for anything.9
This resentment was brought to a climax several

years later while Romulo was a senior in high school.


For some reason he had occasion to visit an Army and Navy

Club in Manila. he didn't stay long because he promptly


learned that peeple of Filipino ancestry were not wanted.

This was evidently a bitter blow to a sensitive young

man for he later disclosed the incident to his high school


principal, hichael J. C‘halley, who gave him much needed

sympathy and understanding. 10 This, and doubtless other

incidents, however, were softened by time and experience,

till they seemingly form no part of the man today. homulo

now considers Americans and Eilipinos to have much in

common.11

9Carlos P. Romulo,.; Saw the Fall of the Phil-


ippines (Garden City: Doubleday, Doran a Company, Inc.,
943 p p. 51.

10M' n P0 53-

11Carlos P. Romulo, E1 Brother Americans (Gar-


den City: Doubleday, Doran & Company, 1no., 19457, pp.
5-4. homulo once referred to America as "my second home-
land." See Carlos r. homulo, ;,§gg,thg Phili- ines Rise
(Garden City: Doubleday, Doran & Company, Inc., 9455,
P0 10.
79

hducation

Although initially a student in the Philippines,

homulo's education was basically in the American tradi-

tion. he considers himself a product of the American

public school system and is proud of it. 12 In 1935 while


delivering an address before the student body of Notre

Dame University from the same platform as President Frank-

lin D. hoosevelt he had occasion to remark that the long

distance he had travelled from Camiling to Hotre Dame

was due to the public school system in the Ihilippines

as introduced by America. “It his success was part

of the economic, intellectual, and spiritual pregress

develOped in a foreign country by America."13

From all indications homulo spoke Spanish and

his native Tagalog before he learned English: and his

subsequent mastery of the latter language began as the

result of an incident in his childhood. Among the Amer-

ican soldiers stationed in his hometown was a friendly

sergeant who took it upon himself to teach the neighbor—

hood children to read English.14 he gathered a small

12Carlos P. homulo, "Not Born for Death," Na-


tional Education Association Journal, kllix (April, 1950),
P0 2510

13Romulo, mother America, loc. cit.

143100, loc. cit.


80

group of Filipino children about him in the town park

and regularly taught them from Baldwins Primer.15

homulo was reluctant to attend these lessons

at first because of the suspicion toward Americans which

was being instilled in him at home. But curiosity and

the twitting of his companions that he was too dumb to

learn got the best of him and he decided to return. A1-


so, the apples which the friendly sergeant handed out

were incentives "a small barefoot boy found impossible

to resist."16 ln homulo's own words, "Sitting at the

feet of this big fellow whose name I never knew caught

my first childish glimpse of a friendly, fascinating,


17
wise America." Romulo's education, continued later

in America, might be said to have begun at that unknown

soldier's knee.

Another American soldier to assist in the edu-

cation of homulo whom we know more about was a revenue

officer named A. V. E. Dalrymple. During his stay in

the homulo house he impressed the young homulo with sto—

awe of great Americans.18 As a result of this inspiration

l5aomulo, ; Saw the Fall 2; the Philippines,


920 Cite, P0 48.

lbhomulo, fly Brother Americans, 23, cit., p. 185.


17lbid.
18Cornelia Spencer, homulo: Voice g£_Freedom
(New York: John Day Company, 1955). p. 25.
81

one of his teachers, hrs. Leo J. Grove, relates that "she

saw him lugging armfuls of books from her library to read

about Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and the other phi-

losophers of freedom. ~19 homulo liked these stories be—

cause in his own mind the heroes mentioned were facsimi-

lies of Filipino patriots and lovers of freedom.20 He

pays tribute to the lessons in democracy learned from

his American teachers in the following words:

we owe it to the American teacher


that we are today a democracy conscious
of our vital part in the great movement
to hold secure the fundamental freedom
of man. He taught us respect for the
right of the individual to speak his mind
and stand for his liberties. he trained
us to be understanding of others' views.
Under his code, we learned to abhor all21
totalitarian regimentaticn of the mind.

thile his family lived in Tarlac, homulc attended

the manila High School. Little has been written about

his high school days other than the fact that rhetoric

was his favorite subject‘?2 and eventually deve10ped into

one of his passions.23 In his senior year he was declared

19Who Are the 'Imperialist fiarmcngers?'" Senior


Scholastic, LXiV (April 14, 1954). P. 12.
20 Spencer, loc. cit.

21 homulo, "Hot Born for Death," loo. cit.

22Spencer, 22. cit., p. 27.

23nomulo, g1 Brother Americans, op. cit., p. 31.


the firmer of

mm in her

Ugo

inthe Univer

graduated 111‘.

his major sub

interestaflb

labia Univer

or the khili;

Ihe

Eel York were

life and made

"some of my b

llearned the
am always :2

Ohm; Bide wk:

. 2%
eq, Karjorie
hereafter as

25.

261.

27“

2:5“
0". cit ,. -1
82

the winner of an oratorical contest on the subject "My

Faith in America."24
Upon graduating from high school Romulo enrolled

in the University of the lhilippines from which he was

graduated with a Bachelor's Degree in 1918. hnglish was

his major subject and Journalism became one of his main

interests.25 These subjects were later continued at Co-

lumbia University which he attended under the auspices

of the Ihilippine government.26

The four years homulo subsequently spent in

New York were considered by him to be thehappiest in his

life and made him feel forever a part of .‘nuericaf'7

"Some of my best friendships were made during these years.

I learned that the average American is fundamentally fair

and always for the underdog... The audiences were always


28
on my side when I competed on the debating team." He

further states that even in his earliest days he was never

24"homulo, Carlos E (ena)," Current Biography,


ed. Marjorie bent Candee, 18th ed. (1958), p. 473. cited
hereafter as Candee.

251b1a.
26 Bloc, loc. cit., p. 627.
27 homulo, E1 Brother Americans, 2p. cit., p. 3.

Qahomulo,‘l Saw the Fall 2£_the rhilippines,


22. Cite. P0 540
83

made to feel an alien in the United states.

Bhere had been no consciousness of


race impressed upon me at Columbia, where
in classes and on the debating team my
fellow students, professors, and audances
had seemed inordinately pleased with the
success of a Eilipino boy reared in the
American tradition. rerhaps because of
this they had gone out of their way to
be kind. if my Speech stumbled and my
sense of humor proved difficult for tnem
to understand, this very difference seemed
to amuse and delight my Amerigan friends
and bring us closer together. 9

Romulo was graduated from Columbia in 1921; and he con-

sidered his graduation day to be one of the two most im-

portant days in his entire lire.30

Chronologically, domulc's career up till the

time of the Asian-African Conference can be traced through

three distinct phases, newspaperman, soldier, and states-

man.

Newspaperman

homulo's interest in journalism started while

he was working on his school annual. This interest was

29 homulo, El Brother Americans, op. cit.,


p. 164.

30The other day was when he first spoke before


Congress. See Romulo,'; See the rhilippines hiss, pp.
21!. , Po 28.
84

enhanced when he took a job as cub reporter for The nanila

Times. His salary was a reported four street car tickets

a day.
31 Mr. Horbert Lyons, then editor of the Philip-

pine paper the Cablenews-nmerican, said of homulo's jour-

nalistic talents:
l was very much impressed with his
intelligence and unusual ability to use the
anglish language. He was one of the very
few Eilipino reporters I ever employed whose
copy did not necessitate strenuous and back-
breaking editiné before it was fit for the
composing room -- both from the standpoint
of'language and journalistic treatment. In
fact, it was often superior, from these
criteria, to the copy submitted by the
American staff.3

In fulfillment of his schoolboy ambitions as

cub reporter, honulo was made assistant editor of the

Philippines herald in 1922 and editor in 1923. He became

editor of IVE rublicstions (Tribune-Vanguardia—Taliba)

in 1931, and then for several years he was publisher of

the bang NeWSpapers, comprising the Debate in opanish,

the sabuhaz in Iagalog, and the monday nail and ihilip-

pings Herald in anglish.33 By the eve of the Japanese


invasion Romulo's name had become familiar throughout

31Spencer, loo. 1 .

321bid., p. 28.
53 Candee, loc. cit.
85

the islands because of his newspaper work.54

It was just before rearl Harbor, in September

of 1941, that homulo set out on an extensive tour of the

countries in Asia neighboring the ihilippines. in his

capacity as newspaper editor and publisher he visited all

the countries of Joutheast Asia "including China, burns,

India, Siam, indo-Uhina, halaya, and lndonesia. "3’ As

a result of this trip he later wrote a series of forty-

five articles which were published in his own newspapers

and in the United states by the hing Feature Syndicate,

and which won for him the rulitzer rrize "for better un-

derstanding between nations."36

The articles he wrote were pessimistic in na-

ture and accurately predicted tne successful Japanese

invasion of southeast asia. much of the pessimism was

based on the pro—Japanese attitude which had been fostered

341bid.
3)‘arlos l. nomulo, "The Crucial Battle for
Asia", Ihe New Xorh ‘iiznes .aabazine, neptember ll, 1949,
p. 13.

56nomulo, I Saw tne E‘all of the rnilipeines,


22, git., p. 4. instrip itseli‘ came about as the result
of conversations homulo had previously held vith General
Douglas machrthur in manila. macertnur wanted to know
how the peoples of Asia were then reacting to Japanese
imperialism. he therefore gave letters of intronuction
to homulo for all the nmerican military observers in the
Ear hast. see ibid., p. 3.
by the colonial mismanagement of Great Britain, France,

and the Netherlands. 37 wherever he went he reported a

fierce hunger for freedom and a sense of nsian betrayal

at the hands of the white nan.38 A more candid expose

might easily have been written, for as he later wrote,

"1 can tell you now that those articles would never have

won the Pulitzer Prize if 1 had told all of my experiences

in the Urient. I held back a lot because as a writer

I knew hatred is created by incidents.“39

Before proceeding to the second phase of nomulo's

professional career, it would be well to mention at this

point in time two important but more supplementary aspects

of his neWSpaper career —- teaching and authorship. he-

tracing our steps somewhat it is also significant to note

that during the period of his newspaper work honulo was

associated with the teaching profession.


40 in 1923 he

373100, 100. cit.


..‘
. jBCarlos r. nonulo, "Asia nust be Free," Lel—
lier's UhVi (uctober 20, 1945), p. 12.

”Bloc, _1_g_g. _c_:____t_.


40Little is known about this aspect of honulo’s
career. his biography and his own autobiographical writ-
ings tell almost nothing. rhe information included here,
hawever, is to point up the speaker's continued close
association witn the field of written rhetoric.
87

was appointed assistant professor of English at the Uni-

versity of the Philippines, and in 1924 he became asso-

ciate professor and acting head of the English department.

It is reported that he left the university in 1928 after

a year as lecturer in American literature, but retained

his association with it as a member of the board of re-

gents from.1929-1945.41
Romulo's writing career began as an outgrowth

of his teaching career. During his period of teaching

he wrote two textbooks, Better English (1924) and College


Composifian (1925), and two other books, Daughters £3;
§_a_]_._§_ and. QM 21.5113 (1924) and w, 5 Chronicle Ell-El
(1926).42 His book writing ceased for over a decade and
then began again in 1942 with the publication or the best-

selling 3 w the 33;; 9;; the Philippines, which is con-


eidered now to be a Philippine classic.43 or this book

I. L. White wrote, “Carlos P. Ronnie has complete canmand

41Candee, loo. cit. It is also reported that


in 1928 he brought a debate team to the United States
prepared to defend the much discussed issue of indepen-
dence for the Philippines. See Brooks Quimby, "A Decade
of international Debating“ (unpublished Master's thesis,
Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, 1930),
p. l.

421bid.
‘3George A. Malcolm, First Malayan Republic
(Boston: ChristoPher Publishing House, 1931), p. 431.
of & clear.

agreat ato

mu“ a
quietly wri

recommended

‘ul J I c

H‘ \ ‘1 3.
I“ v" ‘32:
_._tu:...__

\J

J.
of a clear, vivid nnglish necessary for the telling of

a great story... It is a beautiful story, beautifully

told."44 Katherine Shorey said that it was "simply and

quietly written but carrying heavy punch," and she highly

recommended it, for "information and vieWpoint."45.

Between the period of _l'_ 1533. the. gig; g; the


Philippines and the publication of his next best seller,

Crusade iQL§g;§,(l955), homulo wrote four other books:


nother America (1943). gzihrother Americans (l945)..£

§gg_thg.Philippines,§;gg (1946), and,ghg United (1951).


But it was Crusade ;Q,ég;a which received the highest
critical acclaim. Gordon Walker described it as "a truly
great achievement and one which could stand closer study
"46 while Kirkus con—
amidst confusion of seething Asia,

sidered it "an exciting book."47 Romulo's sriting career

44W. L. White, Review of ;,§ag the Fall ggwthg


Phili ines, by Carlos P. homulo, Egg York Herald Tribune
books, January 17, 1943. p. l, cited by martice m. 5ames
and Dorothy Brown (eds.), Book Review Digest (New York:
H. W. Wilson Company, 1943), PP. 658-59.
45Katherine Shorey, heview 02‘; Saw the Fall
of the Phili inee, by Carlos P. homulo, l brary Journal,
fiv‘11”"(s"ov‘a"lmbuezr‘ T," 1942), p. 951, cited by James 'a‘n'd""'b"'r'o'wn,
ibid

46Gordon Walker, Review or Crusade in Asia, by


Carlos P. homulo, Christian Science Monitor, April 21, 955,
p. 7, cited by mertlce m. James and yorotny Brown (eds.),
Book Review Digest (New York: H. s. ailson Company, 1956),
pp. 775-77.
47 neview or Crusade in Asia, by Carlos I. homulo,
Bulletin From Vir inia nirkus' Bookshop service, lilll,
(February 1, 1953 , p. lUG, cited by James and Brown, ibid.
89

seems to serve as the adhesive joining his other profes-

sional activities, and is mentioned here to indicate his

continued close association with the field of rhetoric.48

Soldier

The beginning of sorld ear 11 in the Pacific

found homulo in the role of warrior and this, he states,

was as much of a shock to him as “rearl Harbor was to

the United ‘s-a'tates."49 Shortly after the Japanese surprise

attack on the rhilippines, homulo was inducted into the


50
U.S. Army as major. he was thereupon assigned as press

aide to the commander-in-chief, General Douglas MacArthur,

whom he had known since 1928.31 In describing his mili-

tary duties he said:

My work consisted of issuing the press


releases to the newspapermen and helping
select headlines, in telephone conference
with the local editors, that would soothe
while they informed the civilian pepulation.
i wrote and arranged radio pregraas calculated
to arouse public opinion to an awareness of
the dangerous situation of the rhilippines.
nepresentative citizens went on the air in

48In 1945 homulo said of his prior books, "In


my writings I had played with the gamut of human emotions."
See homulo, “The reople of the khilippines,” loo. cit.,
P. 29.

493100, 100. cit.

50Previously he had been a major in the Philip-


pine nrmy Reserves.

blBloc, loc. cit., p. 628.


90

these programs. Right and day l was busy


in headquarters.52

As a result of his successful efforts homulo

was quickly promoted to lieutenant colonel in March of

1942 and then to full colonel in August of the same year.53


These promotions were "won under fire" as one writer

states; 54 and the statement is essentially true since

homulo spent some fourteen weeks in the thick of battle

while on Bataan and Corregidorafter the fall of Manila.

"he stayed in the hell of Bataan until the last day before

surrender, and left only after macArthur had strictly

ordered him to do so."59


homulo, according to the official communiqués,

was the last man off Bataan before it fell.56 thile he

was there, however, he continued to serve as executive

officer of press and radio as well as a sort of public


relations man between the foxholes and headquarters. 57

Szhomulo,‘£ Saw the Fall _§_ he Philippines,


op. cit., p. 44.

53nioc, loc. cit.


b4Serge Fliegers, "uarloe nomulo," American
mercur', L111 (December, 1949). p. 687.
551bid.
56homulo, gy Brother Americans, op. cit., p. 19.

575100, 10c. cit.


91

These positions were held under macarthur and later under

General Jonathan Wainwright when the former was compelled

to evacuate to Australia. 58 Luring this period "on the

hook" (Corregidor) homulo was also instrumental in set-

ting up a radio transmitter called the logos of Freedom

from which he regularly broadcast personal messages to

his beleaguered peeple on the mainland. To this activity

the Japanese promptly retaliated by putting a price on

the originator'e head; and from then on homulo was con—

sidered a marked man.59

Upon narrowly escaping from Bataan, homulo re—

joined haoArthur in Australia and was soon appointed his

aide-de-camp. It was in this capacity that he was sent

to the United btates in the Summer of 1942 on a military

mission that was to last only a few weeks but which was

prolonged into a stay of over two years.60 On the orders

of General hacarthur homulo was requested to tell the

story of Bataan and the fall of the Philippines to the

58homulo, _; see the Philippines hiss, 92. cit.,


p. 7.

59This was one of the main reasons why homulo


was requested to leave the battle area.

6OCandes, loo. cit.


9131

4. H" P}

55
92

American people.61 In complying with this directive he

put himself in the hands of a lecture agency and set

out upon a tour of the United States which ultimately

carried him over 89,000 miles and into some 466 American

cities.62

when homulo began his speaking tour he was placed

on the inactive rolls of the Army by the ear Department;63

and it was not until the invasion of Leyte that he was

permitted to resume his active military career. Of his

two year stay in America he later wrote:

I had landed in America stripped of


everything that had made a lifetime of
effort and ambition worthwhile. Since
that time there had been very little
except hard work and anxiety, sleep-rob-
bing and nerve-racking lecture trips,
scribbling down notes on scraps of paper
in snatched moments, trying to remember

61 van Gelder, 22. cit., p. 366.

62nomulo, £1 Brother Americans, 22.‘git., p. 21.


Concerning this lecture tour one magazine wrote that “in
one eight-month period, he toyped all American riders of
the cnicken~and-peas circuit by making no fewer than 500
of his spellbinding speeches." "nomulo -- Little man
who Was rhere," newsweeg, nXAiV (December 19, 1949), p. 25.
his lecture manager u. oolyston Leigh remarked that he
was "taps in the field" and that he had "outstripked
Eleanor Roosevelt in dates." nomulo, §l_Brother emeri—
cans, 0p. cit., p. 36. Leoture managers in general agreed
that he was the most pepular visiting lecturer to have
appeared in America since ainston churchill. van Gelder,
22. 22:20, p. 363.

63 nomulo, my brother Americans, on. cit., p. 61.


93

thousands of fa'ces and thousands of respon-


sibilities large and shall. 1 had worked
with one objective always ahead: the hepe
of getting back to the racific and, event—
ually, back to the rhilippines.b4
In September of 1944 homulo received the object of his

hopes. having been promoted to the rank of brigadicr

general, he went back to the raoific to revive the Epigg

.9; Freedom broadcasts which he had directed earlier in

the war and to accompany macnrthur on his triumphal march

to manila.65

Statesman

homulo's career as statesman began while he

was still in uniform. During his war years in the United

States he served as secretary of information and Public

nelations in President ouezon's war Cabinet in exile,

acting secretary of rublio instruction in hresident Sergio

Osmena's Cabinet, and as nesident Uommissioner of the

Philippines to the United states, a position which he

held until the establishment of the ihilippihe nepublic

64homulo,}. See the Fhilippines hiss, 32. cit.,


p. 250

65During nomulo's active military career he was


a recipient of two unit citations for outstanding perfor—
mance oi duty. See homulo, 1 new the rail of the lhil-
i ines, _p, cit., pp. 90 and 2)]. 101 publisherTsw note.
he also received the :urple heart for bravery lbid., p.
256. and the silver star for gallantry in action lbid.,
p. 309.
94

in 1946. 66 Of this last named office he wrote: "No other

offer, no other office, could possibly have meant so much

to me. In my most fantastic dreams I had never imagined

such an honor."67

when the lhilippines became a sovereign nation

homulo was appointed its permanent delegate to the United

Nations with the rank of ambassador. frior to this ap-

pointment he attended the United Nations Conference at

San Francisco as head of the rhilippine delegation. it

was as a spokesman for the international interests of

his country, for good relations between hast and test,

and for the voiceless peoyles of Asia and Africa that

he distinguished himself at this conference.68 homulo

reportedly led the fight for the establishment of the

U.N. Trusteeship system against a formidable array of

colonial powers spearheaded by hord Cranborne, the see—

mnsd and estate representative of the United hingdon.69

66
Candee, loc. cit., p. 474.
67
nomulo, l_5ee the rhilippines hiss, loc. cit.
68“ W ,,,,b. L . . ,
chunzo cahamaal, Joan a. white, and Arvin
Hahn, Asia (St. Louis: webster rublishing Company, 1953).
PO ZjOO

6”capencer, g2..g;t., p. 225. in connection


with this spirited defense, rresident flamilton dolt of
nollins Golleée, who was an adviser to iresident noodrow
wilson at the Versailles peace conference, said at a
95

honulo's U.N. record is noteworthy. In 1948

he ohairmaned the Ehilippine delegation to the First Ses-

sion of the 0.3. General Assembly and in the same year

was elected president of the U.h. Conference on Freedom

of information.
70 a year later he received the honor

and distinction of being the first Asian to be elected

president of the General Assembly. nomulo reportedly

"rushed at the Assembly firesident's job like a rhilippine

typhoon. "71 with his gavel he pounded the Assembly through

its record 72-item agenda without need for a special ses-

sion. A long list of accomplishments were made to his

ceremony conferring an honorary doctor of literature de~


gree upon homulo:

'1 heard you at San Francisco...


speak with unmatched eloquence for the
600,000,000 inarticulats and dependent
beetles of the world... i witnessed your
statesmansnip force into the final draft
of the Charter the adoption of the state—
ment that the backward peeples of the
world...had the right to assire to full
independence... You emerged from the cen—
firence with a moral grandeur which your
imperialist Opponents could not fail to
recognize.’

(see ibid.)

7OCandee, loo. cit.

71"homulo -- Little man who Was There," News-


week, 100. Cite, p. 220
96

credit;72 and one writer said four years later that many

delegates considered him to be the best president the

Assembly ever had.73

after stepping down from the presidency of the

U.N. General Assembly in 1950, hemulo returned to his

own country to accept the position of secretary of For~

sign Affairs which had been given him by the rhilippine

President Elpidio ouirino. Ihe next two years were spent

in manila «here he was occupied with fidhting the inter-

nal Communist menace to his country. 74 Generally speak-

ing, it has been said that he came to be the best known

internationally of the rnilippine secretaries, and that

the ihilippinee has probably had no more dynamic and

7zi‘he Fourth Session of the U.fl. General Assem-


bly, among other things, voted self—determination for
ltaly's former Arrican colonies of Libya, nomaliland,
and sritrea; approved a technical assistance preyram of
e25,000,ooo for underdeveloped countries; entrusted the
Atomic energy Commission with exploring every possible
means of nuclear control; and exerted leadership on ques—
tions such as that to indoneeia. Eor additional facts
see Spencer, gg.‘gi£., p. 240.

73nalph Chapman, "Last man from nataan," sen-


ior desolastic, Lil (January 14, 1953). P. 6.
74m,
candee, lcc. cit.
97

inspirational figure in foreign affairs.75

At the beginning of 1952 homulo returned to

the United States with the appointment of Ambassador to

fiashington in addition to his position as permanent rhil-

ippine representative to the United Nations. He did not

stay in America long, however, since the following year

he resigned from his diplomatic oificss in order to op-

pose uuirino for the presidential nomination of the Lib-

eral rarty. this was the first time he had sought an

elective position at home, 76 and in this particular in-

stance his political action no doubt was prompted by a

long standing desire to become Eresident of the rhilip-

pines.77

in terms of his immediate and ultimate objec—

tives (to unseat euirino and become President of the

57

7’Edward s. hill, "Ihe Conduct of fhilippine


Foreign helations" (unpublished 2h. D. dissertation, Prince-
ton University, 1934): PP. 144-45. This writer also says,
"homulo has been 'mr. Foreign Affairs' so far as the rhil-
iypines is conoerned." lbid., p. 144. in addition to
his work in the U.N. and his role as rhilippine Secretary
of Foreign affairs, homulo also attended some imoortant
international gatherin5s. lhese included the New Delhi
conference on indonesia in 19495 the southeast Asia Uon—
firence in 1990 (of which he was president); and the Ja-
panese fence Ireaty Conference in 1951. see Candee, log,
Cite

7°"Job Hunting," Newsweek, XAAAI (may 25, 1953),

77Eliegers, loo. cit.


98

rhilippines) nomulo's first venture into politics was un-

successful. nfter failing to dislodge uuirino from his

position of political power, nomulc thereupon decided

to run as a presidential candidate on the ticket of the

newly formed Democratic larty. rhis action was also abor-

ted, howeVer, when political realities forced him to join

forces with Lemon Lagsaysay during the campaign. 76 The

result of the election was victory for hagsaysay and he

became rhilippine president elect on the national larty

ticket in 1933. in speaking of his decision to join for-

Ces with hagsaysay during the election homulo later said,

"a wise captain doesn't take his ship through a storm,

but makes a detour. 1 an making a detour. "79 now wise

this action turned out to be can be seen in the fact that

after hagsaysay was elected he sent homulc back to sash-


. .. . 60
ington as his yersonal representative.

rerscnality Traits

20 provide an accurate picture of nonulo the

7doandee, loo. git.

