Intimate Relationships

Intimate Relationships
Intimate Relationships covers both classic and current material in a concise yet thorough
and rigorous manner. Chapters range from attraction to love, attachment to jealousy, sex-
uality to conflict—all written in a warm, personal, and engaging voice. Topics are viewed
from an interdisciplinary perspective firmly grounded in research. Examples and stories
from everyday life lead into each chapter to stir a student’s engagement with the material,
and critical thinking prompts throughout the text aid his or her reflection on the issues
and theories presented. Each chapter is organized around major relationship issues and
relevant theories, in addition to a critical evaluation of the research. When appropriate,
the authors discuss and evaluate popular ideas about intimate relationships in the context
of scientific research.
This Third Edition has been thoroughly updated and revised to include the latest find-
ings and topics in relationship science, including the role of the Internet in today’s relation-
ships. Students will benefit from a revised chapter on sexuality that reflects current views
on sexual orientation and sexual pathways, as well as a forward-looking chapter on the
evolution and diversity of relationships in the 21st century.
A companion website accessible at www.routledge.com/cw/erber provides instructors
with PowerPoint presentations and a test bank, and provides students with flashcards of
key terms as well as learning outcomes and chapter outlines for each chapter.
Ralph Erber is professor of psychology at DePaul University. He received his Ph.D. in

psychology from Carnegie Mellon University. His work has been published in a number of
places, including the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, the Journal of Experi-
mental Social Psychology, and the European Journal of Social Psychology. He is also
the author and editor of several books, including Understanding Genocide: The Social
Psychology of the Holocaust and Social Psychology: A Story-Telling Approach (with Len
Newman).
Maureen Wang Erber is professor of psychology at Northeastern Illinois University. She

received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina at Greensborough. Her work
has been published in a number of places, including the Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology and the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology. Her research interests include
trust and conflict in intimate relationships and mate-choice copying.
Intimate Relationships
Issues, Theories, and Research
Third Edition
Ralph Erber and Maureen Wang Erber

Third edition published 2018
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First edition published by Allyn & Bacon 2000
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Erber, Ralph, author. | Erber, Maureen Wang, author.
Title: Intimate relationships : issues, theories, and research / Ralph Erber,
Maureen Wang Erber.
Description: Third Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | Revised edition
of the authors’ Intimate relationships, c2011. | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017016016 | ISBN 9781138240292 (hb : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781315110103 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Man-woman relationships. | Interpersonal relations.
Classification: LCC BF575.I5 E73 2018 | DDC 158.2—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017016016
ISBN: 978-1-138-24029-2 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-11010-3 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Visit the companion website: www.routledge.com/cw/erber

Contents
1 Strangers, Friends, and Lovers: Why Is Life So Complicated? 1

The Need to Belong 2
Ostracism 3
Distinct Relationship Needs 3
The Inevitability of Social Relationships 4
Intimate Relationships Yesterday and Today 5
The Way We Were 5
The Way We Are Now 6
Summary 10
2 Methods to Study Relationships 11

The Science of Intimate Relationships 11
Methodology: Data Collection and Analysis 12
Archival Research 13
Systematic Observation 13
Interviews and Surveys 15
Interpreting Survey Data: Correlations 17
Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Research 18
Experimentation 19
Collecting Couple Data 21
Ethical Considerations 21
Data Collection in Real Time: Recording Ongoing Interactions 22
Speed-Dating as a Research Paradigm 24
Data Collection in the Internet Age 24
Meta-Analysis: The Analysis of Analyses 25
Summary 26
3 Physical Attraction 28
Physical Attractiveness and Dating Choices 29
Standards of Attractiveness: Bodies and Faces 30
Mirror, Mirror . . . 30
vi Contents
Evolution and Attractiveness 32
The Importance of Averageness and Symmetry 33
Cognitive Mechanisms 35
The Physical Attractiveness Stereotype: Beauty Is as Beauty Does 36
The “What Is Beautiful Is Good” Stereotype 36
Cute Boys and Girls Are Better People, Too 37
Infants Prefer Beautiful Faces 38
Socialization 38
Is the Attractiveness Stereotype Culturally Universal? 39
“Don’t Hate Me Because I’m Beautiful”: Some Ugly Truths
About Attractiveness 40
Is Beauty Solely in the Eye of the Beholder? 42
Context Influences 42
Dispositional Influences 43
Attractiveness and Dating: A Reprise 44
Summary 46
4 Psychological Attraction 48
Theory-Driven Approaches 48
Implicit Egotism 48
Learning Principles 49
Attraction as Misattribution of Arousal 50
Characteristics of Others (Part I): The Gleam of Praise 53
Characteristics of Others (Part II): Agreement Is
Everything 55
Similarity: Do Birds of a Feather Flock Together? 57
Complementarity: Do Opposites Attract? 59
Phenomenon-Driven Approaches 63
Proximity: Marrying the Boy or Girl Next Door 63
Playing “Hard to Get”: Do We Love Those We Cannot Have? 64
The Allure of Secret Relationships 64
Summary 66
5 Self-Presentation and Self-Disclosure 68

Self-Presentation 68
Self-Presentation Norms 70
Self-Presentation in the Heat of the Interaction 71
Detecting Deceit in Self-Presentation 72
Virtual Self-Presentation 72
Models of Self-Disclosure 73
Self-Disclosure as Social Penetration 74
Self-Disclosure Reciprocity 75
Individual Differences in Self-Disclosure 77
Contents vii
Context Influences on Self-Disclosure 80
Self-Disclosure in Mature Relationships 81
Summary 82
6 Fairness and Equity 85

The Nature of Resources Exchanged 86
Rewards and Costs 86
Variety of Resources Exchanged 86
Determining What Is Fair: Equity Theory 87
Establishing Whether There Is Equity 88
Do People Really Seek Equity? 89
Reactions to Inequity 90
Evaluating Relationship Outcomes: Comparison Levels 92
The Thibaut and Kelley Model 92
The Investment Model 94
Close Relationships as Communal Relationships 95
Giving and Receiving Benefits 96
Controversies Surrounding the Communal-Exchange Distinction 98
Communal Orientation and Relationship Satisfaction 99
Summary 100
7 Love and Emotion 102

Liking and Loving: A Conceptual Distinction 103
The Prototype of Love 104
Causal Theories of Love 105
The Evolution of Love 105
Love as Misattribution of Arousal 107
Love as Preoccupation With the Other 107
Type Theories of Love 109
The Colors of Love 109
Research on Love Styles 111
A Triangular Theory of Love 112
Passionate Love and Companionate Love 113
Individual Differences in Love 115
Gender 115
Age and Relationship Duration 115
Love Over Time: Does It Get Better or Worse? 117
Beyond Love: A Quick Look at Guilt 117
Summary 119
8 Attachment 121
Patterns of Attachment in Infancy 122
Causes of Different Attachment Patterns 123
viii Contents
Adult Attachment 124
From Infant Attachment to Adult Attachment: Models of Transition 128
Consequences of Adult Attachment Styles 129
Summary 136
9 Sexuality 138
Attitudes About Sex: An Evolving Story 138
Sexual Behavior 139
A Brief History of Research on Sex 139
Sexual Behavior in the United States Today 140
Sexual Satisfaction 141
Sex Around the World 141
Sexual Satisfaction, Relationship Satisfaction, Intimacy, and
Commitment 142
Sexual Communication 143
Flirtation 143
Initiating Sex 144
Sexual Pathways 146
Extradyadic Sex 146
Serial Monogamy 147
Consensual Non-Monogamy (CNM) 147
Asexuality 149
Other Pathways to Sex: Hookups and Friends With Benefits 149
Same-Sex Attraction 151
Biological Essentialism 151
Gay Brothers, but Not Lesbian Sisters: Impact of Environment on
Development 152
Female Sexuality and Sexual Fluidity 153
Summary 155
10 Communication and Relationship Management 158

Sex Differences in Communication 158
Interruptions: Let Me Finish, Please! 160
Language Use and Conversation Management 162
Emotionality and Support 165
Men and Women: Different Cultures, Different Planets? 166
Different Cultures, Different Skills, or Different “Degrees”? 168
Managing Relationships 170
Transactive Memory in Close Relationships 170
Creating and Maintaining Satisfying Relationships 171
The Special Case of Long-Distance Relationships 174
Summary 177
Contents ix
11 Infidelity and Jealousy 179
Infidelity and Jealousy Across Time and Cultures 179
Fidelity and Infidelity 179
A Brief History of Jealousy 180
Defining Jealousy 181
Envy: I Want What I Cannot Have 183
Sources of Jealousy: The Jealous Person, the Partner, and the Rival 184
The Jealous Person 184
The Partner 184
The Rival 186
Social-Cognitive Approaches to Jealousy 187
Reactions to Jealousy 188
Gender Differences in Perceptions of Threat 188
Gender and Reactions to Jealousy: “Every Breath You Take . . . I’ll
Be Watching You” 190
Coping With the Green-Eyed Monster 191
An Attachment Approach to Jealousy 192
Summary 194
12 Relationship Violence and Abuse 195

Relationship Violence: Its Definition and Measurement 196
Consequences of Relationship Violence 197
Causes of Relationship Violence 198
Common Beliefs and Realities 198
Alcohol and Relationship Violence 200
The Macrocontext of Relationship Violence 202
The Microcontext of Relationship Violence: Individual Dispositions 205
Sexual Violence 209
Sexual Harassment 210
Stranger Harassment 212
Coercive Sex 212
Summary 215
13 Conflict: Causes and Consequences 217

Conflict Between Lovers and Strangers 217
The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Conflict in Intimate Relationships 218
Defining Conflict 219
From Order to Disorder: Types of Conflict 219
Sources of Conflict: “I Said . . . You Said . . .” 220
Gender and Conflict: “He Said . . . She Said . . .” 221
Age and Conflict 222
Attribution and Conflict: Partner-Level Sources of Conflict 223
x Contents
Reactions to Conflict 224
Expression Versus Avoidance 225
Affect Reciprocity and Attribution 226
Attachment Style and Conflict Resolution 226
Transforming Relationships—From Conflict to Growth 227
The Social Skill of Conflict Resolution 228
Conflict in Context 229
The Gospel According to John Gottman 230
Dissolution of Intimate Relationships: The End of Romance 231
Causes of Dissolution 231
Barriers to Dissolution 232
Alternatives to Dissolution 232
Relationship Maintenance and Repair 233
Therapy Approaches: How Well Do They Work? 233
Forgiveness—Love Means You Should Say You’re Sorry 234
Summary 236
14 Intimate Relationships in the 21st Century 238

Dating and Mating in the Internet Age 238
Online Dating 239
The Evolution of Marriage 241
The Problem With Divorce 242
Diversity of Marriage 244
Marriage Equality 244
Being and Remaining Single 245
Summary 246
References 249
Index 293
1 Strangers, Friends, and Lovers
Why Is Life So Complicated?
Man is by nature a social animal; an individual who is unsocial naturally and not acciden-
tally is either beneath our notice or more than human. . . . Anyone who either cannot lead
the common life or is so self-sufficient as not to need to, and therefore does not partake of
society, is either a beast or a god.
—Aristotle
Aristotle wrote these words a long time ago. Chances are he intended his insights to
apply to men and women alike. In any event, the idea that humans, by nature, are social
creatures is as old as or older than civilization itself, and it permeates the social sciences
to this very day (e.g., Aronson, 2011). And it’s likely that our social nature compels
us toward activities that require the presence and cooperation of others to make them
enjoyable or even possible. Dancing, playing ball, or going on a date are practically
impossible to do if not for the presence of at least one other person. At the same time,
the enjoyment from going out to dinner or taking a vacation is often diminished when
not shared with others.
More importantly, there is reason to believe that most humans will not do well when
they are deprived of contact with others. In the pilot episode of Rod Serling’s popular
(shall we say, iconic?) 1960s TV show, The Twilight Zone, fittingly entitled “Where Is
Everybody?” the protagonist found himself alone in a small town somewhere in America.
Everywhere he went, he found tangible signs that other people had been there—a lighted
cigarette in an ashtray, a steaming cup of coffee on a kitchen table, the receiver of a
phone off the hook, and a partially eaten breakfast on the counter of a diner. Faced with
all these traces of human existence, he developed the singular preoccupation of trying to
find somebody—anybody, for that matter—to the point where he appeared to be losing
his mind. Fortunately for the protagonist, the situation in which he found himself was an
experiment conducted by the space program designed to test how prospective space travel-
ers would fare in social isolation. In light of their observations, the researchers decided to
terminate the experiment and concluded that prolonged social isolation was simply too
much for any human to bear.
Interestingly, the idea of being completely isolated was intriguing and outrageous
enough to resurface as the theme in at least one other episode of The Twilight Zone. In
that particular episode, Archibald Beachcroft, a misanthropic office worker, was given the
power to make anything happen by merely wishing for it. Granted such powers, his first
wish (after making his landlady disappear) was for everyone to go away. And while the
resulting situation was not one that was thrust upon him as part of a cruel experiment, he
quickly came to realize the difficulties of living a life of complete solitude. He was soon
faced with the utter pointlessness of such seemingly trivial activities as shaving and going
to work. Moreover, the elimination of the nuisance previously created by the presence of
others came at the price of complete boredom. To alleviate it, he wished for diversions,
such as an earthquake, which he found too exciting, and an electrical storm, which he
found too dull. Another wish for everybody to come back and be just like him created a
situation he quickly found intolerable, and thus, with his final wish, he asked for every-
thing to be the way it used to be.
In Rod Serling’s fantastic explorations, the effects of objective social isolation on its
protagonists resulted from an utter lack of interactions with others. It appears, however,
that a lack of quantity doesn’t tell the whole story. In fact, lacking interactions of quality
leads to the perception of social isolation. The resulting loneliness has a number of delete-
rious effects on physical and mental health. They are every bit as dramatic as the effects
of objective social isolation dramatized in The Twilight Zone and include elevated blood
pressure, reduced physical activity, depression, and—over time—decreases in life satisfac-
tion and even IQ (Cacioppo & Hawkley, 2009). Clearly, humans need others to survive
and prosper! Put a different way, others help us meet specific needs. We review these needs
in the next section
The Need to Belong

One proposal (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Baumeister, 2011) suggests that our ten-
dency to seek and maintain relationships of breadth as well as depth is caused by
an underlying need to belong that complements our need to be different (Hornsey &
Jetten, 2004). According to this hypothesis, humans “have a pervasive drive to form
and maintain at least a minimum quantity of lasting, positive, and impactful relation-
ships” (Baumeister & Leary, 1995, p. 497). Although this need to belong is to some
extent innate, our evolutionary history may have done its part to make it a dominant
form of human motivation. Forming social bonds may have important survival and
reproductive benefits. Banding together in groups helps supply mates and enables the
sharing of food as well as the care of offspring. Moreover, groups have a competitive
advantage over the single individual when it comes to acquiring scarce resources and
defending against predatory enemies. From this perspective, evolution has provided
humans with a set of internal mechanisms that predispose them toward seeking rela-
tionships with others.
There is ample evidence supporting the belongingness hypothesis. First, it appears
that social bonds among humans form quite easily, even in the absence of specific cir-
cumstances that might make these bonds particularly advantageous. For example, when
people are assigned to be members of a group by some arbitrary criterion, they quickly
develop strong feelings of loyalty and allegiance to the point where they discriminate
against nonmembers in a variety of ways (e.g., Brewer, 1979; Sherif et al., 1961; Tajfel,
1970). Similarly, infants develop attachments to their caregivers long before they are
able to figure out the benefits (Bowlby, 1969). People with a high need to belong are
particularly attentive to social cues, such as another’s vocal tone and facial emotion
(Pickett, Gardner, & Knowles, 2004). And there is evidence that the use of online social
network sites, such as Facebook, is strongly motivated by the need to belong (Nadkarni
& Hofmann, 2012).
Strangers, Friends, and Lovers 3
Ostracism
At the same time that humans form social bonds easily, they react to the loss of such bonds
with a measure of distress. People often have a hard time leaving family, neighbors, and
friends behind in order to go to college or move to a new city. Interestingly, they experience
distress even when the separation has no practical or instrumental ramifications (e.g., the loss
of neighbors). We feel bad when others ostracize us, that is, ignore or exclude us from mem-
bership in a group. In fact, as far as our brain is concerned, the pain stemming from rejection
is experienced the same way as physical pain (Eisenberger, Lieberman, & Williams, 2003;
McDonald & Leary, 2005). Just as important, being ostracized threatens a number of human
needs—the need to belong prominently among them (Williams, 2007, 2009). And we don’t
need to be rejected by an actual person or group to experience a threat to our belonging-
ness need. Being excluded by a computer can lower levels of belonging (Zadro, Williams, &
Richardson, 2004), and so can simply watching someone else being excluded (Graupmann,
Pfundmair, Matsoukas, & Erber, 2016; Wesselman, Williams, & Hales, 2013). And finally,
being rejected by a group we despise and don’t want anything to do with produces the same
result (Gonsakorale & Williams, 2006).
The belongingness hypothesis is appealing for a couple of reasons. For one thing, the
need to belong can explain a variety of important psychological phenomena. For another,
the need to belong explains our tendency both to seek and maintain relationships of
breadth as well as depth.
Distinct Relationship Needs

However, people may be attracted to relationships because they meet multiple psychologi-
cal needs. And different relationships may meet different sets of needs. Weiss (1969) and
Drigotas and Rusbult (1992) proposed five important needs that can be met only through
close relationships with others. Table 1.1 provides a side-by-side comparison.
Table 1.1 Needs Met by Close Relationships
Weiss (1969) Drigotas and Rusbult (1992)
1. The need for intimacy compels us to share 1. Intimacy needs are related to confiding in
our feelings with another. another and sharing thoughts and disclosing
feelings to one’s partner.
2. The need for social integration requires 2. Companionship needs are related to
someone with whom to share our concerns spending time and engaging in activities
and worries. together.
3. The need for being nurturant is best met 3. Sexual needs include the full range of
by being with another whom we can take physical activities from hand-holding to
care of. sexual intercourse.
4. The need for assistance involves another who 4. Security needs pertain to the stability of a
will help us in times of need. relationship and the extent to which one can
rely on the relationship to make life more
secure.
5. The need for reassurance of our own worth 5. Emotional involvement needs involve
requires that we are with someone who will the extent to which partners’ moods and
tell us that we are important. emotions overlap and one partner’s affect
influences the other’s emotional experience.
While distinct, the two proposals share some features, the need for intimacy being the
most obvious. Regardless of which we draw upon, partners in a relationship generally
experience a preponderance of positive emotions when they feel that their needs are being
met. (Le & Agnew, 2001). We discuss the importance of partners meeting each other’s
needs for the success of their relationship in Chapter 6.
The Inevitability of Social Relationships

Although need-based explanations for close relationships can be compelling, they
are also somewhat problematic. To some extent, need-based theories often observe a
behavior, such as people’s tendency to seek out others. They explain it as being caused
by an underlying need, such as a need to belong, and then go on to predict the behavior
based on the corresponding need. In other words, the argument takes on a somewhat
circular nature, which detracts from its explanatory power. Of course, if we conveyed
such reservations to someone who subscribes to theories that explain human behavior
as being caused by needs, we would probably be asked what the alternatives are. This
is not an easy task. However, one possibility would be to point out that interactions
with others, and perhaps relationships as well, are an almost inevitable outcome not so
much of human nature but human existence. Planet Earth is, after all, a heavily popu-
lated place, which makes a life of complete solitude almost impossible. Even if we built
ourselves a log cabin in the most remote wilderness, it would be impossible to escape
interacting with others entirely, if for no other reason than to buy food, clothing, and
supplies.
In reality, most people spend their lives in a heavily populated social context. We are
raised by one or more parents in a home that is part of a neighborhood and a larger
community. We may have siblings and an extended family that descends upon us on holi-
days. And even before our proud parents bring us home from the hospital, we have been
checked, assessed, measured, and poked by pediatricians and nurses. In due time, we go to
school with other children and eventually are employed in a setting that usually features
superiors, underlings, and coworkers. The point is that, whether we want it or not, rela-
tionships with others cannot easily be avoided, and it may be that this inevitability holds
an important piece in solving the puzzle of why and how people initiate and maintain
social relationships.
Some time ago, sociologist George Caspar Homans (1961) proposed a number of fairly
straightforward principles with regard to the connection between social interaction and
relationships. The first principle states that people with equal status are more likely to
interact. Students, for example, are more likely to interact with other students than with
their professors. Clerks are more likely to interact with other clerks than with their man-
agers. Of course, if equal status were the only basis for interacting with others, there
would be a copious number of possibilities. However, over time, we end up interacting
with others who are similar to us, like students who have the same major or share a simi-
lar taste in music. This is the second principle. The third principle states that the more
frequently we interact with others, the more we will like them. And finally, the fourth
principle stipulates that frequent interaction and increased liking will result in increased
sentiments of friendship.
Homans’ (1961) four principles do a decent job of explaining why people inter-
act more, and perhaps form relationships more, with some but not others. They also
explain a variety of phenomena without adding the flavor of a circular argument. How-
ever, by focusing almost exclusively on the situational context of social interactions
and relationships, the principles fail to take into account individual differences in the
level with which people desire to initiate and maintain close relationships. As is often
the case, the truth may lie somewhere in the middle. Needs for intimacy and belong-
ing may predispose people to desire relationships with others to varying degrees. The
rewardingness of interactions with others because of equality of status or similarity
may help determine with whom we form relationships marked by sentiments of friend-
ship or love.
Thinking Critically About Relationship Issues, Theories, and Research

• How might the need to belong interact with Homans’ (1961) principles of
exchange? Can you think of situations in which it might compel you to seek the
company of a dissimilar other?
Intimate Relationships Yesterday and Today
The Way We Were

Intimate relationships can take on many different forms, but most Americans who are
asked to describe the prototypical intimate relationship will probably respond by naming
the heterosexual, married couple. This may sound biased or even discriminatory to those
considering alternative forms of intimate relationships, but it is not entirely surprising.
In fact, some estimates hold that roughly 90 percent of adults in the United States will
get married at some point in their lives (Goldstein & Kenney, 2001). This certainty with
which we believe we will someday get married may be traced back to a couple of factors
that shape us in important ways. First, many people spend most if not all of their child-
hood exposed to Mom and Dad as the predominant model of adult intimate relationships.
Even children who grow up in something other than the nuclear family often desire to
have a more traditional relationship as adults. Moreover, there is a widespread belief that
the family is an important aspect of the fabric from which our social culture is woven.
During the 1980s and 1990s, politicians of all colors and backgrounds wore on their
sleeves a concern with “family values.”
Thinking of family values conjures up the image of the traditional family as portrayed
in such TV shows as Leave It to Beaver, which aired on network TV from 1957–1963.
For the benefit of those readers who are either too young or have better things to do than
watch reruns on cable or look for it on their favorite streaming device, it (as well as others
of the same era) depicted the family in a fairly stereotypical way. There was Ward Cleaver,
the husband and father who sprinted off to work early each morning. Then there was June
Cleaver, the wife, homemaker, and mother who took pride in what she did. Both believed
that their relationship would last forever, and together they worked hard to create a happy
home life for themselves and their two children, who were basically good kids who loved,
honored, and obeyed their parents as they struggled to grow up. The children, Wally and
Theodore, “The Beaver,” were expected to work toward starting their own families, of
course modeling them after their own.
Historically, the so-called traditional American family as an institution was relatively
short-lived. Its beginnings can be traced back to the industrial revolution of the 19th cen-
tury. Prior to that, the home was the site of production, and every member of the family
unit contributed productive labor toward tending the farm, raising cattle, or manufac-
turing goods. Compared to today, affection was less likely to be a basis for marriage,
and relationships among family members were more formal, less companionate, and less
child centered. The industrial revolution shifted the site of production to a physically
separate workplace and brought about an increased specialization of husband and wife.
In part because the woman has a biological advantage when it comes to rearing very
young children, the husband became the provider and by necessity took on a reduced
role in the family life. At the same time, the wife’s economic role decreased as increased
emphasis was placed on her skills as a homemaker and mother. Finally, the return of
huge numbers of soldiers from World War II triggered a housing boom, which created
the suburbs (in which June and Ward Cleaver raised their children) and the generation
known as the baby boomers.
The Way We Are Now