79"nomulo withdraws," fine, bill (August 31'


1953)) P- 23'
80
This was nomulo's position until the eve of
the Asian-African Conference at which time he was raised
to Cabinet rank.
99

man it will be necessary to consider some of his dominant

personality traits. Those traits of a specific nature

will be dealt with separately. At this point the writer

would like to present the general traits necessary for

any successful rhilippine diplomat.

taking into account the views of others on the

subject and keeping in mind his own personal observations

of ihilippine diplOMacy for eight years, Dr. sdward W.

hill has submitted the following list of qualities desir—

able in the successful and effective Philippine diplomat:

1) Character -- integrity; 2) intellectual training and

excellence; 3) aesdiness to serve -- adaptability; 4)


affective and friendly personality; and 5) Devotion to

country and peOple.81 Since homulc could easily be con-

sidered a successful and effective diplomat from what

we have already observed, it will be assumed that he pos-

sesses these qualities in no slight degree. what will

be of greater value to us here, however, are manifesta-

tions of personality which are peculiar to homulc. Al-

though the writer has had no Opportunity to meet the speak-

er personally, he nevertheless believes that enough evi-

dence exists to support the existence of the following

81Mill, pp, cit., p. 98.


100

personality traits -- friendliness, modesty and self-con-

fidsnoe.

Briendliness

The first personality trait nomulo possesses

which is worthy of mention is friendliness. A friendly

personality is a requirement for any foreign affairs ser-

vice, "but in the case of the fhilippine it is a parti-

cularly important requirement. "32 Since government in

the rhilippines tends to Operate on a more personal basis

than elsewhere, "rilipinos prefer their diplomats down

to earth." And tnis means'they must be entirely approach-

able."83 To be effective, therefore, it is essential

that a Eilipino diplomat be a warm, friendly person.

nomulo has exoressed friendliness in a number

of ways. A significant detail about his suite of offices

on the United nations floor of the ampire State Building,

for example, is that it is the only one which has a large

"welcome" mat placed outside.84 it has also been said

that his appearance in the delegates lounge of the U.N.

"smiling broadly, attracts other delegates, newspapermen,

and just plain friends" so that he usually has a sizeable

lebid., 9. 101.
831b1d.
U4Fliegers, loo. cit., p. 689.
101

crowd around his.8 nomulo's friendliness is not restric—

ted to fellow diplomats, however; his geniality encompass-

es non—diplomats as well. One glimpse of his daily sche-

dule pictured his prOgress through the waldorf lobby "a

succession of hearty greetings, inquiries about a clerk's

sick mother and a bellhoy’s elusive girl friend, and easy

touches for autographs and tickets.“86 Inese incidents,

taken together, portray a cordial, friendly nan.

while most of nomulo's friendliness is probably

natural, part of it more than likely stems from the phi—

losOphicsl attitude he has developed toward his swell

size. nomulo, barely 5' 4" with his shoes on, has been

living in what nibht be called a tall man's world. he

has, therefore, had to resign himself philOBOphically to

this fact. Ins following passages indicate the pesitive

attitude he has formulated and help reveal his basically

friendly nature:

as little fellows in life have still


another advantage; as usually have a
special gift for making fdends.

reOple are less on guard with a little


fellow. rhey feel protective toward us
and find it easy to confide in us...

85Chapman, loc. cit.


8 w . ,. q
6"nomulo —- Little man who was Enere," news-
week, 10C. Cit.
102

I suppose people would not warm up


to us little fellows if we were curmud-
geons. But you rarely find a short stat-
ured person who is a sourpuss. host of
us have learned early in life that friend-
liness is as great an equalizing force as
quick wits, a persuasive tongue, or phy—
sical prowess.

.0.0......OIO...OOOOOOOOIOOOOOIOIOOCOOO

Short-statured people tend, I believe,


to be more “human" and approachable than
tell people. They learn as youngsters
that they must not take themselves too
seriously. If a big man maintains a pom-
pous reserve he is referred to as "dig-
nified." But if a small man tries to act 87
exactly the same way he is called "cocky."

that these personal statements clearly imply is that homulo

himself is a very down-to-earth and engaging person.

Modesty

"The taller the bamboo grows, the lower it hands."

This homespun advice indicates homulo's next personality

trait - modesty. The advice was given him by his father

and has helped to guide him throughout his life.88 Later

on when he became a newspaper reporter he observed in his

contacts with men of all walks of life that "it is always

the small man, the mediocre, who is arrogant and conceit-

ed, who does not know how to bend. fhe truly great man

87Carlos s. Romulo, "l'm Glad I'm a Little Guy,"


American Magazine, CLV (June, 1953). PP. 90-91.

BSCarlos r. Romulo, ”The Best Advice 1 Ever


Had," Reader‘s Di est, LlVll (September, 1955): P. 61.
103

is tolerant, humble and modest."89 These words might

well have been spoken of Romulo himself.

A strong indication of Romulo's modesty can

be found in his own frank admission that he wrote his

first successful books in the'first person" against his

own will and the Filipino mode of thought. “There are

few things I hate more than the use of the personal pro-

noun. Filipinos as a race are jarred by the word 'I.‘

The Tagalog dialect, if we use it, prefers the plural

usage 'we,‘ as a more courteous term than '1.‘"90

Another and perhaps clearer indication of hom-

ulo's modesty can be seen in his complete absence of pride

and conceit when faced with the unmistakable proof that

he had been duped by the communists. An article in the

American Mercury tells how the Philippine staff at the

U.H. was infiltrated by communists and fellow travelers.91

The writer of the article further states that for a time

even homulo himself was a "shining knight" of the commu-

nist fronts until it was learned that he could not be

won overtly to the communist point of view. When this

aglbid.
9Chomulo, I See the fhilippines hiss, o . cit.,
p ix '_ '———_ ‘—2 '—_"
9la‘dna h. Fluegel, "When the heds Captured hom-
ulc," American mercury, Liailv (May, 1957), p. 58-62.
104

fact was disclosed the communists thereupon proceeded with

covert means, and were content to have homulo kept busy

and flattered in high policy positions where his anti-

communist influence would not be so strong. homulo learned

of this strategy at a time when he was proudest of his

fight against the communist conspiracy, but still he pub-

licly admitted that he had been fooled. In the estima-

tion of the writer of the article this frank confession

was "unique among world statesmen."92

figlgrconfidence

The final personality trait to be taken up in

this section is homulo's self-confidence. It might ap-

pear upon first notice to be a contradiction to the one

previously mentioned, i.e., to homulo's modesty, yet there

appears to be sufficient evidence to conclude that he is

basically confident of his own abilities. is he himself

explained to one Writer: "every time 1 had an ambition —-

teaching, politics, soldiering, or diplomacy —- I would

achieve it within a few years. Then i would have to look

for another ambition."95 Although this statement itself

has much probative value, it could also be used to help

921bid., p. 59.
93Fliegers, loc. cit., p. 686.
105

support his biographer's claims that "he Ehomulé} never

doubted his ability once his purpose was settled upon,"

and that “his very certainty was to make for his success

all through his life."94

£n11080ph1

homulo's personal philOBOphy, it would appear,

from his background and some of his published writings,

is primarily conditioned by two elements, 1) his ideal-


ism, and 2) his size. To obtain a proper view of his

basic outlook, which in turn has influenced his speaking,

it will be necessary, therefore, to consider these two

elements in detail.

Idealism

homulo's idealism finds its genesis in his high

school days in Manila when, at his own admission, he "had

94Spencer, 22. cit., p. 49. An indication of


this self-confidence as rZTated to the Asian-African Con-
ference can be seen in the following statement homulo
made upon his arrival at hemajoran Airport in Jakarta.
He said: “i took an active part in the formation of the
Southeast Asia treaty organisation and I am prepared to
meet all comers.” see fhe new York Times, April 16, 1955,
P. 3. Ihis confirms an earlier statement made in‘ghg
Manila Times that friends of nomulo did not expect him
to be daunted at the conference by either lndia's Nehru
or had uhina's Chou. see ghg_sanila fines, April 10,
1955’ Po 3'
106

made political prestige with its resultant powers of voic-

ing public wrongs the subjects of his adolescent dreams."95

is a result, all through his public life homulo seems to

have been motivated by an earnest desire to widen the

boundaries of human freedom and to help his fellow man.96

his desire to preserve human freedom is revealed in a

poem he once wrote for the Academy of American Poets din-

ner. The poem is titled the Voice of Liberty and a short

excerpt follows:

Sternly, bold, unfettered men,

By word of tongue or pen,

in terms of truth will speak,

is they have done before,

fhe faith of humankind;

While multitudes, unchained and free

hill wave the battle flags and sing

The Hymn of Liberty.97

This passage, while proving nothing itself, nevertheless

95homuloLQ; see the Philippines £2221‘22-.2££-a


p. 250

96in 1949 homulo was invited by Iresident Su-


karno to be a special guest of the indonesian nepublic.
he was extended this honor in recognition of the services
he had rendered to the cause of Indonesian independence.
See Egg manila Times, April 14, 1955. P. 4.
97"homulo -- Little nan who has There," News-
Week, 100. Cite. P. 25.
107

gives one a clearer insight into homulo's idealistic mo-

tivations. Additional evidence of a more tangible nature

is contained in the following prose passages:

l have seen man's inhumanity to man


in its most hideous aspect, but in the
most terrible places 1 met peOple who
were great and good. I have learned that
all men are fundamentally the same and
that there is a kinship that race or
creed cg national ideologies cannot
efface. 8

shile this passage merely describes nomulo's idealism,

the next supplies a causative factor.

Because I believe in an Almighty


who created us in his image, i believe
there is a spark of the divine in each
of us. 1 must be colorblind in my racial
relationships, as only thus can 1 appre-
ciate the worth of the individual and (
be able to love my neighbor as myself.93

This passage tells more of the story because it adds the

spiritual element.100

Another facet of nomulo's idealism is the ten-

dency to assume the posture of an ardent nationalist and

internationalist. even though this may appear contradictory,

ganomulO. _1_ Saw the Fall 9;; the rhiiippines.


9-2. Ci 0, p. 3230

99Garlos P. nonulo, "if 1 here Sixteen Again,"


notarian, inc (December, 1957). p. ll.
looln an article previously cited homulc said,
" hagellan's coming left an indelible imprint upon the
Philippines. Eor with magellan came the cross. That
means a lot." has homulc, ”The reople of the rhilippines,"
l22-.2$£°v P° 25-
108

evidence seemingly existed to support the claim. in fact,

some of this evidence is found within the space of a sin-

gle passage. In giving advice to idealist teenagers, for

example, homulo wrote in one article that "human civili—

zation is the sum total of the contributions of each coun-

try to the advancement of mankind. And only by nurturing

an intense nationalism can my peOple contribute its share

to human progress.lo1 he also said in this same article

by way of eXplanation that the nationalism he had in mind

was "a nationalism tempered by the knOwledge that teen-


noloay having annihilated distances, the word ‘fcreigner'

has been supplanted by the word 'neighbor'..."102


Viewing each element separately again, it is

possible to substantiate further homulo's idealistic dual-

ity. His nationalistic assertiveness was made manifest

on the eve of the Asian-ifrican Conference. Before board-

ing a plane in manila or handung, he said with reference

to the lhilippine delegation that they were going as "Fil-

ipinos first, Asians second, and Filipinos alwayson103

101
homulo, "1f 1 were Sixteen Again," hotarian,
00. Cite

lozlbid.
103m e Manila Times, April 16. 1925. P- 1-
109

His basic internationalism has been made repeatedly mani-

fest in his attitude toward the merits of the United Ha-

tions. ln an article in the hotarian he said:

The United Nations is dedicated to


the great although difficult task of har~
nessing man's good will for peace. It is
the most potent organization ever to have
dramatized the solidarity of the human
race against creed, color, or national
pride. ho Opportunity greater than the
common counsel of its 60 sovereign members
has presented itself in the interest of
the enduring security of mankind.104
While this idealist combination of nationalism and inter-

nationalism might appear contradictory in the same indi-

vidual, it nevertheless affords a more complete view of

the orientation of nomulo's philosophy.

Size

Since homulo stands barely over five feet with

his shoes on, as was noted previously, he has been forced

to develoP a philosOphical attitude toward his short sta-

ture. This philosOphical attitude, it was also noted,

has contributed in acne degree to his characteristic

friendliness. But beyond this it has additionally con—

tributed to the develOpment of a serene, positive outlook

which has often worked to his advantage in dealing with

104Carlos s. homulo, "How I would Change the


U.N.," hotarian, LanIi (October, 1955), p. 24.
llO

his fellow man.105

The heart of homulo's haithy philosophical at-

titude toward his height is the feeling that being under-

rated in the beginning, which a short person frequently

is, can often work to the short person's advantage. This

he concludes is preferable to being initially overrated,

since much more is eXpected of a bigger man. when a little

fellow does something well, therefore, people become pleas-

antly surprised and impressed. in their customary way of

viewing things the small person's achievement is magni-

fied because of low oriéinal expectations. 106 How this

philOSOphy has affected his speaking effectiveness will

be seen in the next section when we consider homulo the

speaker.

In addition to the benefits to be derived from

a person's snort stature, there are also certain obliga-

tione according to homulo. "A little man can eXpress

personal Opinions with the utmost freedOm," he says, while

a taller man if he were to utter the same ideas might

_ 105Romulo claims that he was helped to develop


this philosOphy by A. V. B. Dalrymple, the revenue offi-
cer who found lodging in his home. he was frequently
reminded by this man that one's footage had little to
do with personal effectiveness, provided it was not al-
lowed to prey on the mind. has homulo, "i'm Glad I'm
a Little (fl-13”";2-go file, p. 89.

106Ibid.
111

find himself in a fight instead of a conversation. hom—

ulo, therefore, concludes that since a "shorty" has a

better chance to put his ideas across without using his

fists, this gives him an obligation to weigh his words

carefully'Which, in consequence, makes them more effec-

tive."107

influences

An aspect of nomulo's life which probably did

much toward shaping his career and mode of thought con-

cerns the peeple who influenced him. from a close inspec-

tion of his published writings it is possible to conclude

that homulo was most significantly influenced by two peo-

ple: his father Gregorio homulo and the idol of his youth,

manual L. uuezon. He will now consider briefly the chief

characteristics of each of these people.

Gregorio homulo

it was learned earlier that homulo's father

was a Filipino patriot who took up arms abainst the United

States once it had defeated spanish authority in the Phil-

ippines. An important feature of his father's patriotic

lo7lbid., p. 92.
112

attitude was the fact that he refused to lay down his

arms until he was reasonably assured that the Ihilippines

would eventually be granted its independence from Amer-

ica. in fact, after his surrender to the American forces

homulo's father is said to have continually stressed the

idea that he was cooperating with the new colonial regime

only because it had promised his country its independence.108

Ihis brand of patriotism had some effect upon homulo for

he later wrote in one of his books, "i an a Nationalist

first, because from my earliest childhood 1 was impressed

by my father's participation in the rhilippine struggle

for freedom."109

Lack of sufficient information prevents a more

extensive treatment here of homulo'e father, but judging

from the above admission it is possible to conclude that

he had no little influence upon his son. The most that

can be said at this point is that he helped shape the

nationalistic element in hemulo's idealism.

hanuel‘g. guezon
shile little information is readily available

concerning nomulo's father, much more information is at

loahomulo,'l Saw the rail 3; the Phili ines,


9-2. Cito’ pi}. 18"le

1091b1d.
E __ _
113

hand concerning the second person who influenced his life,

manual L. uuezon, the first President of the Philippine

Commonwealth. the extent of uuezon's influence can be

seen in the following quotation. In further analyzing

the causes of his ardent nationalism hcnulo writes: “I

am a Nationalist because hanuel L. uuezon has been my

hero. 1 have watched his colorful career as our outstand-

ing fighter for rhilippine independence with admiration

that has kept growing with the years... "110 in view of

this assertion it would be well, therefore, to catalog

some of the outstanding attributes of euezon.

ihis man who impressed nomulo so greatly was

born August 19, 1578, in the rhilippines and studied law

at the University of canto Tomas in manila. in his early

twenties, as a young revolutionary, he joined the Aguin—

aldo insurrection against the United states, and later

when the Americans were victorious he made peace with

the territorial authorities and became a fiscal or public

prosecutor. in the latter capacity he made a name for

himself throughout the islands.111

110 lbid.

111salter Yust (ed.), Ten Eventful Years (Chi—


cago: Encyclopaedia britannica, lnc., 19477, ill, p.
689.
114

Quezon's political career was as varied as it

was brilliant. he was a member of the ihilippine Assem-

bly from 1907 to 1909, and hesident Commissioner to the

v.5. from 1909 to 1916. fie was elected President of the

fhilippine Senate in 1916, a position which he held until

he was elected first lresident of the new rhilippine Com-

monwealth in 1935. auezon's reelection to the last named

orfice in 1941 was by an overwhelming majority.112

The first time kcnulo saw manual auezon was

when the latter returned in triumph to manila in 1916

after he had been instrumental as hesident Commissioner

in securing passage of the Jones Act, a statute which

set a definite date for rhilippine independence. nomulo

states that he was very much impressed when he first saw

Quezon marching through the old wall in manila which had

been broken through at one place in honor of his homecom-

ing. "He became my hero in that hour and I admired him

as l was never again to admire any living nan."ll3

What probably impressed nonulo the most were

llzlbid.
113homulo, ; deg the ghilippines nise, 2p.‘git.,
p. 26. homulo further declares that as a sonoolboy he
copied auezon's way of wearing his clothes and the ways
he danced and spoke. As further states that he had
learned by heart every speech Quezon had made on the
floor of Congress. See idem.
115

the personal attributes which contributed greatest to

Quezon's political success. It is said that Quezon was

indisputably the best orator in the rhilippines in any

of three lanéuages, hnglish, Spanish, or Ia¢alog. He

possessed considerable charm, executive catacity, and

what one writer called a "curious combination of Ameri-

can characteristics, like aggressive practicality, plus

a Latin heritabe of suppleness and adroit facility in

negotiation." 114 he loved the poor and sot along well


with the rich. he was thoubht of as an outstanding Shil-

ippine patriot and a genuine revolutionary. in fast,

the writer quoted above states that i"the history of the

inilippine islands in the twentieth century and the bio-

graphy of manual ouezon are indisolubly one."115

homulo speaks very highly of suezon in all of

his early books written during the Second world war; and

in one especially strongly indicates that he and ouezon

held political views which were much the same. hanuel

Quezon sinCerely believed in the value of rhilippine au-

tonomy and freedom, and, therefore, seized every political

Opportunity afforded him to hasten the day of rhilippine

114John Gunther. Inside Asia (New York: harper


& Brothers, 1939), pp. 298—99.

1151b1d., p. 287.
116

independence. From the anonymity of his editorial chair

nomulo fought behind cuezon all the way. he assistant

editor of quezon'e newsyaper gag Citizen, the first Fili-

pino-anglish weekly published in the ihilippines, Lomulo

fought for ouezon's principles or collectivism as against

the outmoued unipersonal leadership. when duezon engaged

in his controversy with Governor General Leonard wood

he supported him vigorously in his new position as editor

of the lhilippines herald. when the controversy arose

over the Hare-Jawes—Cutting not, which put to the test

ouezon's leadership in the ihilippines, nomulo again

strongly supported him with his growina chain of news—

papers. ihen when euezon ran against Aguinaldo for the

presidency of the rnilippine Commonwealth in 1935 a mu-

lo’s neHSpapers once more stood solidly behind him.116

Although the full extent of guezon's influence

upon honuio is not completely known, the facts and in~

stances cited should provide an adequate comprehension

of the general nature of that influence. This brief over-

view would seem to indicate that nomulo was most affected

by uuezon's dashing persOnality and republican ideals.

llohomulo, ; Saw the Fall.g£ the Philippines,


OU-
0‘.“
Ci 0 ' E‘Po lb3-640
117

nomulo, the man, started from humble begin-

nings, received an education in the American tradition,

and achieved notable distinction as newspaperman, sol—

Cfier, and statesman. his is a personality flavored large-

ly by friendliness, modesty, and self—confidence, and

a philosoyhy conditioned by his size and his idealism.

it can also be seen that handle is both a nationalist

and internationalist and that he was influenced along

these lines by his fatner and by his boyhood idol, nanuel

L. quezon.

The s eaker

To obtain an accurate picture of nomulo, the

speaker, it will be necessary to consider three important

asyects of eVery Syenking situation, namely the speaker's


method of speech preparation, his appearance, and his

delivery. within this general tripartite framework the

writer sill attemyt to provide some useful insights con-


cerning honulo's yarticular speaking performance at the

Asian-African Conference. the material contained in this

section has been gathered from a variety of sources in-

cluding the writer's own observations,


117 and the

117needle was observed in action by the writer


118

observations of the speaker himself. ahat follows, there-

fore, can be considered an assimilation of thought on

the subject.

Pregaration

In reply to a letter the writer sent to the

rhilippinc meassy it was learned that homulo is inclined

to use the following procedures in preparing his speeches.

As dictated to his personal secretary nomulo's reply reads

in part:

1. a. he keeps a speech materials


file and also a scrap book.

b. best souICes for supplying


ideas and materials for his speeches
are: newsflapers, magazines, latest
books which he chooses from the Saturday
hevicw.

2. a. He prepares an outline and


sometimes dictates a complete manuscript
or types it himself.

b. he never rehearsos his Speeches


orally. he has no critic. he does not

nearly a year after the asian-African Conference took


place. on march 7, 1996, nomulo delivered a lecture on
the University of new mexico Irogram series in Carlisle
Gymnasium in Albuquerque, New nexico. he spoke for an
hour and a half beginning at 8:15 p.m. on the subject
The Asia Lnoricabpoes §23_hnow. his Speech was heard
by an audience of about one thousand.
119

use a speech recorder.118

Answer one above was written in reply to the question

"how do you obtain ideas for your speeches," while answer

two replied to the question "what steps do you follow

in preparing a speech." Since the writer indicated in

his letter that he was primarily interested in nomulo's

proyaration tecnniques need at the Asian-African Confer-

ence, it is assumed that the reply quoted above was made

with this interest in mind.

Appearance

ns Inonsscn and Laird have indicated, in all

likelihood an orator's striking apyenrance can enhance

his rhetorical effectiveness, but as they have also stated

such strihiné up,earancc can never be considered as an

infallible guide to this effectiveness. 119 honulo is

a short nan; yet we noted earlier in this chapter that

his shortness bossessed for him certain advantages chief

mic."r which was tne advantage of being initially underrated.

llBLetter from n. 5. Carlos s. hOnulo, ihilip-


nine Ambassador to the United states, ambassy of the :hil-
ippines, Hashinéton, U. U., nay 4, 1993.
l‘. 1 . u . i . a
apefitur inonssen and A. oraig naird, osccch
Criticism (flew York: nonald Press Combany, 1946), p.441.
120

To support this theory homulo cites the following incident

from his speaking career.

At the Opening session of the United


Nations in san Francisco in 1945. the
Philippines were invited, even though we
were not yet an independent nation. (Amer—
ica had promised us independence for 1946.)

This was the first full-dress inter-


national conference the Philippines had
been invited to attend. Thus you can see
that l headed a very Junior, almost token,
delegation. 1n the opening round of speeches
my turn came almost last.

I mounted the platform and found 1


could barely see over the speaker's stand.
When there was silence l solemnly uttered
this eight-word sentence:

'Let us make this floor the last


battlefield.’

There was silence, than applause.

homulo concludes by saying: "The same words from a tall

men might have brought polite applause. But coming from

a little follow from a little country, they had an unex-

pected effect."120

In analyzing the significance of this incident,

it appears to the writer that homulo can take best advan-

tage of his short stature only in contrasting situations,

1.6., when the majority of those around him are big men

.
120 Bomulo, ”I'm Glad I'm a Little Guy," loo.
c t., p. 90.
121

from big countries. lt is doubtful, therefore, that hom-

ulo could have had this same effect at the Asian-African

Conference where he was constantly associating with small

men from small countries.

Lelivegi

homulo's method of delivery when not from mem-

ory is usually extemporaneous. He seldom speaks from

notes and never from a complete manuscript.


121 ”He was

always inspired at the moment when he spoke,“ writes his

biographer. "Inspiration rose from the audience for him,

like the aroma of good cooking, whetting the appetite."122

121 ficmulo, personal letter, loo. cit.

1228pencer,_q_p_. gi3,, p. 15. Romulo did not


rely exclusively upon inspiration for the successful de-
livery of his speeches; he also considered his introduc-
tions to be important.