In addition to being short-lived, the image of the traditional family has also been culturally
bound, as it is mostly descriptive of the white middle class. But even within this confine,
since the 1970s, a number of important changes have taken place that had a profound
impact on the traditional American family. Perhaps most dramatically, the Cleavers are
now older when they get married, as many Americans put off marriage longer than their
counterparts of the 1940s and 1950s. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in 2009 the
median age of a first marriage was 28 for men and 26 for women, compared to 23 and 20
in 1950 (Kreider & Ellis, 2011).
Today, June Cleaver is also more likely to be employed outside the home, either in pur-
suit of a career or to contribute to the family income. Whereas in 1940, only 27.4 percent
of women worked outside the home, by 2010 almost 59 percent of all women were part
of the workforce. According to data compiled by the U.S. Department of Labor, a full
73 percent of employed women had full-time jobs. Of those, 41 percent worked in man-
agement, professional, and related occupations. Women accounted for a little over half of
all workers in high-paying management, professional, and related occupations, earning
81 percent of what their male counterparts earned.
At the same time, Ward Cleaver is more likely to be an active participant in the affairs
of the family. He and June will have gone to childbirthing classes together, and Ward was
in the delivery room when both Wally and Theodore were born. Ward changed diapers,
attends PTA meetings, and coaches his boys in AYSO even though he is clueless about
the game of soccer. Wally and the Beaver have friends with whom they can communicate
instantly via social media. They can share experiences, thoughts, and feelings quickly and
easily on handheld electronic devices that rarely leave their sight. Thanks to those same
devices, their friends can be virtually present at all times. And some of their relationships
with friends may exist solely in the virtual world.
Finally, the nuclear family has been modified in yet another way. The almost universal
introduction of no-fault divorce laws in the 1970s made it easier to get divorced—both
practically and morally—and led to a dramatic spike in divorce rates throughout that
decade. Among other things, this resulted in a proliferation of stepfamilies—or blended
families—where at least one parent has children that are not genetically related to the
other partner. By the mid-1980s, a full 46 percent of all marriages were marriages in which
at least one partner had been married before, and roughly 16 percent of married couples
included spouses with at least one child from a former marriage (Norton, 1987). Accord-
ing to the Stepfamily Association of America, at this time roughly one in three Americans
is part of a blended family.
Changes in the age of first marriage, women’s employment outside the home, and the
existence of stepfamilies could be taken as indicators that the traditional family is still
basically intact, having merely adapted to external pressures in relatively minor ways.
However, other changes have led to alternative forms of relationships that for many have
taken the place of traditional marriage and family.
Among those changes is the rising tide of singles. In 1970, 38 million adults 18 or older
(28 percent) were divorced, widowed, or had always been single. By 2002, this number
had jumped to 86 million, and singles accounted for more than 40 percent of the adult
population in the United States. U.S. Census data indicate that by 2014 these numbers had
jumped to 124.6 million singles, accounting for just over 50 percent of the population.
At the same time, the percentage of married couples steadily declined from about 72 per-
cent in 1970 to under 60 percent in 2002 (DePaulo & Morris, 2005). According to data
(ironically) compiled by the Centers for Disease Control, marriage rates have continued
to decline throughout the first two decades of the 21st century. For example, in 2009 a
full 47 percent of women had never been married. The divorce rate may be an indirect
beneficiary of marriage’s declining popularity as it, too, has steadily declined since its peak
around 1980. The emergence of singlehood poses an important challenge to a culture
that promotes and values marriage through a variety of mechanisms (DePaulo, 2006;
DePaulo & Morris, 2005).
But even those who desire to become coupled often find unexpected twists and turns
(and perhaps even potholes) on the road to couplehood. Consider, for example, the case
of one of the authors’ students. Aixa took the authors’ course during her sophomore
year in college in large part for very personal reasons. At the time, she was living with
her African-American mother and her Latino father, who, after 20-some years of mar-
riage, were contemplating a divorce. Matters were complicated by her mother’s chronic
illness, which triggered frequent and often dramatic medical emergencies. After a great
deal of contemplation, Aixa decided to escape the strained life at home by moving in
with Ramon, her fiancé of six months. At first, life with Ramon was blissful. But less
than a year after they moved in together, he lost his job and, in Aixa’s words, simply
came apart. Unable to find another job he liked, Ramon became verbally and physically
abusive to the point that Aixa decided to terminate the relationship. She subsequently
moved back in with her parents, who by then had gotten divorced but nonetheless kept
living together. Aixa is now dating again, although for the time being she is not look-
ing for a serious relationship, which could get in the way of her aspirations to pursue a
medical degree.
If nothing else, Aixa’s example is maximally removed from the Leave It to Beaver model
of dating, marriage, and family. Life at home is not necessarily a safe haven from which to
explore the world, and it often provides models of relationships that are more frightening
than soothing. As for dating, the rules of the game have changed to include arrangements
that were unheard of 30 years ago. At the same time, the stakes are higher, and, as a result,
the consequences of false starts can be profound.
Of course, it is one thing to lament that “things are different now.” Anyone with mini-
mal observational skills can probably cite numerous examples of relationships that have
strayed from the traditional trajectory. To make sense of it in a theoretical manner is an
altogether different story, however, and it is not certain that anyone has a clear-cut answer.
Instead, the state of affairs resembles a just-opened puzzle. We don’t quite know how the
pieces fit together, and we are not even sure if the manufacturer included them all. In this
particular case, the solution to solving the puzzle may begin with the recognition that rela-
tionships do not exist in a vacuum. Instead, how we think and feel about them along with
our conduct is to some extent influenced by the larger physical and sociocultural context
(Werner, Brown, Altman, & Staples, 1992).
Levinger (1994) identified three sets of interlinked social forces that have contributed to
the changing landscape of close relationships:
1. First, historians and economists alike have long pointed out that Western societies
have become increasingly concerned with issues of autonomy and personal control.
Some (e.g., Dizard & Gadlin, 1990) have attributed this to the spread of commerce
and industry, which operates by stimulation of consumer need. Commerce flourishes
more easily when people have a sense of independence along with the ability to make
choices in the marketplace. At the same time, this individualistic orientation toward
independence and freedom of choice helps erode people’s dependence. As a result,
elders try not to burden their adult children, parents put a greater emphasis on work
and leisure often at the expense of not attending to their children’s support needs,
and spouses develop careers independently from one another. It is possible to respond
to these changes in vastly different ways. Some may be compelled to re-create rigid
traditional forms of relationships (e.g., return to family values), whereas others may
try to avoid any sort of permanent commitment (e.g., remain single, cohabitate). But
regardless of which solution is adopted, everyone has become more preoccupied with
the conduct of their relationships.
2. To some extent, the economic changes just described have empowered women to
the point that their relationships with men are less and less defined in terms of
“owner-property” relationships (Scanzoni, 1979a). Instead, male-female relation-
ships have come to be more and more defined in terms of intimacy. Intimacy, by
definition, implies equality, and this has put pressure on women to be more asser-
tive and independent and pressure on men to be more sensitive and caring. Of
course, at this point we are still short of having achieved complete gender equality.
However, the notion that equality may be within reach may lead many to moni-
tor their relationship more carefully. Such monitoring may paradoxically magnify
even small inequalities and consequently lead to increased levels of dissatisfaction
(Levinger, 1994). Interestingly, a process of this nature may help explain why
wives in traditional marriages are often more satisfied with their relationship than
wives with stronger expectations about equality (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Peplau &
Hill, 1990).
3. Finally, the increase in autonomy and independence and the push for equality
have been accompanied by a reduction in the legal, economic, religious, and social
barriers against the ending of marriages. In some ways, the idea that marriages do
not have to last “until death do us part” can lead to the perception of perpetual
choice, and thus it promotes the possibility of exiting a relationship when careful
monitoring suggests that its outcomes fall below one’s expectations. Of course, to
see others get divorced further highlights exiting a relationship as a viable solution
to marital dissatisfaction, which, among other things, shows that the microcontext
of a close relationship (i.e., how individuals conduct themselves in it) can become
part of a larger social force. The reduction in barriers against exiting a relationship
and a corresponding reduction in barriers against entrance have triggered many
to seek alternatives to marriage, including staying single and cohabitation. Just as
importantly, they have provided a context that enabled people to have interracial
and same-sex relationships.
These changes in relationships brought on by the changes in the macrocontext in

which they take place are dramatic indeed, primarily in terms of the speed with which
they happened. As late as 1967, a Columbia College male and a Barnard College female
were denied graduation upon disclosing their unmarried cohabitation (Levinger, 1994).
Miscegenation laws prohibiting marriage between people of different racial back-
grounds were not finally abolished until that same year. And it was not until 1974
that psychologists dropped homosexuality from their compendium of psychological
disorders.
Yes, a lot has changed over the past 30 years, but a lot has also remained the same.
Just as they have done in the past, people will always fall in (and out of) love, except that
they now have many more choices in terms of partners and the types of relationships
they form. And although this can make things very complicated, the life of virtually any
intimate relationship can be conceived of as unfolding in a predictable number of stages.
In the sampling stage, people look at and compare characteristics of others to determine
their suitability for an intimate relationship. In the bargaining stage, they exchange infor-
mation about each other to determine whether they will be able to maintain a long-term,
exclusive relationship. The commitment stage is marked by such behaviors as getting mar-
ried, buying a house, and having children, with each behavior reducing the likelihood for
alternative relationships. Finally, just as all close relationships have a beginning, they will
eventually end as well, either through a breakup, divorce, or death. This is the dissolution
stage, which has unique ramifications for all involved. This book is written as a journey
that will take the reader through all these stages and discuss the rich history of research on
all the things that matter to us when it comes to our relationships. After a brief detour into
the methods social scientists use to study relationships, the journey will begin in earnest
by looking at what research has taught us about how and why we become attracted to
others in the first place.

• Imagine that a time machine transported you into the 22nd century. Considering
how relationships have changed in the last 50 years, what would you expect to
find? What might be different? What might be the same?
Summary
Issues • Humans need intimate relationships

• Changes in intimate relationships over time
• Increase in age at which people get married
• Rising number of women pursuing careers
• Increasing number of second marriages, stepfamilies, blended families
• The enduring qualities of intimate relationships
• People still fall in love, establish relationships, all according to a pre-
dictable pattern of sampling, bargaining, and commitment
Theories • Intimate relationships meet a plethora of human needs
• Need to belong is a powerful motivator
• Changes in the macrocontext provide one explanation for the changing
nature of intimate relationships
Research • Much research over the past 40 years supports hypotheses suggested by
need-based accounts of intimate relationships
• Research on the changing nature of relationships is necessarily descriptive;
thus, many explanations are somewhat speculative, yet intriguing
Key Terms
Need to belong: leads to desire to form relationships of breadth and depth; it complements
our need to be different.
Ostracism: being excluded from a relationship or from membership in a group.
Singles: people who are divorced, widowed, or have never married.
2 Methods to Study Relationships
In 1975, I and two of my colleagues at the University of Wisconsin, Mary Utne O’Brien
and Jane Traupmann Pillemer, were collaborating on a major research program. We were
attempting to determine the extent to which the major cognitive and emotional theories
could tell us something about the nature of passionate love and sexual desire. We had a bit
of money to work with since the National Science Foundation had awarded us a tiny grant
designed to allow us to investigate the importance of social justice and equity in romantic
exchanges. Then along came Wisconsin’s U.S. Senator William Proxmire, who awarded me
what came to be a vastly publicized “Golden Fleece Award,” claiming I was “fleecing” tax-
payers with my “unneeded” scientific research.
—Elaine Hatfield, “Love’s Labours Almost Lost,” APS Observer (2006)
The Science of Intimate Relationships

Despite its inauspicious beginning, the scientific investigation of close relationships has
thrived and grown. Indeed, we have come a long way from the days when a university
professor could be fired for studying the seductive effects of whispering into someone’s
ear. Furthermore, we have developed and refined several different methods for studying
close relationships. However, before discussing these research methods, it might be worth
noting that there are several assumptions (e.g., empiricism, determinism, testability, and
parsimony) and goals underlying the conduct of scientific research. Although a complete
discussion of these assumptions goes beyond the scope of this chapter, it is important to
address here one of the goals implicit in all methods of scientific research: objectivity. No
matter the method—quantitative or qualitative, field or laboratory—researchers strive to
collect objective, unbiased data. The goal of objectivity is what sets the scientific pursuit of
knowledge apart from the layperson’s astute observations and interpretation of behavior.
Data that are collected through objective methods result in a truer picture of the phenom-
ena of interest. Objectivity helps ensure that a researcher’s beliefs, prejudices, or biases
will not color either the collection or interpretation of the data. Thus, psychologists are
careful to use objectivity and objective methods to gather evidence to support their claims.
Ironically, objectivity may be the most difficult goal to maintain when attempting to
study highly personal topics such as love, partner selection, abusive relationships, and
divorce, to name a few areas covered in this text. However, perhaps even more of an issue
is the question of how best to study relationships. How does one go about studying some-
thing intangible, something that can’t be seen? For while it is easy to operationally define
couple, so much of what truly defines and shapes relationships lies in the interactions
that occur between people. This is more difficult to quantify and analyze. Of course this
problem is not unique to the examination of intimate relationships; however, it is probably
especially acute in this arena. For example, observing couples may seem like a sensible
solution to this problem, but exactly how does one go about observing a couple engaged
in courtship or lovemaking or conflict? This book will cover a range of methodologies that
relationship researchers use in their quest for the truth; however, the masterful researcher
will recognize both the strengths and weaknesses inherent in each methodology. In other
words, there is no single perfect way to study relationships. Instead, the canny investigator
is careful to match the question to the method, the theoretical assumptions underlying the
method to the relationship issue being studied (Duck & Montgomery, 1991).
Before plunging into a discourse on methodology, let’s back up a few steps and start
at the very beginning. Basically, when psychologists are conducting a research study,
they are testing a hypothesis, or the relationship between two or more variables. For
example, we might want to test the following hypotheses: Blonds have more fun (or
more formally, attractive individuals get more dates); insecurity leads to jealousy in
romantic relationships; and people who are in love spend more time gazing into each
other’s eyes.
However, before we hurry out the door to collect our data, we must first operation-
ally define our concepts. That is, we must specify, in concrete, measurable terms, what
we mean by “attractive,” “jealousy,” and “love.” We could operationalize “love” as
a person’s score on a questionnaire or a person’s heart rate or pupillary dilation when
gazing at or thinking about the target of his or her affection. Thus, operational defini-
tions specify exactly how our concept should be measured and the process through
which we will measure it. Further, it allows others to understand and replicate our
efforts. Finally, these functions ensure objectivity in the measurement and investigation
of our variables.
It is important to add, however, that although operationalizing our concept lends
objectivity, clarity, precision, and the possibility of replication to our experiment, it
also detracts from the depth and breadth of the concept being operationalized. For
example, if we were to rely solely on a single operationalization of “love” (e.g., pupil-
lary dilation), many would agree with the late Senator Proxmire’s criticisms regarding
the sterility and futility of conducting a science of relationships. It’s clear that this
definition alone doesn’t fully capture what most of us would call love. Thus, a single
operational definition taps into a limited set of the relevant features of the concept
and clearly doesn’t capture the entirety of the concept. It is for this reason that some
researchers (e.g., Judd, Smith, & Kidder, 1991) suggest using multiple operational defi-
nitions to define complex concepts such as “love.” This caveat is probably even more
important to topics of study in close relationships, in which many of the constructs are
complex, broad, and therefore more difficult to operationalize. The practice of care-
fully defining and constructing our variables, formally identifying and measuring them,
is indeed a first step.
Methodology: Data Collection and Analysis

Researchers interested in studying intimate relationships have a variety of methodological
and statistical tools available to them. Many are used broadly throughout the social sci-
ences to answer a multitude of questions. Some are more specific to research on dyads and
relationships. Let us review both.
Methods to Study Relationships 13
Archival Research
Once we have arrived at a suitable operationalization of our variables, we can proceed
to the data collection stage of our study. However, at this stage, we have at our disposal
many options on how to proceed. One method of investigation is archival research. This
methodology uses already existing data that have been collected for purposes other than
those of the archival researcher, who then reanalyzes them to address a whole new set
of questions. There are many sources for archival data. One source, statistical records,
includes information such as census data, school and hospital records, sports statistics,
and business records. Survey archives, on the other hand, are archives such as those main-
tained by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) and the University of Michigan,
which compile the results of a variety of surveys and opinion polls. Written records or
“personal accounts” such as diaries, journals, and letters are another source of archival
data. Finally, mass communications, including newspapers and journals, radio and televi-
sion broadcasts, and film, represent the last and richest category of archival data.
In order to examine our particular research question through this methodology, we
could review TV footage of talk-show interviews involving couples. After gathering a
sufficient number of these interviews, we would then submit them to a content analysis.
A content analysis is a way of coding archival data into measurable units of analysis.
Categories are developed by the researchers, and the data are then analyzed to establish
the frequency of occurrence of data within those categories. Thus, in conducting archi-
val research, investigators must (1) decide on a sampling strategy and the medium from
which the data will be drawn, (2) determine what type of coding categories will be used,
(3) establish inter-rater reliability measures for interpreting the data, and (4) analyze the
coded data.
Some of the advantages of this approach are that it enables researchers to study phe-
nomena that take place over long periods of time. For example, we could conduct an
archival study on the nature of love by analyzing and comparing love letters written early
in the century to more current romantic epistles.
The archival method also enables us to collect, economically, data that span broad
geographical areas. We could tap into census data to get an idea of the changing compo-
sition of the American family, or we might analyze marriage announcements in newspa-
pers from different cities across the country to get an idea of what might bring couples
together. A final advantage of the archival method is that it allows us to examine the
effects of nonmanipulable phenomena such as suicides, spousal abuse, natural disasters,
accidents, and so on.
One of the major disadvantages of this method is that the researcher does not have con-
trol over the objectivity and accuracy of the data collection. Records may be incomplete,
carelessly maintained, or biased. Codes for interpreting data may be lost, confusing, or
incomplete. Further, inaccuracies in the interpretation of records may result from the pas-
sage of time. Finally, it is difficult to determine causality with this method.
Systematic Observation
Another method of data collection is through observation. There are many different ways
in which we can observe human behavior and interaction: from naturalistic observations
to laboratory observations, from unstructured observations to systematic and structured
observations.
Indeed, in defining the different types of observation, we see how complex and varied
observations can be. For example, although we generally tend to equate field or natu-
ralistic observations as unstructured, we can impose structured observations in the field
(e.g., observing personal space violations in a public restroom; Middlemist, Knowles, &
Matter, 1977). Likewise, we can conduct fairly unstructured observations in the labora-
tory (e.g., observing children interacting in a free-play situation; Sillars, 1991).
Let’s examine this methodology via our question of whether we are attracted to others
who are similar to ourselves. We might decide to answer this question by observing couples
in a juice bar. We would position our researchers at the most secluded table and have them
record the physical similarity and positiveness of the exchange between our targeted diners
(i.e., men and women). Clearly, one of the advantages of this research method is that we
have a high degree of certainty that the behaviors we observe are unaffected in any way
by our presence. Our research participants, unaware of our presence or intent, behave in a
natural way, in a natural setting. Further, since no manipulations are used to induce conver-
sation in our couples, the treatment is also a natural one. The advantage of this naturalness,
however, is offset by the utter lack of control we are able to exercise over this situation.
This lack of control reduces confidence in our results. For example, we have very little
certainty that the diners we’ve observed are indeed couples. That is, although we observed
men and women in the act of sharing a smoothie, we have no control over or knowledge
of their actual relationship. We may be observing coworkers, friends, neighbors, siblings,
or classmates. Thus, we clearly have poor control over the countless variables that may
be influencing the situation or behavior. This is an important issue and one that we will
return to later in this chapter.
Observations are usually conducted in a more controlled, structured manner than this
example suggests. In fact, some observation methods are quite complex—a far cry from
our fictitious juice bar study. For example, researchers in marital relationships (e.g., Brad-
bury & Fincham, 1989) use an observational technique in which couples are seated at
opposite ends of a table and are observed while they interact. While trained observers rate
the couples on several behavioral dimensions, couples also record their own perceptions of
the behaviors as well as their feelings about their interaction. Information is gathered on
several levels, not only through observation, but also through self-reports and behavioral
ratings. Further, the interactions and the data collection procedures are more structured
and controlled.
William Ickes and his colleagues developed an ingenious method of making observa-
tions in the lab: the dyadic interaction paradigm (Ickes, 1982, 1983; Ickes, Bissonnette,
Garcia, & Stinson, 1990). This method enables researchers to collect and analyze data
on both overt behaviors as well as on thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and perceptions. In
the dyadic interaction paradigm, participants’ interactions are videotaped surreptitiously
while they are awaiting the arrival of the research assistant. The study, in other words,
begins outside the lab proper, and the waiting room becomes the natural setting for the
observation. This, however, is only the first component of the dyadic interaction para-
digm. After the interactions between participants (e.g., strangers, lovers, friends, etc.) are
videotaped, the interpretation phase begins. Participants are seated in separate cubicles
where they report their thoughts and feelings while viewing the videotaped interactions.
Thus, this paradigm yields a wealth of data on both the behavioral and cognitive compo-
nents of social interactions that occur naturally.
Thus, in systematic observation, procedures for sampling and observing behav-
iors are developed to conduct an objective measure of behaviors and other observable
phenomena. The advantage of systematic observation is its naturalness: naturalness in
setting if conducted in the field, naturalness in behaviors that are observed, and natural-
ness in treatments. Some research questions can be addressed only through this method.
Many treatments are impossible to manipulate in an experiment. We cannot, for example,
manipulate things such as droughts, hurricanes, and earthquakes (i.e., forces of nature);
crime, unemployment, and socioeconomic status (i.e., social forces); and introversion/
extraversion, sociability, and sense of humor (i.e., person variables). Research questions
dealing with topics such as these would be served well by either naturalistic observation
or field experimentation. However, as mentioned earlier, the weakness of this methodol-
ogy resides in the absence of control we have over other extraneous variables. This lack
of control leads to problems in interpretation and, most importantly, to an inability to
perform causal analyses.
Interviews and Surveys