'lntroductions are important to the


speaker, as they serve to break the ice
and Open relations between the audience
and himself. After being introduced by
hundreds of chairmen and masters of cere-
monies 1 find myself with the greatest
respect for those who can “sell“ the
speaker to his audience with a few intro—
ductcry words.‘
See Romulo, §x_§rcther Americans, 2p. cit., p. 98-99.
122

An important characteristic of homulo's voice

while speaking is that it contains a slight but unmistak-


123
able accent. Concerning one speaking occasion his

biOgrapher wrote:

He had spoken English a long time,


ever since he was in primary school. Now
he spoke smoothly, and although he had a
slight accent Which he would never en-
tirely fizse, he did not have to step to
think.1
While this accent evidently constitutes no gen-

eral communicative barrier for the speaker, there are

times when unintelligibility might result. For example,

homulo himself candidly admits:

... My English, under stress, is


not all it should be. when l speak at
an ordinary rate of speed, or write out
my words, 1 think and speak, I hope, as
a man with an American education should.
but under excitement 1 find myself laying
the wrong emphasis on the wrong syllable,
or even worse.léb
In addition to his accent, one other peculiar-

ity of nomulo's speaking voice concerns the use of the

pause. Because of the physical hardships he endured dur-

ing the Second World War, he has had difficulty with his

123This accent was observed by the writer when


he heard Romulo speak in the Spring of 1956-
124Spencer, ’22. Cite, p. 170

l25homulo,}_x;1 Brother Americans, 22, cit., Po 42-


123

throat while speaking. as a result he is often forced

to stop at various points in a epeech to drink water;

and this, he admits, has embarrassed him greatly. One

cause of his embarrassment is the criticism that his slow,

deliberate way of drinking is for added effect, "to allow


w."126
the eXpectancy of the audience to gro To this crit-

icism, however, homulc replies:

Nothing could be further from the


truth. when I stopped, it was because
my throat had dried again -- the throat
seared on Corregidor, the throat that
every specialist i might try, from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, would shake his
head over hepelessly. sprays, lubricants,
lotions, everything would be tried and
nothing would work. hater eased it tem-
porarily so i could talk again.12

1261bid., p. 31.
1271b1d.
Chapter IV

THE ANALYSIS

The purpose of this chapter is to analyze the

three principal speeches of Carlos P. homulo at the A?‘

man-african Conference. The analysis itself will be pre-

ceded by a brief examination of the critical method used,

and will be followed by a summary of the major character-

istics found.

Method

The critical method used in this analysis will

include an examination of each speech in terms of the

first three canons of rhetoric. These canons are: in-

vention, arrangement and style.1 shile each canon takes

a distinctive view of a speech, it is to be understood

1In classical terminology these three canons


were known as inventio, dispositio, and elocutio, respec-
tively. They were part of a fivefold division of rhetoric
which also included memoria or memory and pronuntiatio
or delivery. rhese last two canons will not be dealt
with in the present chapter, since they have already been
considered in the second section of Chapter III.

124
125

that all are complexly interrelated. Something which is

considered under one canon might also be properly consid-

ered under another. Having stressed their true insepa-

rability, we now turn to a brief view of their special

characteristics.

Arrangement

AlthOugh arrangement has been traditionally

considered the second canon of rhetoric, it will be pre-

sented first in this analysis because of the clearer focus

it will give to the other two canons. Under the canon

of arrangement the organizational structure of the speak-

er's major ideas will be investigated. It will also be

determined how the speaker welds his speech materials

into a unified whole, and whether or not there is the

emergence of a central unifying theme.

invention

The canon of invention is the most comprehen-

sive canon of rhetoric. Under it will be considered all

of the arguments suitable to the speaker's given rhetori-

cal effort. classical rhetoricians, however, have divided


126

this canon into three parts corresponding to the three

modes of persuasion set down by Aristotle. These modes

of persuasion (also called modes of proof) consist either

in the moral character of the speaker (ethical proof)

or in the production of a certain attitude in the hearer

(emotional proof) or in the speech itself by means of


real or apparent demonstration (legical proof).2 The

speaker's invention will be analyzed within the general

framework of this tripartite division.

Logical figggg

An analysis of the Speaker‘s legical proof will

include an examination of all his rational appeals, or

those appeals directed primarily to the reasoning process.

In keeping with Aristotle's "conviction that the most

important inaredient of a speech is rational demonstration


"3
through severe argumentation, apprOpriate emphasis will

be given to this mode of proof.

Emotional £332;

An analysis of the speaker's emotional proof

will include an inspection of “all those materials and

2Lane CooPer, The Rhetoric 2g Aristotle (New


York: Appleton-Century~orofts, lnc., 1932), p. 8.

3Lester Thonssen and A. Graig Baird, 8 each


Criticism (New York: The nonald Press Company, 1948},
P0 331.
127

devices calculated to put the audience in a frame of mind

suitable for the reception of the speaker's ideas."¢

In this section an attenpt will be made to appraise the

speaker's ability to link the truth of his case with the

emotional nature of his audience.

gthical Proof
An analysis of the speaker's ethical proof will

include an investigation of the most important facets of

message credibility. According to Aristotle, a speaker

enhances his message credibility most through the impres-

sions he gives of his sagacity, high character, and good

will.5 The various ramifications of these three facets

of ethical proof will be eXplored at length.

Style

rhe third canon of rhetoric deals with the man-

ner in which a speaher clothes his thoughts with language.

In this section the speaker's style will be analyzed from

both a functional and an aesthetic standpoint. an attempt

will be made to determine the manner in wnich he makes

his ideas clear and once made clear how he impresses them

‘1b1d.. 358.
5COOper, £3. cit., pp. 91-92.
128

upon his audience.

Il—J
homulo's first principal speech was delivered

before the Opening session.

immediate betting

The Asian-African Conference formally opened

in plenary session on nondey, April 18, 1955. it Opened

with peasantry, "with cheering throngs in the streets,

dramatic comings and goings in speeding cars behind in-

sistent noisy motorcycles," and "a mammoth reception fea-

turing Javanese dances beneath the banyan trees at the

Governor's palace."6 The inaugural session was called

to order at 9:00 am.7 in the "white-walled, fluorescent-

lit" main hall of the Concordia building.8 the scene

Obavid Landman, "The Bandung Compromise,“ New


Republic, CMQZLJ. (may 16, 19)5)p Po 8.

7Charles H. halik, ihe Problem of Coexistence


(Evanston: Northwestern University tress,“1999), p. 19.
The conference was formally opened by the lndonesian Pres-
ident, Dr. Ahmed bukarno.

8harold h. milks, "lraq Criticizes Communism


at Bandung Conference; many Delegates Applaud," st. Louis
Post-hispatch, april 18, 1955, p. 1A. nhere possible
the author and title of all newspaper articles will be
included.
129

was reportedly a colorful one since the 400 official dele-

gates came dressed in national costumes.


9

There were the flowing white kofias,


the headpieces of the Arabian sheiks;
there were the richly dyed yellow, brown,
green and blue loose-fitting robes of the
stately peeple of the Gold Coast and the
light pastel shades of the longyis (§}£J.
or wraps, worn by the men of burns. rhere
were also the sheep's-wool hats of the
diplomats from rakistan, the white turbans
and white robes of the representatives of
Yemen and the stark black and white striped
gowns of the Liberians.lU

A view from the gallery or balcony which ran

around the rear and the two sides of the hall provided

one observer with this picture:

Down below, the place throbbed with


color and self—conscious eccentricity,
with every sort of robe and veil and
tunic, shalwar and lungi (gig) , dhoti
and burnooss, tarboosh and baffiyeh, and
the simple sharkskin splendor of the
Beirut business suit; something terribly
serious halfway between a political con-
vention and a costume ball.

From this same vantage point another observer

has provided more specific details. He writes:

9ibid. homulo wore a barong Tagalog which


is an Openworx rilipino shirt. bee C. hand, "our Ear»
flung Correspondents," New Yorker, Alli (June 11, 1955),
p. 42.

lofhe New York Times, April 19, 1955: P- 3-

llJamee Cameron, “Chou En-lai at the Asian-Af-


rican meeting," heporter, All (may 19, 1955), p. 12.
130

1 went inside and climbed to the


gallery of this impressive hall, staring
out over this grandiloquent array of per-
sonages. fhere was Mohammad Eadhel Janali
of lraq, sporting a morning coat; Colonel
Nasser of Lgypt, looking smooth and virile
in a plain khaki uniform; Rehru in a long
brown achhan coat, sometimes called a
sherwani, with a big red rose at the chest,
and white chooridar pyjamas, or pants very
much like Jodhpurs; nohammed Ali in a tee—
tern suit; U flu in a plaid longyi and pas-
tel yellow gaung buang; jet—black men from
the Gold Coast in flOWlng robes of bright
yellows and greens° other Chinese, dressed
like Chou in Sun fat-sen tunics , gently
waving black fans, the Japanese in plain
western suits, waving fancy fans of their
own; Krishna aenon in a dhoti and a long
cotton overshirt, his gray hair long and
wild as he raced from chair to chair,
shaking hands; the daudi Arabians in long
black robes with white trim.12

In addition to the official delegates represent-

ing the nations of Asia and Africa, there were also a

handful of Western ambassadors from the United States

and Europe sitting as spectators in a specially designated

area at the side of the hall. This area was referred to

as the "white man's box.“


13 The role of interested on-

lookers was further symbolized in a small group of foreign

12Carl T. howan, The ritiful and the frond (New


York: Random house, 1956), pp. 359—90. Although not
suitable for reproduction here, there is a fairly good
wirephoto picture of the rear of the conference hall,
showing the above mentioned balcony, in.2hgԤgw York_Times.
See The new Yorh Times, April 26, 1955' p. 5.

leandnan, loc. cit.


131

newspayernen, a portion of the 500 Journalists which re-

portedly attended the conference. 14 Inc balance of the

nearly 2,000 peeple at the Opening session was provided

by guests of the indonesian governnont.

after the agenda had been aggroved by the con-

ference members and announced by the conference chairman,


i

the opening statements began.l) rhese sceeches, consum-

iné three plenary sessions, started in the afternoon on

nonday and continued through ’i‘uesday.16 ihe speakers

took the platforn in alphabetical order for fifteen minute

policy stateaents.l7

From a synopsis of eaCh spaced it is possible

to conclude that the predominant note throughout the spen-

ins session apneared to be one of national pride and re-

cial consciousness. arote one writer on the second day

of the conference: "fiverr 8*cech


1! at the conference so

far has been at least in part a recital of each nation's

lQhEXBB beeon. "Colonialism in for haps at Ban-


dung’" Cfli°eip “ailx.eews. Aeril Is. 1395. p. 5.
15 ghe ranila Times, April 19, 1955. pp. 1-2.

16
Axial-iii, £12. 93.3., p. Z].-

sltnougn 11fteen minutes angears to have been


the average time allotted to each speaker, nomulo is said
to have delivered a half-hour speech. has 0.0. Conwres-
sional necord, o4tn cong., 1st sess., 1995, hi, iart 15,
A 3566, quoting the Hashington naily News of spril 19,
1355. This is probably the actual case since the speech
is much too long to have been delivered in a shorter per-
iod of time.
132

attainments in freedom and its dedication to tne solid—

arity of the colored peooles of the aorld."18 "rote an-

Otner writer: "A certain amount of reyetitioueneee drove

home the racial theme with crushing force."19

"The mood of the first day was one of tranquil-

ity and high hope," with the only controversial items

advanced by the speaker's being an occasional attack upon

the colonial aspect of international communism.20 lran's

rermanent hepreeentative to the United nations, ujalal

nbdoh first alluded to this subject; and he was later

followed by monamneo Fadnil Jnmali or iraq wno pursued

it still further. rueeduy brought additional attacks

upon communism by otner nations sympathetic to tne nest?l

one of these Speakers was nomulo who addressed tne con-


. (‘3
. . .. . 2 , .,
ference in too morning 01 tno seOOnd day. ‘ ne Spoke

18 ‘ ‘ l ‘ 'I "'
nonuld oteaa, "nanouna ralks break olo dar-
riere," Christian science monitor, April 20, 1995, p. 2.

_ lgniohard wrifiht, The polor Curtain (Cleveland:


she world ruoliening cougany, 1330), p. 19).
f
0. . .
Landuan, loc. Cit.
21 ‘ _, _' i ¥ ‘ ' ..i- i .' .. ‘. ' '
'ueorée mciurnan nanin, ine “clan-nirican
Conferenqg (ltnacez~ Cornell University rrees, 1990),
pp. ld‘ljo

22
St. Louis root-riegetcn, upril 19, 1995.
P0 2A.
133

9 2
in tne above prevailin5 atmosyhore. 3

"extual Authentication

before be5innin5 his analysis the writer was

obliged to select one of five texts of nemulo'e Opening

address. these texts appeared in the followin5 sources:

(1) Ihe Aanila Times, April 20, 195 5, p. 8.

(2) institute of iacific helations, "delec-


ted Locunonts of the Landun5 Conierence.§4
New York, 1955. (wimeO5raphed. ), p. 12.

(j) nonulo, earlos r., "The Asian-African


Conference," Vital ‘Jeeo‘ a, nil (June 1,
1355) . p. 1270*“.
(4) U.5., Congressional Lecord, 84th Cong.,
136 06550, 1J5), Cl, ia£t 5, 62000

(5) nonulo, Carlos L., The fleaning f Bandung.


Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina 1w: as, 1956, p. 63.
Q
Ihey have been arranged ncrc nunsri callj and in chronolo-

gical order for purgoscs of explication. The source con—

taining the text which seems to reflect most accurately

what the speaker said is the first mentioned -- The manila

djitomulo attached great significance to the


opening speeches because he felt that the feelings of
the twenty-nine garticipatin5 nations could be properly
au ed thzou n tue9. use Vicento J. Guzman, Landun
Eonfab btartin5 ioday, " Ihe ianila “ines, April ls, $955.

£4Ihe speech text used in this source was ob-


tained from the lndonesian sission to the UnitedNations
in New Xork.
134

Times. This selection was based upon a combination of

interrelated factors including publication dates, inter-

nal discrepancies, and the general nature of the speaker's

methods of speech preyaration and delivery.

because of the total number of SpeGCh texts

available, publication dates mi5ht help determine which

text is the most authentic. The element of time is im-

portant mainly because of the pOssibility for the revi—-

sion and extension of remarks. A speech text appearing

immediately after the actual delivery of the speech would

afford the speaker very little time for alterations. Cf

the five texts mentioned above the one affordin5 the speak~

er the least Opportunity for alteration is the one found

in Ihe manila Times. it was sent by wireless to manila

the very day it was delivered. nn introductory notation

indicates that it is "the full text of the address by

£1 Chief neie5ate uarlos r. nomulo in the Asian African

conference.” in all likelihood it was handed directly

to the members of the ihilipyine newspaper dele5ation

without need of any resortin5. A consideration of homu~

lo's methods of Speecn preparation and ueliVery would

help corroborate this fact. we will review these methods

presently, but let us first touch upon the hatter of in-

ternal discreyancies.
135

Looking at each of the five texts, a number

or significant discrepancies can be noted. To begin with,

text (1) contains more actual words than any of the other

iour texts. within the body it contains one more para-

graph than each or the others, while at the end it con-

tains three more paragraphs than either (2) or (5). hith-

out benefit or these three paragraphs texts (2) and (3)

“ould appear to be both stylistically and organization-

ally incomplete. ine writer would therefore consider

them as spurious.

iexts (4) and (9) present more of a problem,

the only paragraph missing from them being an internal

paragraph union would not necessarily render the speeches

incomplete if left out. houbt can be cast upon their

authenticity in Other ways, however. her one thing it

has been observed as a common practice to revise and ex-

tend remarks yrinted in the uongressionel heeord.25 Text

(9) would also fall heir to this possibility since in

all essential respects it is an exact duplication of (4).


Additionally, texts (4) and (9) show signs of a conscious

attempt to improve punctuation. both, for example, contain

c
2"son nobinscn, "Are speeches in Congress ne—
ported Accuratelyt,” gusrterll Journal g; sneech, thllI
(February, 1942), p. 12. cited by rhonssen and naird,
fl. Cite. LP. jV4‘JDQ
136

commas in apprOpriate places which are conspicuously miss-

ing from text (1). Ihey also do not have commas that

according to the laws 01 grammar are erroneously placed

in text (1). rheee facts would tend to indicate then

that texts t4} and (5) were tampered with and are there—

fore also spurious.

Judging iron what has been just noted concern-

ing the factors of time and of internal discrepancies,

text (1), the text appearing in ghg manila.§;§g§, appears


to be the most accurate of the five. it is impossible

to place complete reliance even upon it, however, because

of the nature of the speaker's habits of speech prepara-

tion and delivery as noted at the end of the previous

chapter. nomulo, it will be remembered, never takes a

complete manuscript with him to the platform; he relies

rather upon remembering what he has previously written

in manuscript form. in the absence of some accurate re-

cording technique or apparatus, therefore, it is impos-

sible to claim that text (1) is"the verbatim version."


It can only be stated that it probably reflects what the

speaker said better than any of the others. Enough evi-

dence, at least, seems to point in this direction.


137

Purpose

The general purpose of an Opening speech at

an international conference is usually to arouse enthus-

iasm for what is about to occur and to deepen emotion

for the causes Which brouyht the nations together. In

this sense an opening adoress is nothing more than a speech

to stimulate. more Specifically, however, the purpose

is also to set forth the fundamental national policy of

the individual governments and their general attitudes

toward the issues of the day and the issues on the agenda

of the conference. as one delegate stateu: "in these

Opening general statements, people define themselves;

they introduce themselves politically; they state th

ultimate general questions on their minds; they trace

the limits within which their national policy functions."26

nomulo's epeecn contains all of the above char-

acteristics of an Opening address in addition to the fact

that it also voices a firm resolve to discuss the condi-

tion of "man's estate" as frankly and as realistically

as possible. he might very well have been stating the

underlying purpose of his own Speech when he said to the

Otifilik, 9‘20 Cite. Pa 22.


158

conference members: "He will serve each other if we ex-

amine ourselves, if we clarify, as far as we can our

choices, our deals -- and our obstacles." aithin the

framework of his own beliefs and attitudes as well as the

general framework provided by the peculiar orientation

of his country's foreign policy Lonulo constructed his

Speech. ln essence, he wished to show that democracy

and not communism was the answer to the common problems


27
besetting the members of the conference.

Arrangement

ln harmony with the Aristotelian tradition,

27-.it is said that on the Opening day homulo


'seemed to have a smile and a good word for everyone' Egg
New York Times, April 15, less, p. 5. , and that he 'stole
the snow with two dramatic entrances.’

'Eirst, when he entered dedung herdeka,


hundreds of lndonesians shouted 'homulo!
nomulol' as they spotted him in the long
line of delegates in single file, arranged
in alphabetical order in their countries.

'sgain he was applauded when he entered


the session hell. he he strode in sure step
to the pouium to also second eastroamidjojo's
nomination, he merited more aptlause from
the delegates and newsman.‘

see Vicente J. Guzman, "Opening nites at Bandung are In—


pressive,” rhe nanila Iimes, Ayril 19, 1993, p. l.
139

homulo's Opening Address has an introduction, a body, and

a conclusion. The introduction although quite short ex-

hibits proof that the speaker attempted to place himself

on common ground with his listeners and to obtain the

proPer good will toward both himself and his subject.

Certain passages illustrate this attempt:

is of the rhilippines have a profound


sense of the great historic events drama-
tized by this unique gathering... we have
watched with proud solidarity the estab-
lishment of the other independent nations
of a free Asia...

us come as members of one great family


long separated from each other...

While the introduction encompassed less than one tenth

of the total volume of words, the passages cited indicate

that its function was to adapt the speaker and his subject

to both the audience and the occasion. Announcement,

personal reference, and eXplanation all served to make

this adaptation.

Turning now to the body of the speech, the lie-

tener is at once confronted with the core of the Speaker's

threefold sequence of ideas. These three ideas are 1)

that the nations represented at the conference are con-

cerned with the issues of colonialism and political free-

dom, racial equality, and peaceful economic growth, 2)

that the history of the world turns on how these issues


WP
140

are met and resolved, and 3) that the countries of Asia

and Africa must resolve these issues through either demo-

cracy or communism. Although these ideas are organized

in a variety of standard ways depending upon the point

of view taken, the most obvious method utilized is that

of distribution. homulo distributes the bulk of his in-

ventive material in political, social, and economic cate-

gories. hach category receives about equal treatment

in terms of space, but the speaker suggests that the eco-

nomic aspect is the most important. it will be noted also

that these three distributive elements correspond to the

objectives of the conference as outlined by the Colombo

sponsors in their Bogor communique. this is evidently

where the speaker obtained his organizational tOpoi.

lf the structural pattern of the body as a whole

were considered without reference to the distributive

method Just analyzed, it would be seen that the speech

develOps along the general lines of problem and solution.

The speaker's material can be divided according to the

logical pattern formulated for any question of policy.

First there are statements with proof of the factors in—

volved in the problematic situation. These factors cor-

respond to the organizational tepoi already discussed.

next, there is a weighing of all possible solutions


141

(communism and democracy) which culminates finally in


a brief analysis of the solution desired (democracy).
Althouah no democratic progran for solving the speaker's

problems is spelled out in any great detail, an indirect

reference is made to the democratic way of life contained

in the iacific Charter. Ihis deficiency would appear to

be an organizational weaaness in the problem-solution

speech structure.

nomulo devotes about as much time to his con—

clusion as he did to his introduction; but if it is brief,

it is also forceful. rhe conclusion is motivational in

character. appeal is combined withquotation to enforce

the speaker's purpose. after ending the body of his speech

with an appeal to Asian nationalism, the speaker concludes

the whole of his address by demanding an international

approach to the problems then besetting all mankind. he

says:

The success of this conference will


be measured not only by what we do for
ourselves but also by what we do for the
entire human community. Large as is the
cause of asia, there is a cause even larger.
it is the cause of the human family in a
world struggling to liberate itself from
the chaos of international anarchy. In
short, our cause is the cause of man.

he adapts his concluding sentence to the spiritual orienta-

tion of his audience by invoking the diety and by quoting


142

an apprOpriate passage from the Sermon on the Mount.

Let us invoke the blessing and the


guidance of Almighty God over our deli-
berations so that this conference may
prove to be the radiating center of the
divine injunction 'Thou shalt love thy
neighbor as thyself' and we may help to
make the mast and nest live toaether as
enjoined by our ancient creed 'se are
all brothers under the canopy of heaven.’

how that the three traditional parts of the

speech have been considered individually a more compre-

hensive View of the speaker's arrangement can be taken.

duestions Ismaining unanswered concern the emergence of

a central unifying theme, the use of transitions, and

the adaptation of the total speech plan to the audience.

To begin with, it can be seen from what was

said previously in connection with the speaker's purpose

that the emergence of a central unifying theme character—

izes the totality of his thought. It was observed that

the speaker’s purpose was to persuade his audience not

to adOpt communism once hurOpean colonialism had been

eliminated from Asia and Africa. Although this warning

is never mentioned specifically, it is nevertheless the

thread which ties the entire speech together.

in addition to this central theme, it will be

noted also that two minor themes arise from time to time

throughout the speech. highlighting the major theme are


143

the secondary themes of nationalism and internationalism.

The speaker attempts throughout his Speech to channel

the uncontrolled nationalistic aspirations of his audi—

ence into what he considers to be the more beneficial

area of democratic internationalism. This attitude is

a natural manifestation of the speaker's peculiar mode

of philosophical idealism witnessed in the last chapter.

more will be said about it in the next section when we

trace its general develOpment wnile analysing the Speak-

er's use of 1051031 proof. we now turn to the more func-

tional question of transitions.

the major and subsidiary parts of ncmulo's Open-

ing Address are linked into an organic whole by transi-

tional elements found chiefly in the forms of rhetorical

questions and short anticipatory statements. Ehe follow—

ing eXamples are typical. unetorical questions -—

Eistween introduction and bodfl

he in this room are, for our brief


moment, a part of this history. how do
we see it? now do we understand it?

(éetween problem and solutioéx

that do we want? how do we prepose


to seek it?

Anticipatory statements --

{Eithin the first distributive elemenil


144

There are at least three things


more to be said here about this matter
of national political freedom:

{Eetween the first and second distribu-


tive elementfl
l have said that besides the issues
of colonialism and political freedom,
all of us here are concerned with the
matter of racial equality.

(éetween the second and third distribu-


tive elcmenté]
Lastly, l have said that all of us
here are concerned with peaceful economic
growth.

Looking once more at the organization of the

speech as a whole, the basic structural pattern appears

to be alternated argument and appeal with honroe's moti-

vated sequence clearly in evidence. while the arguments

are usually arranged didactically -- well over half the

paragraphs in the body of the speech begin with a short

generalized statement followed by examples and specific

instances -- the appeals are arranged in no particular

order. in fact, they are at times merely implied rather

than stated directly. This isparticularly true of the

appeal made under the distributive element of peaceful

economic growth. it remains implied but stresses the

theme of international cooPeration in solving the world's

economic problems. Lhe political and racial topoi, how-

ever, have clearly stated appeals. homulo, for example,


145

concludes his discourse on political freedom by saying:

"we have to have the imagination and courage to put our-

selves in the foreiront of the attempt to create a 20th

century world based on the true interdependence of peo-

ples. he concludes his discourse on racial equality

by saying: "Let us not preserve stupid racial supersti-

tions wnich belong to the past. Let us work to remove

this ugly disease wherever it is rooted, whether it be

among western men or among ourselves." in all three in-

stances the appeals are directed to positive goals, 1.6.,

to what "should" be done.

Invention -- Logical Eroof

fine develOpmcnt of nomulo's speech, as seen

in the foreéoing section on arrangement, can be viewed

from the standpoint of tne reasoning process, i.e., it

falls within the general category of problem and solution.

in considering his lobical proof, therefore, it would

be apprOpriate to have this diapositicnal framework serve

as a functional basis of judgment. ”hat, in other words,

here the logical characteristics of the speaker's problem;

and did he provide an adequate solution?

since tne develOpment of the speaker's problem


146

followed the political, racial and GOOHOmiC divisions

of his first major idea, it will be necessary to analyze

his $0510 in the same sequential pattern.

1. rolitical freedom. Under the heading of

political freedom nomulo's aféumcut is interonen with

much eXposition. he begins by presenting some commonly

held facts and beliefs Which serve to dive his reason-

ing background and gereycctive. he states that the major-

ity of the indekcndent nations IGyIcfieutéd at the confer-

ence had won tneir indefendence only within the last ten

years, that they had con their indegendence by many dif-

ferent means, and that the ucnievement of Iurtner inde-

pendence did not depend Ou nestern good will or slow ac-

cess of wisdom and virtue. rhese factual assertions,

which reflect the sneaker's understanding of the historic

backdround and combosition of his audience, are suyported

largely by causal relation and specific instance. :ha

causal relations 50 factually unsuggorted on two occas-

ions, however, as attested by the following example.

nomulo says:

rhe United states has at times ap-


peared to us lacking in consistency and
vigor in ubholding the right of non-self-
governing peoples to independence. it
has on SOne issues leaned heavily in favor
of colonial powers and has sometimes dis-
heartened us because of its failure to
make its actions dovetail with its ideals
of equality and freedom.
147

One would sipect nomulo to make such statements in libht

of the attitude his government has taken toward American

intransigence within the United hations. rhe U.N. mem-

bers of the audience would also more than likely be aware

of Specific instances of this intransigence. This might

have been the reason honulo neglected to use some of them

in the form of factual subport.

having attuned his listeners to the necessity

for and the desirability of obtaining political indepen-

dence, nomulo then yroceeds to caution them about some

of the dangers involved. he points out that national

independenCe is just the beginning of the conquest of

real freedom, and that the independence of small or weak

nations is at best a precarious and fragile thing. in

showing that national independence can be more fiction

than fact, nodule uses four soecific examgles to prove

that national independence can be used as an instrument

for a new and different kind of subjection and that na-

tional independence is subject to violently different

opinions. ihese examples appear to be well chosen since

the speaker sianes out two or the conference sponsors

for particular mention. he says:

1 can recall reading a report of an


editorial in Pravda, published in Moscow,
which called newly independent lndia d
148

puppet of British imperialism. There


was a time when raking newspagers and
radio broadcasts were saying similar
things about the neyublic of lndonesia.

ihe speaker's a'nunent is strengthened not only legically

with the use of these two examples but psychologically

as well. Judginb iron the iact that both india and indo-

nesia adhere strictly to neutralist principles in the

conduct of their ioreibn aliairs, tney would be the first

to deny that they were "guypets oi a foreign power."

nicer cautioning his audience about some of

the dangers of political indecendence, honulo thereupon

ends this adamant of his aiéunentative engosition with

an aypeal to historical reality. ne asserts that nation-

alism is a narrow and inadequate instrument for solving

Asia's and nfrica's manifold yroblens, and that a true

interdegendence of seeples must be the inevitable have

of the future. he states that "western nuroycun man today

is paying the terrible price" for preserving too long the

conceyt of the nation state. he concludes his argument

with an hygothetiCal syllOgisn, the only syllo;ism used

in the entire speech. ii we of “sis and Africa are to

avoid reheating all of nurOye's historic errors, the

Speaker says in so many words, we must achieve a greater

coherence and u uniting of reaional interests. "as have


149

to try to avoid repeating all of Europe's historic errors."

Therefore, the audience members are left to conclude that

they must achieve a greater conerence and a uniting of

regional interests.

Throughout this section on colonialism and po-

litical freedom the minor themes of nationalism and in-

ternationalism repeatedly manifest themselves. rhe for-

mer reCeivee its greatest emphasis when the speaker says

that “the age of emyire is being helped into oblivion

by the aroused will and action or peeple determined to

be masters of their can fate.“ rhe latter receives its

greatest emyhasis in the concluding paragraph which con-

tains the hypothetical syllogism Just analyzed.

2. aacial equality. Because racial equality

was potentially the most explosive concept with which

the speaker dealt, he was compelled to measure his logic

accordingly. he began this section of his speech by la-

beling racial equality as a touchstone, pointing out that,

although the systems and manners of racial discrimination

had varied, no western colonial regime was free from im-

posing it upon others. his argumentative technique was

largely exyositional in which very little clear cut logic

could be properly utilized. ne described what the doc—

trine and bractice of nestern racism had accomplished


150

and then stated that it survived in virulent form only

in the Union of South Africa - an assertion which in

turn received further expositional treatment.

is in the first area of controversy, so also

in this one does homulo attempt to caution his audience.

After discussing expositionally some of the general ram-

ifications of racism, the speaker then proceeds to remind

his auditors that they too must not fall into the same

racist trap as the white man. He reasons causally that

such a course of action would mean giving up all hope of

human freedom for the countries at the conference strug-

gling to be free. He states that racism.pggngg is an

outcrOpping of one of the many human weaknesses which

constantly plague mankind; and he cites as an example

of this the racial discrimination practiced in India which

Mahatma Gandhi devoted so much of his life to eradicate.

Such an example was functionally appropriate in that it

called to the attention of the conference members a per-

eon with whom they were all reasonably familiar and one

whom they respected.

The speaker climaxes this section of his speech

with an appeal to the authority of the Bible. "would

that we all gave as much time," he said, "to the mote

in our own eye as we give to denouncing the beam in the


151

eye of another." (matt. 733). Here Romulo calls upon

his Christian training to provide him with an argument

from authority readily conformable to the spiritual na-

ture of his audience.

3. Economic growth. within the context of

peaceful economic growth homulo again handled his logical

materials largely inductively. He disclosed to his audi-

ence the facts of their economic backwardness and con-

cluded that this backwardness was“partly due to factors

of climate, geOgraphy, and the stubborn survival of ob-

solete cultural patterns." Carrying his causal reason-

ing one step further, he additionally concluded that the

economic backwardness he had Just described was also in

large measure the result of patterns imposed upon the

countries of Asia and Africa by Western colonialism.

To the representatives of countries at the conference

with long colonial records, this last assertion needed

no further proof. It was easily adaptable to the prevail-

ing attitudes noted in the second chapter.

Once this factual groundwork had been laid,

the speaker's next step was to reintroduce his minor theme

into the discussion. As was the case previously, so here

again the idea of interdependence as opposed to extreme

nationalism is stressed. ficmulo asserts that a purely

national economy is an illusion, and that the key to


152

effective economic growth for the nations represented

at the conference is to be found in increasing interde-

pendence. much of the speaker's reasoning here was an

attempt to refute a misconception which he felt resided

in the minds of his audience. This misconception resulted

from the fear that a policy of economic interdependence

would be a crippling disadvantage to the nations of Asia

and Africa at this stage of their development. This fear

was refuted by the speaker in two ways. First, he sug-

gested negatively that a policy of economic interdepen-

dence for the nations of Asia and Africa would mean that

these same nations would not have to go through "the equiv-

alent of the decades and centuries of ugly, painful and

costly deve10pment which occurred in most western coun-

tries." Then he suggested positively that the nations

in question could make use of the most ultra-modern tech-

nologies to transform themselves more rapidly, ”to make

new and hitherto unforeseen use” of their resources.

The underlying premise of his argument was that Asia

needs the world and the world needs Asia.

Turning now to an inspection of the solution

phase of the problem-solution sequence, we are at once

confronted with the problem of choice, the choice between

communism and democracy. These are the logical alternatives


153

which the speaker presents to his audience for solving

their political, racial, and economic problems. Drawing

upon his can democratic ideals and the democratic orien-

tation of his country's foreign policy, his logical meth-

od is to reject the communist alternative. de accomplishes

this by suggesting that communism is a ruthless tyranny,

that it diminishes "the individual well-being and free-

dom of millions of peOple," and that it would merely re-

place the worst aspects of western colonialism. In ad-

dition he asserts that, contrary to the communist philo—

BOphers, the communist state does not wither away but

becomes inherently eXpansionist.

Upon discarding communism as a valid solution

to the problems facing the nations at the conference, the

speaker turns to democracy and finds it acceptable. The

principle underlying his acceptance is that since the

nations of main and nfrica want to solve their own pro-

blems without any outside interference, the only suitable

answer is democracy for it places no restraint upon them.

specifically, what the speaker suggests by way of a con-

crete pragram for the implementation of his solution is

the adeption of the Iacific Charter by all concerned.

he envisages it as enshrinin; "the dignity of man, his

well-being, his security, his progress, his nation's right


' 154

to self-determination." No further details than these

are given.

neviewing now the total legical develOpment of

the speaker's problem-solution sequence of ideas, certain

outstanding characteristics are apparent. To begin with,

it has been noted that the speaker relies heavily upon

argumentative exposition to present his case. While this

kind of exposition has some reasoning value, its complete

worth cannot be determined from a purely lOgical stand-

point. dince it does serve to make the speaker's reason-

ing clearer, however, it can be properly regarded here as

a useful substructure of his argument; and, in this sense,

its function has been fulfilled.

Also, from what has been previously observed,

it can be stated that the chief means of support for the

speaaer's conclusions are basically inductive. Of these

inductive means, specific instance and causal relation

appear to predominate with argument from authority being

occasionally used. Because of the predominance of argu-

mentative eXposition, however, most of the speaker's as-

sertions go unsupported. he assumes that proof will be

provided by his listeners, i.e., from their own past ex-

periences, common beliefs, and prevailing attitudes.

Judging from the purpose of his speech which was largely


155

motivational this does not appear to be an unwarranted

assumption,for the audience was already convinced of the

rightness of its cause. In short, no further proof was

needed.

Ihe greatest weakness of homulo'e case lies

in his apparent failure to provide an adequate solution

to the tripartite problem he presented. Yet this weak-

ness is probably more psycholOgical than legical. It

might very well be that the adoption of the Pacific Char~

ter by all concerned would solve their pressing politi-

cal, racial, and economic problems, but they are given

no specific reasons to believe that this can be so. They

are told what they must do, but not specifically how to

do it. Ihe speaker, in other words, merely points in

the direction of a solution, and the listeners are left

with no remedy or redress for their grievances.

invention -- Emotional Proof

In terms of his Opening address, some of hom—

ulo's greatest strength derives from his ability to adapt

his remarks to prevailing audience attitudes. As a whole,

the speech exhibits a areful understanding of both the


make-up and the motivations of the audience. it takes
156

into account the political, racial, and economic status

of the listeners, as well as the known prejudices and

predispositions which brought them tOgether.

It was observed in Chapter 11 that the delegates

to the Asian—nfrican Conference came from countries where

the peoyle they represented were considered to be poli-

tically impotent, racially objectionable, and economically

backward. homulo acknowledged these characteristics through-

out his speech. ln his introduction, for example, he

said:

All who are represented here are


certainly concerned with the issues of
(l) colonialism and political freedom,
(2) racial equality, and (3) peaceful
economic growth. rhe history of the
world in our time turns on the ways in
ehich these issues are met and resolved
or not met and not resolved.

within the body of his speech he said;

Ihe majority of independent nations


represented here won their independence
only within the last decade.

00............OOOOOOOOOOO......ODCCOOOO

Racial equality is a touchstone...


for most of us assembled here and the
pebbles we represent.

.0O0.0.00.0...0..........OOOOOOOOIOOOOO

It is precisely because the billion


and a half people of Asia and Africa have
begun in our time to strive for a better
economic stake in life that most of us
are here today.
157

In discussing these three topics, the speaker is,consid-

ering what is best calculated to elicit the greatest rev

apnea from his audience. He therefore shows his ability

to adapt material to his listeners.

The emotional nature of homulo's audience is

encompassed by the totality of his thought, for within

the tripartite framework mentioned above, the speaker

appeals to the wants, needs and desires of his listeners.

Such motivating factors as nationalistic self-assertion,

social Justice, and material well being are directly ap-

pealed to. Under the heading of colonialism and politi-

cal freedom, for example, homulo appeals to the desire

for nationalistic self-assertion.

rho handwriting of history is spread


on the wall. But not everybody reads it
the same way or interprets similarly what
he reads there. we know the age of mura-
pean empire; not all Europeans know that
yet. Not all Asians or Africans have been
or are still aware that they must make them-
selves the conscious instruments of historic
decision.

............OOOOCOOOOOOOI0.0.0....0......

It is to be heped...that this confer-


ence will help remind all the western powers
that the issue of political independence
for subject peeples does not depend on their
good-will or slow access of wisdom and vir-
tue. The age of empire is being helped
into oblivion by the aroused will and ac-
tion of peeple determined to be masters of
their own fate.
Under the heading of racial equality honulo appeals to

the desire for social justice.

I do not think in this company I


have to labor the full import of this
pernicious doctrine and practice. 1 do
not think 1 have to try to measure the
role played by this racism as a driving
force in the development of the nation-
alist movements in our many lands. For
many it has made the goal of regaining
a statue of simple manhood the be~all
and end-all of a lifetime of devoted
struggle and sacrifice.

Under the heading of peaceful economic growth homulo ap-

peals to the desire for material well being.

fhe great masses of our peeple live


in a state of rural poverty. we need to
diversify our economies. we need to in-
dustrialize in accordance with our re-
sources and needs. we have to win a
more balanced place in the market places
of the world. we have to do this in a
manner that will effectively raise the
standard of living of our people.

All of these appeals were directed to the wellsprings of

human conduct, and as such they enabled the speaker to

link the truth of his ideas with the emotional nature

of his audience.

some of somulo's appeals, however, are conceived

on a higher phiIOSOpnical plane than those Just mentioned.

He-appeals to a higher level of man's nature, when he

calls for forgiveness, magnanimity, and fair play and

refers to the dignity of man’s estate. In his conclusion


159

he says:

Let us therefore draw strength not


from the hurts of past or present but
from our common hOpes —- hepes that can
come to life in all pecples everywhere.
And if the test of that strength should
be our ability to forgive then let it be
said that we were the giants of our time.

Throughout his speech he refers to the idealistic concept

of Erancis Bacon -- the dignity of man's estate. "de

come as menbers of one great family long segarated from

seen other," he says. "in this family reunion we are here

to talk of man's estate." because of the emphasis which

universal moral values receive in the nations represented

at the conference, any appeal to the loftier side of man's

nature can be assured of a hearing. The countries of

Asia and africa, it was noted earlier, take great pride

in their moral and spiritual heritage.

if the Speaker links the truth of his ideas

with the emotional nature of his audience, he is aided

in so doing by the rhythmic flow of his sentences. Any

of the above quoted passages will yield proof for this

statement. also, the speaker's use of figurative lan—

gangaand emotionally toned adjectives help his in his mo-

tivational apneals. Again, the above passages exhibit

corroboratino evidence. when his own language, however,

proves emotionally inadequate he calls upon appropriate


160

language from other quarters. in discussing peaceful

economic growth, for example, he pictures a world of eco-

nomic interdependence as envisioned by the hindu poet

and humanist, nabindranath Tagore -- a world "not divided

into fragments by narrow domestic walls." such a liter-

ary allusion was capable of producing much emotional im-

pact not merely because of what was said but also because

of the person quoted. habindranath Iagore was the first

Asian ever to win the Rebel Prize for Literature.

Invention -- hthical froof

nonulo's Opening address gives strong support

to the Aristotelian dictum that "there is no proof so

effective as that of the character." fhe speaker enhances

his ethical appeal through the impressions he gives of

his "sagacity, high character, and good will." An analy-

sis of these three ethical elements is therefore in order.

1. sagacity. nomulo establishes a feeling

of intellectual integrity and wisdom by the manner in

which he handles certain speech materials. In discuss-

ing the siplosive issue of racial equality, for example,

the speaker is careful to point out the inherent differ-

ence between the words "all" and "some." he says


161

concerning the past racist attitudes of the white man:

Our quarrel with racism is that it


substitutes the accident of skin color
for Judgment of men as men. Counter-
racism would have us do the same; to
lump white men by their supposed racial
grouping and govern our acts and reac-
tions accordingly. it is our task to
rise above this noxious nonsense. he
have the responsibility to remain aware
that tnis kind of racist attitude has
been the practice not of all white men,
but only of some...

Once this verbal distinction has been made clear,

the speaker then goes on to plead for moderation in deal-

ing with the critical racial problem. "where is the so-

ciety," he asks, "in which men have not in some manner

divided themselves for political, social, and economic

purposes by wnolly irrational and indefensible categories

of status, birth, and...skin color?" Ihe Speaker shows

his ethical proof here throuph candid restraint in which

he attempts to hold in check the irrational impulses of

his audience.

homulo's sagacity is further enhanced by his

tact in handling the delicate subject of communism. Not

once in his speech does he mention the word communism

directly. Since acnulo's avowed goal at the conference

as “OtGd earlier, was to make friends for his country,


any blustering or direct attack upon communism would have
.162

been strictly out of place especially in the company of

the neutralist states who wished to avoid any controver-

else of an ideological nature. Two Asian communist states

were also present, it must be remembered, and one of them,

Communist China, was considered to be the most powerful

nation in Asia. Ihe sgeaker's indirect attacks against

communism, therefore, were not only ethically wise but

diplomatically wise as well. since homulc was playing

the conference by ear, accusations had to be made as

deftly as yossible.

if homulo reveals his sagacity through intel—

lectual integrity and wisdom as well as through tact and

moderation, so also does he manifest it through a broad

familiarity with the important interests of the day.

He makes particular reference to the issues of the cold

war, especially as those issues related to the social

and economic problems faced by the conference members.

it could be that nuseia's bombs or


America's bombs will determine the future
shape of the world and the fate of human-
ity... But 1 do not think the Great de-
cisicns will come that way. 1 think the
shaye of the world is going to be deter-
mined in large measure by the way in which
the peoyles of asia and africa go about
the business of transforming their lives
and their societies.

By the last sentence the speaker established a grasp of

historical perspective -- a persgective which would have


163

little trouble coinciding with the attitudes of the audi-

ence. rhe representatives of Asia and Africa could not

quarrel with this view of history.

2. high character. The Speaker's high char-

acter is evinced in large part by the way he handles the

toucny racial issue. instead of arousing the passions

of his listeners, he warns them aéainst the evils of coun—

ter-racism. he calls attention to the fact that racial

discrimination.pg£.§g is merely the outcropping of one

of many human weaknesses which constantly plague mankind.

"Surely we are entitled to our resentment and rejection

of white racism wherever it exists," he says. "But we

are also called upon...tc acnnowledge that in degree we

all suffer from the same sin of ignorance and immorality.“

By referring to racism and counter-racism as immoral, the

speaker associates himself with what is virtuous and ele-

vated. in fact, throughout his discussion on racism it

can be readily observed that the speaker injects into

the minds of his listeners the concept of moral respon-

sibility in the conduct of their relations aith themselves

and with the rest of the world.

since the Speaker's cause is the cause of demo-

cracy, and his Opponent is totalitarianism, he bestows

praise upon the former and links the latter with what
164

is not virtuous. He equates democracy with freedom and

maintains that freedom is necessary for the countries

of sale and Africa to solve their osn problens. Total-

itarianism (comnunisn), on the other hand, is equated

with enslavencnt and tyranny; the speaher refers to it

as "a new superbarbarisn, a new sugerinperialisn, a new

superpower."

nonulo focused further attention upon his prob-

ity 3f character by renoving unfavorable impressions of

the country he represented; and since he symbolized what

his country stood for, he also renoved unfavorable in—

preseions of himself. it was noted in the second chap-

ter that the rhilipgines was considered by same of the

countries at tne conference not to have a completely in-

dependent foreign policy, but to be tied to the policies

of the United States. honulo minimized this adverse feel-

ing somewhat by stating that the United States had at

times lacked "consistency and vigor in upholding the right

of non-self-governing becples to independence." fie re-

ferred to the communist satellite countries of North

Korea, Poland, nonania and bulgaria and then asked "I

wonder if any of the spohcsnan of these countries would

ever speak as freely in criticism of the bigger country

to which they feel friendly or allied as, say, we in the


165

Ihilippines speak our minds about the United States?"

by showing nis own country's freedom to criticize the

United states and tnen by actual prior criticism of the

U.$., the speaher helped minimize an unfavorable attitude

toward the country he represented.

neliance upon his personal experience also

helged the sneaker enhance his probity of character in

the eyes of the audience. when he spoke of democracy

in the rhilippines, he was steaking about echetning he

himself had exgerienced; and when he spoke about the de-

fects of the United Nations, he was also speaking from

first hand knowledge. although homulo makes no direct

reference to his personal experience with these two sub—

Jects, his audience would nevertheless have been well

aware of his qualifications. i here mention of them was

enough to establish an authoritative relationship.

3. eood will. rhe chief methods used by the

sneaker to generate good will toward his audience included

an identification with the hearers and their problems,

plus an aggroaCh that was both candid and straightforward.

the first of tnese methods was used throuéhout the speech

but was yarticularly evident in the introduction and con-

clusion. in his introduction, for example, the speaker

said:
166

we have...taken our stand firmly


behind the struggle of every peoyle to
become master of its Own fate, to enjoy
its own destiny, its own identity, to
be resgonsible for its own acts, to join
in the immense tasks of building a new
structure of human well-beizg and free
institutions, the task indeed, of chang—
ing the face of the world.

fhis personal identification was reiterated in his con—

clusion when the sienker said:

fhe rhilipgine delegation is here


to underscore in this conference that
it is the sense of the rilipino peoyle
that such right of self-determination
includes the right of natiOns to decide
eiclusively by themselves their ability
to assume the reSyonsibilities inherent
in an independent yolitical status.

it will be noted that this last sentiment eXpresses one

of the forces wnich drew tne conference members together,

and that it reflects the ideas contained in the resolu-

tion passed by the rhilippine denate in order to strength-

en tne position of the rhilippine delegation at the con-

ference.
:0

The eye Ker's candor and streightforwerdness

are indicated in the following passage taken from the

body of his sgeech. 1n sneaking of the necessity for

each country to safeguard the freedom of its citizens,

homulo said:

but for my part and for my peeple,


may 1 say plainly that we regard the
167

struggle for freedom as an unendind,


constant, unremitting demand upon us,
that with all our acknowledged failings,
faults, and weaknesses, we are seekiné
to build in our land a society in which
the freedom of our ncxublic sill truly
beooue tne freedom of its Citlchs.

from the standpoint of clearness nomulo's style

in his Opening Address can be best characterized by sin-

glicity and directness of exyression. his sentences are

straightforward and tend to create a common feeling be-

tween himself and his audience chiefly by neans of per—

sonalized words and rhetorical questions. 0f the former

it is possible to find as many as twelve within the stacs

of just a hundred words,28 while the latter Can usually

be found at transitiOnal points and at places where the

restatement of an earlier idea can be nude. Toward the

end of his address, it will be remembered, the Speaker

presented two choices to his audience -- totalitarianism

or dehocracy. After stating those choiCes directly he

restated then interrOQatively a little later by saying:

A"'i‘hs results of a readability analysis indi-


cate that eight per cent of the sneaker's words were per-
sonal. sec Lppendix ll for additional details.
168

Do we fight to regain our manhood


from western colonial rulers only to
surrender it to rulers among ourselves
who seize the power to keep us enslaved?

Is it true, can it be true, in this


vastly develOped 20th century, that na-
tional progress must be paid for with the
individual well-being and freedom of mil-
lions of peOple? Can we really believe
that this price will, in some dim and
undefined future time, be redeemed by
the well-being and freedom of the as yet
unborn?

in addition to the functional appropriateness of these

questions which enabled the speaker to adapt his material

to the audience, their rhythmic quality makes them aes-

thetically pleasing as well.

Another indication of homulo's clarity of ex-

pression is to be found in his frequent use of parallel

sentence structure.

Ehe fact is that we will need greater


world coherence than we have now if we are
to thrive. The fact is that the effective
mobilization of world capital and resources
will be absolutely vital to us in the pro-
cess of mobilizing our own capital and our
own resources. The fact is that these
things will depend in great measure on
the further course of the conflicts that
now govern all world affairs.

With sentences like these beginning the same way, the

listener is able to concentrate on thoudht rather than

structure. Such can also be the case with internal par-

allelism as the following excerpt will testify. "as will


169

serve each other," the speaker said, "if we examine our—


selves, if we state the issues and problems plainly as

we see them, if we clarify, as far as we can, our needs,

our choices, our goals —- and our obstacles." There are

noted parallel clauses and phrases.

Concreteness and specificity of language give

further evidence of the speaker's clarity of style. In

discussing the problem of racial discrimination he said:

"Here was a stigma that could be applied to rich and poor

alike, to prince and slave, boss man and working man,

landlord and peasant, scholar and ignoramus.“ Notice

should also be paid to the contrasted elements in this

passage. This is an example of enantiosis or a figure

of speech by which things very different are placed to-

gether in order to enhance and set each other off.

from the standpoint of impressiveness, nomulo's

opening address is characterized by vivid word usage and

by emphatic sentence structure. since his purpose was

to persuade his language is at times highly connotative.

The speaker relied heavily upon concrete sensory impres-

sions in picturing the road to communist totalitarianism.

he said:

Ihis road is Open before many of us.