By now, many readers might be thinking, “If you want to find out how similarity affects
attraction, just ask!” Thus, we might conduct either an interview or create a survey to
answer our question. Interviews can take place in face-to-face sessions or via the tele-
phone, and their format can be either structured or open-ended. Although one of the most
costly and time-consuming forms of collecting data, the main advantage of the interview
is that it yields the highest quality data of any research methodology (Judd et al., 1991).
Additionally, interviews usually have the highest response rate, and able interviewers who
establish a good rapport with their respondents are able to elicit highly accurate answers
from them. Further, during an interview, the interviewer can detect any confusion on the
part of the participants and answer questions they may have. The disadvantages of the
interview stem directly from its advantages. First, as already mentioned, interviews are
costly. Second, the rapport established by the interviewer can lead to bias and experi-
menter demand. Respondents may frame their responses in ways they believe will please
the interviewer. Finally, with regard to sensitive topics, the face-to-face interview might be
less conducive to frankness and openness than other more anonymous and private data
collection procedures.
In the survey method, questionnaires are distributed to large numbers of people who
respond to questions in either structured or open-ended formats. Surveys address a wide
variety of topics, ranging from self-reports of respondents’ behaviors, feelings, beliefs,
attitudes, and recollections of their past, to topics dealing with respondents’ assessments
of issues, events, institutions, political candidates, and so on. For example, if we decide to
use survey research to investigate the relationship between similarity and attraction, we
might have our respondents evaluate their previous relationships and rate the degree of
correspondence they feel existed with regard to their attitudes, beliefs, values, interests,
and activities.
Survey research is an attractive alternative to the interview because of the low cost
entailed in producing and reproducing the survey itself. Further, the ease of distribut-
ing and responding to surveys and therefore of collecting data from a large number of
respondents makes surveys both time and cost effective. Another advantage is that survey
respondents are anonymous and therefore more likely to reply honestly. A disadvan-
tage of both the interview and the survey methods is their reliance on respondents’ self-
reports, which can be unreliable. In their efforts to recall past events, respondents may
reconstruct their memories in the process. Further, as psychologists (Nisbett & Wilson,
1977) have found, people really don’t have an especially good understanding of their
own behavior. Although we think we have privileged insights into the whys behind what
we do, we often make erroneous attributions and self-reports. Berger (1980; 1987) and
Duck and Sants (1983) have made similar observations in studies involving interpersonal
relationships and interactions. For instance, they find that in addition to overinterpreting
participants’ self-insight, researchers are also overly confident in people’s abilities to have
self-knowledge.
Other considerations to take into account when using surveys are decisions of how to
construct the survey and who will receive it. In survey construction, researchers must exer-
cise care in determining how to word survey items as well as how to arrange the items or
questions. Not surprisingly, the manner in which questions are phrased makes a difference
in how they’re answered. For example, we might ask the same question in two ways: “Do
you approve of interracial relationships?” or “Do you disapprove of interracial relation-
ships?” We may think we’re asking the same basic question (simply worded differently),
but the differences inherent in these two sentences can make a world of difference when
collecting survey data. Positively worded statements generally tend to prime approval-
related thoughts; that is, they bring to mind thoughts that reflect the respondents’ positive
feelings and beliefs about the topic. Negatively worded statements, on the other hand,
tend to prime negative thoughts and lead to retrieval of negative information related to
the question being asked.
Thus, one of the challenges for survey researchers is to ask (often sensitive) questions
in as unbiased a manner as possible. Another challenge in the construction of surveys
has to do with the sequencing of survey questions. Researchers (e.g., Schuman & Presser,
1981; Schwarz & Clore, 1983; Tourangeau & Rasinski, 1988) have found that different
sequences of questions can have different effects on survey results. For example, Schwarz
and Clore (1983) telephoned research participants and asked a series of questions in dif-
ferent orders. Participants phoned on fair, sunny days usually responded to the question
“How satisfied are you with your life?” with a positive statement. Participants who were
asked the same question on an overcast, dreary day responded more negatively. However,
if participants—on either a sunny or cloudy day—were first asked about the weather
(“How’s the weather down there today?”) and then asked about their life satisfaction, the
so-called weather effect was gone. Indeed, Schuman and Presser (1981) found that order
effects can be as large as 15 percentage points!
In general, context effects are more likely to be found when asking general questions
(“Do you think it should be possible for individuals to be involved in romantic relation-
ships with those of different racial and ethnic backgrounds?”) than when asking spe-
cific questions (“Do you think it should be possible for an Hispanic to be involved in
a romantic relationship with an African-American?”) (Tourangeau & Rasinski, 1988).
Thus, when constructing a survey, we might want to start with general questions first and
“funnel” down to the specific (Judd et al., 1991).
Imagine you were asked to answer several questions about a well-known actor (e.g.,
Angelina Jolie). The first item on the survey requests that you rate the sex appeal of the
actor. The ensuing items ask you to give your opinion of a particular movie in which the
actor starred (e.g., Lara Croft: Tomb Raider) and your evaluation of the person’s acting
skills, his or her humanitarianism, his or her talent as a painter, and so on. According to
research, another context-based bias called the halo effect might influence your answers
to these questions. In this case, your response to the first question (i.e., the sex appeal
of the actor) might color your responses to subsequent questions—whether or not these
questions have anything to do with the initial question. That is, an actor’s sex appeal,
although good for box office power, may not necessarily have anything to do with the
quality of a particular movie, the actor’s actual acting skill, or whether he or she cares
about global warming or starving children. Nonetheless, if we are smitten by the actor,
we might find ourselves giving rave reviews to his or her movies and lauding the actor’s
art work.
In terms of our own research question, if in our attempt to discover the relationship
between similarity and attraction, we were to ask first about the nature of the relationship
or the respondents’ feelings toward their partners, we might find a bias in their response
to our target question. Thus, survey construction and, more specifically, item ordering are
important considerations when using survey methodology.
Still other drawbacks of survey methodology include its high boredom potential. That
is, it can be fairly easy for respondents to become bored with and detached from the sur-
vey process. When this happens, respondents become disengaged and answer items in a
careless or haphazard fashion, thereby threatening the internal validity of the survey. This
drawback is not specific to survey research alone; however, the survey format makes this
methodology more susceptible to this hazard.
Interpreting Survey Data: Correlations

Survey data can provide a wealth of information. Among other things, they allow us to
see the extent to which two or more variables are associated with one another. This type
of relationship is commonly referred to as a correlation. For example, returning to our
ongoing research into the relationship between similarity and attraction, we might ask
couples to answer two different self-report questionnaires: one that gathers information
about their individual attitudes, beliefs, hobbies, goals, and economic and educational
backgrounds, and another that asks them to rate their partner on several dimensions of
attractiveness. Upon submitting this information to a correlational analysis, we would be
able to get a picture of the relationship of these variables to one another. What is meant
by this term, “relationship between variables”?
Several different outcomes are possible. First, the analysis can reveal that there is no
relationship among the variables of interest; that is, changes in one variable are totally
unrelated to changes (nonchanges) in other variables. A second outcome is called a posi-
tive correlation. This is the case when increases in one variable are related to increases in
the other. Thus, if we found a positive correlation between similarity and attraction, we
would conclude that the greater the similarity between partners, the greater the attraction,
or as similarity increases, so too does attraction. A third type of correlation is a nega-
tive correlation. In this case, one variable increases in value or intensity while the other
decreases. A negative correlation, in our example, would translate into the following: As
similarity between partners increases, attraction decreases.
Correlational analyses are especially useful for investigating variables that cannot be
manipulated: natural disasters, political events, personal attributes, births, deaths, sui-
cides, disease, and the like. That is, variables that cannot be manipulated due to either
physical impossibility or ethical reasons can be studied with the correlational method.
Rather than physically manipulating the variables of interest, researchers simply measure
them and then determine what type of relationship exists between them.
One of the main disadvantages of the correlational method is that it does not speak to
the issue of the causal relationship among variables. Thus, while we can learn about the
degree to which variables are associated (positive, negative, none), we cannot know with
any certainty that changes in one variable actually caused changes in the other. For a vivid
illustration of this point, research conducted in third-world countries reveals a positive
correlation between intelligence and height. This correlation could suggest that height
causes one to be smarter. Or it could suggest that being smart causes one to be taller. Or
it could suggest that a third variable may be responsible for changes in both observed
variables (i.e., height and intelligence). Socioeconomic status is one candidate. Children
growing up in wealthy homes not only eat their Wheaties every morning, but they actu-
ally attend school—good schools—and stay awake to learn. Wealth provides them with
both nutrition and educational opportunities. On the other hand, children born to poverty
not only miss meals but are probably also deprived of educational opportunities. Thus,
poverty (or low socioeconomic status) leads to poor nutrition and health as well as poor
educational opportunities.

• Senator Proxmire thought nobody would be interested in the science of intimate
relationships except the researchers themselves. What do you think? List a few
reasons why you think the general public would be interested in the results of
such research and some reasons why it would not.
• Good rapport between interviewer and interviewee can lead to highly accurate
responses. At the same time, it can produce biases and experimenter demand.
How could you explain these very different outcomes? What do you think can
be done to avoid biased answers?
• The idea that we have little insight into what motivates our behavior is counter-
intuitive and hard to accept. Yet scientific research supports it. Can you think of
some sources of bias in our self-knowledge?
• Item ordering in a survey can influence the responses given by participants. If
you were to conduct a survey, would it be better to ask questions about demo-
graphics at the beginning or at the end? Why?
Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Research

Surveys can be useful tools for the study of numerous relationship issues, such as how mate-
rial wealth might be associated with relationship satisfaction. But their utility extends beyond
making comparisons within a given sample at a single point in time. Researchers interested
in studying the influence of age on relationship satisfaction, for example, have two choices.
First, they can use a cross-sectional design that compares relationship satisfaction in two or
more samples of respondents at varying ages (e.g., young adulthood, middle age, old age).
However, any conclusions about the effects of age are necessarily limited because the samples
were comprised of different people who may differ on a variety of other dimensions as well.
Longitudinal research avoids this problem by following the same individuals over a
period of time—sometimes even across an entire lifespan. As such, they provide reli-
able indications about change occurring within the same group of people. Consequently,
they are excellent tools for tracking the impact of maturation and life experiences on the
variables of interest. In perhaps the most ambitious longitudinal study to date, Lewis Ter-
man, the famed and controversial pioneer of IQ testing, began a longitudinal study that
tracked the lives and fortunes of 1,521 gifted children—“Terman’s Termites,” as they
became known—from 1920 to 2005. At the study’s conclusion, many of Terman’s Ter-
mites were in their late 80s and had survived three successive project directors. This study
has yielded a wealth of data on a broad range of developmental, cognitive, and social
issues and has resulted in over a hundred published studies and dozens of books.
Experimentation
The mere mention of laboratory experimentation can conjure up images of the bespec-
tacled scientist in his or her white lab coat, supervising mazes full of hapless rats or equally
hapless college freshmen hooked up to electroshock devices. The gap between this image
and our very personal, emotion-laden beliefs concerning our most intimate relationships is
likely responsible for the cynicism that Senator Proxmire expressed for the seeming impos-
sibility of studying relationships in a scientific manner.
Exactly how can the scientific approach deal effectively with issues of love, romance,
divorce, jealousy, and marriage? Suppose that in our ongoing quest to determine the rela-
tionship between similarity and attraction, we decided to conduct an experimental exami-
nation of the topic. How might we accomplish this?
Three key elements of a successful experiment are control, random assignment, and
comparison. Essentially, researchers attempt to hold all variables constant while allow-
ing only the variable of interest (i.e., the independent variable) to fluctuate. Any changes
observed in the behavior of interest (i.e., the dependent variable) can then be attributed to
changes in the independent variable. Or, the independent variable is largely responsible for
changes in the dependent variable: a causal relationship.
Control is an essential feature of the experiment, and this is one of the main reasons
that many experiments are actually conducted in laboratories. The sterile surroundings
of the typical lab setting facilitate the type of control that increases our confidence in our
findings. Once outside the laboratory, a myriad of factors—factors beyond the researcher’s
control—affect or have the potential to influence the behavior of interest. Although it is
not impossible to conduct experiments outside the lab, greater care needs to be taken to
protect the internal validity of the study.
Upon hearing the results of experimental research—such as that viewing pornogra-
phy leads to dissatisfaction with one’s partner (Zillmann & Bryant, 1988)—many stu-
dents often challenge the results with personal anecdotes illustrating how their friends
are exceptions to the finding. Another kind of reaction falls under the rubric of “Who
were the research participants?” Were there any Asians in the study? Were gays included
in the sample? Were any depressed or introverted individuals in the experiment? What
the student of experimental research should understand is that results represent a group
outcome, an average score that comes to represent a range of scores. In response to “Who
were the research participants?” questions, random assignment to condition should ensure
that individual differences are distributed evenly across conditions.
Through random assignment (e.g., flipping a coin, drawing random numbers), everyone
who participates in an experiment has an equal chance to be assigned to any of its condi-
tions. Another way of explaining the function of random assignment is to imagine what
would happen without it. Suppose, for example, that research participants in the pornog-
raphy experiment were allowed to choose the condition in which they would participate
(i.e., subject self-selection). Suppose, further, that devout, religious men chose to view
the National Geographic videos, whereas the “party animals” and playboys selected the
pornographic video condition. In this case, we have two variables covarying in a system-
atic fashion: type of video (pornography, nature) and research participant variables. It is
impossible to decide what caused differences in relationship satisfaction (dependent vari-
able). With random assignment, however, our devout research participants and our party
animals would be evenly distributed across all conditions. Changes in the outcome can
then be attributed to the independent variable or variables.
Finally, the idea of comparison is implicit in the two points already addressed. In the
interest of making it explicit, experimental designs usually include two or more condi-
tions. In the simplest two-group design, the outcome of one group (a control group or
pretest) is compared to that of the treatment group (or a posttest). Other types of between-
group comparisons include varying the level of the treatment (e.g., no pornography, three
hours of pornography, six hours of pornography, etc.).
Now that we have all the elements of experimentation in place, let’s apply them to our
question regarding similarity and attraction. How can we study this issue in the lab? Suppose
we were interested primarily in attitude similarity with an eye toward eliminating physical
appearance from our equation. One possibility for testing our hypothesis might include the
following. First, we might have our participants complete some type of attitude measure-
ment instrument. Then, if we had the ability, technology, and skill, we could randomly assign
participants to computer chatrooms occupied by a supposed cyberperson of the opposite sex
who is attitudinally either similar or dissimilar to the participant. At the end of their dialogue
session, we could measure several things: attraction, liking, intimacy of conversation, number
of topics discussed, interest in actually meeting their cyberdate, and so on.
Thus, true experiments are attractive because they give researchers greater control over
the variables of interest as well as control over unwanted variables. Further, as a result of
this control, researchers are able to test the nature of causal relationships that may exist
among variables. Not surprisingly, the drawbacks of the experimental method are the
antithesis of those of the nonexperimental methods—that is, what experiments gain in
control, they lose in real-world realism.
Experimental and Mundane Realism

As already mentioned in passing, the laboratory setting is usually sparse and sterile. Studies
that attempt to investigate topics as hot and sexy as obsessions with secret lovers (Lane &
Wegner, 1994; Wegner, Lane, & Dimitri, 1994) might include having participants play a
game of Battleship while they use their feet to tap out coded communications with their
partners—a far cry from clandestine meetings in smoke-filled bars and humid backseats.
Yet, is such mundane realism truly essential to the successful experiment? Well, it depends.
The answer to this question hinges on whether the type of research is theoretical or
applied. And, more precisely, it depends on the type of generalizability the researcher is
seeking (Mook, 1980). For example, in basic, theoretical inquiry, researchers are inter-
ested in generalizing or inferring a general set of principles—their findings or a set of theo-
retically based predictions—to all humans and across settings. Applied researchers, on
the other hand, are interested in generalizing results of their study to a specific setting or
to a specific population of people (e.g., assembly-line workers in love, people who cruise
leather bars, sex habits of the HIV positive, etc.). The aims of these two types of research
differ, and so too does the importance of realism.
In the first case, that of theoretical research, because the goal is to generalize a set of
principles, an exact duplication of the real world is less important than is experimental
realism. This type of realism requires that experimental participants be fully involved
and absorbed by the experiment and interpret the manipulations in just the ways the
researcher had envisioned. In other words, the impact and experience of the experiment
must be real and meaningful to the participant. This ensures that the variables of interest
are interpreted correctly and that results therefore speak to the desired theoretical issues.
Whereas experimental realism is fundamental to theoretical research, mundane realism
is key to applied research. Mundane realism refers to a resemblance to the real world.
Because an applied researcher’s interest lies in generalizing results to specific settings or
populations, obtaining as close a resemblance as possible to those settings or populations
strengthens the generalizations that can be made.
In sum, the experimental method provides researchers with a powerful tool to test dif-
ferent predictions. Yet, despite its advantages, it too is not without its weaknesses. Thus,
a more accurate view would be that all methods of data collection have both their advan-
tages and disadvantages. And, returning to issues raised earlier in this chapter, perhaps the
most important determinant of which methodology to use is the topic being addressed.
With this in mind, the researcher as well as the consumer can weigh the pros and cons of
the method against the question it is addressing.
Interpreting Experimental Data: Dyadic Effects

Our discussion of experiments has tacitly assumed the study of a single participant whose
behavior is hypothesized to vary according to specific experimental manipulations. Studying
couples in a similar way poses a problem because we are now looking at the behavior of two
people who share a considerable level of interdependence. Their behavior is an outcome of
individual, dyadic, and occasion-specific variables (Kenny, 1988, 1994). Self-disclosure, for
example, can be viewed from the individual level (Harry discloses to everyone), the dyadic
level (Harry discloses to one person in particular), and the occasion-specific level (Harry, along
with everyone else, demonstrates a high degree of self-disclosure while flying on airplanes).
Kenny and Kashy (1991) have suggested that couples are marked by two types of inter-
dependence. Within-dyad interdependence refers to what is shared or exchanged within the
couple. It is a longitudinal measure of a single couple’s (dyad’s) interactions. For example,
if Monique responds to Harry’s queries with impatience and aggravation, Harry might
react with anger and defensiveness. Monique may in turn be hurt by Harry’s response and
become withdrawn and hostile. This give-and-take demonstrates how one partner’s reac-
tions are dependent on his or her partner’s preceding actions. Between-dyad interdepen-
dence, on the other hand, represents the degree of similarity or agreement at a single point
in time when measured across several dyads or couples. Both types of interdependence are
important for the study of relationships and require special statistical tools for the analysis
and interpretation of data.
Collecting Couple Data
Ethical Considerations
At a minimum, all research with human participants requires researchers to put into place
safeguards to minimize any potential harm. Moreover, current standards of ethics require
researchers to balance any physical and psychological risks to participants against the
potential benefits to them or to society. No research with human participants is ever com-
pletely free of risk. Even studies that do not involve making participants believe they were
delivering lethal electric shocks, as Stanley Milgram (1963) famously did, have the poten-
tial to threaten their privacy and the confidentiality of their responses. Procedures that
deceive participants about the true nature of an experiment may also cause embarrass-
ment. And while experiments have many advantages over other research methods, they do
not lend themselves to the study of many relationship issues, ethically and otherwise. If we
wanted to study the effect of infidelity on relationship quality, randomly assigning couples
to cheat on one another would be as unethical as it would be impractical.
How can we decide whether a research project meets a high enough standard of qual-
ity to be considered ethically defensible? Minimizing the potential that participants are
being put at unnecessary risk is key! Guidelines established by the American Psychological
Association require that at a minimum researchers alert participants to any potential risks,
obtain their informed consent, and allow them to withdraw their participation at any time
with no penalty if they so choose. Researchers must also debrief participants about the
nature and purpose of the research at the conclusion of the study, and they must put in
place procedures to assure the anonymity and confidentiality of the data. At U.S. universi-
ties, institutional review boards scrutinize all research projects to assure their compliance
with these safeguards, as well as with federal regulations.
Data Collection in Real Time: Recording Ongoing Interactions

Upon close inspection, most of the methods discussed thus far deal largely with two cat-
egories of social interactions, or domains of experience (Reis, 1994): the domain of recon-
structed experience and the domain of exemplary experience. The third type of experience,
that of ongoing social interactions and experiences, is, according to Reis (1994; Wheeler &
Reis, 1991), woefully underrepresented in current approaches to the study of relationships.
Let’s take a closer look. First, the domains of reconstructed and exemplary experiences
have been used extensively to study relationships. Any type of self-report measure that asks
participants to recall particular events, thoughts, feelings, or relationships is asking for a
reconstruction of the issue under scrutiny. And although this method might yield a lot of
interesting information, there are some drawbacks to its usage. Cognitive and social psy-
chologists have established that many factors affect recall: the way the question is asked, the
context in which it is presented, the mood of the respondent when asked (e.g., Erber, 1991),
and so on. Indeed, reconstruction of past events can be viewed as taking place within a frame
of facts; however, like the artist who interprets reality, the details that are used to fill the frame
may be generated not from actual events but from a variety of other influences. Thus, cau-
tion should be used when interpreting data gathered through the domain of reconstructed
experience, and this should by no means represent the sole method for studying relationships.
If the domain of reconstructed experience is like a movie flashback in which respon-
dents attempt to dredge up and analyze past experiences, the domain of exemplary experi-
ence is like a studio portrait of the participants. Just as we put on our best faces for that
portrait, so too do participants in laboratory studies. Knowing that our behaviors are
being studied and analyzed may increase self-presentation concerns: We might become
extremely concerned about being perceived in the “right” way. In addition to capturing
the best portrait, research in this domain also attempts to discover what is “typical.” Like
the Norman Rockwell portraits of America and Americans in the 1950s, what is typical
may apply to many but certainly not to all. This approach fails to capture the details and
minutiae of everyday experiences. Although problematic, this criticism is by no means an
indictment against laboratory research, but merely a caution that this too should not be
the only way to investigate ongoing close relationships.
Reis (1994) suggested that in the domain of ongoing social interactions, the humdrum
everyday ebbs and flows of life are the stuff that define and influence interpersonal relation-
ships. Unlike a flashback or a portrait, this domain is like a video camera running silently
from the corner of the room. Participants forget its presence as it records the mundane,
spontaneous aspects of their daily lives—not only the cataclysmic, distinctive, joyful, or
otherwise significant life-changing events but also the “smaller” moments that fill in the
gaps. Since relationships are defined by the social interactions that comprise them, then per-
haps studying the continuous flow of interactions is what will ultimately reveal them to us.
Methods for studying this domain can be categorized into three types: interval, signal,
and event recordings (Reis, 1994). In interval-contingent recordings, participants record
their experiences at predetermined and (usually) regular intervals: every morning, every
evening, after every meal, and so forth. Participants giving signal-contingent recordings
report on their experiences whenever they are signaled by the researcher. Signals may
include beepers, pagers, or telephone calls, with participants being signaled an average
of 7 to 10 times daily. Thus, unlike the interval-recording method, reports collected via
the signal-contingent method can be more numerous and their occurrence more random.
Finally, the event-contingent recording methodology elicits participant reports after well-
defined and predetermined events have taken place (e.g., after each friendship interaction).
Once the event has occurred, participants make the appropriate recordings and perhaps
complete short questionnaires about the event.
Diaries and logs enable us to tap into the domain of ongoing experience. Unlike the
diary of archival research discussed earlier in this chapter, these types of recordings are
structured, standardized, and goal directed (Duck, 1991). Wheeler and Nezlek (1977)
developed the Rochester Interaction Record (RIR) as a structured means of capturing
unfolding interactions and daily events. Not only does the RIR provide a means of collect-
ing factual information (e.g., date, time, place of interaction, number of partners, length of
interaction), but it also allows researchers to gather information about participants’ own
insights and judgments regarding their interactions (see Table 2.1).
Table 2.1 Adaptation of the Rochester Interaction Record (RIR)
Date: ________________ Time: ________________ Length of Conversation: _____________

Initials: ________________
Sex: ________________ No. of males: ________________ No. of females: ________________
Nature: Work _______ Task ______ Pastime ________ Conversation ___________ Date ________
Intimacy: superficial 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 meaningful

I disclosed: very little 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 a great deal
Other disclosed: very little 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 a great deal
Quality: unpleasant 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 pleasant
Satisfaction: less than expected 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 more than expected
Initiation: I initiated 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 other initiated
Influence: I influenced more 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 other influenced more
Source: Wheeler, Reis, and Nezlek (1983). Reprinted by permission.