The gateway to it is strewn with sweet-
smelling garlands of phrases and promises
170

and high sentiment. But once you march


through it, the gate clangs behind you.
The policeman becomes master and your
duty thereafter is forever to say aye.
Even those who enjoy the role of mastery
must always know that this system devours
its own.

The descriptive words used here are all highly evocative,

for the audience is made to see, smell, hear, and taste

action. This passage also indicates the extent of the

speaker's ability to call forth strong verbal images in


a rhythmic pattern.

A further indication of the speaker's vivid

word usage is his conscious use of figurative language

in addition to the examples of enantiosis already men-

tioned, an examination of his Opening address discloses

the following tropes and figures:

simile. Drawing upon Coleridge's "The aims

of the Ancient mariner" for his raw material, homulo added

a literary flavor to his discussion of western racism.

after asserting that the day of western racism was van-

ishing along with western colonialism, he said that "its

survival in any form can only hang like an albatross around

the necks of those many peOple in the nest who sincerely

seek to build a freer and better world." in addition

to crystallizing the force of the Speaker's thought in

the minds of his audience, this hepe was also apprOpriate


171

from the standpoint of audience adaptation. Since many

of the conference delegates had been educated in the test

they would have been familiar with the classics of hng-

lish literature.

Prolapsis (a figure by which a speaker suggests

an objection against what he is advancing, and then re-

turns an answer to it). This is the predominant tech-

nique which nomulo uses in discussing the United Nations.

he says:

in one sense this conference suggests


that for the peeples of Asia and Africa
the United nations has inadequately met
the need for establishing common ground
for peOples seeking peaceful change and
develOpment. but l think we must also say
that if the United Nations has been weak
and limited in its prOgress toward these
goals, it is because the United Nations is
still much more a mirror of the world than
an effective instrument for changing it.

The speaker also employs a metaphor (trope) in the last


sentence when he pictures the UN as a "mirror."

_§syndeton (a figure occasioned by the omission


of conjunctive particles). There are two examples of

this 3

be are part, all of us, of a time


of great transformation, for each of us
and for all the peOple on earth. It is
a trying, difficult, dangerous time...

There is no magic wand or automatic


172

formula to bring about social and eco-


nomic change. It means that we have to
assume our own heavy responsibilities.
it means great toil, flexibility, adapt—
ability, intelligence.

lgggy. Although this trope was used in vary-

ing degrees throughout the speech, the high point of its

use came when homulo was discussing the status of the

eastern European 00mmunist satellites. "1 am sure you

will forgive my frankness," he said, "but in this land

of the ingenious wajang, of the wonderful indonesian sha-

dow play and puppet shows, I think we ought to say plainly

to each other when we think a puppet is a puppet." This

extreme use of irony, which bordered almost on sarcasm,

would have been readily familiar to the speaker's audi-

ence because it employed material from their immediate

surroundings.

A second major element contributing to homulo‘s

impressiveness of discourse is emphatic sentence struc-

ture. Strength and variety are the outstanding character-

istics of his sentences. $0 aid in achieving maximum

sentence strength both climax and exclamations were used.

in obtaining climax the periodic sentence was put to good

advantage. "as do not want leadership in our countries

subservient to foreign rulers," he said, "be they in Lon-

don or raris, rhe hague, or mashington, or, we must add,


173

Moscow." while arguing against counter-racism he ex-

claimed: “uhat a triumph this would be for racism if it

should come about! How completely we would defeat our-

selves and all who have struggled in our countries to be

free!"

with respect to variety, nomulo does not restrict

himself to just one pattern of sentence structure. In

two passages with approximately the same number of words

each, for example, he first used two and than seven sen“

tences to express his thought. It will be found also

that the relatively long construction is at times linked

with the short driving variety to provide sentence con-

trast. The paragraph from which the exclamatory expres-

sions were quoted above can provide a suitable example.

It is here quoted in its entirety.

No less than this can be said. but


there is something more too. It is one
of our heaviest reaponeibilities, we of
Asia and Africa, not to fall ourselves
into the racist trap. we will do this if
we let ourselves be drawn insensibly ~-
or deliberately ~~ into any kind of coun-
ter~racism, if we respond to the white
man's prejudice against us as nonwhites
with prejudice against whites simply be-
cause they are white. shat a triumph this
would be for racism if it should come about!
How completely we would defeat ourselves
and all who have struggled in our countries
to be free! There is no more dangerous or
immoral or absurd idea than the idea of
any kind of policy or grouping based on
174

color or race as such. This would, in


the deepest sense, mean giving up all
hepe of human freedom in our time. 1
think that over the generations the deep-
est source of our own confidence in our-
selves had to come from the deeply—rooted
knowledge that the white man was wrong,
that in proclaiming the superiority of
his race, qua race, he stamped himself
with his own weakness and confirmed all
the rest of us in our dogged conviction
that we could and would reassert ourselves
as Illeno

Note the steady progression of thought in this paragraph.

it builds toward a climax. such is typical of the speak-

er’s general paragraph development.

Closely associated with sentence variety is

the broader concept of amplification. nomulo empresses

a basic thought pattern in seVeral different ways depend-

ing upon the nature of the thought eXpressed and its re-

lative importance to the main theme. The Speaker, for

example, contrasted totalitarianism with democracy in

several different ways. at one point in the speech the

question is asked: "is the struggle for national inde-

pendence the strugole to substitute a local oligarchy

for the foreign oligarchy?” Eurthcr on this same thought

is repeated when the Speaker asks again: "has all the

sacrifice, struggle, anddevotion, all been, then, for

the purpose of replacing foreign tyranny by domestic ty-

ranny?" it will be noted also that the speaker uses a


175

moderate word to exPress totalitarian rule in the first

example, while in the second, he not only uses a much

stronger word, but the original contrasted elements are

reversed, i.e., local and foreign become foreign and do~

mestic.

Audience hcsgonse

nomulo's Lpening Address was played up heavily

in the western press; 29 and reputable sources indicate

that it was well received. ouch an objectively respon-

sible newspaper as the Christian science monitor said

that "all delegations applauded General homulo's speech

except those from Communist China and North Vietnam."30

A reporter for the st. Louis rost-Dispatch reiterated

this same observation with an additional clarifying com-

ment. he said:

Ihe loudest ovation of the conference


was accorded nomulo when he finished speak-
ing, but he got no recognition from Chou
or Nehru.

......OOOOOOOO0............OOCOCCCCQCCCO

The coolness with which Nehru and


ohou received nomulo's speech seems to be

29 6. hand, loo. cit., p. 62.


30
Christian science honitor, April 20, 1955,
p. l.
176

in an agreed pattern. neither has ap-


plauded a speaker who is considered a
friend of the aest.31
'The g.g. sews g .orld heeort analyzed this ayplause fac-

tor still further by saying: "fhe rhilippine delegate,

tarlos l. nomulo, got the loudest cheers of the confer-

ence when he warned delegates 'not to fall into the ra-

cist tray.'"32
bn-the-spot comments of an evaluative nature

confirm the above audicnce reactions. a reporter for

£92 New York rinse said that nonulo's Openinw conference

speech was "widely Icehrdcd as the wisest and host bal-

anced of any delivered. "33 ihe Chicago Daily Lews stated

that homulo's speech was "considered by many observers

to have been the best of the conference. “34 in comyaring

his speech with some of the others delivered during the

Opening plenary session, the magazine assorter said that

after homulo'e "unexpected argument of reverse-screen

jlnobert sunson, at. Louis rost-hishatch, Ap-


ril 19, 1955. p- 2&-

34"(Jomnunists hiss the scat," g,g. News g world


heport, Anthll (April 29, lava». P. 41.

ijillman Luruin, fhe hew fork limes, Ayril 24,


195b, sec. 4, p. b.
l
24
neyes beech, "Nehru's greetige hives as had
Foes outfox him," chicago baily news, syril 22, 1955,
p. 2.
177

liberalism, most of the following polemics were rather

flat."35 The Leonomist of London observed that "General

homulo of the rhilippines executed a 3333 fig force by

avoiding direct mention of communism while delivering a

blistering attack on one-garty rule, control of the press,

and police states. ..36 The magazine 00pmonweal stated

that "at the first session, General hOMulo syoke criti—

cally, honestly and admirably of the American record in

218153....”7 60nbinih5 observation with evaluation, a re-

porter for the magazine new Xorker said that honulo's

Speech was -—

a starnling rourth of July disylay


that, I imagine, owed much to his Amer—
ican schooling in the rnilipyines. he
But his hands over his heart, he spread
his arms like an eagle's wings, he SPOZB
in senorous cadences, but the words made
sense, even so.

after the session in anion nsmulo delivered

his address, a COITflSyOfldeflt for rhe hanila Times resorted

that "most of the chief delegates crowded around him to

35James Uaaeron, loc. cit.


6 T- .‘ ° '\ ‘o "
3 "namboo curtain -- the nahooeng Conference,"
Loonomist, CLnav (april 23, 1955), p. 273.
r 37fibanduné and Formosa," Commonweal, LAll, NO. 5
(may 0, 1955), p. 115.
380. hand, 100. C t., P- 43'
178

extend their congratulations." This same observer also

stated that the Chief Delegate of the sudan, who followed

Lomulo to the Platform, devoted practically his entire

speech to praising nonulo's address. lhe Chief Delegate

was quoted as saying: "he heard democracy sysak to us

today with an Asian as its eyoLesnan and its message we

will carry with us wherever we 50, sure that we can with

it counter all blandishments of coma list progaganda."

QOthel Gamal abdel Nasser of Lgypt was likewise quoted

as saying that nomulo's speech should be we100med by all

who believe in democracy as the best defense and most


_ Q. -. ‘ f.
effective offense of the iorces 01 the iree worlo.3)
IN

homulo's second principal speech was delivered

before the lolitical Committee.

immediate setting -- the Lrift 2f the hebate

Ioward the end of the Lolitical Committee de-

liberations, the question of promoting "world peace and

39v1cente J. Guzman, "Clh Zalh hell Taken,"


The hanila iimes, April 20, 1353. P. 9.
179

cooperation" arose. The Prime Minister of Burma, hr.

U Nu, began the discussion by "calling upon the uncommit-

ted nations to bridge the widening gulf between the world's

two power blocs." he suggested that in striving to do this

the uncommitted nations should strengthen the United ha-

tions and compensate for any Uh deficiencies by adopting

the Hive lrinciples of reaceful Go-existence.4O

The representative of Cambodia, rrince horodom,

then followed by observing that even those who had given

support to the principle of co-existence, in general mis-

trusted the Communist states. Therefore, he concluded

that the vitality of the concept of co-existence was up

to the communists, i.e., it was up to the communists to

reassure the rest of the world of their peaceful inten-

tions.41

Folloaing Prince Norodom, hohammed Ali of rak-

istan introduced his "seven killers of leace" in which

he stressed the right of collective self—defense. The

Turkish delegate, Eatin hustu Larlu, thereupon strongly

supported lakistan's principle of collective security

by arguing that to co-exist, a country must be prepared

40hahin, 22, cit., p. 21.


411b1d., p. 22.
180

to defend itself; and for shall countries like turkey


a _ .f¢,, -, H , _ 42 n . n
this meant collective oeiense alrahbenents. uOtfl lur-

key and resistan, therefore, in quick succession defended

their deiense alliances with the Host. rhey held that

they had been forced to take defensive action because

Ol. the
.,. JOVlUL
..t .... . 43
onicat.

ihis rapid shift from a neutralist to a aestern

point of View was halted temporarily by the representa-

tive of indie, Jawaharlal Nehru, who took the general

position that all balances of panr should be denOunced

as relics of the past. in an angry outburst, which was

generally conceded to be rather sharp and intenperate,

hehru cried, ”Io hell with those two blocs! Cur ideology

is handhiisnl”
44 fie thereupon deliVered his first hajor

Speech since the conference Opened.


45 rhe Speech was

made on hriday, april 22, "the day of the stormiest de—

biite o "46

nenru's Speech immediately brought forth rejoin-

ders from certain friends of the Nest including rakistan,

42ibid., p. 25.
4'5 ihe manila fines, April 23, 1J3), p. l.

44handman, ipc. cit.


“’ehe Lanila Times, April 23, 1955, p. 1.
6. . .
4 sandman, loc. oit.
181

Turkey, lraq, Lebanon, and the Philippines. The delegate

from Iraq, Fadhil Jamali, asked whether as an alternative

to the smaller nations' joining one of the two great blocs

India was not prepared to bind them tcgether as a kind

of third force so that they could obtain the protection

they needed. halik of lebanon reportedly called upon

Nehru to note that more than half of the countries at

the conference were related to each other through the

connections each had with one or the other of the two

great power blocs. he then asked Nehru if the assembled

delegates were to conclude that he (hehru) knew more about

the security of their respective countries than they did.47

Into this arena of heated discussion stepped

nomulo of the i-‘hilipgines.4d he Spoke on saturday morn-

ing in the committee in answer to the speech made by Nehru

on the preceeding day. his speech was delivered before

Chou nn-lai's dramatic aygeal, during a debate over a

resolution syonsored by rakistan which would have put

the conference on record as favoring collective security

47hahin, £3. cit., p. 24.

4°lt is significant to note that homulo was


reborted to have turned down a move to mane him chairman
of the rolitical Committee. his reason for rejecting
the move was that he did not want to be 'ihflObilith.‘
ln terms of what he finally did, his reason appears to
have been justified. see Vicente d. shaman, £§g manila
Times, April 18, 1955, p. 6.
162

pacts at the same tine it appealed for peace.49 It is

reported that the speech was delivered extenporaneously


- , .., . . . V0
and that nouulo reserved tne rlgnt to Speak again.)

Textual Authentication

Eor purposes of analysis the writer was able

to locate tnree cOpies or nomulo's reply to “shon All

were found to be basically similar, tne majority of the

internal uiscrepancies being in tne nature of capitali-

zation and punctuation. rhe tnree tents were located

in the following places:

(1} fflg senile rinse, April 26 and 29,


1995, pp. 13 and ll respectively.

(2) 0.6., Congressional secord, 84tn


Con5., lst sees., 13)), vi, rert 6,
7512.
(3} nomulo, Carlos r., rhe meaning 3;
Bandung, unapel sill: ine university
or mortn Caroline rress, 1956, p. 79.

From an inspection of these tnrse texts the writer con-

cludes that text (1), fine nanile Times version, corres-

ponds most closely to what the speaker might have said.

Support for tnis assertion is derived from certain internal

43enristian science nonitor, April 23, 1955,


p. l, and st. Louis rest-niepatcn, April 25, 1935, p. 8A.

5ozne manila Limes, spril 24, 1995, p. 14.


183

deviations.

Text (1) contains essential marks of punctua-


tion that the other two do not. Eor example, a number

of passages have been set off by quotation harks. ihese

quotation marks are necessary in view of the fact that

what appears between them is directly quoted material.

an illustrative excerpt from The hanila lines follows:

rhe purely defensive and strictly


non-aggressive character of the treaty
is written into article i, under which
the parties 'undertahe to settle any
international diaputes in which they may
be involved bJ peaceful means...and to
refrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force in any
manner inconsistent with the purposes
of the United nations.' Article ll
refers to methods of develOpin5 'capa-
city to resist armed attacn.‘ in order
to make doubly certain that the treaty
is in absolute harnond with the charter
of the United nations article Vi provides
that th.t treat; 'dOes not effect and
shall not be interpreted as affecting
the rights and ObliéfitiOflfi of any of the
parties under the charter of the united
nations or the responsibility of the
United nations for the maintenance of
international peace and scourity.'

speech texts (a) and (5) do not contain the

above euoteticn naris. one eculd expect them, however,

since tne olipsis inuiCates a direct quotation. the speak-

er here was referring directly to the Charter of the South-

east nsia rrenty trQanizstion. Locause of the inclusion

of quotation harks, therefore, text (1) represents the


184

true nature of the Speaker's thouéht. This is no simple

case of revision, but of including what was essential.

Further reasoning in support of the validity

of the text from 233 manila Times can be derived from

the nature of what is missing in this text which appears

in the other two. honulo clashes with Nehru directly in

all three versions, but his clash spacers to be a little

more "spirited" in texts (2) and (3), a circumstance which


would indicate an attempt to make the speeches read as

well as possible. in the last two texts nomulo says:

"neferences have also been made here a while ago by the

irime “inister of india against the mflflila iact." big-

nificantly, the aGVerbial phrase "a while ago" does not

apgear in She hanila limes version. rhis omission is

important in view of the fact that nonulo was making di—

rect reference here to statements that had been made by

hehru on the preceding day. he therefore could not pro-

perly say "a while ago," since this would give the false

ingression that he was referring to something that had

just been said or that had at least been said on the same

day. rhe phrase was no doubt used in texts (2) and (3)

to hive tne sneaker's reply more currency, to give the

reader the ihpression that the sheaker was making an im-

mediate reyly. bucn, however, was not the case.


185

Additional evidence or "doctoring" occurs near

the end of homulo's speech as reported in texts (2) and


(3). in these two versions the speaker allegedly says:
ihe manila fact has also been
criticized by iremier Lehru on the
Srounds that;

i. it diminished the 'climate


of peace’ that Waa tenerated by the
Geneva settlement on lndochina;

2. it is contrary to the skirit


of the agreements and uncerstanding
on non—abgression and noninterierence
which had been reacned between indie,
china, and nurma; and

j. rhat it is contrary to the


charter of the United Nations.

Let me answer the irime minister


of indie pOint for point.

in fine manila limes VcISiOu, however, the direct mention

of nehru'e name in the first sentence is omitted while

the entire last sentence does not appear. here is even

stronger evidence of maxing the speaker's rele sound as

impressive as possible, for a thorough reaoing of hehru's

syeech does not disclose the above assertions haviné been

mace at all. ihe manila fines version is correct then

in not attributing these three points to hehru; he is

not given credit here for saying something that he didn't

say.

it was stateu earlier in this section that all


three coPies of nomulo's reply to Nehru were basically

similar. fihile this statement is still true, there is

yet one noteworthy exception -- the speaker's concluding

paragraph. a conparison of the three different versions

discloses this exception. Text (3) --

Let me say to Premier Nehru in


conclusion:

rhe empires of yesterday on which


it used to be said the sun never set
are departing one by one from nsia.
what we fear now is tne new engire of
communism on which we Know tne sun never
rises. may your indie, dir, never be
catht by the encircling 5100a!

lent {2) --

Let me say to irenier nehru in


conclusion:

Jhe engires of yesterday on which


it used to be said the sun never set,
are desertind one by one from Asia.
what we iear now are the new empires
on waich we know, the sun never rises.
may his india not be caught by the en-
circling gloom!

text (l) ~-
rhe emyires of yesterday on which
it used to be said the sun never set
are departing one by one from A313.
“hat we fear now are the new ensires
on which we know, the sun never rises.

A quick glance at these diVerdent passages will

indicate that those from texts (2) and (l) have become

more abbreviated and less impressive. Through three


187

successive stages the syeaker's thoughts have diminished

in both vigor and directness. significantly, this occur—

rence also coincides uith the relative dates of publica-

tion. Jhe least adorned was printed first while the most

ekborate was grinted last. rhis would tend to indicate

fairly strOnbly that the oassages from texts (2) and (3)

were reworked by someone yrior to yubliCation to nake

them read better and appear more striking. is can he

eryectcd the reworking her also correSgonds with the

general tyye of revision already noted; i.e., the direct

reference to nehru in (2) and (3) &;TGG with earlier re-


ferences made to him in these same texts. This fact again

points to test (1) as being the most reliable text. As

was the case with n0mulo's opening address so also with

his reply to nehru the texts found in the Congressional

necord and in the weaning of nandun‘ are spurious.


“a“

Iuroose

The major puryose of nomulo's speech in the

Political COnnittee was to answer the Charges made by

Nehru on the yrevious day. his primary object was to

get his audienCe to believe that what hehru had said was

either wholly false, or at least only conditionally true.


188

In his introduction homulo stated his purpose in the fol—

lowing terms:

hr. Nehru spoke about the danger


of coalitions. i do not quarrel with
his concern. But I hOpe 1 can make him
see today the side of small nations so
that he may realise that it is not fair
for him to say that 'it is humiliating
for them to Join regional organizations.‘

By answering Nehru homulo also achieved an additional

purpose of justifyina the anti—communist orientation of

his country's foreign policy as manifested in its partici-

pation in regional defense alliances.51

Nehru's syeeoh which homulo attempted to answer

questioned the general wisdom of defense alliances for

the nations of Asia and Africa. 52 The burden of the

Pandit's remarks rested upon a threefold thesis; he con-

tended that both communist and anti-communist teachings

51Said homulo a week after his reply to Hshru:

We had a most noteworthy antagonist;


no less than the Prime Minister of lndia
led the attack in a brilliant, scholarly
and convincing speech. it was our duty
to defend it, when Mr. Nehru attacked re-
gional alliances in general and pinpointed
the manila Treaty specifically. May I say
that the rhllippine defense was the only
one made of the Manila treaty in the con-
ference.‘

See Carlos P. homulo, "footnote to Bandung," The manila


Times, April 30, 1955, p. 12.

52For a text of Nehru's Speech see hahin, _2.


Cite 9 pp. 64‘720
189

were based on wrong principles, that lndia was prepared

to stand alone in the world power struggle if forced to,

and that all ideologies should be forgotten in favor of

the five principles of peaceful coexistence.S3 quoting

from a resolution presented earlier by U Nu of Burma,

Nehru summarized these five principles as follows:

The nations assembled at the Asian-


African Conference declare that their
relations between themselves, and their
approach to the other nations of the
world, shall be governed by complete
respect for the national sovereignty
and integrity of other nations. They
will not intervene or interfere in the
territory or the internal affairs of
each other or of other nations, and will
totally refrain from acts or threats of
aggression. They recognize the equality
of races and of nations, large and small.
They will be governed by the desire to
promote mutual interest and cOOperation,
by respect for the fundamental Human
nights and the principles of the Charter
of the United Nations.

The Prime minister of lndia further contended

that "a realistic appreciation of the world situation"

would indicate that the world is being led into a war

of total destruction. he maintained that military strength

was a false standard and that if war was to be avoided,

Asia and Africa had to make their views clear about

53These five principles made their first appear-


ance in the Tibetan agreement signed by lndia and China
in May, 1954.
aasre

he as

look.

to be

world

the m

concll

ial a‘

remar]

implie

also i

to any

sign 0

rice c

the tW

develo;

an intJ

0f the
Plied
190

aggression and subversion. The unaligned area of peace,

he said, should be maintained for preper balance and cut—

look.

in general, Nehru considered military pacts

to have produced .insecurity instead of security in the

world. In particular, he singled out NATO as "one of

the most powerful protectors of colonialism,” and he

concluded that supporting it while having an anti-colon-

ial attitude was contradictory. Although confining his

remarks largely to NATO, the lndian Prime hinister clearly

implied that the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization had

also inherited most of NATO's chief defects. To belong

to any of these treaties, he therefore asserted, was a

sign of weakness. A participating nation in Asia or Af-

rica could only be considered a camp follower of one of

the two power blocs.

Arrangement

homulo's speech before the Tolitical Committee

develOps along fairly strict classical lines. it contains

an introduction which enlisted the attention and interest

of the listeners; a statement of the case with proof sup-

plied through logical inference; and a conclusion which


inspired

I'm only

in the at

case all

chose to

speech.

to the i:

to reply

emulated j

Tm, int:
3“. or .
the gate

“Other .

EB g
man
nOtg to I
191

inspired the audience to accept the speaker's ideas.

The only departure from the classical pattern occurred

in the statement and proof, for rather than state his

case all at once and then provide the proof, the speaker

chose to alternate statement and proof throughout his

speech.

homulo's introduction served to adjust his speech

to the immediate speaking situation. Since he was about

to reply to his adversary, his Opening remarks were for-

mulated in terms of that adversary.

he just had fresh evidence, if evi-


dence were needed, why he [flehrék is re-
garded not only in India but throughout
the world as a man of peace. Though he
referred often to his own nation, 1 do
not doubt that his concern is extended
to all peoples everywhere. Underlying
everything that he said is a sensitivity
to the human situation. He is eminent
as an lndian, distinguished as an Asian
and as a member of the human family. For
this I salute him.

This introduction effected both respect and a certain de-

gree of conciliation. The speaker was keenly aware of

the esteem in which his Opponent was held.5‘ Looked at

another way, however, it could also be properly interpreted

54After the conference Romulo referred to Nehru


as a man of ’great experience, mighty convictions, foren-
sic skill, and wealth of moral power.‘ See homulo, "Foot-
note to Bandung,” lgg.‘g;1. '
88 I

51361

ist.

only

and

fit

the
192

as a clever attempt to perpetuate the image that the

speaker was pitting himself against a seasoned antagon-

ist. If this image were successfully conveyed, then the

speaker's own ethical stature would increase by compari-


son. Through the implication of his words he could only

be considered as a man equal to the occasion.

homulo's conclusion is brief, for he devotes

only eight sentences to it. A combination of summary

and appeal serves to enforce his purpose. without bene-

fit of transition the speaker began his conclusion in

the following manner.

To sum up: The Manila knot is a


treaty of collective defense. No aggres-
sive purpose is written into it.

As for the racific Charter, we con-


sider this to be a document worthy of the
best traditions of any civilized stats
in the world today, whether Asian or non-
Asian. This is the moral basis and Jus-
tification of the manila fact, and we
stand on its principles, proud and un-
flinching, in the sight of our friends
and neighbors in free Asia.

is all free Asians we say: 'Ihis


is a treaty on which we all can stand
tOgether, without vanity or invidious-
ness, but united in the determination
to preserve the peace and freedom of
38130

To any potential aggressor or any


power that intends aggression we say
through this treaty: 'se desire to live
in peace with you, but if you attack us,
we shall fight back with all our strength.‘
In these f¢

n10: ides

misstat

his audits

the Eacifi

are and of

In this re

the needs

alternates

has been i

the {0110‘s

aioniet m

M 31161211
01 coexist

that the
ideas 00v

finding 1]

Pattern 1

”Make”!
the red

”leech a:
6189:4888

before a
193

In these four short paragraphs the speaker reviews the

major idea in the last third of his speech. Through a

manifestation of his own natural self-confidence he leaves

his auditors with the impression that the manila fact and

the Pacific Charter are Justified in terms of what they

are and of what they can do for the pecples of free Asia.

In this reSpect his concluding words were adapted to both

the needs and interests of his audience.

is stated earlier, the body of Romulo's speech

alternates statement with proof until his general thesis

has been presented. This general thesis was contained in

the following three ideas; 1) that the aggressive expan-


sionist nature of international communism is the source

of existing world tensions; 2) that the five principles


of coexistence cannot cope with this situation; and 3)
that the Manila Pact can cepe with this situation. These

ideas covered the totality of the speaker's thought, in-

cluding his specific rebuttal of Nehru's arguments. The

pattern in which these ideas emerged suggests that the

speaker's materials were divided according to the "refuta-

tive requirements inherent" in his subject.

Looking at the organizational framework of the

speech as a whole, it can be seen that the speaker first

discusses the inherent weakness of his Opponent's case

before answering the objections advanced against his own.


By in;

or re.

or of

eitheJ

dafen:

‘ehru

latte:

alter:

five 3

collec

the p1

half a

ful so
a.

01 his

a'C‘Wc‘J‘s

The :1
1113 ts
lag he

“tees
ruited

frames
factol‘
194

By implication the debate revolved around the acceptance

or rejection of alternate solutions to a common problem

or of two features of the status quo. Lisjunctively,

either the five principles of coexistence or regional

defense arrangements could best promote peace in the world.

“ehru favored the former idea while honulo favored the

latter. in order for nomulo's thesis to stand, therefore,

it was necessary for him first to discard his Opponent's

alternative. rsycholoeically the rejection of Nehru's

five principles had to precede the establishment of the

collective defense principle as the only valid answer to

the problem. acnulo was correct then in devoting nearly

half of his speech to an attack upon the concept of peace-

ful coexistence and the other half to arguments in favor

of his own thesis.

organizationallj, there are two factors which

adversely affected the speaker's continuity of thought.

The first of the factors is the lack of a central unify-

ing theme. instant intellegibility of the speaker's case

was hampered by a failure to designate specifically the

steps to be taken in establishing that case. Romulo dis-

rupted his Speech unity by failing to disclose the basic

framework which his arguments were to assume. rhe second

factor was the absence of adequate transitions. while


transi1

speech,

is a 1‘4

any pr:

pre par

does c

found

[segu'
195

transitional elements do exist in the first half of the

speech, they are noticeably absent from the second half.

As a result the speaker changes thought patterns without

any prior warning, and his audience is not adequately

prepared for what is to follow.

fhe first half of nomulo's speech, however,

does contain suitable transitional elements. these were

found on two occasions in the form of rhetorical questions

and on one occasion in the form of a tOpic sentenCe.

After stating the general position of his country with re-

spect to the five principles, the speaker posed the fol-

lowing question: "uhy cannot the Communist nations par-

ticipate in this area of peaceful coexistence -- or more

specifically, why is it that only the Communists are un-

able to participate?" Before actually presenting the

five principles as a tOpic for discussion, he asked:

"What are the principles embodied in the five principles?"

Ihen turning to a second aspect of the five principles,

after having discussed the first, he stated: "Another

of these principles calls for 'mutual non-interference

in each other‘s internal affairs.'"

In adapting his speech plan to the audience

nomulo used the general form of argument and appeal.

Both were alternated throughout the speech, but since


round

ions

tefor

WK!

4 as.

was ‘i'vl

work C

to be

develo

£89301!
196

the speaker's purpose could best be attained argumentative-

ly, greater emphasis was given to this facet. while most

of the appeals were implied rather than stated directly,

those which were directly stated stood out noticeably

from the surrounding material. This was particularly

true after the speaker finished discussing the facts sur-

rounding the aggressive expansionist nature of interna~

tional communism. in marked contrast to what had gone

before, he said:

These are the basic facts that must


necessarily influence all the free world
thinking at this time.

Let not Asia repeat Europe's tragic


error in refusing to believe the brazen
program of conquest openly revealed by
Hitler in his book 'mein hampf.‘

By and large the adaptive technique used by the speaker

was well suited to the audience he faced, for it aided

him to convince those who might have been indifferent

(most of the audience) and to move those who were other-


wise convinced.

in looking at the total organizational frame-

work of the Speech once again, a final observation needs

to be made. Ihe smaller units of nomulo's speech are

develOped haphazardly. It will be noted that this is

especially true toward the last of the speech where the


197

speaker answers the objections raised by Nehru against

the Manila Pact. here for no apparent organizational

reason the speaker chose to divide his refutation into

two distinct parts, one containing two points and the

other containing three. In fact, the first point in each

section could have been preperly considered under a single

heading.

lnvention -- Legioal rroof

It was noted in the preceding section on arrange-

ment that the organizational framework of homulo's reply

to Nehru was divided into two parts; i.e., the speaker

spent half of his time attacking his Opponent‘s position

and the other half defending his own. An analysis of

the logic used by the speaker, therefore, can best be

made in terms of its offensive and defensive character-

istics. new, in other words, did homulo logically attack

his Opponent's case and logically defend his own? in

attempt will be made to answer these two questions.

1. Offensive characteristics. ihe first ex-

tensive argument hemulo developed dealt with the merits

of peaceful coexistence had to be accepted in order to

prevent the outbreak of another world war. nomulo replied


to tnis

as a ct:

benefits

within t

tical an

out res:

bittout

these 69

aideruti

ciples.

Principl

'1th 80:
ior the:
'&l the
diam, l

1'3 was
198

to this line of reasoning by stating that coexistence

as a concept was nothing new to the free world, that the

benefits of coexistence had been long enjoyed, and that

within the free world community diverse economic, poli-

tical and social systems had practiced cOOperation with-

out resorting "to force as an instrument of policy."

tithcut mentioning any direct evidence in support of

these generalizations, the speaker moved on to a con—

sideration of two inherent weaknesses of the five prin-

ciples.

Before launching this attack upon the five

principles, however, nomulo first provided his audience

with some argumentative exposition in support of his ma-

Jor thesis that the source of eiisting world tensions

was the aggressive expansionism of international commu-

nism. his argument was that this aggressive eXpansion~

ism was a basic communist policy doctrine and that the

non-communist world COuld only look upon a communist neigh-

bor as "an active and continuing aggressor." Anyone as

personally familiar with the world communist movement

and with the classics of communist literature as nonulo

was, would have immediately realized the significance

of his proof. he asserted that the doctrine "which Com-

munists proclaim as the wellspring of its (£12) overall


prob:
199

program, is based upon the premise that communist states

cannot exist indefinitely alongside non-Communist states.

Ihat there must be ultimate decision culminating in world

revolution and world—hide communism." he supported this

assertion by referring to it as both a philOBOphical and

working principle of international communism. rhe valid-

ity of these claims was left up to the practical knowledge

of the audience.

having established this 10¢ical groundwork,

homulo once again took up the question of the five prin-

ciples. he first stated in accordance with a governmental

directive previously noted that to insure the establish—

ment and application of sucn principles, the League of

Nations and the bnited Nations had been formed. He then

discussed the inherent weaknesses of two of these prin-

ciples by subsuming what he had just said about the nature

of international communism. the two principles he dis-

cussed were the provisions covering mutual non-aggression

and mutual non-interference in a country's internal af-

fairs. ln general, he contended that these two principles

failed to appreciate what international communism really

was.

In considering the principle of mutual non-ag-

gression, homulo referred to the communist aggression


200

in Korea. he declared through implication that if the

principle of non-aggression sanctioned the aggression

against Korea that it would therefore sanction aggression

against any other country. he reminded his audience that

the invading communist forces were actually guilty of

aggression. hecollecting first that a five-power United

Nations commission found that the initial attack was

launched from the north instead of the south, he reasoned

from effect to cause that this finding was also "indicated

by the fact that the attack immediately carried deep into

the hepublic of horse on the strength of the surprise

achieved." he further recollected that fifty nations

subsequently judged who was guilty of aggression in Korea.

These two statements of fact served as the indirect sup-

port for his implied declaration.

After substantiating his first objection to

the five principles, homuio turned immediately to his

second objection —— that dealing with mutual non-inter—

ference in a country's internal affairs or with cases of

subversion. fhe burden of the speaker's proof revolved

around his general argument that revolutionary bands could

be "directed and provisioned from the outside under the

principle of non-interference in the internal affairs


201

of other nations." He stated in reply to Chou nn-lai's

assertion that revolution could not be eXported that "it

is not enough to be told that Communist conspiracies di-

rected against the represented asian governments are all

purely indigenous movements with no outside connections."

The reasonin5 leading up to these inductive conclusions

is noteworthy.

Starting again with argumentative exposition,

nomulo attempted to show the main subversive features

of the international cemmunist conspiracy. he pointed

to the Cominform and Comintern; and, arguing from the

single example of Yugoslavia, he concluded that "the re-

sistance of a small state to intervention in its internal

affairs cannot be tolerated, if it is the soviet Union

or Communist China that is doing the intervening." Once

this conclusion had been made, the speaker directed his

attention to Asia, and sketched in the picture of commu-

nist subversion in this continent. his reasoning here

assumed a variety of inductive forms including specific

instance, argument from authority, and causal relation.

ln considering the strategy used by communists

in subverting asian governments, nomulo referred speci-

fically to the liaison bureau of the world Federation

of Trade Unions. he quoted from Louis saillant, the


202

secretary of the HE”U, and from liu Shae-chi, who was

at that time the leading theoretician of Communist China.

an inspection of the testimony quoted from the first of

these two authorities, however, revealed an important

weakness, since it aytarently didn't help prove what it

was intended to prove. ihe speaker quoted Saillant as

saying:

in lndia, in Burma, in Ceylon, in


i'ahistan, in lran, and in Japan, the
democratic trade unions communist ele-
ments may well have to face a worse
situation even than now; their leaders
and active members may have to suffer
from an intensification of the terrorist
measures taken against them. They should
find in their very develOPment of their
fight for the worker's claims efficient
means enabling tnem to maintain their
links with the working masses communist
elements .

From the particular wording of this passage the sneaker

concluded that the general statement was "purely an in-

citement to Asian communists to Join forces in a revolt

against the representative governments of Asian states."

ihe important factor of intellegibility would apnear to

militate strongly against such a conclusion, however.

if the wording of the first quotation was ob-

scure, the wording of the second was not. nomulo quoted

Liu bhao-cni as saying: "armed struggle can, and must,

be the main form in the yeOple's liberation struggles


203

in many colonial and semioolonial countries." This quo-

tation provided the speaker with a factual basis for draw-

ing two cause to effect relationships. he pointed to

insurrections in India and Indonesia as manifestations

of the communist subversive design. Liu's statement,

therefore, represented an axiom of cemmunist theory which

had produced the stipulated uprisings. whe lines of the

speaker's causal relationship were clearly drawn.

2. nefenslve characteristics. The bitterest

and most devastating attack Nehru made against the manila

defense alliance was by implication. he stated that it

was "humiliating" for any self—reapectind nation in asia

or nfrloa to belong to regional groupings. homulo's re-

ply occurred at two points in his speech. his strongest

and most Spirited reply was presented Just after his in-

troduction. heasoning analogically he brought up the

question of hashmir, a sore spot in the relations between

lndia and iakistan. fhe correlation he attempted to draw

here was between the purpose of the manila treaty and the

purpose of the armaments race over this disputed terri—

tory. He contended that similar principles were involved

that the desirability if not necessity to defend oneself

against possible armed attack existed in both cases. The

tacit function of each was not aggression but national

defense.
204

homulo obtained added strength for this anal-

oay by reasoning‘a fortiori. he advanced the example

of nahatma Gandhi who "didn't hesitate a moaent," he

asserted, in supporting hr. Nehru's decision to send

lndian trOOps to the hashnir. 3y implication he con-

cluded that if such a saintly man should adept the prin-

ciple of collective security, then all the more reason

for the members of share to do so. rhe Asian countries

which belonged to this collective security arrangement

were not as large or as powerful as lndia, and yet they

faced a more determined enemy in the form of international

communism. fly subtly turning the tables on his Opponent

nonulo's 10610 was inexorable. if lndia was correct in

defending herself against rakistan, then the nations of

share were also correct in defending themselves against

0 ommuni s m .

rhe second reply homulo made to Hehru's attack

occurred immediately after the aforementioned discourse

on the five principles. fnis time, however, the speaker

used straight refutation to accomplish his purpose. he

stated the point at issue and then presented a brief sun-

nary of the main features of the charter and treaty.

By emphasizing the positive features of these documents

the speaker implied, rather than stated directly, that


205

it was not "humiliating" to belong to the manila Pact.

rhe erticles of the charter nonulo quoted stressed

those things in which his audience would be mainly inter-

ested. rhe article receiving the most extended and em-

phatic treatment was that dealin3 with cases of aggres-

sion and subversion; it was considered to be "the crucial

provision of the treaty.” ihe unique feature of the ar—

ticle was stated in the following terns:

ihis is probably the first treaty


of its Kind to refer speCiIicully to the
danger posed by subversion. Lut it is
an innovation wnich has been directly
called for by the new techniques which
Conmunist imyeriulism has increasingly
fiMlede in many parts or the world.

to attempt was made to contrast this advantage of the

Speaker's case with the corresponding disadvantage of

his onyonent's Case. since the association was asparently

left up to the audienCe, this wee a major weakness in

the sgenher's ieiutative technique.

Having answered the most persistent issue raised

by Nehru it was nomulo's next task to regly to certain

implied arguments advanced by his Opponent. Ihe first

of these was that the manila rect had made more difficult

the relaXution of international tension. since nehru

had not made this argument perfectly clear in his speech,

it was a recast versicn to which honulo was forced to


(7‘
m
C)
reply. 55 hefuting his cgponent's argument directly, the
I]
sneaker said that on the contrary the treaty was intended

to halt the build up of tension in southeas asia result-

inb from the Communist moves in the lndc-Chinese states."

his argument was that had not the treaty been formed when

it was, the communists would have been certain to heighten

the atmosyhere of danger in the area. although this ar-

5uhent was couched in terms of probability, it neverthe-

less appeared to be justified in terns of the background

material about communism which the speaker had earlier

provided. rho assumption underlying the validity of the

argument was that a hesitanc" to defend one's territor-

ial integrity in southeast nsia would be interpreted by

the communists as a siyn of weakness, while a determina-

tion on the other hand would be interpreted as a sign

of strength.

ihc second implied argument which homulo an—

swered was recast to indicate that his 0pyonent considered

the nanila ract to be "a plan for perpetuating colonial-

ism and suppressing the national liberation novenent in

DDRehru's origins argument regarding the re-


laxation of international tensions was stated as follows.
'... hvery bact has broudht insecurity and not security
to the countries which have entered into them. Ihey have
brought the danger of atomic bombs and the rest of it
nearer to them han would have been the case 0tnerwise.‘
bee hahin,.gg.‘git., p. 68.
207

southeast Asia.”6 homulo‘s refutation to this charge

amounted to a straight denial. He contented himself with

merely saying that the charter and treaty could "éive

no comfort” to those who believed that colonialism could

be maintained in the modern world. since the speaker

failed to give erper cause for his denial, denial 22£.§2!

contained little if any probative value. ihe only idea

working at all to his advantage here was his parting com—

ment that “both the hanila rect and tne racific Charter

rule out the doctrine tflat the dying colonial imperialism

in neia would be reeleced by the newer and even more dan—

gerous species of Communist imgerialism." nut in view

of the iact that this idea aas tangential to the main

issue, the ongonent's arJunent uent essentially unanswered.

rurning now to the last Lortion of nomulo's

defense, it will be first necessary to point out that

two of the three arguments presented for refutation were

L:

’6ln reality honuio gave his Opponent credit


for a more clearly stated argument. nehru in his speech
had only referred to mule as a protector of colonialism.
The only statement he made in associating NATO with SnATO,
and therefore with all its alleged defects, was when he
said immediately before his attack upon NATO that it
hire has gone far away from the ntlantic and has reached
other Uceans and seas...’ This reference could only mean
ennid. see hanin, ibid.
N
(L
C
definitely not mentioned by fiehru in his Speech.
57 These

two arcunents as subsequently stated by nomulo were that

the senile fact was "contrary to tne skirit of tne agree-

ments and understanding on nonaggression and noninterfer—

ence wnicn had been reached between lndia, china, and

Burma " and that it was "contrary to tne Charter of tne

United Nations." rhere is some evidence to indicate,

however, that tne third of these arguments was mentioned

in a roundabout way by his Oygonéflto this evidence rests

upon the close similarity in thought between it and an

argument previously analysed. rhe doubtful argument in

question was that the nenile inst had "diminished the

'climute of peace' that was genergted by the Geneva set—

tlement on indocnina.” it W111 be noted tnet it is quite

similar to the accusation nehru had made earlier concern-

ing the manila rect and tne relaxation of international

tension. in fact, it might even be considered as a 1051-

cal extension of tnat accusation. Eor purposes of analy—

sis, however, tnis duplicated argument will be considered

as a separate entity.

57331113 is true of course only in terms of dehru's


speech. Ine points could very well have been made by
kenru in an imprOmptu manner any time prior to nomulo's
speech. A free exchange of points of view took place
tnrougnout tne deliberations of the ioliticsl Gemmittee.
209

Taking up homulo's reglies in the order of their

presentation, the first to be analyzed in the doubtful

one just mentioned. Lne sneaker, in answering uehru's

Objection here used the 1‘znne tape of logic noted earlier

‘idcr the similar ar¢unent of international tension.

he said by way of inplicetion that an sllinnce like diAIU,

wnicn threatened instant retaliation in the event of an

armed attack upon a member state, would make a potential

comnunist aggressor tnink twice before risking inevitable

counter-mcesures. ne concluded, therefore, that such

an ullinnce would "serve to reinforce rather than weaken

the Climate of fence engnsting from dencvs.”

:no second reply nonulo nude was in answer to

the emerge that the ...nniln rect was contrary to the syirit

of the eureencnts on nonngéression end noninterference

reached between lndia, China, and surnn. in inklied de-

mand for more proof constituted the syeukcr's cnief form

f refutation. he stated that he failed to see in what

way the manila rect could be said to be inconsistent with

such GDTGUMGUtBo n secondary netnod of refutation included

the reasoning Cflut sincc the agreements under discussion

would not prevent a nation iron deiending itself in the

event that it were attacked, this very lack of prevention

would be consistent with function of the nanile rect which


210

was self-defense. In answering his Opponent, therefore,

Romulo merely reversed the point of view. He did not

refute Nehru's argument directly.

Erom the standpoint of conclusiveness of proof

fiomulo's third reply to Nehru showed the best piece of

refutation. In answer to the charge that the Manila Pact

was contrary to the Charter of the United Nations, the

Speaker reduced the contested issue to its lowest 1051-

cal denominators. He said that "by a somewhat involved

series of arguments" the manila fact was believed to be

a defensive system which was "neither collective nor re-

gional." This clarification provided the listeners with

only the essentials of the issue. Then drawing upon his

knowledge of the U.N. Charter and the hanila Treaty he

compared article 103 of the former with article VI of the

latter to show that there was no contradiction. His rea-

soning therefore had the weight of documentary evidence.

heturning now to the questions posed at the

beginning of this section concerning the offensive and

defensive characteristics of Acmulo's IOgio, the analysis

Just completed has supplied the following brief answers.

First, the logic used by the speaker in his attack upon

his Opponent's case was largely inductive. Specific in-

stance, causal relation, and argument from authority were


211

his chief forms or support. Furthermore, in showing that

Nehru'a constructive thesis was unworkable, homulo relied

upon a strong eXpositional framework. Large sections

of his speech were devoted to the establishment of a

logical substructure for his argument rather than to the

argument itself. Under the circumstances. however, this

was seen to have been wholly necessary. Second, the fa-

vorite technique used by the speaker to defend his own

case was straight refutation. Except for the direct clash

in the last argument refuted, homulo either denied the

validity of his Opponent's accusations or attacked them

only indirectly. The major weaknesses of his defense

were twofold. Although refuting what he considered to

be the most dangerous features of Rehru's attack, he di-

vided his strongest argument and failed to compare and

contrast the advantages of the Manila fact with the dis-

advantages of the five principles of coexistence. fihile

the second of these weaknesses might not have detracted

as much from the losical nature of the speech as did the

first, its remedy would have added greatly to the total

effectiveness of the speaker's refutation.

Invention -- Lnotional Proof

Although homulo's chief mode of proof in this


212

speech is logical, underlying the structure of his reason-

ing are numerous emotional appeals. The fundamental ap-

peal made is directed to the need for national security.

Very few members of the rolitical Committee could quarrel

with this concern, except perhaps the neutralist and com-

munist minorities. nomuio was fully aware of the emotion-

al composition of his audience when he said:

i speak, bir, for a small country,


like many other countries around this
table, that cannot boast of the size
of indie. 1 cannot say, as did the
rrime minister of indie, conscious of
his country's power, that 'even if the
whole world went to war, lndia would
stand alone and refuse to fight.‘ i
cannot defy the wnole world, sir, con-
scious of my country's limitations.
how few, indeed, are the nations here
who can be like India!

with this three sentence paragraph the speaker showed

the leaders of the small countries why it was necessary

for them to be concerned absut the problem of national

security. their size dictated their concern and compelled

them to listen to what the speaker had to say. homulo's

appeal, therefore, was linked to an important audience

interest.

woven tightly within the fabric of nomulo's

emotional appeals were numerous strands of logical proof.

in fact, so closely are legic and emotion related that


213

it is difficult at times to distinguish between them..

Anger and indignation were both present in the following

examples the speaker gave of communist subversion. After

quoting a prediction of subversion made by the communist

theoretitian, Liu Shae—chi, homulo provided his audience

with two emotionally charged examples of how this predic-

tion had been put into practice. He said:

it was about us, about most of us


here, that iiu ehao-chi was talking.
And when he Spoke of 'liberation strug-
gles' he meant struggles not against
hurOpean colonial regimes, but nation-
alist Asian governments. For Liu Shac-
chi spoke only two months after the
Indonesian communists under the direc-
tion of the soviet-trained agent, muse,
violently and treacherously attacked the
hepublic of indonesia which was then,
with resources already unequal to the
task, standing up to the forces of Dutch
imperialism. when Liu shao-chi spoke‘
of the 'liberation struggle' it was
little more than a year after the Com-
munists in nyderabad rose against the
Government of india and the national
leadership that had won the country its
independence.

rhese examples were well chosen in terms of the emotions

they aroused. knowing that homulo fought Openly for lndo-

nesian independence within the United nations, the sig-

nificance of the first example is better appreciated.

he was in a position to gather the facts first hand.

knowing also that his opponent represented the country


214

designated in the second example, it is likewise better

appreciated. in both instances the speaker associated

his material with the emotional make—up of his audience.

Hatred and resentment on the part of those immediately

concerned were the natural by-products of such associa-

tions 0

rrom an appeal to the powerfully motivating

passions just mentioned, the speaker turned immediately

to an appeal for sympathy and understanding. By way of

emotional contrast he said:

Liu shes-chi was, in fact, taking


note that under the cover and through the
agency of local Communist forces, the
societ Union and communist China were
waging war against free Asia. many of
my fellow countrymen have fallen in that
war, shot to death by raiding communist
gangs, ambushed in the wooded hills.
rhousands of true nationals of lndonesia,
lndia, nurma, and malaya have also died.
whey well merit our sorrowful remembrance.

hemulo was touching here upon equally powerful sources

of human emotion; and, as in the previous passage, he is

aided in his pathetic appeal by vivid imagery, descrip-

tive adjectives, and rhythmic sentence patterns. Addi—

tionally, the emotionally toned facts he related were

well adapted to his own experiences and to the audience

he faced.
N
H
U:
invention —- Ethical Proof

An analysis of homulo's reply to Nehru from

the standpoint of ethical proof discloses abundant evi—

dence of the speaker’s ”sagacity, nigh character, and

good will." He will now look at some of this evidence

in detail.