The potential for this methodology is exciting. Logs can be modified to fit a wide variety
of research questions. Duck’s (1991) Iowa Communication Record (ICR) is another type
of diary log. It is similar to the RIR in many respects; however, it focuses more closely on
the communication process itself. Participants using the ICR will answer questions regard-
ing the topic of their conversation, the quality of the conversation, and its impact, as well
as what they were doing before and after the exchange. Thus, the ICR allows access to
everyday talk—the conversations that really define our interactions and relationships.
The three domains of inquiry, although very different from one another, are not mutually
exclusive. Indeed, data gathered across all three domains, together, should give us the clearest
picture of the phenomenon under investigation. For example, data gathered via the domain
of reconstructed experience tell us about how people understand and interpret their lives,
whereas data gathered through experimentation (exemplary experience) tell us how people
react in particular, specific situations. Finally, research conducted on ongoing experiences
provides us with immediate and continuing data on people’s thoughts, feelings, and behav-
iors. Like converging operations, information assembled across the three domains should
give us the most comprehensive and inclusive understanding of behavior (Reis, 1994).
Let’s now return to our investigation of similarity and attraction. If we were to apply
this approach to our question, we would include our previously discussed survey study,
along with our electronic laboratory investigation. However, to round out our investiga-
tion, we would now launch an investigation in the domain of ongoing experience. Perhaps
an event-contingent recording would be best suited for our question; that is, participants
would keep a log after each social interaction. In addition to gathering information about
interpersonal similarity, we might ask our participants to evaluate the tenor of and their
satisfaction with each social interaction. Together, data accumulated from these three
domains give us the most complete picture of our question.
Speed-Dating as a Research Paradigm

You are walking across your college campus and see a sign, “‘New people I’ve met since
Fall Quarter? Does my TA count?’—Rachel Class of ’06” (Finkel, Eastwick, & Matthews,
2007, p. 155). Would you suspect that by attending a speed-dating event you would actu-
ally be participating in a research project? Finkel et al. (2007), borrowing from procedures
devised for a real-life dating service, developed a speed-dating paradigm to investigate
romantic attraction. Speed-dating as a research tool enables researchers to expand their
methodology to gather data from controlled but realistic settings. In this paradigm, equal
numbers of males and females report to a comfortable setting where they interact for a pre-
determined (and short) period of time, usually between 3 to 8 minutes. Participant charac-
teristics are collected and attraction measured after the brief interactions and longitudinally
thereafter. This paradigm is exciting and innovative, further blurring the line between lab
and field in its quest to uncover more truths about couples and their relationships.
Data Collection in the Internet Age

Social psychological methodologies have increasingly been adapted to take into account
new technologies—both those developed specifically for computer-assisted research as
well as those developed in the commercial sector to help people find dates. Online survey
tools such as SurveyGold and SurveyMonkey enable researchers to gather data from par-
ticipants worldwide. University and researchers’ websites host experiments of all types.
You may, for example, view demonstrations or participate in the latest research on facial
attractiveness at www.faceresearch.org/demos/average. Another rather unique source of
data has been virtual online worlds such as Second Life, in which people create ava-
tars that inhabit and interact with each other in completely online settings. Avatars build
homes, get jobs, and even wed one another. Researchers have even investigated how avatar
attractiveness influences the behaviors of other avatars (Yee & Bailenson, 2007)! Finally,
online dating services that make their data available to researchers have also opened up
new windows into our understanding of relationships in both virtual and real-life settings.
Meta-Analysis: The Analysis of Analyses

Collecting data from couples is often the best way to answer many questions about impor-
tant processes in intimate relationships. But this is not always the case. Imagine that you
are a researcher interested in finding out whether similarity leads to attraction. Before
deciding on how to study this question you conduct a search of the literature only to find
out that there are already hundreds of published studies that have addressed this issue. To
make matters more complicated, some of them seem to show that similarity does, in fact,
increase attraction. Others, however, show no relationship, and still others seem to show
that similarity decreases attraction. Faced with this state of affairs, you could devise an
experiment that might include conditions under which similarity increases and decreases
attraction. But this is a tall order. Alternatively, you could conduct a meta-analysis to
make sense of the results of the many studies on your topic. Meta-analyses entail the
analysis of many individual studies for the purpose of integrating and summarizing across
them (Glass, 1976; Rudner, Glass, Evartt & Emery, 2002). Using this method, research-
ers typically identify the relevant collection of studies, describe their characteristics, and
then calculate the average size or magnitude of the reported effects across all studies. The
magnitude of the effect is called “effect size” and refers to the statistical strength of the
relationship among research variables. One way to calculate the effect size is as a cor-
relation coefficient that can range from −1 (indicating a perfect inverse relationship) to
0 (indicating no relationship) to +1 (indicating a perfect positive relationship). Thus, in
a rapidly growing field, meta-analyses provide researchers with a way to summarize and
organize findings from a wide array of individual studies. We will see the results of this
data analysis technique in many chapters of this book.
Thinking Critically About Relationship Issues, Theory, and Research

• If longitudinal designs are superior tools to study relationship processes over
time, what considerations might compel researchers to use cross-sectional
designs instead?
• Take another look at the experiment on the effects of pornography on relation-
ship satisfaction. How could you run this study so that it takes into account the
personal differences between the devout and the playboys?
• Gathering data over the Internet has advantages such as speed, convenience, and
the possibility to include participants from all over the world. Do you think these
data are qualitatively different from data gathered through more traditional meth-
ods? What may be the possible drawbacks of collecting data over the Internet?
Summary
Conducting Research on Relationships

• It is difficult to maintain objectivity about such an inherently subjective and personal
topic. Our methodologies provide tools to reinforce and maintain our objective search
for answers
• All research starts with an operationalization of constructs
• What is the “best” research methodology?
• Each method has its strengths and weaknesses: e.g., control versus naturalness
• The best methodology balances the pros and cons of methodology against the
question being asked
• There are many different ways to collect data: archival research, systematic observa-
tion, the dyadic interaction paradigm, interviews, surveys, cross-sectional designs,
longitudinal designs, experiments
• How are correlational designs and analyses different from true experiments?
• What is the difference between mundane and experimental realism?
• Couples—or dyads—present their own research challenges
• Researchers use special methodologies that are sensitive to effects arising out of
(1) each individual’s unique contribution, (2) the effect of the interaction and
interdependence at the dyadic level, and (3) the impact of the specific occasion
• There are many ways to collect data of ongoing interactions: interval, signal, and
event recordings (examples are diaries and logs such as the RIR and ICR)
• Speed-dating is a novel way to collect data on the initiation of attraction and
relationships
• Computer and web-based data collection techniques include the use of online
surveys, access to Internet dating services, and studies of online virtual worlds
• The growth of research on relationships and the corresponding accumulation of stud-
ies benefit from analyzing the analysis, which is known as meta-analysis
Key Terms
Hypothesis: theory-based prediction about the relationship between two or more variables.
Operational definitions: specify how a concept should be measured and the process
through which it will be measured.
Archival research: makes use of data collected for purposes other than of the archival
researcher.
Inter-rater reliability: the degree to which different raters’ findings agree with one another.
Correlation: the degree to which two variables are associated.
Longitudinal research: designs that follow the same participants over a period of time.
Internal validity: represents the certainty with which the changes in the dependent variable
can be attributed to the manipulation of the independent variable(s) in an experiment.
Random assignment: a method of assigning participants in an experiment in such a way
as to ensure that every participant has an equal chance of being in any of the conditions
of the experiment.
Mundane realism: the extent to which an experiment resembles the real world.
Experimental realism: the extent to which participants are fully involved and absorbed
by the experiment and interpret the manipulations in the way the researcher intended.
Meta-analysis: a technique that statistically analyzes and summarizes results from many
individual studies.
3 Physical Attraction
A thing of beauty is a joy forever.

—John Keats, “Endymion”
All the carnall beauty of my wife is but skin deep.

—Sir Thomas Overbury, “A Wife”
The two opposing views depicted at the start of this chapter illustrate both our absorp-
tion with beauty and our simultaneous misgivings with this predilection. Is it any sur-
prise, then, that much of the early literature on intimate relationships was devoted to
exploring the physical basis of attraction? That such issues can be investigated with
relative ease did not hurt either. They are highly conducive to being studied in the con-
text of tightly controlled laboratory experiments in which the physical attractiveness of
another can be varied while everything else can be held constant. Any differences that
are obtained on a dependent measure can therefore be attributed to the variations in
attractiveness employed in the experiment. And even though there were reports as far
back as the early 1970s indicating that understanding (initial) attraction between two
people may tell us little about what happens in their (ongoing) relationships (Levinger,
Senn, & Jorgensen, 1970; Levinger & Snoek, 1972), the field was relatively slow to shift
its attention to issues going beyond attraction. Furthermore, despite the fact that many
of the towering figures in research on physical attraction were women (i.e., Karen Dion,
Ellen Berscheid, Elaine Hatfield), much of the early attraction research focused almost
exclusively on heterosexual men’s perceptions of women’s attractiveness. And although
more recent research has freed itself from its early androcentric bias, most of the current
work is limited to cross-gender perceptions of attractiveness by heterosexual men and
women.
These shortcomings aside, there is a second, and perhaps more compelling reason for
starting this book by discussing physical attractiveness, and it has to do with its impor-
tance for the initiation of close relationships. Simply put, we are more likely to initiate
relationships with people who have physically attractive characteristics. This could be
due to a number of reasons. It could be that physically attractive individuals are simply
more noticeable. In the course of any given day, we tend to encounter a large number of
people—on the train, in school, at work or the grocery store, and at our favorite coffee
shop. The vast majority of the people whom we encounter in these ways are quickly for-
gotten. It may be that attractive people catch our attention more than others—we look at
them longer, think about them more—and therefore they have an edge over others when
Physical Attraction 29
we feel inclined to form a relationship of any kind. Of course, there is a problem with
this kind of reasoning. If relationship initiation were solely dependent on the salience of
another, unattractive people should have a similar edge, because standing out in context
often requires little more than that a person is different from the rest (e.g., Taylor, Fiske,
Close, Anderson, & Ruderman, 1977)!
Moreover, our predilection to seek relationships with attractive others is still present
when their noteworthiness or salience is held constant, especially in dating relationships.
In other words, given a choice among several possible dates, we tend to prefer those
whom we perceive to be most attractive. This chapter addresses the importance of physi-
cal attractiveness in dating and beyond and discusses some of the explanations social
scientists have advanced to account for it.
Physical Attractiveness and Dating Choices

If you look at the profiles of your Facebook friends you may well find that many of your
opposite-sex friends are fairly good looking. This speculation is suggested by a recent
study (Wang, Moon, Kwon, Evans, & Stefanone, 2010) that showed we are more likely
to initiate such virtual relationships with others whose profiles include highly attractive
photos. This same study also found that no profile picture is better than one with an unat-
tractive photo.
This finding is not surprising in light of what we learned from a field experiment
conducted at the University of Minnesota (Walster, Aronson, Abrahams, & Rottman,
1966) more than half a century ago. It was the first study to look specifically at the role
of physical attractiveness in the context of dating choices. More than 700 freshmen
participated in a “Computer Dance” held the week before classes started. Presum-
ably heterosexual research participants were told that if they chose to participate, they
would be assigned a date by a computer. Tickets could be obtained only by appearing
in person at the Student Union. When students came to pick up their tickets, they were
asked to show their photo ID to one person, sign for their tickets with a second person,
and pick up their tickets from yet a third person. As it turns out, the people handling
the ticket distribution were employed by the experimenters to rate independently the
physical attractiveness of research participants who were about to participate in the
Computer Dance. Participants were then randomly assigned a date of the opposite sex
with whom they spent the evening at the Computer Dance a few days later. During
intermissions, all research participants were asked to rate their dates on a number of
dimensions, including how attractive they thought their dates were, how comfortable
they were with their dates during the dance, and whether they would like to date their
partners again.
As anyone looking for a date to the senior prom might have guessed, the only predic-
tor for participants’ answers to these questions was the attractiveness of their dates.
How much the students liked their dates, how comfortable they felt during the date,
and how much they wanted to date the person in the future was solely determined by
their dates’ physical attractiveness. This finding was somewhat surprising, especially in
light of the observation that research participants’ responses were not at all influenced
by such variables as their own level of attractiveness, self-esteem, and general level of
aspiration.
Thus began psychology’s quest to shed light on the importance of beauty. To date, two
separate approaches suggest that, contrary to popular belief, beauty is more than skin
deep because it signals the presence of other important qualities. According to evolution-
ary psychology, beauty is an important and reliable indicator of health and reproduc-
tive success. According to research on the attractiveness stereotype, beauty is important
because it conveys the presence of good dispositions and personalities, at least in the eye
of the beholder. Because both approaches are to some degree informed by the physical
features that comprise beauty, we first consider the standards for attractiveness.
Standards of Attractiveness: Bodies and Faces
Mirror, Mirror . . .

An early study that looked at the extent to which bodily features shape perceptions of
attractiveness (Ford & Beach, 1951) looked at the value that 100 “primitive” cultures
placed on body build for female beauty and found considerable cultural variation. A slim
body was considered to be beautiful in 5 cultures, a medium body was considered beauti-
ful in another 5, and a plump body was considered beautiful in 18 cultures. However, the
vast majority of cultures did not consider body build to be particularly important. Results
from a more recent comparison of 26 countries in 10 world regions suggest that although
thinness is universally desired, it is considered especially important among those high in
socioeconomic status with access and exposure to Western media and culture (Swami
et al., 2010).
In addition to body build, cultural variation has been found for what parts of the body
are important and how they should look. In the United States, for example, women’s
breasts, buttocks, and legs (large, firm, and long respectively) are regarded as the key (and
most universally accepted) erogenous zones. For ancient Chinese, the emphasis was on
small feet for women, while Japanese found the exposed nape of a woman’s neck espe-
cially arousing (Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986a).
One need not journey across cultures to observe variability in standards for beautiful
bodies. We can find as much variability over time within a single culture. The beauty ide-
als exemplified by the voluptuous women portrayed in Baroque paintings have little in
common with the busty yet slim-waist ideals exemplified by Marilyn Monroe and Jane
Russell in the 1950s and the tall and slender ideals exemplified by current supermodels,
like Naomi Campbell, Candice Swanepoel, and Gigi Hadid. If there are any universals for
bodily attractiveness, perhaps they lie not in absolute types but in relative features.
In terms of universal features of body types, men tend to value a waist-to-hip ratio
(WHR) of 0.7 in women (Singh, 1993). Thus, body shape is more significant than abso-
lute body size (e.g., thin, plump, buff): A plump body with a WHR of 0.7 (e.g., 70 inch
waist, 100 inch hips) would be more attractive than a thin apple-shaped body (e.g.,
35 inch waist, 30 inch hips). These preferences appear to be culturally universal, perhaps
because WHR provides a reliable indicator of a woman’s health and fertility (Singh, Dix-
son, Jessop, Morgan, & Dixson, 2010). Considering these implications it is perhaps not
surprising that even blind men prefer women with a WHR of around 0.7 (Karremans,
Frankenhuis, & Arons, 2010). WHR is also important in men: Women tend to value a
waist-to-hip ratio of 0.9 (Singh, 1995), and, by and large, like men with a muscular upper
body (Franzoi & Herzog, 1987), although they favor moderately broad shoulders over
more exaggerated features (Lavrakas, 1975).
Cross-cultural variations are less evident in evaluations of facial attractiveness. It
appears that facial beauty, if not in the eye of the individual beholder, is in the eye of the
collective beholder. For both sexes, facial features and facial expressions appear to be
important in determining another’s attractiveness. For instance, one study (i.e., Cunning-
ham, Roberts, Barbee, Druen, & Wu, 1995) that looked at judgments of women’s facial
attractiveness across three cultures found that Asians, Latinos, and Whites favored many
similar features. Further, regardless of whether the face in question was that of an Asian,
Latina, or White woman, participants rated as more attractive those with large eyes, a
small nose, and a small chin. Narrow cheeks, high eyebrows, and smiles were also impor-
tant for men’s judgments of women’s facial attractiveness (Cunningham, 1986; Mueser,
Grau, Sussman, & Rosen, 1984; Raines, Hechtman, & Rosenthal, 1990). In general, men
and women alike rely on facial cues more than bodily cues when judging the attractiveness
of a member of the opposite sex. However, the presence of an attractive body appears to
be of heightened importance for men seeking a short-term relationship (Currie & Little,
2009). In the absence of specific dating goals, the presence of an unattractive body can
decrease overall ratings of attractiveness even in the presence of an attractive face (Alicke,
Smith, & Klotz, 1986). Women find large eyes, prominent cheekbones and chin, along
with high-status clothing and indications of good grooming habits, characteristic of male
physical attractiveness (Cunningham, Barbee, & Pike, 1990).
In addition to these gender specific features, men’s and women’s perceptions of an attrac-
tive face are influenced by averageness and symmetry. In a series of computer-assisted
studies, Langlois, Roggman, and Musselman (1994) created “average” faces by math-
ematically blending, pixel by pixel, the images of 32 or more individual faces to create
a single, composite face. In trial after trial, research participants found the composite or
“average” face the most attractive—even more attractive than any of the individual faces
from which the composite was constructed. One way to interpret this finding is that the
averaging process created faces that approximated prototypes of human faces, represent-
ing their modal features. Participants responded favorably to these prototypes because
they exemplify the most idealized forms of human facial configurations.
Facial averageness overlaps to some degree with facial symmetry. Average faces are
more likely to be symmetrical for the obvious reason that the process of creating them is
likely to yield a symmetrical figure (i.e., features that are evenly proportioned about the
mean). Thus, it is not surprising to learn that symmetrical faces are perceived as more
attractive than non-symmetrical or somewhat asymmetrical faces (Gangestad & Scheyd,
2005; Gangestad, Haselton, & Buss, 2006; Langlois & Roggman, 1990; Langlois et al.,
1994). As we shall see, there is good reason to believe that facial symmetry has unique
effects, despite its overlap with facial averageness.
What about same-sex attraction? Intuition would seem to suggest that gays and lesbi-
ans should be attracted to sex-typical features. Specifically, gay men should be attracted
to men with masculine characteristics and lesbian women should be attracted to women
with feminine characteristics. One study that examined gay and lesbian preferences as
expressed in personal ads as well as by direct responses from a Chicago sample finds
this to be the case, with some qualifications (Bailey, Kim, Hills, & Linsenmeyer, 1997).
Gay men consistently searched for men who look and act masculine. In fact, masculine
looking and straight acting were among the most common descriptors in the personals
of gay men. Lesbian women consistently searched for feminine-looking partners and
rejected potential partners with masculine characteristics, such as short hair, muscular
build, and high waist-to-hip ratio. A look at male-to-male personal ads further suggests
that gay men place a premium on physical appearance (Bartholome, Tewksbury, &
Bruzzone, 2000).

• Women prefer men with a muscular upper body, but they prefer moderately
large shoulders over very large ones. How could you explain this?
• Some experiments found that the participants considered faces mathematically
averaged by a computer program more attractive than any of the individual
faces from which they were constructed. Does this mean that an average-looking
person will be preferred over an unusually beautiful one?
Evolution and Attractiveness

Evolutionary perspectives on human behavior look at psychological processes in terms
of their adaptive value, especially when it comes to inclusive fitness (Hamilton, 1964),
that is, the desire to pass one’s genes on to the next generation by way of reproduction
or through ensuring the genetic survival of kin. Evolution has a way of selecting against
maladaptive processes, selecting instead for those that aid in the survival of the species
(Darwin, 1871). As it turns out, humans are not so much concerned with collective
survival as they are with the survival of their own genes (Wilson, 1975). From an evo-
lutionary perspective, dating is considered to be a precursor to mating. In other words,
dating is a process of sexual selection with the ultimate goal of reproduction. Further,
the nature of men’s and women’s parental investment (Trivers, 1972) is such that they
play the dating game according to different rules. For reproduction to occur, males need
to find females who are likely to produce viable offspring. Thus, men tend to look for
cues indicative of women’s fertility (how likely she is to produce offspring) and repro-
ductive potential (how long she will be able to produce offspring). These cues can be
found in a woman’s physical appearance, specifically in those aspects that convey health
and youth. Thus, men place a premium on physical features that signal the presence of
both. These features include smooth skin, good muscle tone, lustrous hair, and full lips
(Symons, 1979) along with the neonatal features of large eyes, small nose, and small
chin (Cunningham et al., 1990).
Among other things, this perspective helps explain why men generally place a higher
premium on physical attractiveness in their mates than do women. Because men can
produce offspring until they reach a fairly old age, physical indicators of youth are of
diminished importance. What is important instead is men’s ability to provide resources
related to parental investment, such as food, shelter, territory, and protection. Among
modern-day humans, resources typically translate into earning potential. As a result,
women should be attracted to men with prominent cheekbones who have good groom-
ing habits and wear high-status clothing. High cheekbones convey dominance; the high-
status clothing in combination with the good grooming habits indicates that they are
ambitious and industrious and otherwise conveys possession or acquisition of resources
(Cunningham et al., 1990).
Speculations about the differential importance of youth and good looks versus ambi-
tion/industriousness were confirmed in a study that assessed the importance of these char-
acteristics for men and women in 37 cultures from Belgium to Zambia (Buss, 1989). Men
in all cultures preferred spouses who were younger than they, at an average of 2.66 years.
The preferred discrepancy was as low as 0.38 year in the Netherlands and as high as
7.38 years in Zambia. Women, on the other hand, preferred men who were on average
3.42 years older than they. In all but three cultures (i.e., India, Poland, and Sweden), men
more so than women rated good looks as important. In all cultures, with the exception
of Spain, women rated earning potential as significantly more important than did men.
The highest ratings were obtained in the Netherlands and Great Britain and among South
African Zulus. Analogous results were found for the evaluation of ambition and industri-
ousness. On this variable, sex differences were obtained for 29 of the 37 cultures (in case
you are wondering about the “deviant” cultures, they are Iran, Finland, the Netherlands,
Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Colombia).
Of course, knowing that people find certain physical characteristics important falls
short of telling us about the choices they would make. Eastwick and Finkel (2008) have
argued that responses to paper-and-pencil surveys and ratings of photographs primarily
capture people’s theories of what they think makes for a good romantic partner. When
the researchers asked participants to list qualities of their ideal partner and then looked
at the choices they made in a speed-dating setting, they found little correspondence
between the two, especially in the choices women made. Moreover, physical attractiveness
is strongly associated with relationship satisfaction for men and women alike (Eastwick,
Neff, Finkel, Luchies, & Hunt, 2014), although some have argued that this is primarily
the case for more short-term relationships (Meltzer, McNulty, Jackson, & Karney, 2014).
It appears that women pursue a more complex mating strategy that includes both the
pursuit of a good provider and the best genetic material possible (Haselton & Gangestad,
2006). And what are the indices of “good genes?” As we shall see, physical attractiveness
might be one barometer for good genes.
The Importance of Averageness and Symmetry