1. nagacity. nomulo conveys an impression of

sagacity largely through common sense, a broad familiarity

with the interests of the day, and general intellectual

tone. his knowledge of the international communist move-

ment is both intimate and discerning. he refers to the

Asian Irade Union conference of November, 1949, and to

the communist declaration of purpose which that confer-

ence inspired. he evinces knowledge of the Comintern and

Uominform as well as the "manuals of organization and

procedure issued by ranking oommunist Iarty members through-

out the world." fhe effect of communism in the seVeral

countries of south and southeast also comes within his

intellectual purview.

nomulo's common sense becomes evident whenever

he wishes to express a thought beyond the pale of strict

105ical develOpment. in connection with his treatment

of the five principles of coexistence and their apparent


failure to stop communist aggression he asked:

if it is persisted that the attack


launched without warning and without pro-
vocation upon the hepublic of horse and
its subsequent invasion were consistent
sith the principle of non-aggression, then
what does the principle mean? if the prin—
ciple or non-aggression will sanction the
agdression against horea, then will it
not sanction aggression against any other
country?

Ihe answer to these and to related questions was left

up to common sense.

rhrothout his reply to hehru there is trans-

mitted a general intellectual tone by the speaker. hom-

ulo's speech contains language wnich subtly projects in-

tellectual integrity and wisdom. his language is both

accurate and objective. harely will one find a statement

couched in the terms of an absolute. uualifying adjec-

tives like "fairly" or "probably" are used in place of

"completely" or "unmistakably". in short, there is a sig-

nificant absence of exaggeration in what the Speaker says.

if he is not entirely sure of what he is about to say

he will select words which will take him only so far as

the truth will allow.

2. high character. nomulo emphasises his pros—

ity‘ of character by making his audience look with dis-

dain and disfavor upon his Opponent and what he advocates


217

By associating his own case with what is virtuous and

elevated the speaker, however, does Just the Opposite

with himself. in addition, he also attempts to remove

those unfavorable reflections upon his case which had

been previously made by his Opponent.

In the beginning of his speech homulo made a

conscious attempt to diminish his Opponent's ethical eta~

ture. After praising Nehru for his outstanding personal

qualities, the speaker quickly reversed ground by saying:

"however, 1 would have wished he Spoke with the same se-

renity that he spoke in New Delhi in 1947. and 1 would

have much preferred to have heard him here with less heat,

less passion, and less doama." immediately, the speaker

established an ethical contrast between himself and his

Opponent. he left his audience with the impression that

even thouah Eehru had failed to display a sense of good

taste and proceed with test and moderation, he was never—

theless prepared to do so.

homulo cast further reflections upon his Oppo—

nent's integrity by charging him with being unfair and

prejudiced in dealing with the hanila ract and with those

who belonged to regional defense alliances. he was per—

fectly justified in doing so since Nehru had employed some

rather harsh language in his speech. Those who belonged


218

to military pacts were called "hanéers-On" and "camp-fol-

lowers“ who had degraded themseles and lost their indivi—

duality. By comparison nonulo's remarks were administered

with more tact and consideration.

ihe strongest method the speaker used to belittle

his Opponent was through a sarcastic attack upon what

his Opponent advocated for adOption, namely the five prin-

ciples Of peaceful coexistence. After proving that the

communists had been the actual aggressors in horse, nom-

ulo concluded by saying:

if the invaders nevertheless continue


to take the position they have in the
past, that they were guiltless in horse,
that it was the nepublic of acres that
initiated tne war and that those defending
the hepublic were the aggressors, then we
are forced to conclude that in such lexicon
'non-aggressicn' means calculated assault
upon a free nation by aggressive military
forces while ‘aggression' describes the
action of those coming to the assistance
of the victim. as shall then have a clearer
idea Of what to expect under the five prin-
CiplGSO

This example of mild sarcasm, while minimizing the inte-

grity of his Opponent's case, also clothed the speaker's


own thought in a certain degree of rationality, which

in turn enhanced his impression Of sagaoity. This is

part of the "intellectual tone" previously described.

other examples included the use of intellectually dis—

paraging words like "so-called." On two occasions homulo


219

used this disdainful pejorative in referring to the ob-

jections Rehru had raised against the manila lact.

But if homulo made his audience look with dis-

favor upon his Opponent, he also made them look with favor

upon what he himself was advocating. he does this by

attempting to remove any damaging impressions left by

his Opponent. unile hehru diaparaecd the aanila Iact,

homulo bestowed tehpered praise upon it. he reviewed

the terms of the Charter and the treaty and stressed their

positive character. Of the preamble he said:

among the principles heavily under-


scored are those referring to equal rights
and self-determination of peeples, indi-
vidual liberty and the rule of law, the
promotion of economic well~being, collec-
tive defense for the preservation of peace
and security, and united action against
aggression.

These were features with which homulo was associating

himself worthy of reapect. The mere mention of them served

not only to refute his Opponent's prior claim but also


to increase his own ethical stature.

3. Good will. homulo'e Opening sentence car-

ried with it an important ethical stroke. "Mr. Chairman:"

he said, "I did not intend to speak on this subject to

preserve the concord and harmony of this conference that

has so far prevailed until the Prime Minister of lndia


220

spoke, as he always speaks, with great impact on all those

who are privileged to hear him." here the audience was

given an indication of the speaker's good will, for he

states that he had refused to speak earlier in order to

preserve the concord and harmony of the conference. This

benevolent attitude was in keeping with the original in-

tention of the conference sponsors which was to avoid

disputes over controversial matters which would tend to

lead to fundamental differences of Opinion. In one re-

spect, therefore, homulo's entry into the debate was made

to appear as the Judicious action of a reluctant gladi-

ator who had restrained himself until finally provoked

to battle.
Throughout his speech homulo reveals his good

will by proceeding with candor and straightforwardness.

This is especially noticeable in the first part of his

speech when he took up the analOgy of Kashmir to show

why countries were naturally prone to eXpend vast ener-

gies in protecting themselves against possible enemy ag-

greesion.

why has my country Joined a regional


grouping? The answer is exactly the
same as the answer each one of you would
give me if i asked you, why are you put-
ting so much of your wealth and your ener-
gies into preparing for wari Let us be
realistic and not starryeyed visionaries
dreaming Utopian dreams.
221

What the speaker is urging here is that the members of

his audience should be honest with themselves. Such an

attitude by its very nature calls for a candid and straight-

forward approach. lt was a token of the speaker's good

Will 0

Style

homulo's style is functionally adequate for

the type of Speaking involved. The committee meetings

presented an atmosphere of modified informality which

was in keeping with the intentions of the conference spon-

sore. As a result the speaker's language becomes less

formal. his sentences are lonber and more loosely con-

structed. some of then, in fact, contain extemporaneous

after-thoughts. in example of this informality can be

seen in the following sentence euloéiaihg nahatma Gandhi:

hven mahatma Gandhi, that great


Indian leader to whose memory I ask you
to join me in turning our reverential
thouéhte today, in the early days of
partition, didn't hesitate a moment in
supporting the Brine minister's decision
to send trOOps to the hashmir not for

58‘i‘he results of a readability analysis indi~


cate that, on the average, nomulo's speech contains twenty-
five words per sentence. For a preper understanding of
what this signifies, see Appendix Ii.
222

the purpose of waging war -- he was a


saintly man - but for the purpose of
preVenting one by making the presence
of those troops as vivid as possible.

Attention should be directed to the contraction "didn't"

which is used. such colloquial hnglish was not out of

place in terms of the informal nature of the speaking

situation.

Ihe speaker's language is not only consistent

with the occasion, it is also consistent with himself.

homulo's background undoubtedly prompted him to use such

words as "dogma," "imprimatur," and "schism." These words

have a special sibnificance in terms of his religious

background. The literature of Catholicism places an al-

most individual claim upon them. This does not mean,

however, that they would not be understood by the other

cnief delegates. being well educated men, they would

be reasonably acquainted with themajor religbus institu-

tions of the world.

if homulo's lanbuage is appropriate there are

many indications that it is also clear and direct. hven

though he deals with an abstract subject, his language

is nonetheless concrete and Specific. than he refers

to the tactics used by the communists to overthrow help-

less Asian governments he mentions the "very specifics

of subversion, infiltration," and "sabatoge." when he


223

refers to the Soviet Union's instruments of interfering

with the internal affairs of other nations, he speaks

of them as the "Comintern" and "Cominform." then he re-

fers to the Geneva settlement on Indochina, he mentions

it in terms of "free Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia." when

he refers to the person who directed the violent and

treacherous attack against the nepublic of indonesia,

he speaks of him as the "Soviet-trained agent, huso."

Another indication of the Speaker's desire to

communiCate his thoughts distinctly, is to be found in

the brief exylanaticns he sometimes gives of those organ-

izations and ideas which might not have been immediately

understood by his audience. Ihis attempt at clarifica-

tion is especially true of these parts of the speech deal-

ing specifically with the "FIU and the nanila fact. when-

ever there is the yossibility or likelihood that a con-

cept mibht not be proyerly understood, the speaker will,

as a rule, provide some suitable statement of exylanation.

nomulo achieves directness largely through the

frequent use of rhetorical questions. Although these

interrogatives are commonly employed throughout the speech,

over half of them are concentrated in one particular sec-

tion. nesetitive audience questions were liberally used

to advance the sneaker's thesis that the communists


224

couldn't be trusted to live up to the intentions of the

five principles of coexistence. he asks:

Are we entirely sure in crzr own minds


what is intended by those whodeclaie ad—
herence to these principles. Are we as-
sured that there will be no further cases
of aggression such as that of which the
hepublic of acres was the victim? This
seems to 32 to be the all-important ques—
tion. ‘ng is willing to give this assur-
ance? is it too much to ask that some
restitution be made for the invasion and
present occupation of North norea by bring-
ing home invsading forces and letting the
Korean peo>1e choose their own government
under United nations observation, free at
last of interference in their internal
affairs? rhese, it seems to us, are im-
portant tests of the five principles' in-
tentions.

From the standpoint of both style and invention these

questions serVed a dual function; they enhanced the speak-

er's directness while at the same time furthering the

analysis of his Opponent's case.

it will be noted also in the above passafie that

there are numerous personalized words. in fact, nearly

ten per cent of the total number of words can be classi—

fied as personal. unile this is twice the average per-

centage for the speech as a whole,59 it nevertheless helps

to indicate another of the factors involved in the speak-

er's directness. By using words which apply directly to

59i‘his conclusion is the result of a readability


analySis. See Appendix ll for additional information.
225

his audience homulo is able to communicate his thoughts

more effectively. rersonal identification with his thoughts

gives the listeners a feeling of shared responsibility.

Turning now to the matter of impressivcness,

the stylistic embellishments of hOwulo's steech are few

but significant. in keeping with the aura of rationality

which pervaded the sneaking situation, his sentences con—

tain strength but only in a subdued QEéICB. ”hat encha-

sis that is attained is in the form of balanced antithesis,

asseveration, exclamatory and hortatory ezpression, and

the repetition of key words and phrases.

antithesis. in pointiné out the similarity

between the objective of the United Nations in repelling

aggression and the defensive features of the manila Pact,

homulo stated antithetically: "The manila iact would be

void if it went beyond this objective, and it would be

useless if it fell short of it." rhis deft turn of phrase

helped crystallize the speaker's thoudht by reducing it

to the limits of a single sentence.

isseveration. An important article in the man—

ila Treaty was introduced in the following positive man-

ner: "article iv is the crucial provision of the treaty."

Iwo paragraphs later the syeaher said: "rnis is probably

the first treaty of its kind to refer specifically to


226

the danger posed by subversion." By means of this em-

phatic device nomulo was better able to enlist the atten—

tion of his audience.

isolanetory and hortatory_exgressions. The

following examples are lnuicative:

how few, indeed, are the nations here


who C;fl be like lndia!

let not Asia reheat EurOye's tragic


error in requiflé to believe the brazen
program of conquest Openly revealed by
uitler in his book "Loin Lanyf.”

by them the eyeaxer emghasized the urgency of his thought.

legetition 2; key words and phrases. having

praised Rehru of lndia, homulo referred to mohammed Ali

of lakistan by saying: "i believe that hr. Ali is no

less a great statesman, no less devoted to peace -- peace

between lndia ani lekistan, peace in our continent, and

peace in the world." having exyressed symyathy for the

victims of raiding communist gangs, homulo advocated equal

symyathy for those wno killed them by saying:

but we should also not withhold our


sympathy from those who killed them, for
their misled brothers who had been per-
suaded to believe that the way to peace
is through bloodshed, that the way to jus-
tice is throufih murder, that the way to
freedoa is through tyranny, that the say
to glenty for the peOple is through the
confiscation of all they can by the state.
227

In the first of these examples it is significant to note

that the speaker achieves climax by advancing through

three successive geographic stages, the country, the con-

tinent, the world. in the second example added emphasis

is gained through placing contrasted elements tOgether

so that they mutually set each other off.

Viewing honulo's style from the standpoint of

figurative embellishment, it is clearly evident that he

relies very little upon connotative language. Since the

Speaker's primary aim is to engage successfully in intel-

lectual combat with his Opponent, he is compelled to rely

primarily upon denotative language. Four times, however,

he does embellish hiatxyle with alliteration and/or as-

sonance. he Speaks of the "candid and continuing“ defi-

nition of Communist foreign policy, of the communist

"schism with socialism," of the "dramatic disavowal" of

the manila fact and the iacific Charter, and of standing

together with the other alliance members without"vanity

or invidiousness." These examples of alliteration were

spaced throuyhout the speech and helped to break up the

denotative monotony of the Speaker's language. The only

other examples of stylistic embellishment occurred when

the speaker described his countryman as being "ambushed

in the wooded hills" and the communist military success


228

in Southeast Asia as "feeding upon itself."

Audience nesgonse

lhe iniornation filtering from the closed meet—

inus of the rolitlcal connittee concerning the effective-

ness of nomulo's reply to Nehru was sparse but revealing.

A United tress dissatch of April 23, for exangle, stated

that after nomulo delivered his speech, the irime minis-

ter of lndia ayolobiaed for the "strong words he used...

in attacking the rhilippines and other Asian and African


L:
. - o\ . .
nations with military alliances.”U xhe dispatcn said
in part:

fiehru's apology came after Gen.


Uarlos I. ncmulc, unofficial spokesman
for the west at the Za-nation nsian-
hfriCau conference, delivered a scath-
ing sgeecn against communism which he
described as a 20th century version of
ldth century engires.°l

In addition, another (Ur) disyatcn of a later date quoted

tomulo himself as saying that the Asian-African confer-

ence was a "big success" in Which he silenced all opposi—

tion to the shard pact. "After I had defended the snAEO

pact and explained its implications," he said, "there

6”we manila Times, April 24, 1955. p. 14-


bllbid.
229

was no more attack on the treaty from any quarter."62

Generally speaking, what seemed to have affected

the conference delegates most in nomulo's season was the

sxylanation he gave of the subversion and infiltration

provisions of the hanila Treaty, and also his direct re-

buttal of the main points of sehru's speech.63 bf this

direct rebuttal The Times of Karachi in its editorial

of Atril 26, 1955, said: "he (Hehru) scored little by

his attack on defense treaties... hr. homulo of the

rhilippines cast hashmir in his teeth and silenced him

effectively.”64

The spirited attack upon 00mmunist imperialism,

of which homulo was probably the most consistently vocal

element, put Uhou hn-lai of China "on the defensive" said

an editorial in the uetroit Free rrese.

Chou had no chance to make his big


Speech before reyresentatives of iraq,
lran, rhailand, rahistan, 3. Vietnam and
the rnilippines exPlained what imperial—
ism actually means in the world today
and pointed to whom the free nations
have to fear.09

62i‘he aanila Times, April 26, 195), Po 1'


63Vicente J. Guzman, "A—A Confab ands Tonight,"
The manila Times, April 24, 195$, p. 14.
“*6

4This information was supplied in a letter from


3. h. Hag, rress Attacné, ambassy of rahistan, nashington,
3.0., hareh 17, 19390

65Detroit Free frees, April 21, 1955: P. 8.


230

If such can be said about the friends of the nest in gen-

eral, it can certainly be said about homulo in particular

who spoke just before Chou in the Iolitical Committee and

who was the acknowledged spokesman of the test.

honulo's third principal speech was delivered

before the Closing session.

Immediate Setting

rhe ceremony accompanying the closing plenary

session of the “sian-african conferenCe was said to have

been as isyressive as that of the etching plenary session.66

Che correspondent wrote: ”if western families had been

watching the finals on sitting room viewing screens, they

would have noticed times when the conference somewhat


’.

. . . D ... . .
resembled a reViValist meeting." 7 £18 observation would

6.. 1 A- . . H
Vicente J. huznah, "ri mlSBlOfl hue tomorrow,"
The manila Times, April 25, 1955, p. l.
6 a. _ a . _
7nonald stead, "asiah-African Delegates rut
Success Label on handung," ghristiag science monitor,
231

tend to indicate that the same color and pageantry of


the Opening session must also have attended the closing

session.

ins final plenary session did not begin until

well after dark on sunday, april 24, 19b5, the last day

of the conference. rreviously, the remaining daylight

hours had been spent in formulating the resolutions which

would be incorporated in the final communique.68 Unce

these resolutions had been read aloud, the enief delegates

from eacn country mounted the podium alphabetically to

mass five minute valedictory Speeches. 69

rextual authentication

fhe teit used in this analysis was obtained

from the rhilippine nubassy.


70 in the absence of any

other complete text it will be assumed that it reflects

fairly accurately what the speaker actually said. “his

assumytion has some corroborating evidence in its favor,

however, for in an issue of the manila rinse there are

580. hand, loo. cit., p. 73-

eylbid.
7o
dee Appendix ill for a reproduced version.
232

quoted several rather extensive excerpts.71 Nearly a

fifth of the speech has been reproduced in a United Press

release and a careful inspection indicates that with one

exception there is word for word agreement with the em-

bassy coPy. The one exception is noteworthy.

according to the embassy text komulo said to-


ward the beginning of his closing address: “we should

like history to say that our freedoms were more than

merely celebrated at Bandung; they were made solid and


given the substance of growth." In a corresponding ex-

cerpt from the hanila.2i§3§, however, the word "our" is

omitted and the word "celebrated" becomes "half-rate.”72

While both versions make sense, the writer nevertheless

believes that a preponderance of intellegibility rests

in favor of the embassy version; it appears to fit in

more unobtrusively with the ideas conveyed in the sen-

tence. A plausible explanation for the divergence is

that there was a careless error in transcription. If not

heard distinctly, or if spoken rapidly, both words would

tend to sound alike.

71 See The manila Times, April 25, 1955, pp. 1


and 2.

721bid., p. 1.
233

Purpose

The general purpose of a closing address is

that of any farewell speech: it is to express public

appreciation for services rendered whether by an indivi-

dual or by an organization. Additionally, the purpose

is to praise those particular accomplishments of the in-

dividual or the organization which are worthy of tribute.

in terms of the Asian-African Conference one would also

expect a closing statenent to enphaeize the importance

of the gathering and to arouse a deeper devotion to the

cause it represented.

rhe specific purpose of homulo's closing address

was indicated in his initial sentence; it was to survey

the accomplishments of the conference with pride and hu-

mility. A secondary purpose as stated in the middle of

the speech was to review the commitments made by the con-

ference members in order to ascertain what would be ex-

pected of them in the future.

Arrangement

Although somewhat difficult at first to ascer-

tain, homulo's closing speech nevertheless contains the


254

traditional rhetorical structure; i.e., it has an intro-

duotion, a body, and a conclusion. The ideas contained

in it are threefold: 1) that the achievements made at

the conference can only be assessed by history: 2) that


the conference had committed itself to a higher allegi-

ance and to patience; and 3) that congratulations should


be given to the host government, Indonesia, and to the

host countries, the Colombo powers.

In his introduction, which is quite brief, Rom-

ulo refers to the occasion of departure with a simple

statement of fact. “to survey our work in Bandung with

pride and humility." he thereupon channels his audience

into the proper attitude of departure by saying anecdo-

tally, "But let us not be like the Bishop who told his

friends: 'Have you heard? I am writing a book on humil-

ity.'" With these few lines the speaker related his first

major idea to his audience and to the central motif of

that part of the conference - the occasion of departure.

The reference to an ecclesiastical official was appropri-

ate because of the religious nature of the audience; and

it is better appreciated with the knowledge that the

speaker is himself a Christian.

After expressing his third major idea, homulo

ends his farewell statement with a short salutation in


235

in his native Filipino language: "Paalam N Sa lnyong

Lahatl' or "God be with you all!" The speaker adjusts

his thought to the spiritual orientation of his audience

with an appropriate reference to the Deity. both intro-

duction and conclusion, therefore, maintain a unity of

spiritual expression.

Turning now to the body of the speech, it is

difficult to determine where it actually begins or ends

because of the absence of transitions. The three parts

of the speech appear to be fused together, for they glide

into each other without benefit of separating units.

This situation is what apparently makes difficult the

ascertainment of three discreet elements. structurally,

however, the body of the speech is develOped historically.

From the time sequence of the ideas presented it can be

determined that the speaker progresses from past to fu-

ture. He first discusses what the conference had accom-

plished from an historical perspective, and he then con-

sidered what remained to be done in terms of commitments.

In this sense, the speaker advanced his position from

what took place in the past to what should take place

in the future. He thereupon returned to the present to

congratulate his hosts.

No generalizations can be drawn from the use


236

of transitional elements within the body of the speech

since only one was used. At the point where the speaker

endeavored to pass from past accomplishment to future

commitments he employed a rhetorical question. Romulo

said:

we belong to the community of hurt,


heartbreak, and deferred hopes. But even
in the act of observing our release, it
becomes important to say what we ourselves
prOpose to do by way of maintaining these
freedoms and fulfilling those hOpes.

What are the commitments made at


Bandung?

Invention -- Logical iroof

in keeping with the motivational nature of a

closing address, homulo's speech before the final plenary

session contains few examples of rigid logical develop-

ment. In fact, argument from authority is the only logi-

cal instrument clearly in evidence. midway in his speech

homulo called upon the expert testimony of Mahatma Gandhi

as chief support for the assertion that the nations re-

presented at the conference must be willing to contribute

positive values of sacrifice in order to create a vital

peace. The Mahatma was quoted as saying: "How much we

put of ourselves into a common purpose will determine


237

whether that purpose will be fulfilled." Testimony such

as this would have been well received by the audience

because it came from a source which was considered to

be both competent and reliable with no disqualifying

prejudice.

Since homulo voiced common feelings throughout

his speech, the three major ideas he expressed would have

received ready acceptance. Under his first major idea

the speaker appealed to historical Judgment. Although

a complete functional appraisal of the logic of this idea

would be difficult if not altogether impossible at the

present time for obvious reasons, a limited functional

appraisal of it might still be Justified. There can be

partial agreement, for example, with the statement of the

speaker that “men from twenty-nine nations came together

at a time when the pulse beat of the world was erratic

and dangerously fast." The tensions then and still now

existing over the lndochinese peninsula and the Taiwan

Straight would help bear this out. Also, there can be

partial agreement but only in a very restricted sense,

with the speaker's assertion that because of the confer-

ence, “the health and vitality of the human community

showed marked improvement.” what was learned in Chapter

ll about the results of the conference might give this


238

assertion limited functional integrity. Beyond these

partial agreements, however, the thought must be held


in common with the speaker that "what happens in the months

and years ahead will determine whether the mood created

at Bandung was momentary and misleading or whether it

was strong and clean and vibrant."

in terms of the background material provided,

ideas two and three are likewise functionally valid. It

can be seen in the purpose and results of the conference

that, as the speaker said, participating members had com-

mitted themselves to the cause of a world seeking both

peace and freedom. It can also be seen in the arrange—

ments made by the conference host that a depth of plan-

ning had gone into the complicated problem of providing

for full press facilities. These are the most signifi-

cant of the functional observations which can be made.

Invention -- Emotional Proof

The appeals homulo makes in this speech are

consistent with the nature of the occasion. He appeals

to a sense of satisfaction and of group accomplishment.

do also appeals to a "higher allegiance“ and to the bone-

ficial effects of group cohesiveness. "we have recognised,


239

he said, "that our allegiance is not merely to our own

nations or to each other as Asians and Africans; our first

allegiance is to the human community.“ The strongest

appeal he makes, however, is directed to a sense of per-

sonal dedication and self-sacrifice. "it is not what

we refrain from doing that will create a vital peace.

it is what we freely give, how much each of us is willing

to sacrifice, and what positive values we contribute that

will determine Whether the vision we see here at Bandung

can be brought to life."

hethcdclcgically, nomulc was aided in his arousal

of human emotion by a slight touch of humor and by rhyth—


mic sentence patterns and emotionally toned words. In

his introduction he takes advantage of the lightened na-

ture of the departing occasion with a functionally appro-


priate anecdote. Since the delegates had completed their

work and had thus been released from the cares of the

conference, they would be in a better mood to appreciate

such an anecdote. Ihe speaker also garbs his thoughts

in the language of the emotions. hhythmic sentence pat-

terns and emotionally toned words are both consciously

employed. “do belong to the community of hurt, heart-

break, and deferred hopes," he said. "But even in the

act of obtaining our release, it becomes important to


240

say what we ourselves prOpose to do by way or maintain-

ing these freedoms and fulfilling those hepes."

Invention - Ethical froof

homulo's use of ethical proof is best charac-

terized in this speech by the indications he gives of

his good will and probity of character. he showers tem-

pered praise upon his audience by commending the assem-

bled delegates for having committed themselves to pa—

inemuaand for being animated by a recognition of high pur-

pose. Cf the Commitment to Qatience he said: "as have

not been deflated by petty behavior nor have we allowed

ourselves to become paralyzed by fatigue." of the recog-

nition of high purpose he said: "I have been impressed,

deeply impressed, with the sincere attempt of all present

to create not a lasting organization but a lasting effect.