As we saw earlier, average and symmetrical faces are perceived to be more attractive than
their individual component faces. But they are not just more pleasing to the eye. Instead,
we find averageness and symmetry beautiful because both are indications of overall phe-
notypic quality. As facial averageness and symmetry increase, the organism’s health, fit-
ness, and quality increases as well (e.g., Jones et al., 2001; Simmons, Rhodes, Peers, &
Koehler, 2004).
Although averageness and symmetry are not one and the same, both mediate what
we consider beautiful as well as why physical attractiveness is so important. Even slight
deviations from bilateral symmetry can indicate developmental instability brought on by
assaults to development from environmental stress and poor health (e.g., Fink & Penton-
Voak, 2002; Hönekopp, Bartholomé, & Jansen, 2004).
In addition to indicating a healthy developmental environment and good pre- and
post-natal nutrition, facial symmetry also signals good “genetic health” and quality.
Researchers suggest that the greater an organism’s heterozygosity (or protein diversity),
the greater its ability to resist parasitic infection (Thornhill & Gangestad, 1993). Theo-
retically, heterozygosity has several outcomes, including better health (i.e., immunity
to illness) and a concurrent alignment of organism features that is closer to the popula-
tion average. That is, the more genetically diverse the organism, the more likely it will
resemble the population average as well as be able to resist a larger number of para-
sitic infections. Thus, being able to detect and appreciate a quality that reveals overall
health and well-being confers important advantages for one’s inclusive fitness. From
Table 3.1 Evolutionary Principles Guiding Perceptions of Attractiveness
Elliot and Niesta (2008) The color red amplifies men’s perceptions of
Elliot, Tracy, Pazda, and Beall (2013) women’s attractiveness and sexual desirability.
Schwarz and Singer (2013) Although culturally universal, it is primarily
evident in perceptions of young women’s
attractiveness.
Durante, Li, and Haselton (2008) Women prefer sexy clothing during high-
fertility periods (i.e., ovulation). Effect was
strongest for women who had an unrestricted
sexual orientation, those who were sexually
experienced, single women, and partnered
women who were most satisfied with their
relationships.
Gangestad, Garver-Apgar, Simpson, and Menstrual cycle: women prefer masculine
Cousins (2007) men—i.e., men with deep voices and masculine
Gangestad, Thornhill, and Garver-Apgar (2010) faces—when they are ovulating (i.e., during
the fertile phase of their menstrual cycle) and
show a greater willingness to engage in sex with
attractive men, including ones they don’t know
well (sexual opportunism).
Apicella, Feinberg, and Marlow (2007) Hazda women find men with deep voices more
attractive (furthermore, deep-voiced men have
an average of two more children than their
high-pitched counterparts).
Roney, Hanson, Durante, and Maestripieri • Women viewing photos of men’s faces can
(2006) accurately detect men’s testosterone level,
which influences short-term attractiveness
judgments.
• They can also detect men’s liking for
children and judge men who like children
more attractive as long-term mates.
Feinberg et al. (2005) High-pitched female voices paired with
feminine faces are more attractive than low-
pitched female voices paired with either highly
feminine or less feminine faces.
Gangestad and Scheyd (2005) Feminine female faces are perceived as more
attractive because they may act as indicators of
reproductive value.
Gangestad, Simpson, Cousins, Apgar, Women, when ovulating, prefer the scent of
Christensen, and Niels (2004) symmetrical men.
this perspective, beauty is not something we enjoy for aesthetic reasons alone. Rather,
it serves an important role in signaling the fitness and health of a potential mate. Take
a look at Table 3.1 for another set of evolutionary principles guiding perceptions of
attractiveness.
There is good empirical support for the idea that people use attractiveness to gauge
another’s health and fitness. Research participants evaluating photos of attractive and
unattractive people equate attractiveness with better health (Jones et al., 2001; Kalick,
Zebrowitz, Langlois, & Johnson, 1998) and greater intelligence (Zebrowitz, Hall, Mur-
phy, & Rhodes, 2002). But how accurate are our perceptions of the health of attractive
others? Kalick and colleagues (1998) collected data from a longitudinal study in which
they had independent judges rate the attractiveness of participants’ faces. These ratings
were then paired with actual health evaluations. No significant relationship was found
between facial beauty and actual health. In fact, attractiveness actually interfered with
participants’ ability to make accurate health assessments. At the same time, however, there
is evidence to suggest that attractiveness is associated with intelligence (Kanazawa, 2010).
This association might explain why women tend to find intelligent men appealing (Pro-
kosch, Coss, Scheib, & Blozis, 2009).
Although high physical attractiveness may not be a reliable indicator of good health
and genes, low attractiveness is associated with bad health and bad genes. Zebrowitz and
Rhodes (2004) found a significant link between low levels of attractiveness and poorer
health and lower intelligence but found no significant association between high levels of
attractiveness and intelligence or health. Consequently, being able to detect and ultimately
avoid bad genes and health may be even more adaptive than being able to detect and pur-
sue good genes and health.
Cognitive Mechanisms
Given its importance for genetic survival, it is perhaps not surprising that evolution has
provided us with a set of mechanisms that help us gravitate toward facial attractiveness.
Specifically, symmetrical and prototypical stimuli are more easily processed than those
that are asymmetrical and non-prototypical (Reber, Schwarz, & Winkielman, 2004). Con-
sequently, prototypical faces feel more familiar. And because familiarity leads to liking
(Zajonc, 1968) in general, prototypical faces are liked better than faces that deviate from
the prototype (Halberstadt & Rhodes, 2000).
Although prototypical faces may elicit liking because of their familiarity, a somewhat
different causal sequence is equally possible. Monin (2003) suggested that familiarity
leads perceivers to adopt a “warm glow” heuristic by which prototypicality leads to
liking and liking leads to perceptions of familiarity. In other words, instead of pro-
posing that prototype→familiarity→liking, the “warm glow” heuristic proposes that
prototype→liking→familiarity: Good is familiar. That is, prototypes generate a positive
affective response (Halberstadt & Rhodes, 2000), and this affect is used as information
to assess familiarity (Schwarz & Clore, 1983). The good feelings generated by symmetri-
cal (and therefore beautiful) objects and people become information that the objects
or people must be familiar. It’s safe to say that beauty works in many and seemingly
mysterious ways.
Evolutionary psychology provides a compelling account of why and how beauty matters
for interpersonal choices. Yet it is not without its critics. For example, Eagly and Wood
(1999) have argued that men’s preference for attractive, relatively younger women and
women’s preference for older men with economic resources may reflect societal arrange-
ments characterized by a division of labor rendering men as breadwinners and women
as domestic workers. Compared to older women, young women often lack independent
resources, making it more likely that they find the domestic role acceptable. Compared to
younger men, older men are more likely to have acquired the economic resources to be
optimal providers (Eagly & Wood, 1999). Support for this alternative explanation of the
importance of female youth and attractiveness comes from a reanalysis of the Buss (1989)
data. Across cultures, the value men place on physical attractiveness is equaled by the
value they place on a woman’s ability to be a good cook and housekeeper (Eagly & Wood,
1999). Although this sociocultural view provides a plausible alternative explanation for
sex differences in the importance of features conveying youth, fertility, and economic
resources, it has a more difficult time accounting for the importance of facial averageness
and symmetry (Gangestad et al., 2006).

• According to evolutionary theory, women should be attracted to men whose
physical appearance suggests he is a good prospect. But women are also attracted
to men whose physical appearance suggests the presence of good genes. What
does this imply about women’s mating strategies?
• Research found that physical attractiveness is not a reliable indicator of good
health and genes but low attractiveness is associated with bad health and genes.
This suggests an evolved mechanism toward avoiding the unattractive. If that’s
the case, how does our proclivity to look for beauty in others contribute to our
inclusive fitness?
• At least two explanations are possible for our tendency to like average, or pro-
totypical, faces. These possibilities are expressed in the following sequences:
prototype → familiarity → liking and, alternatively, prototype → liking →
familiarity. Think of the evolutionary needs and pressures that would generate
these sequences. Which sequence makes more sense to you?
The Physical Attractiveness Stereotype:

Beauty Is as Beauty Does
One of the reasons we seem so drawn to people high in attractiveness may be related
to our propensity to make inferences about what physically attractive and unattractive
people might be like. It appears that our perceptions of physically attractive others are to
some extent shaped by a stereotype suggesting that attractive people are better people in
terms of their personality. It is through this process that we judge a book by its cover: If it
looks good on the outside, it must be good on the inside as well.
The “What Is Beautiful Is Good” Stereotype

The “what is beautiful is good” stereotype was discovered in a classic study in which male
and female research participants looked at photographs of men and women of varying
levels of attractiveness (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972). Research participants evalu-
ated the personalities and quality of life of the men and women in the photographs. As
one might expect, attractive people were perceived to be warmer and more sensitive, kind,
interesting, strong, poised, modest, sociable, and outgoing than people who were merely
average or low in physical attractiveness. Attractive people were also perceived to have
happier marriages, better jobs, and more fulfilling lives. Subsequent decades of research
have provided additional support for this set of findings (Langlois et al., 2000), and there
is evidence that it extends to online dating profiles as well (Brand, Bonatsos, D’Orazio, &
DeShong, 2012). No surprise here! There is reason to believe that “what is beautiful is
good” is a stereotype with a twist. All stereotypes involve associating categories with
specific features and characteristics. The attractiveness stereotype may additionally con-
tain an element of projection. That is, we desire to form and maintain close relationships
with attractive others and then project those motivations onto them (Lemay, Clark, &
Greenberg, 2010). Moreover, attractive people prompt us to give a closer look at their
personalities, leading to impressions that are as positive as they are accurate (Lorenzo,
Biesanz, & Human, 2010).
Given the positive characteristics with which we imbue physically attractive people, it is
not surprising that they receive preferential treatment when it comes to dating. Addition-
ally, simply being associated with a physically attractive person appears to turn us into
better people in the eyes of others, although this is primarily true for men with attractive
partners (Sigall & Landy, 1973). But discrimination on the basis of physical attractive-
ness is not limited to dating situations: Good-looking people enjoy a number of other
advantages in how we perceive them. For example, we tend to think of attractive people
as higher in status, especially those aspects that are inherited (Kalick, 1988). We tend also
to evaluate the work of attractive people better than that of less attractive people, espe-
cially when that work is objectively poor (Landy & Sigall, 1974). This, along with the
finding that we often think attractiveness is indicative of intelligence (e.g., Zebrowitz &
Rhodes, 2004; Zebrowitz, Hall, Murphy, & Rhodes, 2002), may be some of the rea-
sons why attractive people often have an edge in promotion decisions (Morrow, McElroy,
Stamper, & Wilson, 1990).
Cute Boys and Girls Are Better People, Too

The attractiveness stereotype is by no means limited to adults’ perceptions of other adults.
Adults also discriminate in favor of attractive children. Clifford and Walster (1973) showed
research participants academic records that ostensibly belonged to an attractive or a plain-
looking fifth grader. Cute boys and girls were perceived to be more intelligent and more
likely to pursue and receive advanced degrees. Furthermore, research participants thought
that the parents of attractive children were more interested in their children’s education
than parents of plain-looking children. Not surprisingly, teachers are not exempt from this
bias (Lerner & Lerner, 1977). In one particularly illustrative study (Ross & Salvia, 1975),
elementary school teachers looked at files of an attractive or an unattractive 8-year-old
boy or girl with an alleged IQ of 78. They were asked to make recommendations as to
whether the child should be placed in a class for children with mental retardation. As one
would expect, the unattractive child, as opposed to the attractive one, was more likely to
be recommended for the special program, despite their identical records.
Differences in physical attractiveness also play a role in how punitive adults are toward
children who make mistakes. Dion (1972) had male and female research participants
observe an experimenter interact with a child who was made to appear either physically
attractive or unattractive. Subsequently, research participants administered penalties to
the child for incorrect responses on a picture-matching task (i.e., taking away one to five
pennies for each error). Results indicated that the punitiveness of men was not influenced
by the attractiveness of the child. Women, on the other hand, penalized the unattractive
child more severely than the attractive child. A somewhat different pattern emerges in
grocery stores.
In a recent news report, sociologist Andrew Harrell and his associates observed 426 par-
ents interacting with their children in Canadian grocery stores to determine what factors
influence shopping cart mishaps. Their findings were consistent with Dion’s (1972) work:
Parents of unattractive children were more likely to let their children wander farther away
from them and were less likely to buckle them into their shopping carts. However, unlike
parents in Dion’s (1972) picture-masking task described prior, preferential treatment of
attractive children was more noticeable in fathers than mothers. None of the fathers buck-
led in their unattractive children, while 15 percent of fathers buckled in their good-looking
youngsters. On the other hand, mothers buckled up 2 to 4 percent of their unattractive
children, while 12 percent secured their attractive children. It seems few parents observed
basic shopping cart safety guidelines; however, unattractive children were left in even
greater peril than their attractive counterparts.
Infants Prefer Beautiful Faces

Not only do parents fall prey to beauty, but children also exhibit attractiveness biases—
even before they are out of their diapers. Early research found that preschoolers as young
as age 3 preferred to look at pictures of attractive children (Dion, 1977). However, not
only did they prefer attractive faces, but they also indicated that attractive children were
nicer, were more likely to own desirable toys, and would be more fun to play with. Fur-
ther, preschoolers said that unattractive children were mean. The issue is twofold: What
are the origins of both our standards of beauty and the attendant stereotype? Are humans
born with the “golden rule” imprinted on our DNA, or is it learned? If learned, how
quickly does the development of the physical attractiveness stereotype follow on the heels
of our ability to perceive and distinguish attractiveness?
This is a difficult question to answer, in part because of the difficulty of testing infants
and newborns. Researchers have found a preference for attractive faces in infants as
young as 6 months old (Ramsey, Langlois, Hoss, Rubenstein, & Griffin, 2004) and
perhaps even as young as 72 hours old (Slater et al., 1998). But even 3-day-old infants
have had ample opportunity to see many faces and therefore to both categorize them
and form prototypes, perhaps by way of averaging (Hoss & Langlois, 2003). Thus, the
question of nature and nurture has yet to be fully answered. The latest word, however,
is that there is tentative evidence that infants roughly 15 minutes old show no preference
for beautiful faces (Hoss & Langlois, 2003), giving us at least one piece of evidence that
infants are not born with the golden rule, but are equipped with the cognitive tools to
quickly develop it.
Socialization
The cognitive tools available to us as we enter the world become sharpened through the
process of socialization. Our ability to distinguish attractive others from less attractive
others may translate into vastly different expectations and may further contribute to the
attractiveness stereotype. It may be that attractive people become better people by living
up to our raised expectations, leading to real differences between those who are attractive
and those who aren’t.
People also react toward attractive and unattractive others in very different ways and
thus create a qualitatively superior reality for those who are good looking. For example,
when attractive people need help, they are more likely to receive it than are unattractive
people (Benson, Karabenick, & Lerner, 1976), especially when the emergency is perceived
to be severe (West & Brown, 1975). It was perhaps for this reason that a special insert into
the owner’s manual of a 1964 Studebaker contained the following instruction for women
who found themselves faced with a flat tire: “Put on some fresh lipstick, fluff up your
hairdo, stand in a safe spot off the road, wave and look helpless and feminine.” Thus, the
social reality we create for attractive people through our behavior manifests itself in many
ways—some even more subtle than receiving help.
Reis and his colleagues (Reis, Nezlek, & Wheeler, 1980; Reis et al., 1982) asked
male and female college seniors to keep track of their everyday social interactions over
15 days by completing the Rochester Interaction Record (Wheeler & Nezlek, 1977).
Among other things, this measure asks participants to indicate the frequency, level of
intimacy, and pleasantness of their interactions with members of the same and opposite
sex. Participants’ own physical attractiveness had been independently assessed based on
photographs. The analyses of participants’ records showed that physical attractiveness
and gender strongly influenced many aspects of their social lives. For both men and
women, physical attractiveness was positively related to the affective quality of their
social experience. In other words, attractive participants perceived same-sex interactions
as well as opposite-sex interactions as more intimate and pleasant than did unattractive
participants. Attractive males, more so than unattractive males, tended to have more
interactions with females and fewer interactions with males. No such effect was observed
for females. Attractive males were more assertive in their interactions and lower in fear of
rejection by the other sex than were unattractive males. Interestingly, attractive females,
to a greater degree than their unattractive counterparts, were less assertive and less trust-
ing of the opposite sex.
Is the Attractiveness Stereotype Culturally Universal?

Finding similar processes and mechanisms for behaviors across cultures is one way of
inferring not only universality, but also a common origin for the phenomena in ques-
tion. Thus, confirming the existence of the physical attractiveness stereotype across
cultures would provide converging evidence that its origins evolved from common,
adaptive processes that were somehow important to human mating success. Until
recently, the attractiveness stereotype has been almost exclusively demonstrated in
Western cultures. Some (e.g., Dion, 1986) have argued that its prevalence is due to the
individualistic nature of the cultures in which it has been studied. In individualistic
cultures such as the United States, identity is primarily based on personal attributes.
On the other hand, in more collectivistic cultures, such as Korea and China, identity
is based more on family and group ties (Triandis, 1994). This raises the theoretical
possibility that in cultures in which identity is based on something other than personal
attributes (such as appearance), the attractiveness stereotype may be less pronounced
or absent entirely.
The evidence for this speculation is mixed. One study comparing Chinese and North
American college students at a Canadian university found that Chinese students were less
influenced by physical attractiveness in making inferences about the presence or absence
of socially desirable personality traits (Dion, Pak, & Dion, 1990). However, when it came
to speculating about desirable life outcomes, such as getting a good job, the judgments of
both Chinese and North American participants were equally influenced by the attractive-
ness stereotype. Other studies (Wheeler & Kim, 1997; Zebrowitz, Montepare, & Lee,
1993) found that the attractiveness stereotype is just as prevalent in Asian (i.e., collec-
tive) cultures, although its content is somewhat different. It appears that in each culture
attractiveness is related to culturally ascribed and valued characteristics. For example,
Western participants perceive attractive targets as stronger, more assertive, and more dom-
inant; Korean participants perceive them as more honest and higher in concern for others
(Wheeler & Kim, 1997). Thus, the attractiveness stereotype is, to some extent, culturally
universal as well as culturally variable.

• The “what is beautiful is good” stereotype accounts for our proclivity to attri-
bute positive characteristics to physically attractive people. How would you
account for our tendency to judge a person more favorably simply because of
an association with someone attractive?
• Some research suggests that infants as young as 72 hours old prefer to look at
attractive faces. How would you explain this from an evolutionary perspective?
Which explanation do you find more likely—one based on the evolutionary
perspective, or one based on the “what is beautiful is good” stereotype?
• Attractive males have been found to be more assertive and lower in fear of rejec-
tion than their more plain-looking counterparts, while attractive females were
less assertive and less trusting of men than the less attractive ones. How would
you explain these differences?
“Don’t Hate Me Because I’m Beautiful”:

Some Ugly Truths About Attractiveness
The pervasiveness of the physical attractiveness stereotype could be taken to suggest that
there is little hope for those of us with less-than-perfect physical appearances. However,
consider the following.
To some extent, the advantages attractive people enjoy are not so much an outcome of
a stereotype for beauty but may stem from a complementary stereotype for low attractive-
ness. Simply put, what is beautiful is good and what is ugly is bad. A number of research
findings support the existence of a stereotype about ugliness. In one study (O’Grady,
1982), research participants’ risk assessments of mental illness were strongly influenced
by the attractiveness of the person whom they rated: As the likelihood of risk increased,
attractiveness decreased. This bias occurred regardless of whether research participants
were told that the targets, all of whom were diagnosed by a psychiatrist, either had or
did not have the illness. Furthermore, even when research participants were explicitly
instructed that attractiveness was irrelevant to their “diagnosis,” they continued to attri-
bute psychological disturbances differentially to unattractive targets (Jones, Hanson, &
Phillips, 1978). This latter finding is of special importance as it suggests that the attrac-
tiveness stereotype is so ingrained that even conscious attempts to control it may fail to
eradicate its application.
In real life, however, diagnoses about mental illness are usually made by trained pro-
fessionals. Unfortunately, a study of incarcerated mental patients (Farina et al., 1977)
showed that unattractive patients received more severe diagnoses and remained hospital-
ized longer than physically attractive patients. The results of studies on the relationship
between attractiveness and perceived risk for mental illness are mirrored by analogous
findings in the legal domain. Research participants generally found attractive defendants
less culpable and assigned them lighter sentences (Efran, 1974; Esses & Webster, 1988;
Solomon & Schopler, 1978). Congruent findings were also obtained from real juries:
Attractive defendants are acquitted more frequently than unattractive ones (Hatfield &
Sprecher, 1986a).
Despite the seemingly overwhelming evidence for a pervasive bias toward attractive
people, there are indications that the underlying stereotype is perhaps not as strong as
one would expect. Two meta-analyses of virtually all published studies on the attrac-
tiveness stereotype (Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani, & Longo, 1991; Feingold, 1992)
found the phenomenon to be most pronounced when investigators asked research par-
ticipants to judge attractive people on dimensions related to their social competence
(such as social skills). Judgments of intelligence and adjustment were less influenced by
physical attractiveness, and there was no difference between attractive and unattract-
ive targets on judgments of their honesty and concern for others. On the other hand,
attractive targets are generally perceived to be less modest and more vain than their
less attractive counterparts. These findings suggest that whether or not experimental
investigations of research participants’ perceptions of attractiveness uncover differ-
ences depends to some extent on the nature of the questions that are asked. Along
these lines, Dermer and Thiel (1975) showed participants pictures of people of varying
levels of attractiveness, just as Dion et al. (1972) had done. However, this time, they
asked participants to judge the targets in terms of how materialistic, vain, and snob-
bish they were, along with questions about their commitment to their marriage and
level of sympathy toward oppressed people. As it turns out, research participants rated
attractive targets less favorably on all of these dimensions. An anti-attractiveness bias
is often present in organizational contexts involving evaluations. That is, when the
person being evaluated is of the same sex as the evaluator, attractiveness hurts, rather
than helps (Agthe, Spoerrle, & Maner, 2010, 2011).
Even if one were willing to look at these findings as the exception to the rule, being
physically attractive can sometimes be more a curse than a blessing. Just like everybody
else, attractive people are aware of the prevailing stereotype and the corresponding reac-
tions they receive from others. One consequence is that they have a harder time dealing
with praise. When they receive praise for their performance on a task, they often can-
not tell whether the evaluator is sincere (Sigall & Michela, 1976) and thus frequently
discount the praise they receive (Major, Carrington, & Carnevale, 1984). Furthermore,
some of the advantages physically attractive people enjoy in dating relationships can
be offset by several distinct disadvantages. They often have a harder time starting rela-
tionships because their attractiveness scares people away. They sometimes have trouble
maintaining relationships because knowing that they have many alternative choices
may elicit feelings of jealousy (Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986b). Finally, although attractive
people, and women especially, have an edge when it comes to dating, same-sex peers
often reject them as friends (Krebs & Adinolfi, 1975). Of course, difficulties like these
are not likely to trigger a massive outbreak of sympathy for the plight of those who are
beautiful. All things considered, the advantages of physical attractiveness are many and
the disadvantages few.
Is Beauty Solely in the Eye of the Beholder?
While an ever-increasing volume of scientific research continues to confirm the advantages
of possessing physical beauty, there is no need to rush out and schedule an appointment
for plastic surgery or an extreme makeover. Other factors may also influence perceptions
of attractiveness. Perceiving others does not take place in a psychological vacuum. Instead,
our judgments of others’ physical attractiveness are often profoundly shaped by the con-
text in which our perceptions take place, as well as by our dispositions, such as our moods
and whether we are currently in a romantic relationship.
Context Influences
We are rarely alone. Do those around us influence how we are perceived? Research sug-
gests that how attractive we perceive others to be depends importantly on the context in
which we perceive them. For example, women rate men more desirable when they are
shown surrounded by women than when shown alone or in the company of men. But men
rate women less desirable when they are shown surrounded by men than when they are
shown alone or in the company of other women (Hill & Buss, 2008).
More generally, attractiveness judgments also depend in part on the attractiveness of
other people to whom we are exposed. Simply put, our perceptions of an average-looking
person can be adversely affected if we had prior exposure to an extremely attractive per-
son. Perceptual contrast effects of this nature are most pronounced when we are conscious
of the prior stimulus (Martin, 1986) and when there is a large discrepancy between the
prior stimulus and the one to be judged (Herr, Sherman, & Fazio, 1983). In the domain of
attractiveness judgments, this effect has been demonstrated in a number of experiments.
In one study (Kenrick & Gutierres, 1980), male dormitory residents were asked to rate a
photograph of an average-looking female. Half the participants made their ratings after
watching an episode of Charlie’s Angels, a TV show that ran from 1976 to 1981 and
featured three strikingly attractive women, while the other half made their ratings after
watching other TV programs. As it turns out, men who had watched Charlie’s Angels
rated the photograph as less attractive than men who had watched programs not featuring
beautiful women. This contrast was subsequently replicated in more controlled laboratory
settings as well (Kenrick & Gutierres, 1980, Studies 2 and 3).
Prior exposure to relatively unattractive others sends this contrast effect in the opposite
direction: Research participants rate the photographs of an average-looking female as
more attractive when it is presented after a series of photographs depicting faces low in
attractiveness. Note that timing seems to be essential for this contrast effect to occur. It is
primarily obtained when attractive or unattractive stimuli precede the one to be judged.
When the same moderately attractive picture is embedded in a series of pictures either
low or high in attractiveness, exactly the opposite effect is observed. Under these cir-
cumstances, the perceived attractiveness of the average-looking person is assimilated to
the context. It is perceived as less attractive when it is embedded in a series of pictures
depicting people low in attractiveness and more attractive when embedded in a set of
photographs depicting people high in attractiveness (Geiselman, Haight, & Kimata, 1984;
Wedell, Parducci, & Geiselman, 1987).
The lessons from the work on perceptual contrast and assimilation are straightfor-
ward: Attractive people are a tough act to follow. Massive beauty not only affects how
attractive others perceive us, but also decreases perceptions of our own desirability as a
mate (Gutierres, Kenrick, & Partch, 1999). Consequently, if we are concerned with being
perceived as attractive by others as well as ourselves, we are better off being surrounded
by beautiful others.
Ironically, another way that context might help us amplify our attractiveness is to be
involved in a relationship. The fact that a person is in a committed relationship marks
them as a good romantic choice (Uller & Johansson, 2003). That is, being involved in
a relationship provides information about a person’s commitment worthiness. In other
words, it indicates a person’s relationship fitness, giving those outside the pair confir-
mation about the mated person’s “invisible” positive qualities. The problem, though, is
that we are now setting our sights on someone who is already “spoken for.” Female
mate-choice copying has been found in many animal species (e.g., Godin, Herdman, &
Dugatkin, 2005; Höglund, Alatalo, Gibson, & Lundberg, 1995; White & Galef, 1999).
Evidence for mate-choice copying (e.g., the “wedding ring effect”) has begun to emerge
(e.g., Rodeheffer, Proffitt Leyva, & Hill, 2016).
Social comparison explanations support the notion that context can influence percep-
tions of attractiveness—but in women only. In a set of clever studies, Graziano and col-
leagues (Graziano, Jensen-Campbell, Shebilske, & Lundgren, 1993) led male and female
participants to believe that many other people had rated the attractiveness of several dif-
ferent people depicted in photographs. Women were most influenced by the feedback of
others—especially by the negative ratings of other women who had viewed the stimulus
photos before them. Thus, there are many ways that attractiveness may be influenced by
elements of our context—not only by those who surround us, but by whether we are in a
relationship and by the opinions of others.
Dispositional Influences
Our perceptions and evaluations of other people are to some extent influenced by our tran-
sient moods. Generally speaking, we tend to look at others more favorably when we are in
good moods and less favorably when we are in a bad mood (Erber, 1991; Forgas & Bower,
1987). This seems to include our perceptions of others’ physical attractiveness. In one study
(May & Hamilton, 1980), female research participants rated photographs of men varying in
attractiveness. They rated the photos while listening to either pleasant rock music, unpleas-
ant avant-garde music, or no music at all. As one might expect, all photographs were rated
as more attractive by research participants in whom a positive mood had been induced and
less attractive by those in a negative mood, regardless of how attractive the men in the pho-
tographs actually were. More specific affective states can influence attractiveness judgments
as well. For example, and perhaps not surprisingly, feeling disgusted lowers our perceptions
of others who are objectively high in physical attractiveness (Phelan & Edlund, 2016).
As we have already seen, being involved in a romantic relationship shapes how those
outside the relationship view us. How we view others is also shaped by whether we are
presently involved in a romantic relationship. Relative to those not involved in ongo-
ing dating relationships, people who are dating someone tend to perceive opposite-
sex persons as less attractive (Simpson, Gangestead, & Lerma, 1990). This perceptual
shift does not appear to be influenced by such extraneous factors such as self-esteem.
Instead, it may be a powerful mechanism for the maintenance of relationships because
it reduces our susceptibility to temptation. Interestingly, this effect can sometimes go in
the opposite direction. Consistent with the findings on perceptual contrast, one study
(Kenrick, Neuberg, Zierk, & Krones, 1994) reports that male research participants who
had been exposed to photographs of extremely attractive women evaluated their cur-
rent relationship less favorably than participants who had been exposed to photos of
average-looking women.
On the other hand, unattached people who desire a dating relationship seem to become
less discriminating as they become progressively more desperate. For example, being on the
receiving end of repeated left swipes on Tinder may result in an adjustment of standards.
Supporting this idea is a classic study by Pennebaker and colleagues (1979). They had an
experimenter approach patrons of bars in Charlottesville, Virginia, at 9:00 p.m., 10:30 p.m.,
and 12:00 a.m. and asked them to rate the collective attractiveness of the patrons of the
opposite sex. As one might expect, men and women alike rated opposite-sex patrons as more
attractive when the number of possible choices decreased as the closing time, 12:30 a.m.,
approached. Interestingly, this change in perceptions of attractiveness does not appear to
be caused by increases in alcohol consumption or inebriation. Subsequent research suggests
that these effects are not limited to Charlottesville, Virginia (Gladue & Delaney, 1990).
Although contextual and dispositional variables can often alter our perceptions of oth-
ers’ physical attractiveness, the fact remains that it is of paramount importance for the
initiation, progress, and maintenance of romantic relationships. How, then, can the rest of
us ever hope to get a date?
Attractiveness and Dating: A Reprise