And when 1 say all 1 mean all. I have never seen a group

of men so finely animated by recognition of high purpose."

Such tempered praise went beyond the obligations of mere

formality. A review of the pertinent background material

will indicate that it had meaning in terms of what was

actually accomplished at the conference.

The speaker’s probity of character is exemplified


241

throughout his speech. A feeling of genuine sincerity

is conveyed by the emphatic sentence in the middle of

the last quoted passage. here the speaker creates the

impression of being completely sincere in what he says.

Furthermore, his repeated references to such elevated

and respected concepts as "moral strength," "positive

values," "hopes," "freedom," and "sacrifice" all served

to enhance his high character through the process of as—

sociation. The speaker's frequent idealistic utterances

contained mucn ethical appeal since he was associating

himself with what was virtuous and looked upon with favor.

style

btylistically, homulo's Closing Address posses-

ses characteristics which make it clear, direct, and im-

pressive. The clarity of his style is indicated primarily

by the use of an admonitory illustration and by parallel

sentence structure. In the beginning of his speech the

brief anecdote which was employed helped to give the

speaker's thought instant intelligibility. This was like-

wise true with the parallel sentence pattern which emerged

shortly thereafter. niccpt for one slight variation hom-

ulo began four consecutive sentences with the statement


242

"as should all like history to say..." These parallel

sentences helped facilitate the communication of the

thoughts within them.

homulo's directness is indicated by the number

of times he used personalized words. Fully one quarter

of the total number of sentences begin with the personal

pronoun "we," while many others contain this same pronoun

within the first five words. 0f the total number of words

used approximately lOr of them can be classified as per-

sonal. 73 fhe breat majority of these words display the

speaker's conscious attempt to share his observations

and conclusions with his listeners.

Erom the standpoint of impressiveness, homulo's

style is enhanced chiefly by the use of figurative langu-

age. He employs personification when he refers to the

"pulse beat of the world" being erratic and dangerously

fast. he uses polysyndeton when he epeahs of the mood

created at handung as being either "momentary and mis-

leading" or "strong and clean and vibrant." This last

figure, preceded by a brief attempt at alliteration also

noted, added strength and vigor to the speaker's thought.

73This conclusion is the result of a readability


analysis. See Appendix ll for additional data.
243

Audience Response

information concerning the effect of homulo's

closing speech is both slim and contradictory, in addi-

tion to the fact that half of it must be obtained indi-

rectly. An article in the Christian Uentury, for exam-

ple, states that "in his closing address the spokesman

for Liberia won ayylause almost equal to that for Nehru

and homulc."74 fnis admission would tend to indicate,

in a roundabout way, that nomulc's speech was well re-

ceived. A correspondent for the New Yorker casts some

doubt upon this observation, however, since it was his

Opinion that those who spoke after flehru (this would in-

clude homulo because the delegates spoke in alphabetical

order) "didn't hold the audience well, and everyone seemed


glad when the meeting was over. "75 The effect of nomulo's

speech, therefore, is Open to speculatiOn.

an attempt will be made in the next few pages

74sinburn f. Thomas, "Bandung: has It Key to


Future?“ Christian Century, Liili (may 18, 195b). p. 602.
750. hand, 100. cit.
244

to pick out some of the more common and persistent rhe—

torical elements of nomulo's principal speeches. digni-

ficant differences will also be considered.

Arrangement

Generalizing some of the observations made in

the preceding sections on arrangement, it can be stated,

first of all, that nomulc's speeches show a versatility

of structural develcpuent. in his Opening address the

distributive method of arrangement was employed, in his

address before the rolitical Committee the logical method

was used, and in his closing address the historical method.

Judging from the nature of the subject matter in the three

speeches, the most appropriate form of arrangement was

utilized in each case.

organizationally, each of nomulo's principal

Speeches contains an introduction, a body, and a conclus-

ion. Ihe introductions and conclusions were all quite

brief, especially those in the closinb address. with

his introductions, the speaker created good will between

himself and his audience, and adapted his subjects to

both the audience and the occasions. with his conclus—

ions, he added vigor to his thought. in the conclusions

I L

, 1
245

of both Opening and closing addresses a reference was

made to the deity, Which created a sense of syiritual

strength.

Concerning transitions, it can be said that the

rhetorical question was used more than any other device,

altnoubh short anticipatory stateients were also employed.

in fact, it may eVen be stated that tee rhetorical ques-

tion aypeared to be the Speaker's favorite form of tran--

;ntion, since the only transition used in his OlOSiflé ad-

dress was a rhetorical question.

Using all three syeecnes as a basis for judg-

ment, the greatest weakness of nomulo's arrangement is to

be found in the failure of a central unifying theme to

emerge except in the opening address. Inis weakness was

especially noticeable in the address before the Political

Committee because the Speaker shifted his point of focus

so many times in refuting his anyonent's arguments. It

was not so noticeable, however, in the Closing address

because the speech itself was so short.

invention

from the Btunegoint of invention, nomulo's prin-

cipal syeeches show a conscious attempt to utilize all of


246

the classical modes of persuasion -— 10gical, emotional,

and ethical proof.

Lagical rroof

ihe ideas expressed by nomulo fully correspond

with the orientation of rhilipyiue foreign policy, and

with the position the rhilippine delegation was eXpected

to uphold at the conierence. In his opening address the

Speaker exposed the evils of communism. in his address

before the rolitical committee he refuted the fallacy of

coexistence and defended the Southeast Asia Treaty Organ—

isation against attack. ln his closing address he reit-

erated the desire of the rhilippine government to asso-

ciate itself in a constructive way with the problems of

Asia and Africa.

Throughout his speeches, nomulo relied upon a

strong iramework of exgositional argument to establish

his major ideas. while in many cases he did not adhere

to a riéid logical develoyment, the logic he did use was

largely inductive. examples and causal relations were

the predominant inductive forms of support, with argument

from authority being occasionally used. Of all the induc—

tive groof supplied by the speaker it is significant to

note that in each speech the example or testimony of


247

Mahatma Gandhi was used. By and large, however, evidence

was used sparingly and many of the speaker's generaliza-

tions went either unsupyorted or found their factual vali-

dity within the minds of the audience.

sectional erOf

in each of his principal sgeeches homulo adapted

his material to the sectional nature of his audience.

as appealed to the needs and desires of his listeners.

he apnealed to their desire for national self-assertion,

their need for national security, and their desire for

social justice and haterial well~being. rhe adaytive

technique used in nearly every appeal was to be found in

sentences that here rhytnnic and language that was vivid

and emotionally toned.

Ethical Proof

nomulo's principal speeches give abundant proof

of his sagacity, high character and good will. In his

Opening address and his address before the Political Com-

mittee he gave his audiences the impression that he was

familiar with contemporary problems by discussing the

implications of the international communist movement.

In his opening and closing addresses he linked himself

with what was good and honorable by appealing to such


248

respected concepts as "freedom“ and "moral strength."

in all of his Speeches he advanced his ideas candidly

and straightforwardly, and showed a benevolent attitude

by linking himself aitn his hearers and their problems.

Common stylistic elements existed in all three

of homulo's speeches. in attemyting to make his ideas

clear he used parallel sentence structure. he achieved

directness throubn the liberal use of personalized words.

dis ideas were ingressed upon his hearers with language

that was figurative and highly connotative.

rhe speaker enhanced his style by persistently

using other stylistic elements as well. A persistent

use was made of rhetorical questions, for example, which

helped to restate and amplify the speaker‘s thoubhts.

hortatory and exclamatory expressions as well as climax

and the repetition of key words and shrases were persist-

ently used also, in achieving force.

hvidence indicates that the speaker's style

was well suited to his audience and his subject matter.

rhe variation in his sentence structure is an important

case in point. it was noted that in his address before


249

the Political Committee, his sentences became longer and

less formal than in his other two addresses. The increased

length is attested to by the results of a readability

analysis, while the informality is seen in the use of

contractions and internal extengorized remarks. Both

of tnese variations were well suited to the informal na-

ture of the occasion and to the abstract nature of the

subject matter.
CHAPTER V

UUHCLUSLUN

While the final evaluation of Romulo's speak-

ing effectiveness at the Asian~African Conference must

await the broader view of historic perspective, certain

conclusions can be made at this time. It can be stated,

first of all, that homulo's speeches are excellent exam-

ples of rhetorical craftsmanship. The technical virtues

brought out in the preceding chapter should give strong

support to this assertion. Although structural and com-

positional imperfections were observed, they were neither

serious nor many. homulo'e speeches are, in short, good

rhetoric.

Also, it can be stated that, within limits,

homulo's speaking produced some tangible results. To

begin with, the immediate reaction to his speeches was

quite favorable. His Opening and closing addresses were

accorded some of the loudest applause, while his address

before the lolitical Committee drew a significant apology

from his opponent. shat certain audience members said

of his speeches after they had been delivered is likewise

250
251

indicative of their immediate success.

Another tangible result which homulo's speeches

might have helped produce concerns a possible change in

audience attitudes. it was noted at the end of Chapter

ll that the Asian—African Conference showed a strong demo-

cratic alignment, and that as a result of secret debates

and declarations on "colonialism" and "world peace" the

pro—Western group of countries numbered some fifteen mem-

bers. This alignment is quite significant in view of

the fact that when the conference started only eleven

members could be properly associated with the pro-Western

group. Since homulo spoke on these issues, since his

speeches were capable of influencing this change, from

what was Just noted in terms favorable audience response,

and since he was looked upon as a leader of the pro-fiest-

ern forces at the conference, it is quite possible that

his speeches did help to effect this change.

Turning now to the final conference communique,


it is possible to note another area which might have been

influenced by homulo's persuasiveness. An inspection

of the final communique at the end of Chapter 11 disclosed

that colonialism in all of its manifestations had been

condemned by all the conference members and that collec-

tive defense alliances had been justified. These two

ideas, it will be noted, coincide exactly with the position


252

the Philippine delegation was sworn to uphold at the con-

ference, and they were explicitly stated by the head of

the Ihilippine delegation in his Opening address and in

his address before the rolitical committee. «hile no

definite causal relation can be drawn between the appear-

ance of those two ideas in the final cemmuniqué and hom-

ulo's persuasiveness, the least that can be said is that

the speaker's position was vindicated.

A further inspection of the final communique.

discloses additional manifestations of the Philippine

position as eXpressed in homulo's speeches. Frequent

and favorable mention was made of the United Nations.

homulo extolled and defended the United Nations in both

his opening address and his address before the rolitical

Cemmittse. Also, no Specific mention was made of the

theory of "coexistence" in the final communique. homulo,

it will be noted, vigorously attackedthis theory in his

reply to Prime minister Nehru. unile the presence and

absence of these two concepts might not have been directly

influenced by homulo's speaking, it can again be said

that his position was vindicated.

Apart from the final communique, however, per-


haps the greatest single fact attesting to homulo's rhe-

torical effectiveness is to be seen in the achievement


253

of his purpose in attending the conference. In homulo‘s

own words, as stated at the end of Chapter 11, he wished

to orpose the fallacies of communism and neutralism.

An indication of his success in echsing these two fal—

lacies through his speaking, is evidenced in the clearly

observable fact that to this day neither the communist

nor the neutralist block in Asia has grown. as the his-

torians Crofts and Buchanan have so clearly pointed out,

"homuio's eloquence at Bandung helped to offset the per—

suasions of Chou hn-lai, and bandit Nehru's neutralism."1

summing up homulc's influence on the foregoing

results, the writer feels it would be unwise if not wholly

incorrect to say that homulo's Speaking was the determin-

ing factor in each instance. Such a conclusion is far

removed frOm the writer's intentions. All that can or

should be said is that nomulo's speaking was capable of

helping to procuce the foregoing results. it should be

carefully borne in mind that since the Asian-african Con-

ference was a dynamic social situation no one factor by

itself can be thought of as completely causative. nom-

ulc's speaking was only one of many determinants of change.

1Alfred Crofts and Percy Buchanan, §_histor1


g; the Far hast (New York: Longmans, Green and oc., lnc.,
958), p. 514.
254

In final summary then, it can be concluded that

homulo's principal speeches at the Asian-African Confer-

ence fully reflected the aims of rhilippine foreign pol-

icy. ihey were conformable to the speaker's audiences

because they elicited an early and favorable response.

in terms of designated purposes all that homulo could

hope for was a clearer understanding of his ideas and

a possible change in audience attitudes. This understand-

ing and change he helped to achieve by influencing the

alteration of politically oriented alignments, by vindi-

cating his position through the wording of the final com-

munique, and by offsetting the blandishments of communism

and neutralism through an eXposé of their dangerous ten-

dencies. he more than this can be said, no more than

this should be said.


AEi’ENlJ‘Li I
February 3, 1959

Division of information
hmbassy of Pakistan
washington, D.C.

Dear sir:

My graduate research project here at nichigan state Uni-


versity is to analyze the speeches delivered by the Hon—
orable Carlos P. nonulo of the lhilippines at the Asian-
African Conference which was held in bandung, lndonesia,
April ld-24, 1995. Une important nepect of this study
concerns homulo as a man and as a public speaker. A
second important aspect deals with judgments of his speak-
ing effectiveness.

in connection with these, I am writing to ask whether


or not you can make available to me any representative
press connents which might have been made in your country
immediately prior to, duriné, and/or after the Conference
concerning the role of homulo and his speeches.

if these materials can be loaned to me, i would make cer-


tain that they were well taken care of and promptly re-
turned. lf they cannot be loaned, 1 would appreciate
KHOWIHQ what you might have available for typing or mi-
crofilming.

Thank you for your interest and c00peration.

sincerely,

David J. mall
256

Embassy of Pakistan
uashington, D.C.

Inf/830/59
February 12. 1959

hr. David J. mall


College of Communication Arts
Department of speech
michigan state University
Last Lansing, michigan

Lear mr. mall:

Thank you very much for your letter asking us

to make available for you the representative press com-

ments which might have been made by the trees in Bakistan

on H. n. Carlos 2. nomulo's speeches at the Afro-asian

donfsrence held in nandung. us have forwarded your letter

to the ministry of information and broadcasting, Uovern~

ment of lakistan, karacni, for favor of help. l am sure

they will do their best to help you in this project.

if, however, there is anything else that we can do for

you, please do not hesitate to call on us again.

sincerely yours,

5. h. fiaq
rress attache

hm/rca.
257

Embassy of Pakistan
hashington, D.C.

lnf/830/59
Larch 17, 1959

near mr. mall:

Further to my letter No. lnf 830/59 dated Feb-

ruary 12, 1959, l have been informed by the ministry of

information a Broadcasting, Government of Pakistan, kar—

achi, that the only comment which appeared in the rakistan

press on his excellency Carlos I. nomulo's Speeches de-

livered in handung was that in "The Times of karachi."

Ihe rimes of karachi in its editorial of April 26,

1955, said: "he (randit Nehru) scored little by his at-

tack on defense treaties clash with hr. Mohammad Ali and

subsequent apology. hr. homulo of rhilippines cast Kash-

mir in his teeth and silenced him effectively."

Yours sincerely,

s. m. Haq
Eress attache

Mr. David J. hall


college of Communication Arts
Department of speech
michioan state University
Last Lansing, michigan
258

his Excellency, Carlos P. Romulo,


the Philippine Ambassador to the United States
embassy of the ihilippines
fu‘aShingtOD, U0 U0

Dear Sir:

l have just completed my preliminary library


research and am about to begin writing a graduate thesis
dealing with your speaking efforts at the Asian-African
Conference of april 15-24, 1355. My investigation will
be incomplete, however, without some first hand knowledge
of your methods of speech preparation and delivery. As
a result, i am writing this letter to you personally in
hOpes that i can obtain this valuable information.

if you could find time in your busy schedule


to answer any or all of the following questions, i would
be extremely grateful:

1. how do you obtain ideas for your speeches?


a. Do you keep a speech materials file
or scrapbook?
b. what sources have you found best for
supplying ideas and materials for
your speeches?

2. what steps do you follow in preparing a


speech?
a. no you prepare an outline or a com—
plete manuscript?
b. ho you rehearse your Speeches orally?
no you have anyone who acts as a critic?
no you ever use a speech recorder in
your Speech preparationk

3. now do you deliver your speeches?


a. Do you prefer to speak from notes?
from a complete manuscript? from
memory?
b. no you extemporize as you go along?

Because i am primarily interested in the pre-


paration techniques used in your Speeches at the asian—
259

African Conference, if you can answer these questions


in terms of these specific occasions, I would be deeply
grateful. if this is not possible, answers in general
would be very helpful.

Thank you for your help and your interest.

Sincerely,

David J. hall
260

Embassy of the Philippines


Washington, U.U.

Ray 4. 1959

Dear hr. hall:

This is in reply to your letter addressed to


Ambassador Carlos r. honulo and he has dictated the fol—
lowing in reply to your questions:

1. a. he keeps a speech materials file and


also a scrap book.

b. best sources for supplying ideas and


materials for his speeches are: neWSpapers, magazines,
latest books which he chooses from the saturday heview.

2. a. he prepares an outline and sometimes


dictates a complete manuscript or types it himself.

b. he never rehearses his speeches orally.


he has no critic. he does not use a speech recorder.

3. a. de seldom Speaks from notes, never from


a complete manuscript, mostly from memory.

b. he generally extemporizes as he goes


along.

sincerely yours,

(hiss) lluminada ranlilio


Secretary to the Ambassador

hr. David J. hall


Department of speech
michigan state University
hast Lansing, hichidan
13.93.51le 11
A hEADABlLITY ANALYSlS OF Tdfi khINCIPAL SEhSCHhS OF

CAhLOS E. hcnULO AT The AoIAN-AFhICaN CQhEinnNCL

Purpose

rhe purpose of this content analysis was to

apply, within limits, the Elesch readability formula to

the principal Speeches of Carlos 1. homulo at the asian-

African Conference.1 the speeches analyzed were three

in number: his addresses before the opening and closing

sessions and his address before the rolitical Committee.

materials

The materials used in this analysis include

samples of hoaulc's opening address and his address before

the iolitical Committee as well as the complete text of

his Closing Address.2

l’i‘he readability formula used in this analysis


was adapted from the formula contained in: nudolf rlesch,
How to Test headability (New York: harper & Brothers,
19;“in
the complete text of houulo's closing address
has been included in Appendix ill.

261
262

Irocedure

A. Cpening Address and Address Before the

rolitical Committee

Seven samples were selected from each speech

in strictly numerical order.3 These samples were exactly

100 words in length.

step 1: who average sentence length was deter-

mined by counting the number of sentences in each sample,4

then adding the number of sentences in all samples and

dividing the number of words in all samples (700) by the

total number of sentences. the average word length in

syllables per one hundred words was determined by count-

ing the total number of syllables in all samples and then

dividing by the number of samples.

rrom the results of these calculations a read—

ing ease score was determined in the following manner:

a) the average sentence length was multiplied by 1.015,

b) the number of syllables per one hundred words was

5in the Opening Address every sixth paragraph


was selected; in the address before the rolitical Cemmit-
tee every seventh paragraph was selected.

4..See Elesch,.gp. cit., p. 3, for complete de-


tails concerning the selection of sentences.
263

multiplied by .846, and c) the two products were added

together and subtracted from 206.835.

step 2: The percentage of personal words was

determined by counting the personal words in each sample

and then dividing the total number of personal words in

all samples by the number of samples.5

b. Ulosing address

step 1: ihe average sentence length was deter-

mined by counting all the words and all the sentences

and then dividing the total number of words by the total

number of sentences. She average word length in syllables

per one hundred words was determined by counting all the

syllables and then dividing the total number of syllables

by the total number of words and multiplying the quotient

by one hundred.

from the results of these calculations a read—

ing ease score was determined in the same way as in step

i above.

hesults

rhe results are best indicated graphically as

5See lbid., pp. 6-7 for complete details con-


cerning the selection of personal words.
ex
N
4;
follows:

Opening Address

700 words 21 words per sentence :6 personal words


34 sentences 191 syllables per 8p personal words
100 words

Leading Ease Score: 58

Lolitiuul Commitiee Address

700 words 25 words per sentence 39 personal words


28 sentences 178 syllables per 5fip personal words
100 words

neuding pass Score: 31

Closing AdQIeBS

836 words 13 words per sentence 81 personal words


47 sentences 190 syllables yer lop Personal words
100 words

nending sass doors: 62

nomulo's reading ease scores can be interpreted in the

£0110wing table:
265

interpretation Table

for

. ._ .. b
needing sass score

needing Description typical syllables Average


sass of style nagazine per 100 sentence
score words length

90-100 Very nasy Comics 123 8

BO 90 nasy idly fiction 131 ll

70 80 Fairly easy click fiction 139 14

6O 70 standard Digests, Time


mass non-fic-
tion 147 17

50 6O fairly nif-
ficult narper's —
Atlantic 155 21

30 50 Difficult nendemic,
scholarly 167 25

O 50 Very Liffi—
cult scientiiic,
irofessicnal 192 29

6” . , . . ,
inis is a complete reprounction oi tne table
appearing in rlescn's book. bee ibid.
AEJQRDIA III
CLOSING Athhhs

Complete

Text

"6 survey our work in Bandung with pride and

humility. but let us not be like the hishop who told

his friends: "have you heard? 1 am writing a book on

humility. and let me tell you something - it is the last

word on humility."

it is not ior us to assess our achievements at

handung. only history can make that yronouncement. He

should all like history to say that men from twenty-nine

nntions cane together at a time when the Rules beat of

the world was erratic and dangerously fast, and that as

a result of what we did, 'he health and vitality of the

human community snowe' harmed improvehent.

we should all like history to say that though

we did not provide the desibn for a periect world, we

did define the basis for hepe.

we should all like history to say that we not

only observed the newly won freedom of half the world's

peeples but that we pooled our moral strength to help

those who were not yet free to Join this noble station.

as should like history to say that our freedoms

266
267

were more than merely celebrated at Bandung; they were

made solid and given the substance of growth.

hut we cannot in truth expect history to say

all this because the work at Bandung has only begun.

rne real work and the real achievements of the Conference

are ahead of us. what happens in the months and years

ahead will determine whether the mood created at Bandung

was momentary and misleading or whether it was strong

and clean and vibrant.

”hat we have done here, in effect, was to define

our own commitments. as share, generally sneaking, a

common historical excerience. we belong to the community

of hurt, neartbrean, and deferred hopes. hut even in

the act of observing our release, it becomes important

to say what we ourselves propose to do by way of maintain-

ing these freedoms and fulfilling those hepes.

what are the commitments made at Bandung? i

believe that we have committed ourselves, first of all,

to a higher allegiance. we have recognized that our al-

legiance is not merely to our own nations or to each other

as Asians and Africans; our first allegiance is to the

human community. we have cemmitted ourselves to something

more important than to the accident of geobraphy. we

have committed ourselves to the cause of a world seeking


268

both peace and freedom, for one is meaningless without

the other.

And here, let me say that if the peace of the

world is going to depend on concessions or mere absten-

tions, it will not be real. It is not what we refrain

from doing that will create a vital peace. It is what

we freely give, how much each of us is willing to sacri-

£100, and what positive values we contribute that will

determine whether the vision we see here at Bandung can

be brought to life. And let me refer once again to the

teachings of hahatma Gandhi who belongs not to India alone

but to the world: "How much we put of ourselves into a

common purpose will determine whether that purpose will

be fulfilled."

he have also committed ourselves to patience.

Here at this Conference we have seen how, time and again,

understanding could be reached if full allowance were

made for the vagaries of human personality. as have not

been defeated by petty behavior nor have we allowed our-

selves to become paralyzed by fatigue.

And patience is related to the art of persuasion.

No one can say that such an art by itself can demolish

fundamental differences, but certainly no issue can be

settled without it.


269

I have been impressed, deeply impressed, with

the sincere attempt of all present to create not a last-

ing organization but a lasting effect. And when 1 say

‘all I mean‘gll. l have never seen a group of men so fine-

ly animated by recognition of high purpose.

Now that we are leaving, let me express first

of all the congratulations of the Philippine Delegation

to our host, the Government of Indonesia. The arrange—

ments made for this conference showed imagination, care,

and efficiency of the highest order. I have also been

asked by a considerable number of press correspondents

to make a public expression of their own gratitude to the

Government of Indonesia and to say that they have nothing

but the highest admiration for the depth of planning that

has gone into the amazingly complicated problem of arrang-

ing for full press facilities.

To the host countries, the Colombo powers, the

Lhilippine Delegation desires to extend its thanks. Their

conception of this project is one of the great achieve-

ments of our time.

Tomorrow the Philippine Delegation returns to

the khilippines. he return with strong and important

memories. These memories will gain in vitality within

the years.
270

May I say farewell to you in our Filipino lang-

uage which is also a salutation: PAALAM N SA INYUNG

LAHATI

God be with you all!


BthlOGhArHY

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VITA

David J. hall was born in harquette, hichigan,

April 22, 1935. After attending parochial schools in

uavenport, lowa, he completed his secondary education

at st. nary high school in Albuquerque, New Mexico, where

he was graduated in June of 1953. Before beginning his

graduate training at hichigan State University in the

Hall of 1957. he completed his requirements for the

Degree of bachelor of Arts at the University of New

I‘deXiC 0 o

279
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