The idea that we base our dating choices solely on our dates’ physical appearance is some-
what disheartening. After all, it seems to fly in the face of such admonitions as not to
judge a book by its cover and that beauty is only skin deep. However, as we have seen,
the phenomenon has shown to be robust (e.g., Sprecher, 1989a) and universal (Hatfield &
Sprecher, 1986b). One frequently heard argument against the seeming importance of physi-
cal attractiveness for dating is that its role changes as people get older and as couples con-
tinue dating. Under such circumstances, people may become more realistic in their choices.
Instead of reaching for the fairest of them all, they may look for others who match their
own level of attractiveness. This idea that romantic couples in ongoing relationships are
matched in their levels of attractiveness has received some empirical support (Murstein,
1972; Price & Vandenberg, 1979). And while some studies found support for this match-
ing hypothesis among long-term, committed couples (Murstein & Christy, 1976; White,
1980), other studies suggest that matching may be especially important during the early
stages of relationships (Feingold, 1988). There is even evidence that matching is important
for same-sex friendships (Cash & Derlega, 1978), although once again men are more likely
to base same-sex friendship choices on attractiveness than are women (Feingold, 1988).
One of the earliest and most dramatic demonstrations for the veracity of the match-
ing hypothesis in the initiation of romantic relationships comes from a study (Berscheid,
Dion, Walster, & Walster, 1971) that used the same Computer Dance technique (that we
reviewed earlier in the chapter) with one major difference. Rather than being assigned a
date, research participants could choose from several possible dates who varied in their
level of attractiveness. As it turns out, research participants chose dates that matched their
own self-reported level of attractiveness. This occurred regardless of whether participants
thought their potential date might accept or reject them.
At first glance, the findings of this second Computer Dance study seem to be at odds
with Walster and colleagues’ observation that the date’s level of physical attractiveness
was the only thing that mattered. After all, people can’t very well seek the most attractive
dates and at the same time those who match them in attractiveness. However, a closer
inspection of the results shows that the findings may be complementary rather than con-
tradictory. Matching may most readily be observed in an initial dating choice when there
is a range of potential partners, as was the case in the Berscheid and colleagues’ study. In
support of this idea, Gomez and Erber (2013) found that matching determines success in
speed-dating. On the other hand, when fate or a computer arranges a date with a highly
attractive person, as was the case in the Walster and colleagues’ study, people tend to
attempt to maintain that contact, especially after they already had some interactions with
the date. In other words, matching may be a motive in achieving a date, whereas attrac-
tiveness may be a motive in holding on to that date.
Issues of timing and motivation aside, there appear to be few people who think of
themselves as unattractive. In a survey of 2,000 men and women, Hatfield and Sprecher
(1986b) found that most adults are quite happy with the way they look. Only 4 per-
cent of men and 7 percent of women they surveyed indicated they were dissatisfied with
their appearance. Similarly, the majority of people rate their partners as attractive or very
attractive (e.g., Gagné & Lydon, 2004). From this perspective, the results of the two Com-
puter Dance studies are quite compatible: People look for dating partners that match their
own level of attractiveness, but since they think of themselves as pretty good looking, they
tend to look for others who are similar on this dimension.
Alternatively, we can understand matching by considering people’s sense of self-worth
along with their objective and physical attractiveness (Taylor, Fiore, Mendelsohn, &
Cheshire, 2011). Our objective physical attractiveness may provide a lower limit for the
physical attractiveness of a potential date that allows us to define potentially unattractive
dates as attractive and desirable. At the same time, our subjective physical attractiveness
may provide an upper limit that prevents us from seeking dates that are too attractive, that
is, out of our league. Thus, the two limits work in tandem to generate a range of dating
choices that result in most people dating others of similar, or matching, physical attractive-
ness (Montoya, 2008).

• A study of patients in a mental health institution revealed that unattractive
patients received more severe diagnoses and remained hospitalized longer than
attractive patients. This was interpreted as a bias in favor of the attractive
patients based on the “what is beautiful is good” stereotype. Can you think of
an alternative explanation? What would be the implications of this explanation?
• Some research shows that attractive people often have a hard time starting a
relationship because their beauty scares other people away. But evolutionary
theory predicts that we tend to seek the most attractive partner. How would you
reconcile the two?
• Context plays a role in our perception of attractiveness. Men perceive women
as less desirable when surrounded by men than when surrounded by women or
by themselves. On the other hand, women perceive men as more desirable when
surrounded by women than when surrounded by other men or by themselves.
What do you suppose drives these gender differences?
Summary
Issues • Standards of physical attractiveness over time and across cultures

• The importance of physical attractiveness
• Defining the physical attractiveness stereotype and its origins
• Evolutionary explanations
• Cognitive processing of familiarity
• Social determinants of attractiveness perception
• The context of physical attractiveness: Is beauty in the eye of the
beholder?
Theories • Socialization and cultural variation on what comprises a beautiful body
• Evolutionary theories that explain the universality of many attractive-
ness features such as attractive faces and the physical attractiveness
stereotype
Research • Data from the “evolutionary files” show that beauty is universally impor-
tant and perceived
• Average and symmetrical faces are perceived as more attractive and as hon-
est indicators of reproductive health (Gangestad et al., 2006)
• Reproductive concerns, although important, are not the only motives in
determining attraction
• Women pursue multiple motives in mate choice
• Being physically attractive has its benefits, such as being judged as hav-
ing a better personality, doing better work, and being more deserving of
promotions
• Being physically unattractive has its drawbacks, such as being judged by
others to have poorer mental health, being more responsible for transgres-
sions, and receiving harsher punishments
• Children as well as adults recognize and prefer attractive faces; both chil-
dren and adults also discriminate in favor of physically attractive people
(Ramsey et al., 2004)
Key Terms
Androcentric bias: considering the male experience as the norm, while the female experi-
ence is ignored or considered abnormal.
Prototypes: mental representations of categories, such as human faces, around their modal
features.
Inclusive fitness: an organism’s desire to pass its genes on to the next generation through
reproduction or ensuring the genetic survival of kin.
Parental investment: refers to the different reproductive goals of men and women.
Heterozygosity: an organism’s ability to resist parasitic infections; it is conveyed by facial
symmetry.
“Warm glow” heuristic: a process by which prototypicality leads to liking and liking leads
to perceptions of familiarity.
Sociocultural view: the theoretical claim that sex differences in physical attractiveness are
best understood as stemming from the division of labor in industrialized societies.
“What is beautiful is good” stereotype: our proclivity to attribute a host of other positive
qualities to physically attractive people.
Contrast effects: a perceptual phenomenon that explains why our perceptions of an
average-looking person can be adversely affected if we had prior exposure to an
extremely attractive person.
Matching hypothesis: a theoretical statement that explains why partners in established
relationships are generally well-matched in terms of their physical attractiveness.
4 Psychological Attraction
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The physical attractiveness of another person is certainly a strong basis for the initiation of
intimate relationships, as the previous chapter has shown. At the same time, the popularity
of matchmaking services that tout the importance of compatibility suggests that attraction
may be influenced by characteristics and processes that operate beneath the epidermis. In
that regard, romantic relationships can be quite similar to same-sex friendships that are fre-
quently based on principles that have very little to do with physical appearance. Of course,
the question is: what are these principles? And exactly how do the 29 eHarmony dimen-
sions of compatibility lead to success in long-term relationships? Over the years, psycholo-
gists have discovered a number of answers to these questions. Some of these answers were
obtained by extending psychological theories to the issue of relationship initiation. Other
answers were obtained by trying to make sense of seemingly odd and surprising relationship
phenomena. This chapter looks at the kinds of answers generated by both sets of approaches.
Theory-Driven Approaches
Implicit Egotism
When asked to explain why we like the things we like, most of us would probably be
tempted to point to specific features of items that are dear to us. In the process, we might
ignore that many of our preferences are shaped by a variety of processes that operate
outside conscious awareness. Chief among those is our proclivity to like things that are
superficially associated with an aspect of ourselves. Such implicit egotism manifests itself
in a number of ways. For example, we often like things for no other reason than their
connection to letters in our names (Pelham, Mirenberg, & Jones, 2002). In support of this
idea, people tend to live in cities that resemble their names. There are a disproportionate
number of Jacks in Jacksonville, Phils in Philadelphia, Virginias in Virginia Beach, and
Mildreds in Milwaukee. Dentists in the United States are more likely to be named Den-
nis, Denise, and Dena. Likewise, hardware store owners are especially likely to be named
Harold or Harris, and roofers are especially likely to have names like Rashid, Roy, or Ray.
Psychological Attraction 49
Interpersonal preferences are similarly influenced by implicit egotism. Consider, for exam-
ple, our colleague Christine who moved to Chicago, married Chuck, and had two children:
Charlie and Cassandra. Archival studies show that her choices are no coincidence. People are
more likely to marry others whose first or last names resemble their own. And experimen-
tal studies show that participants are more likely to be attracted than usual to participants
whose experimental code resembled their own birthday and whose surnames shared letters
with their own (Jones, Pelham, Carvallo, & Mirenberg, 2004). If these findings don’t match
your experience, don’t be alarmed. Name-letter effects are generally small, and there is some
disagreement about whether they exist at all (Pelham & Carvallo, 2011; Simonsohn, 2011).
Learning Principles
Social networking sites like Facebook and Instagram allow us to share our thoughts, feel-
ings, and experiences with others who can respond to us without having to be physically
present. Assume that you have a number of friends who reliably indicate their liking for
the photos and videos you post. Chances are that your liking for these friends will be
higher than those who don’t respond to your posts with a “like.” The reason is that being
liked, or rewarded, for what we do makes us feel good. And these good feelings become
associated with the person who delivers this kind of reward. This, in essence illustrates the
principles of operant conditioning of liking (Skinner, 1938) which considers learning as
resulting from associating behavior with its consequences.
Associations also figure prominently in the classical conditioning of liking that has its
roots in Pavlov’s (1927) pioneering work on conditioning in animals. In the course of
collecting saliva from his subjects (i.e., dogs), one of Pavlov’s lab assistants noticed an
increase in the dogs’ rate of salivation not when they were presented with food, but just a
little earlier, when he turned on the light in the lab. The unheralded assistant’s discovery
changed the course of psychology forever.
Pavlov reasoned that salivation in response to food is something that neither humans
nor animals can easily avoid. He called this reflexive response an unconditioned response
(salivation) to an unconditioned stimulus (food). However, in the case of the lab light
being turned on repeatedly and predictably just prior to each meal, Pavlov’s dogs learned
an association between the two events (i.e., light and food). Pavlov termed the light-
induced salivation the conditioned response to the light (i.e., the learned or conditioned
stimulus). Note that the unconditioned stimulus and the conditioned stimulus refer to dif-
ferent events—namely, the food and the light.
How does classical conditioning operate in human romantic attraction? Essentially, it
suggests that we will come to like those with whom good things are associated (Lott &
Lott, 1974). That is, we should like someone better if we meet the person on a sunny
day or in an interesting class rather than on a rainy day or in a boring class. Supposedly,
the positive feelings induced by one’s surroundings become conditioned to the person in
question, resulting in increased liking. Not surprisingly, numerous experimental studies
support this seemingly commonsense idea (e.g., Byrne, 1971; Byrne & Rhamey, 1965;
Clore & Byrne, 1974; Lott & Lott, 1974).
At the same time, there is evidence for the idea that we will come to dislike others
whom we meet under adverse conditions (Gouaux, 1971; Griffit, 1969; Griffit & Veitch,
1971; Veitch & Griffit, 1976). In these kinds of experiments, research participants typi-
cally evaluate fictitious others while they are in lab rooms ranging from hot and crowded
to comfortable and roomy (Griffit & Veitch, 1971). Consistent with predictions from the
classical conditioning model, the fictitious strangers are evaluated less favorably as the con-
ditions deteriorate. Again, it appears that the negative affect induced by the adverse situ-
ation becomes conditioned to the person being evaluated, leading to a decrease in liking.
One noteworthy feature of the studies on the conditioning of negative affect is their reli-
ance on rating a fictitious rather than a real stranger. In the case of the Griffit and Veitch
(1971) study, one might wonder what would have happened if the research participants
had been asked to evaluate the other people who were in the room with them, rather
than the “bogus stranger.” There is good reason to raise this question. In June of 2004,
when the former World War II allies celebrated the 60th anniversary of the invasion of
Normandy, newspapers carried stories about friendships that had been forged among sol-
diers who participated in the Allied landing. In most cases, these friendships survived the
test of time and geographical separation. What is equally remarkable is the fact that they
developed among people who met each other in a highly aversive environment. At least
one laboratory study (Rotton et al., 1978) reports increased attraction among research
participants who met in an environment polluted by ammonium sulfide.
These kinds of phenomena are not overly conducive to an explanation in terms of clas-
sical conditioning, as it would predict that the negative affect induced by being fired at
or inhaling polluted air would somehow carry over to the others present in the situation.
Then again, the research using the aversive conditioning paradigm shows this happening
primarily for fictitious strangers. Perhaps the soldiers on the Normandy beaches would
have given less favorable ratings of their enemy’s kindness or Ronald Reagan’s acting abil-
ity had they been asked to do that. The people who share their fate are an entirely different
matter. There is good reason to predict that adverse environmental conditions may actu-
ally lead to an increase in liking rather than a decrease, as predicted by classical condition-
ing. Experiencing fear and uncertainty heightens our need for affiliation (Schachter, 1959).
The presence of others helps reduce both, and this may explain why we find ourselves
more attracted to people with whom we share adversity.
It is possible to make sense of the competing predictions for the influence of adversity
on liking of fictitious versus real strangers within the context of learning theory. Nega-
tive affect becomes associated with bogus strangers, just as classical conditioning would
predict. Real strangers, however, have rewarding qualities because their mere presence can
help us deal with whatever adverse conditions might be present. Our increased attraction
to these people can be explained within operant conditioning as a result of escape condi-
tioning (Kenrick & Johnson, 1979). In other words, we can come to like others because
their presence can help us escape an aversive situation.
Of course, there is something unsettling about a set of theories that predict that we would
be equally likely to be attracted to a stranger we meet at a bus stop on a balmy, sunny day
(classical conditioning) or a cold, stormy day (operant conditioning). It appears that attrac-
tion will always increase unless the situation is neutral—that is, not perceived as either pleas-
ant or unpleasant. It is hard to conceive of situations that are in fact truly neutral, and thus,
the predictive power of learning theories is diminished by virtue of explaining too much.
This does not mean that pleasant or aversive situations cannot lead to increased attraction
to a stranger. Instead, it means that we may have to look elsewhere for an explanation.
Attraction as Misattribution of Arousal

If one accepts the prevailing view of humans as active information processors who try
to explain their behavior in the context of the world around them (e.g, Fiske & Taylor,
1991), it becomes possible to reexamine why particularly pleasant as well as aversive situ-
ations might stimulate attraction to a stranger. Generally, this type of situation increases
our level of physiological arousal—our general level of activation. And our subjective
experience of this arousal depends on what kind of explanation or attribution we make
for them (Schachter & Singer, 1962).
Inherent in this idea is the assumption that increases in physiological arousal—i.e.,
increased heart rate, perspiration, and breathing—are initially unspecific and equally char-
acteristic of both positive and negative emotions. What ultimately determines how we
feel depends on the type of attributions we make for our arousal, which, in turn, may be
suggested by the situation. For example, if you notice an increase in arousal and realize
that crummy weather has prevented you from your usual outdoor exercise routine, you
may explain your arousal in terms of the weather and label it “irritation.” If, on the other
hand, that same increase in arousal is coupled with the realization that spring is around
the corner, you may label it “happiness.” The point is that arousal alone is not specific
to any emotion. Rather, the subjective emotional experience is determined by cues in the
situation as to the possible causes for our arousal (Schachter & Singer, 1962).
In many cases, the situational cues are unambiguous and readily available (e.g., win-
ning the lottery, death of a pet). Further, we are also pretty good at figuring out what
kinds of things make us happy, sad, and irritated. Thus, the process of labeling our
arousal is not exactly a mysterious task, proceeding instead with apparent ease and even
lack of awareness. Yet there are situations in which such labels or attributions can be
harder to come by. This happens when situations contain multiple cues about the origin
of one’s arousal. To return to our bus stop example, if we stand there alone, we may
attribute our increased arousal to the fact that it is raining and our bus is late. If, on the
other hand, someone whom we find attractive is also awaiting the bus’s arrival, things
get more interesting: The presence of the other person adds a novel cue to explain our
arousal: Instead of irritation . . . love at first sight!
Empirical support for the idea that attraction can result from misattribution of arousal
comes from a field experiment on men who had just crossed either a shaky or a sturdy
bridge (Dutton & Aron, 1974). The men were approached by a male interviewer or an
attractive female interviewer who asked them to fill out a short questionnaire and gave
them the opportunity to contact her (or him) in the future if they had further questions.
The differences between the two bridges, and thus the two experimental conditions, were
fairly dramatic in terms of their respective fear-arousing qualities. The shaky (experimen-
tal) bridge was a 5-foot-wide, 450-foot-long suspension bridge constructed of wooden
boards attached to wire cables, crossing a 230-foot-deep canyon. It had a tendency to tilt,
sway, and wobble. These characteristics, along with low handrails of wire cables, gave the
impression that one was about to fall over the side at any moment. The sturdy (control)
bridge was 10 feet wide, ran only 10 feet above a shallow creek, and was constructed of
heavy cedar, making it wider and firmer than the shaky bridge.
The researchers were primarily interested in the number of research participants who
accepted the interviewer’s phone number and availed themselves of the opportunity to
call. Consistent with their expectations, 9 out of 18 participants who had crossed the
shaky bridge ended up calling the attractive female experimenter. Of those who had
crossed the sturdy bridge, only 2 out of 16 called. Hardly any of the research participants
called the male experimenter regardless of whether they had crossed the shaky (2 out
of 7) or the sturdy (1 out of 6) bridges. Evidently, participants who had crossed the shaky
bridge attributed any residual arousal to the presence of the attractive female interviewer.
Bridge Low and Sturdy High and Shaky

Type
Confederate
Gender
Male .17 .13

Female .125 .50
Figure 4.1 Percentage of Men Who Called the Experimenter After Crossing the Bridge
No such misattribution occurred when there was little arousal present to begin with or
when the interviewer was male and thus provided a relatively poor cue to participants’
arousal. Figure 4.1 depicts the percentages of participants in the experimental conditions
who called the experimenter.
Dutton and Aron’s (1974) finding that romantic attraction can be explained in terms of
arousal brought on by external stimuli being attributed to a potential object of attraction
has proven to be a fairly robust phenomenon. A number of experiments manipulating
research participants’ level of arousal have yielded similar results. For example, male par-
ticipants expecting a painful electric shock became more attracted to an attractive female
confederate than did participants expecting to receive only a mild shock (Dutton & Aron,
1974, Experiment 3). Similar results were obtained in experiments that manipulated partic-
ipants’ arousal through exposure to erotic material (Stephan, Berscheid, & Walster, 1971)
or through unflattering feedback on a personality test (Jacobs, Berscheid, & Walster, 1971).
Perhaps the most revealing evidence for the notion that “adrenaline makes the heart
grow fonder” comes from a study on young dating couples asked to rate (1) the extent
of romantic love they felt for their partner and (2) the amount of parental interference to
which their relationship was subjected (Driscoll, Davis, & Lipetz, 1972). Not surprisingly,
from a misattribution view, the study found a positive relationship between the amount of
love and the amount of parental interference. In other words, the more parental interfer-
ence existed, the more couples felt that they were in love. According to data reported by
Rubin (1973), dating couples from different religious backgrounds reported more roman-
tic love than couples with similar religious backgrounds. Presumably, in both instances the
arousal produced by parental interference or the conflict with respect to different religious
orientations was attributed to the partner, resulting in more subjectively experienced love.
Some (Kenrick & Cialdini, 1977) have argued that increased attraction resulting from
increases in arousal may just as easily be explained in terms of operant conditioning:
Increases in attraction may be due to the other person’s fear-reducing qualities rather
than to a misattribution of arousal produced by the situation. Thus, if the arousal can be
explained easily as stemming from the anticipation of a painful electric shock, increased
attraction to a stranger may in fact be the result of that person’s propensity to reduce fear.
On the other hand, if the source of the arousal is ambiguous, increased attraction may be
a result of misattribution (White & Kight, 1984).
So what about the men on Dutton and Aron’s (1974) shaky bridge? It appears that
their attraction to the attractive female confederate was a result of misattribution and not
operant conditioning for two reasons. First, the source of their arousal was probably at
least somewhat ambiguous. It may have been due to the swaying of the bridge, but at the
same time, participants may have discounted this as a likely cause: After all, grown men
are not scared of crossing a bridge open to the general public. Indeed, if crossing it were
truly dangerous, it would have been closed. Second, participants’ increased attraction was
limited to the attractive female interviewer whose presence could constitute a reasonable
source of arousal. If operant conditioning were all that mattered, participants should have
been just as attracted to the male interviewer because his presence should have been just
as fear reducing as the presence of the female interviewer.
The misattribution view on attraction has some clear-cut implications about how one
might want to proceed in the early stages of dating. Rubin (1973) pointed out that court-
ship experts in Roman times advised men to take their would-be lovers to the arena to
watch the gladiators. Supposedly, the generalized arousal initially created by watching the
contests would eventually be misperceived as having its source in the woman’s suitor and
be labeled as love. The ancient Romans have been gone for a long time, leaving us with
no solid evidence for how well it actually worked. Would contemporary women and men
benefit from taking their dates to see a scary movie or competitive sporting event? The
answer appears to be a qualified yes. First, there are indications that the arousal created by
an exciting and competitive sporting event is most likely to carry over to a situation that
bears some similarity (Cummins, Wise, & Nutting, 2012). In other words, it is more likely
to influence a subsequent period of play rather than romantic pursuits. Moreover, watch-
ing a frightening movie may lead to attraction because the arousal it creates encourages
women and men to behave in gender-stereotypic ways, promoting closeness and offering
a prescription for interaction (Harris et al., 2000). Not surprisingly, then, taking a date
to see a romantic movie appears to have similar effects on attraction (Harris et al., 2004).

• Classical and operant conditioning theories predict that attraction will always
increase unless the situation is neutral—that is, not perceived as either pleasant
or unpleasant. Yet we know that in reality we do sometimes take a dislike to
some people. Can you think of a set of conditions in which conditioning will
predict decreased liking for a stranger?
• Dating couples who come from different religious backgrounds and couples
who suffer interference from parents report more romantic love. This finding is
attributed to an increase in the overall arousal that is interpreted as love. Can
you think of alternative explanations for this phenomenon?
Characteristics of Others (Part I): The Gleam of Praise

To this point, the discussion of the psychological bases of attraction has been limited to
situational variables. Clearly, whether we come to like another also depends in large part
on the nature of that individual’s behavior toward us. All else being equal, it is probably
the case that we like those who act to reward us. Praise for our thoughts, emotions, and
actions is one kind of reward that is specifically tied to others and may itself stem from
a more general need for approval. From this point of view, it is probably fair to say that
we like more those who praise us than those who derogate us or act indifferently toward
us. Based on this simple principle, Dale Carnegie (1936) advised that heaping praise on
someone is the most foolproof means to ascertain that person’s friendship. In reality, the
role of praise in interpersonal attraction is considerably more complicated than that. Sev-
eral hundred years ago, Dutch philosopher Baruch Spinoza (1981) provided an important
insight into this issue through proposition 44 of The Ethics.
Hatred which is completely vanquished by love passes into love: and love is thereupon
greater than if hatred had not preceded it. For he who begins to love a thing, which
he has wont to hate or regard with pain, from the very fact of loving feels pleasure.
To this pleasure involved in love is added the pleasure arising from aid given to the
endeavor to remove the pain involved in hatred, accompanied by the idea of the for-
mer object of hatred as cause.
With respect to the role of praise in attraction, Spinoza’s insight suggests that we would
like others more who first derogate us and then subsequently praise us. Social psycholo-
gists have gathered evidence for this idea. Aronson and Linder (1965) created an experi-
mental situation in which research participants overheard a confederate talk about them
following several brief interactions. In one condition, the confederate consistently con-
veyed a positive impression of the subject (e.g., intelligent, good conversationalist, out-
standing person). In another condition, the confederate consistently conveyed the opposite
impression. Needless to say, there were marked differences in terms of how much partici-
pants liked the confederate in either one of these conditions, as one would expect. Most
interesting, however, were the outcomes in which the confederate started out conveying
first a negative impression and then changed it to become more positive. Under these
conditions, participants liked the confederate even more than when she had been positive
all along. Not surprisingly, when the confederate’s evaluation went from initially positive
to negative, participants liked her even less than when she had consistently conveyed a
negative impression.
Why would we like someone more who first thinks poorly of us and later becomes more
favorable than someone who likes us all along? One reason is that we perceive the switch
from negative to favorable evaluations as a relative gain just as Spinoza (1981) had sug-
gested. By the same token, we like someone less who switches from a positive evaluation
to a negative one. Compared to people who have hated us all along, we perceive the switch
as a relative loss, which then adds to our dislike of that person. To some extent, these gain-
loss effects may be due to the kinds of things we do when we receive praise from others.
We often engage in an attributional analysis to discern the other person’s motives. Others
may use praise to cull favors or gain approval from us. Not surprisingly, when we perceive
praise as resulting from an ulterior motive, it leads to a decrease rather than an increase in
attraction (Jones & Pittman, 1982; Jones & Wortman, 1973). Given these considerations,
the realization that someone changes his or her mind about us in a positive direction may
lend credibility to the praise and hence increase attraction. When this change occurs in the
opposite direction, we may conclude that the initial praise was perhaps not sincere, and
consequently attraction would decrease.
Dispositions on the part of those on the receiving end of praise further complicate the
picture. Despite the appeal among laypeople and therapists (e.g., Rogers, 1961) that peo-
ple are motivated by a need for approval, the idea has not figured very prominently in the
psychological literature. In fact, when Murray (1938) proposed that there were 39 needs
underlying human behavior, need for approval was not among them. It has been proposed
that, rather than seeking approval, people seek feedback that is consistent with their self-
conceptions, even if these self-conceptions are negative (Lecky, 1945). This striving for
self-verification implies that people with positive self-concepts prefer positive feedback,
including praise. On the other hand, people with negative self-concepts prefer negative
feedback (Swann, 1983). Consistent with this idea, people with positive self-views tend
to choose partners who evaluate them favorably, whereas people with negative self-views
prefer partners who evaluate them unfavorably yet confirm their own views of themselves
(Swann, Hixon, Stein-Seroussi, & Gilbert, 1990; Swann, Stein-Seroussi, & Giesler, 1992).
Similarly, married couples report a higher level of commitment when they feel their spouse
really knows them, including their shortcomings and flaws (Swann, Hixon, & De La
Ronde, 1992).
Characteristics of Others (Part II): Agreement Is Everything

On some level, praise may be a specific, if exaggerated, form of agreement. Someone
who compliments us on our choice of wardrobe or political opinions essentially com-
municates agreement about these choices. Obviously, disagreement can be detrimental
for the initiation and maintenance of close relationships. If two people cannot agree on
what comprises a fun date, their relationship is not likely to develop much further. A
couple whose relationship is marked by frequent disagreements over issues of more or
lesser importance is likely to experience conflict, which can turn in to dissatisfaction and
to an eventual breakup.
Agreement, on the other hand, produces attraction, and attraction can produce agree-
ment. This was first recognized by Heider (1958) and further elaborated on by Newcomb
(1961) in their respective formulations of balance theory. According to this theory, to
fully understand attraction in interpersonal relationships, one first needs to recognize that
a relationship between two people involves sentiment relationships among three distinct
units or elements. First, there is a relationship between a person (P) and another (O) char-
acterized by mutual liking or disliking. Second, both P and O can have a relationship with
regard to some issue (X), which could be an attitude, object, behavior, or personality trait.
This unit relationship can take on many forms. It could involve perceptions of who is the
best soccer player of all time (an attitude), a particular ice-cream flavor (an object), nose
picking in public (a behavior), or honesty (a personality trait). The respective relationships
could be marked by overt agreement (e.g., Pele is the best soccer player ever) or by mere
association (e.g., the fact that P frequently picks his nose in public). These relationships
among the elements of the P-O-X triad can be formally represented as triangles where a +
denotes liking, agreement, or the presence of some attribute (see Figure 4.2).
By and large, people gravitate toward balanced triads. A triad is a state of balance
when “the perceived units and the experienced sentiments coexist without stress” (Heider,
1958, p. 176). Formally, this is obtained when the multiplications of the signs result in a
positive outcome, as is the case for Triad I, where two people like each other and evaluate
something positively. Balance also exists for Triad II, where two people like each other and
evaluate something negatively. In either case, the sentiment and unit relationships coexist
in perfect harmony, and there is little reason for P and O to do anything other than to
enjoy their relationship and reaffirm each other in their mutual dislike of some issue.
The story is different for Triad III. It is marked by a state of imbalance created by the
fact that P and O have different sentiments about issue X. The resulting tension is hypoth-
esized to motivate P to restore balance. This could be accomplished in a number of ways:
Triad I X Triad II X
+ + – –
P O P O
+ +
Triad III X
+ –
P O
+
Triad IV X Triad V X
+ – – –
P O P O
– –
Figure 4.2 States of Balance, Imbalance, and Unbalance Among a Person (P), Another (O), and
Sentiments Toward an Issue, Object, or Person (X)
(1) a change in P’s attitude toward X, (2) a change in P’s perception of O’s attitude, (3) a
reduction in the importance P assigns to X, (4) a reduction in the attraction of P for O,
and (5) a reduction in the common relevance assigned to X by both P and O (Newcomb,
1961). Which of these paths is chosen depends to some extent on the nature of the rela-
tionship and the situation. A change in P’s attitude toward X may be most likely when P
is not heavily invested in X. On the other hand, if P has a strong and entrenched belief in
X, a change in perception regarding O’s attitude may more easily restore balance. How-
ever, people tend to avoid states of unbalance, marked by a mutual dislike between P and
O (Triads IV and V), and thus a reduction in the attraction of P and O may be the least
likely way to restore balance (Tashakorri & Insko, 1981). This appears to be especially
true for relationships that are formed in the absence of free choice (such as relationships
among coworkers and tenants, for example). In such situations, we even tend to increase
our attraction for people whom we initially disliked (Tyler & Sears, 1977).
Speaking of people we dislike, balance theory can explain why we sometimes like those
who dislike the same people we do. Remember that people gravitate toward balanced tri-
ads. Our enemy’s (X) enemy (O) becomes our friend (Aronson & Cope, 1968) because in
light of the shared dislike of X, balance can be obtained only by rendering the sign for the
relationship between P and O positive (see Triad II). In a similar vein, balance principles
can explain the unique experience of Schadenfreude, a German term for taking delight in
another’s misfortune. If Lukas is poor and likes his neighbor who is rich, the relationship
is imbalanced. Finding out that the neighbor lost her fortune in the stock market restores
balance: The multiplication of the signs now results in a positive outcome, meaning that
now Lukas and his neighbor share a common fate.

• Striving for self-verification implies that people will seek feedback consistent
with their self-image, even when it is negative. But self-enhancement theory pre-
dicts that we will try to enhance, or at least protect, our self-evaluations. How
would you reconcile the two theories?
• According to balance theory, we tend to form balanced triads, but the way to
achieve balance depends on a number of factors. How would you explain the
influence of free choice on liking in this context?
Similarity: Do Birds of a Feather Flock Together?

The common observation that we like those who agree with us prompts the speculation
that we might more generally be attracted to others who are similar to us in terms of
their attitudes as well as their personal characteristics. In some ways, nothing could be
truer. There is overwhelming evidence that we like others who are similar to us in age
(Ellis, Rogoff, & Cramer, 1981), religion and race (Kandel, 1978), emotional experience
(Rosenblatt & Greenberg, 1988), sense of humor (Murstein & Brust, 1985), intelligence
(Lewak, Wakefield, & Briggs, 1985), performance and skill level (Tesser, Campbell, &
Smith, 1984), and being a morning person versus an evening person (Watts, 1982). To
some extent, similarity on such dimensions may promote the ease with which two people
communicate and interact. Morning people and evening people may simply have a hard
time coordinating their activities. The proposition that “Led Zeppelin was the greatest
heavy metal band ever” is more likely to be endorsed by, shall we say, “mature adults.”
Among people currently of college age this same proposition elicits condescending smiles
at best and outright head shaking at worst.
The importance of attitude similarity for attraction was empirically established by Byrne
and his colleagues (Byrne, 1971; Byrne & Nelson, 1965; Byrne & Rhamey, 1965; Clore &
Byrne, 1974). In a nutshell, the research testing the similarity-attraction hypothesis shows
that a stranger with similar attitudes is liked more than a stranger with dissimilar atti-
tudes (Byrne, 1961). Degree of attraction is determined not by the total number of agree-
ments, but by the proportion of attitudes on which two people agree. In other words, a
stranger who is similar to us with regard to 5 out of 10 attitudes is liked just as much as
a stranger who agrees with us 50 out of 100 times (Byrne & Nelson, 1965). The degree
of attraction is further determined by the magnitude of similarity. In general, a stranger
who is similar to us on attitudinal as well as personality dimensions is liked more than
a stranger who is similar to us on only one dimension (Byrne & Rhamey, 1965). Finally,
proportion and magnitude of similarity combine multiplicatively to produce the highest
levels of attraction.
It is hard to disagree with the notion that, all else being equal, we will be more attracted
to people who agree with us than to people who disagree with us. At the same time, some
research casts doubts on the pervasiveness of this phenomenon, and other research raises
issues in terms of how the similarity-attraction relationship should be explained. Most of
the experimental work in support of the importance of attitude similarity relies on paper-
and-pencil measures of attraction. When behavioral measures of attraction are employed,
a somewhat different picture emerges. In one study (Gormly, 1979), research participants’
self-reports indicate that they liked attitudinally similar others more than attitudinally
dissimilar others. However, when participants were asked to choose one of the two for a
continued discussion, a whopping two-thirds selected the one whose attitudes were dis-
similar to their own. A number of studies employing paper-and-pencil measures of attrac-
tion report findings that seem to qualify the similarity-attraction relationship in important
ways. For example, similarity seems to matter primarily for people with favorable self-
concepts (Leonard, 1975). In romantically tinged relationships, physical attractiveness is
often more important than attitude similarity (Kleck & Rubenstein, 1975). When physical
attractiveness is held constant, romantic settings can produce attraction to a dissimilar
individual (Gold, Ryckman, & Mosly, 1984). Attitude dissimilarity leads to more attrac-
tion during the early stages of friendship formation than does attitude similarity, although
established friends were most attracted to similar partners (McCarthy & Duck, 1976). In
a similar vein, others (Sunnafrank, 1984) have argued that attitude similarity and attrac-
tion are mostly related in atypical communication settings, such as the psychological
laboratory.
However, a more recent study of 291 newlyweds (Luo & Klohnen, 2005) suggests that
similarity reigns when it comes to both attraction and relationship satisfaction in actual
couples. Moreover, attitudinal similarity appears to be more important than being similar
in personality. Specifically, similarity in attitudes along with religiosity and values pre-
dicted attraction better than similarity on dispositional dimensions such as personality
traits and attachment styles. Similarity on dispositional dimensions was the best predictor
of relationship satisfaction. A couple’s attachment style and their degree of Agreeableness
and Openness (two of the Big Five personality dimensions) contributed significantly to
relationship happiness. This is not entirely surprising if one considers that attitudes are
much more amenable and susceptible to change than personalities. In the rub of day-to-
day existence, having similar personalities eases interactions of all types and on all levels.
A more recent study provides a more clear-cut picture of similarity and dissimilarity in
attraction. The extent to which similarity and dissimilarity increase or decrease attrac-
tion also depends on individuals’ commitment to their relationship (Amodio & Showers,
2005). Over a year’s time, dating partners reported on their commitment to and satisfac-
tion with their romantic partners and indicated how similar they perceived themselves to
be to each other. Level of commitment interacted with similarity in several ways as depicted
in Table 4.1. As predicted, level of commitment to the relationship had an effect on the
relative importance of similarity. However, when the researchers categorized couples along
their level of commitment and degree of similarity they found two surprising results.
First, similarity was not universally beneficial. Although similar partners in committed
relationships were highly satisfied with their relationships, similar partners in uncommit-
ted relationships were not. Similarity paired with commitment was associated with stabil-
ity and control of the relationship, accurate partner appraisals, and acceptance of one’s
partner. However, although initially high, liking resulting from similarity in committed
couples decreased over time. Similarity between less committed partners (i.e., relation-
ships of convenience) resulted in low initial liking and even greater decreases over time.
These individuals, although probably drawn together because of their similarities, did not
like each other and used the relationship to meet other needs (Amodio & Showers, 2005).
Likewise, dissimilarity was also mediated by commitment. Dissimilar partners in highly
committed relationships held unrealistic and idealized appraisals of their partner’s faults,
turning a blind eye to troubling partner qualities. This strategy of imposing a false degree
Table 4.1 Relationship Styles by Level of Commitment and Perceived Similarity
Commitment to Relationship
Low High
Exploration Fatal Attractions

Low • Novelty seeking • Focus on positive “extrinsic”
Perceived Similarity
• Similar to self-expansion (Aron & qualities (not on similarity) and

Aron, 1997) reluctant to recognize negative
• Liking: Moderate with no partner attributes, qualities
decrease over time • Liking: Moderate with substantial
decreases over time
Convenience Prototypic Committed Relationship
High • Unattractive or little-liked • Realistic appraisal of partner,
partners bonded via similarity recognition of both positive and
• Liking: Low with substantial negative traits
decreases over time • Liking: High with decreases over
time
Source: Adapted from Amodio and Showers (2005).
of similarity on the partner proved inadequate, and these relationships faltered over time.
Dissimilar partners in low commitment relationships revealed a second noteworthy out-
come: Although initial liking was only moderate, this group of couples had the most
stable level of liking among all the groups! Amodio and Showers (2005) suggest that these
couples are comprised of “Explorers” who view dissimilarity as growth opportunities and
a chance for self-expansion (e.g., Aron & Aron, 1997).
Together, these findings suggest that similarity and dissimilarity interact with relation-
ship type to produce attraction and repulsion. Specifically, it appears that “committed
birds of a feather flock together.”
Complementarity: Do Opposites Attract?

Given the widespread support for the importance of attitude similarity, it may seem point-
less to ask whether opposites attract. After all, they couldn’t both be true at the same time.
Or could they? One could argue that complementarity may be important when it comes to
meeting each other’s needs. A person who is shy and retiring might be better off with some-
one who is outgoing because of the complementarity in their respective needs. This general
idea has intuitive appeal and, until recently, has been largely supported by observations from
family therapists (Kubie, 1956; Mittelman, 1956). One of the early, more systematic and
ambitious attempts to study the role of need complementarity comes from Winch (1958),
who tried to reconcile the seeming importance of similarity with that of complementarity.
He reasoned that similarity was perhaps most important for meeting someone in the first
place: Someone who spends every weekend playing soccer is unlikely to meet someone who
enjoys the theater. However, once two people have met on the basis of similar interests,
whether their relationship succeeds depends in part on how they meet each other’s needs.
Winch went to Murray’s (1938) list of psychogenic needs and extracted those he felt
were most relevant to human mate selection: abasement (a tendency to yield dignity and
prestige), achievement, approach, autonomy, deference, dominance, hostility, nurturance,
succorance, recognition, status aspirations, and status strivings. In addition, Winch
included the personality dimensions of anxiety, emotionality, and vicariousness. Two
types of complementarity exist for these needs and traits. Type I complementarity exists
when one partner is high on a need and the other partner is low (e.g., one partner is high
on achievement and the other is low on this need). Type II complementarity exists when
one partner is high on one need and the partner is high on a different need. This would be
the case then one person is high in hostility and the other is high on abasement.
To find out about the dimensions on which couples might be complementary, Winch
(1958) selected 25 married couples who attended Northwestern University. He assessed
their needs and personalities through a battery of objective tests, the outcomes of which
he subjected to a number of statistical procedures. His conclusions were that the couples
did indeed show complementarity, especially on such needs as achievement-passivity,
nurturance-dependence, and dominance-deference. He further concluded that most of
the marriages he studied could be classified by the degree of dominance and nurturance
present in the husband and wife. This combination of dominance-submissiveness and
nurturance-receptiveness yields four categories of marriage, as depicted in Table 4.2.
Winch conceded that his classification scheme was not exhaustive enough to account
for all types of marriages and that it had other shortcomings, as well. For example, it
is impossible, in Winch’s system, to properly classify individuals and their relationships
when opposing overt and covert needs come into play simultaneously (e.g., a person who
is dominant and self-assured on one level, but who might be dependent and needy on
another). Further, Winch’s sample of 25 couples was fairly small and perhaps atypical,
given that the couples were comprised of married college students. Not surprisingly, sub-
sequent tests of the complementarity model provided a mixed bag of evidence concern-
ing its role in close relationships. Some early studies found support for Winch’s ideas in
context of friendship choices (Schutz, 1958) and relationship development (Kerckhoff &
Davis, 1962), while others found no evidence for complementarity in dating couples, new-
lyweds, and veteran couples (Bowerman & Day, 1956; Murstein, 1961).
Given the strong evidence for the importance of similarity and the relatively weaker
evidence for that of complementarity, are we to conclude that birds of a feather flock
Table 4.2 Dimensions and Types of Complementarity According to Winch (1958)
Nurturance-Receptiveness
Husband nurturant/ Husband receptive/

Wife receptive Wife nurturant
Ibsenian: Master–Servant Girl:
Dominance-Submissiveness
Husband Husband protector, Husband dominating but

dominant/ caregiver; Wife passive, dependent;
Wife submissive incompetent Wife as competent,
“worthy servant”
Thurberian: Mother-Son:
Husband Husband passive with Husband seeks maternal
submissive/ latent and guarded hostility; succor from wife; Wife is
Wife dominant Wife dominant, active nurturing
together and opposites don’t attract? The answer is both yes and no. On the one hand,
the similarity hypothesis has withstood the test of time very well. On the other hand,
many of the inconsistencies in the findings regarding complementarity stem from dis-
agreements over how to measure needs in the first place: Projective tests tend to tap into
more covert needs, whereas objective, paper-and-pencil tests tend to tap into overt needs.
Distinguishing between covert and overt needs helps clarify when and how complemen-
tarity matters. Someone with a covert need for dominance may not seek submissiveness
from others at all times and under all circumstances, for example. Shawna may feel
conflicted about her desire to dominate Tyrone and may therefore camouflage her wish
behaviorally. Alternatively, Tyrone’s behavior may indicate that he does not wish to be
submissive, which may lead Shawna to refrain from overt behaviors that would elicit
such submissive behavior.
To predict attraction from need complementarity we need to take into account differ-
ences in interpersonal style and interpersonal goals. From this perspective, interpersonal
behaviors invite complementary responses. Because people can refuse such invitations,
one would expect to find the most satisfactory relationships when the wish of one partner
to dominate is met by the desire of the other to be submissive. To test this idea, Dryer and
Horowitz (1997) identified participants’ interpersonal style with regard to dominance.
They were then paired with a confederate who interacted with them according to either
a submissive or dominant style. Throughout the scripted interaction, participants used
a button to indicate their satisfaction with their partner. As expected, participants who
endorsed a dominant interpersonal style were happiest when the confederate had acted in
a submissive fashion. Analogously, participants who endorsed a submissive interpersonal
style were happiest when the confederate had acted in a dominant fashion.
Research on the mechanisms and outcomes of Thurberian complementarity in dating
couples adds another qualification (Swann, Rentfrow, & Gosling, 2003). This type of
complementarity can actually lead to relationship problems rather than to increased com-
patibility when dominance and submission are located in the wrong sexes. Retiring and
verbally inhibited men who are paired with outspoken, verbally expressive women make
for a precarious couple likely to see its relationship coming to an end. These men do not
find their complement in their partner’s expressiveness, but rather are alienated by their
criticalness. This alienation, in turn, exacerbates their verbal inhibition, and relationship
satisfaction and quality suffer. Interestingly, this “precariousness” did not exist for couples
in which women were retiring and verbally inhibited and their partners more expressive
and critical.
Thus, while it is important to examine whether couples are complementary on particu-
lar dimensions, it is equally important to examine the specific processes that result from
the complementarity. On the face of it pairing an expressive person with someone who’d
rather listen seems like a good thing, but pairing outspoken and expressive women with
verbally inhibited men is not.
Complementarity may have its most beneficial effects on close relationships when it
comes to performance and expertise. Competing with one’s partner in a domain that is
important to the self can have negative consequences for an individual’s self-esteem and
may adversely affect the relationship (Erber & Tesser, 1994). At the same time, a close
other who does well in a domain that is not important to the self provides for opportuni-
ties to bask in his or her reflected glory. From this perspective, as a couple Pat and Chris
benefit from a balanced performance ecology where Pat outperforms Chris on dimensions
relevant to Pat but not to Chris and where Chris outperforms Pat on dimensions relevant
to Chris but not to Pat (O’Mahen, Beach, & Tesser, 2000). One way to achieve this bal-
ance is to invoke complementarity (Beach, Whitaker, Jones, & Tesser, 2001). If Pat does
better than Chris in their English courses while Chris does better than Pat in their Science
courses, they can increase their happiness as a couple by convincing themselves that their
strengths complement one another’s—Pat is a word warrior while Chris is a number wiz-
ard! Not surprisingly, then, romantic partners tend to think of themselves as complemen-
tary across a wide range of activities (Pilkington, Tesser, & Stephens, 1991).
Complementarity in a romantic partner’s expertise benefits couples because it allows
them to make the most of their respective strengths. If Pat has a knack for finding the best
bargains at the grocery store while Chris is an expert at removing even the most stubborn
stain from their laundry, they will have lower grocery bills and cleaner laundry than if they
are both experts at the same thing. Transactive memory systems of this sort further simplify
a couple’s functioning because partners need only remember what the other knows and is
good at rather than knowing everything themselves (Wegner, Erber, & Raymond, 1991).
Among other things, findings such as these indicate that the relationship between com-
plementarity, attraction, and satisfaction is far more complicated than Winch (1958) had
assumed. Further, complementarity seems to exert its strongest impact on performance
dimensions. Research continues to support the importance of similarity for attraction and
relationship satisfaction. Complementarity, although not unimportant, exerts its influence
in more complex and indirect ways. Perhaps the idiom that “opposites attract” stems from
the salience of a few couples who seem to defy similarity, rather than from a preponder-
ance of this type of attraction and couple.

• In one study about liking (Gormly, 1979) the participants rated attitudinally
similar others more likable than dissimilar ones. However, they chose the dis-
similar ones for a continued discussion. The choice was considered a behavioral
measure of liking. How would you explain the discrepancy between the two
types of answers? Could the behavioral measure indicate something else besides
liking? How would you design an experiment to test your hypothesis?
• Amodio and Showers’ (2005) study on liking found some surprising results about
similarity and commitment. For example, they found that dissimilar couples low
in commitment had moderate liking for each other, but their level of liking was
the most stable of all. They dubbed this group the “Explorers.” Does this term
suggest to you another variable that may interact with commitment and similar-
ity to influence liking? What do you suppose such a variable might be?
• Similarity, dissimilarity, and complementarity are all concepts related to liking
and attraction. What is the difference between dissimilarity and complementarity?
• Complementarity in expertise presents objective advantages for a couple. But
merely thinking that they complement each other seems to promote satisfac-
tion, which is why couples tend to think of themselves as complementary over a
great domain of activities. Why do you think this type of complementarity is so
important for satisfaction?
Phenomenon-Driven Approaches
To this point, our discussion of the psychological underpinnings of attraction has focused
on phenomena that can be explained by extending existing theories into the realm of
attraction. The following section looks at research that was primarily driven by the exis-
tence of relationship phenomena in need of an explanation. Specifically, it will focus on
proximity, the hard-to-get phenomenon, and the allure of secret relationships.
Proximity: Marrying the Boy or Girl Next Door

That friendships, dating relationships, and marriages are not the result of random pairings
was discovered long before psychologists embarked on systematically studying the psycho-
logical bases of attraction. As far back as the 1930s, there was evidence that people tended
to marry those who lived in close spatial proximity. For example, one study (Bossard, 1932)
revealed that of the first 5,000 marriages formed in Philadelphia in 1931, one-third of the
brides and grooms had lived within 5 blocks of one another, and slightly more than half
had lived within 20 blocks. Studies of friendship formation in college dormitories (Lund-
berg & Beazley, 1948; Lundberg, Hertzler, & Dickson, 1949) as well as studies in housing
projects (Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1950; Nahemow & Lawton, 1975) showed that
spatial proximity was the most important predictor of who became friends with whom.
There are several explanations for why something as seemingly trivial as spatial proxim-
ity might promote attraction. First, people who live in close proximity are likely similar
on some important dimensions. For example, neighborhoods are often defined in terms of
ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Thus, spatial proximity connotes cultural proximity
(Hofstede, 2009).
Second, we may become attracted to others in close spatial proximity because of mere
exposure. This idea has its roots in experimental demonstrations showing that people
come to evaluate everything from a character in the Chinese alphabet to a political candi-
date more favorably the more they are exposed to it (Moreland & Zajonc, 1982; Zajonc,
1968). This mere exposure effect holds for attraction to other people, as well. In one study
(Brockner & Swap, 1976), research participants were exposed to others who were either
attitudinally similar or dissimilar at a rate of one, two, four, or eight times. Consistent
with the mere exposure hypothesis, there was a tendency for the most frequently seen
other to be rated more favorably. This effect was more pronounced when the other person
was attitudinally similar, suggesting that mere exposure leads to more attraction primarily
when the initial evaluation is positive or neutral (Grush, 1976).
Finally, being physically close to others provides increased opportunities for interaction,
which can further promote attraction and liking. Of course, 21st-century information
and communication technologies can foster attraction through virtual proximity (Cough-
lan, 2010, 2014). Text messaging, for example, can promote the formation of emotional
bonds with others independent of their location. At the same time, there are some limits
here as well. For obvious reasons, text messaging does not allow for the communication of
emotions via nonverbal channels, like facial expressions and gestures. Although an ever-
increasing supply of emojis remedies this shortcoming somewhat, there is reason to believe
that—given a choice—people might still gravitate toward physical proximity. One study
(Lomanowska & Guitton, 2012) had participants create avatars to navigate a virtual
world (Second Life). Participants could place their avatars just about anywhere in a large
and variable space and were able to communicate with other avatars through an instant
messaging system. As it turned out, avatar placement was not random. Rather, as the ava-
tar population increased, the number of avatars within communication range (shout, talk,
whisper) increased as well: 98 percent of avatars in regions with a population of four or
more were within shouting, talking, or whispering distance of their nearest neighbor. In
other words, participants chose close physical proximity in a virtual world!
Playing “Hard to Get”: Do We Love Those We Cannot Have?

Throughout the ages, one of the cardinal rules of dating held that a person who appears
hard to get is a more desirable catch than a person who seems overly anxious to forge a
union. There are at least two sets of social psychological theories that would similarly pre-
dict an advantage for those who play hard to get. Dissonance theory (Festinger, 1956) as
well as personal equity theory (Seta & Seta, 1982; Seta, Seta, & Martin, 1987) hold that
when one has to expend a great deal of effort toward achieving a goal, the goal increases
in value, perhaps in part to justify the effort (Aronson & Mills, 1959). Alternatively, frus-
trated efforts may result in increased physiological arousal, which then becomes misat-
tributed as love or desire (Dutton & Aron, 1974).
Interestingly, experimental investigations have shown the hard-to-get phenomenon to be
more elusive than one might expect. In five different studies that varied the ease with which
women were available for dating, Walster, Walster, Pilliavin, and Schmitt (1973) found no
evidence for the idea that playing hard to get made the women more desirable dates. The
reason for this became clear when the investigators looked at how the women were per-
ceived. Both the easy-to-get woman and the hard-to-get woman were perceived to have
interpersonal assets as well as liabilities. The easy-to-get woman was perceived as friendly,
warm, flexible, yet unpopular and unselective. The hard-to-get woman was perceived as
unfriendly, cold, rigid, yet popular and selective. Clearly, one woman’s assets were the other
woman’s liabilities, and when research participants added them up, there was no difference
in desirability. Interestingly, a sixth study showed that a woman who is selectively hard to
get (relatively easy for the subject but hard for everybody else) was perceived to have no
liabilities. She turned out to be the most desirable date because she was considered friendly,
warm, flexible, selective, and popular. These findings suggest that playing hard to get is
fraught with pitfalls, as it seems to work only when the game is played selectively. How-
ever, even when playing hard to get is done properly, motivational and affective dynamics
between the “players” can undermine its efficacy. Specifically, Kalei playing hard to get with
Brandon is likely to increase his wanting but decrease his liking for her if he is committed to
seeking a future relationship with her. In the absence of such a commitment, Kalei playing
hard to get will decrease both Brandon’s wanting and liking (Dai, Dong, & Jia, 2014).
The Allure of Secret Relationships

Frequently, an initial attraction for someone can be amplified by the need to keep it secret
from others. This is often the case in settings that have institutional prohibitions against
dating, such as universities and workplaces. When students fall in love with their teachers
or when employees find themselves drawn to fellow employees, the resulting relationships
may need to be hidden from others. At the same time, the allure of secrecy often renders
the relationship more exciting than it would otherwise be.
Why would the need for secrecy increase attraction? There are two possible answers.
First, keeping a relationship secret from others may produce additional arousal, which
can be misattributed to the object of one’s desires. Another answer can be found when
one looks at the cognitive operations required to maintain a sense of secrecy. To hide a
relationship from others requires that all thoughts about the other are banished from
consciousness, especially in situations where one might be tempted to blabber about it.
As it turns out, suppressing any kind of thought is more difficult than one might think.
People may succeed for a time but usually at the expense of a massive rebound in which
the suppressed thought returns with an even stronger force (Wegner, Schneider, Carter, &
White, 1987). Moreover, the very attempt at suppressing a thought often renders it hyper-
accessible to consciousness even during the suppression attempt, especially when attention
needs to be allocated to other things (Wegner & Erber, 1992). Either way, suppressing
thoughts about someone to whom we are attracted can well lead to a preoccupation with
that person, resulting in increased attraction (Lane & Wegner, 1994).
This phenomenon is more than mere speculation, as the topic has been demonstrated
in the psychological laboratory. In one study, for example (Wegner et al., 1994), mixed-
sex pairs of research participants were asked to play a card game. One pair was asked to
make foot contact under the table as a form of communication; the other pair received
no such instructions. Furthermore, some research participants were told to keep the foot
contact a secret from the other pair, whereas other research participants were not required
to maintain secrecy. As one might expect, research participants who had been required to
maintain foot contact in secrecy felt more attracted to their partners than any other group
in the experiment. They were more likely to see themselves going out with their partner,
to think their partner would be a good romantic match, and to feel close to their partner.
Furthermore, these same research participants reported to have more intrusive thoughts
about their partner at the conclusion of the experiment. These results suggest that having
to keep a relationship secret can indeed increase attraction and that this increase is pro-
duced by a preoccupation resulting from the need to keep the relationship a secret.
However, this heightened attraction can come at a price. Studies that have looked at
real couples found that the anxiety associated with concealing their relationship led to
decreased levels of relationship satisfaction (Foster & Campbell, 2005) and decreases in
commitment and self-esteem along with a higher incidence of health-related problems
(Lehmiller, 2012).

• According to the mere exposure effect we tend to like stimuli to which we have
been exposed previously. From what you know, what mediates the effect of
exposure on liking?
• Playing hard to get should increase desire in a suitor according both to popular
belief and to some psychological theories. However, research found that some
hard-to-get potential dates were not rated more favorably or regarded as more
desirable. How do you account for the discrepancy? Under what specific condi-
tions does playing hard to get increase attraction?
• How could you go about increasing your chances of initiating and maintaining
an intimate relationship?
Summary
Issues • What are the factors that lead to liking? We discussed the following:
• Praise and agreement
• Proximity
• Similarity vs. complementarity
• Playing hard-to-get
• Why are secret relationships so alluring?
Theories • Implicit egotism
• Classical and operant conditioning—Praise
• Agreement
• Misattribution of arousal
• Balance theory
• Similarity
• Complementarity
Research • Participants evaluate a fictitious target under either pleasant or aversive
conditions—and both can increase liking
• In face-to-face research, participants showed increased liking for strang-
ers when in aversive situations
• Explains increased liking for others under aversive conditions
• Participants do not break up with others with whom they disagree, but
change their own attitudes to achieve balance
• Similarity of attitudes and other superficial characteristics leads to greater
attraction
• Precarious couples (complementarity) are in doomed relationships
(Swann et al., 2003)
• Similarity/complementarity is mediated by commitment—those in com-
mitted relationships who are similar may not be as happy as those in
uncommitted relationships who are dissimilar (i.e., “Explorers”) (Amo-
dio & Showers, 2005)
• Similarity on attitudes is important in the initial stages of relationships;
similarity on personality dimensions is key to relationship satisfaction
(Luo & Klohnen, 2005)
Key Terms
Implicit egotism: liking of things or people who are associated with ourselves in superficial
ways.
Classical conditioning: a form of associative learning in which an unconditioned stimulus
that evokes an unconditioned response is paired with a neutral stimulus. After repeated
presentations, the two stimuli become associated such that now the initially neutral
stimulus (now called a conditioned stimulus) will come to evoke the same response
(now called a conditioned response) in the absence of the unconditioned stimulus.
Operant conditioning: a form of learning in which a behavior becomes associated with its
consequences.
Misattribution of arousal: a theoretical model according to which undifferentiated physi-
ological arousal whose source is ambiguous is attributed to the presence of an attractive
person, which results in liking or attraction to that person.
Self-verification: people’s desire for feedback that is consistent with their self-conceptions,
even when they are negative.
Balance theory: a theory that explains attraction in terms of people’s tendency to form
balanced triads formed by a person P, the other O, and an issue X and their respective
relationships.
Similarity-attraction hypothesis: a theoretical idea that holds that people are attracted to
others with similar attitudes.
Complementarity: a characteristic of relationships in which partners complement each
other in terms of their needs, personalities, performance, and expertise.
Mere exposure: a process through which people come to like stimuli to which they had
been exposed previously.
5 Self-Presentation and Self-Disclosure
How to Impress Someone on a First Date

Prepare. Before the date do something that relaxes you, exercise, reading, yoga, singing
your favorite song, whatever puts you in an easy going, happy mood. Wash yourself, put on
antiperspirant/deodorant, brush your teeth, brush your hair, and don’t forget to wear clean
clothes! Make a list of conversation starters and questions you can ask them if you’re hav-
ing trouble finding a topic. Questions about their pet(s), taste in music, good books they’ve
read lately, favorite thing to do outdoors, would you rather questions, are all good ideas.
Remember these and read the front page of the newspaper, too.
—www.wikihow.com/Impress-Someone-on-a-First-Date
Anybody who has ever had a crush on someone will agree that attraction of some sort
is a necessary but not sufficient cause for the initiation of an intimate relationship. Once
two people’s eyes have met across the room, they still face a gargantuan task on their way
to forming a relationship. Two interpersonal processes take center stage at this point:
Through self-presentation, people communicate what they want the other to think of
them, and through self-disclosure they reveal who they truly are. And all this is neces-
sary just to get relationships started! In mature relationships there is a continued need to
communicate—everything from emotions to such seemingly trivial matters as deciding
who gets the kids ready for school in the morning.
Self-Presentation
Once mutual attraction is in place, people’s focus necessarily shifts toward becoming
acquainted and getting to know each other. They may be initially motivated to create a
favorable impression and to present a positive yet plausible image of the self. Of course,
the ultimate goal of self-presentation is to elicit liking from another; therefore, self-
presentation is more like creating a desired impression than a revelation of one’s true self.
As Goffman (1959) pointed out, it frequently involves the “over-communication of some
facts and the under-communication of others.” In this process, people can employ one or
more tactics, such as the following (Leary, 1995):
Self-descriptions Describing oneself in ways that communicate a desired

impression
Attitude expressions Expressing attitudes to convey the presence or absence of
certain characteristics
Self-Presentation and Self-Disclosure 69
Attributional statements Explaining past and present behavior in ways that elicit a
desired image
Compliance with social norms Acting in ways that are consistent with the prevailing norms of
the situation
Social associations Expressing associations with desirable others and
disassociations with undesirable others
Changes in physical Using and modifying aspects of one’s physical environment to
environment elicit a desired impression
Perhaps the simplest way to create a desired impression is to use verbal self-descriptions
of such things as likes and dislikes, accomplishments, family background, and personality
characteristics. Usually this type of information is conveyed in face-to-face interactions,
such as on a first date. However, it is just as easily conveyed in written form, which is
perhaps why such self-descriptions are common in personal ads and online dating sites.
Given the importance of attitude similarity for close relationships, it is not surprising
that people often volunteer information about their attitudes during the acquaintance
process. Sometimes such attitude expressions are nothing more than self-descriptions (e.g.,
“I love soccer”). However, expressing attitudes often allows us to make further inferences
about a person. For example, if we hear a person say that she is in favor of a law designed
to reduce air pollution, we can safely infer that she is likely an environmentalist with gen-
erally liberal attitudes.
Sometimes people try to put past behavior in an appropriate context by complement-
ing descriptions of their behavior with attributional statements. By and large, the types
of attributions being volunteered are self-serving. Frequently, people try to convince oth-
ers that a given behavior was due to positive motives (e.g., wanting to help someone)
rather than ulterior motives (e.g., trying to look good in the eyes of others) (Doherty,
Weingold, & Schlenker, 1990). Similarly, people tend to take credit for success (“I got an
A in my psychology class because I worked really hard”) but refuse to accept blame for
failure (“I flunked my physics course because the instructor hated my guts”) (Miller &
Ross, 1975). When such attributions are volunteered in an interpersonal context, they can
promote a positive impression and deflect a negative impression. Of course, under some
circumstances, the opposite may also be true. By refusing credit for success, one can come
across as modest, and by accepting blame for failure, one can create the impression of
being magnanimous (Miller & Schlenker, 1985).
To some extent, people use compliance with social norms to control the impression they
attempt to generate. This can manifest itself in a number of ways. Showing up for a date
well groomed and well dressed indicates that we are sane and serious about the occasion.
Furthermore, it may allow inferences about our level of good taste and socioeconomic sta-
tus. Of course, the more general rule may be to match our appearance to the situation. A
suit and tie may elicit a good impression when they are worn for a dinner in an expensive
restaurant, but when the same suit is worn while attending a college football game, the
wearer is likely to be perceived as goofy. In a similar fashion, we often try to match our
emotional expressions to the situation. We express anger when someone tells us an upset-
ting story and delight when we hear about someone else’s good fortune, primarily because
we know that these types of reactions are expected.
At times, people manage the impressions they create by pointing to their social asso-
ciations. People generally like to be associated with others who are popular, successful,
and attractive if for no other reason than to bask in their reflected glory. This desire is so
strong that it can sometimes be downright comical. For example, the wall behind a urinal
in the men’s room of a popular Chicago Little League ballpark holds a plaque bearing the
inscription “Michael Jordan stood here, September 12, 1992.” Surely, to have used the
same urinal as the six-time NBA champion and Presidential Medal of Freedom honoree
has given many a young athlete (and perhaps their fathers, as well) a much-needed boost
in self-esteem. People frequently tell about their personal associations, real or imagined,
by dropping names (“I once auditioned for a role opposite Leonardo DiCaprio”) in order
to gain esteem in the eyes of others. Sometimes these associations can be of a more sym-
bolic nature, such as basking in the reflected glory of an athletic team by wearing team-
identifying apparel (Cialdini et al., 1976). Regardless of whether the associations we brag
about are real, symbolic, or imagined, we tend to mention them in order to create a favor-
able impression.
Finally, people vary aspects of their physical environment in the service of self-
presentation. To some extent, such seemingly rational choices as where and how to live
may be partly influenced by self-presentational concerns. For instance, some people go
to great lengths to avoid living in the suburbs and would think nothing of passing up a
bargain on a minivan because it would not fit the image they are trying to project. Simi-
lar self-presentational concerns may influence the choice of furnishings and coffee-table
books. After all, our impressions of people who have Plato’s Republic lying around the
living room are likely to be quite different from those who keep stacks of Game Enforcer.
The way people decorate their offices may be similarly influenced by self-presentational
concerns. The professor whose office door is plastered with cartoons is perhaps not pri-
marily interested in making her students and colleagues laugh. More likely, she wants to
create the impression of a good-natured, likable person.
Self-Presentation Norms
The extent to which any of these self-presentational tactics lead to the desired outcome
of creating a favorable impression depends on how their application fits with a num-
ber of self-presentation norms. First among the norms that guide self-presentation is
decorum (Leary, 1995), referring to behaviors that conform to established standards of
behavior. If nothing else, decorum may modify our emotional expressions. If, while sit-
ting in a restaurant, our friend tells us a sad story about her life, we are likely to respond
with an expression of sadness. At the same time, the setting prevents us from weeping
uncontrollably. In fact, a complete emotional breakdown under these circumstances is
likely to have counterintentional effects because of the norm violation it involves (Bau-
meister & Tice, 1990).
A general norm of modesty similarly constrains our choice of self-presentational tac-
tics. It suggests, for example, that to avoid being perceived as bragging or showing off,
name-dropping as a means to point out one’s social associations should not be over-
done. Similarly, modesty prescribes that one should not be overly self-aggrandizing in
one’s self-descriptions. A successful businessperson is generally better off saying that he
makes a good living rather than revealing that he makes an obscenely huge amount of
money. On the other hand, too much modesty has the potential to backfire. In general,
slight modesty is more effective than extreme modesty. Doing well but downplaying the
importance of one’s performance (“Today I performed five brain surgeries, but it’s no big
deal”) does not lead to more favorable impressions. Downplaying one’s accomplishments
is only effective when the other person is aware of them in the first place (Schlenker &
Leary, 1982).
A norm of behavioral matching prescribes that two people’s self-presentations should
match somehow. If someone is boastful, we are to be boastful in return. If someone is
modest, we should likewise be modest. Finally, the norm of self-presentational consis-
tency dictates that people should behave in ways that are consistent with their expressed
attitudes and that this consistency manifests itself in a variety of situations and over time.
People who say one thing one day and the opposite the next day tend to be perceived as
weak, unreliable, and unpredictable.
As is often the case, how people go about presenting themselves to others is to some
extent influenced by more or less stable dispositions. For example, people who fear
negative evaluations may approach their self-presentation with an extra dose of cau-
tion (Leary & Allen, 2011). When adolescents engage in risky behaviors, like drinking,
driving recklessly, or performing stunts, they often do so for self-presentational reasons
(Martin & Leary, 2001). Older adults are especially likely to employ self-presentational
tactics to create the impression that they are competent and self-reliant (Martin, Leary, &
Rejeski, 2000).
Self-Presentation in the Heat of the Interaction

In many cases, self-presentational tactics are employed during a dyadic interaction such
as a date. This poses some unique challenges for both the senders and the recipients of
self-presentation. To the extent that self-presentation entails the undercommunication of
certain facts, senders can find themselves forced to keep a tight lid on the kinds of things
they want to conceal. As noted in the previous chapter, this can be a most daunting task, as
it is notoriously difficult to suppress any kind of thought. People often succeed at keeping
an unwanted thought out of consciousness for a period of time when they devote a con-
siderable amount of effort to it (Vohs, Baumeister, & Ciarocco, 2005). This depletion of
cognitive resources can lead to outcomes quite contrary to the intended ones. For instance,
when self-regulatory stores are depleted, our efforts at self-control are diminished, and
we may find ourselves talking too much or blurting out inappropriate and embarrassing
things (Vohs et al., 2005).
Another explanation for why self-presentation can backfire has little to do with deple-
tion of resources. Working hard to keep unwanted thoughts out of consciousness can also
lead to a massive rebound of the suppressed thought later on (Wegner et al., 1987). More
important, when people’s attentional focus is divided between suppressing a thought and
another task, such as engaging in a conversation with another, attempting to suppress a
thought can make that thought hyperaccessible to consciousness (Wegner, 1994; Wegner
& Erber, 1992). As a result, people often cannot help but blurt out the very thing they are
trying to suppress. In the context of self-presentation, this means that we may often end
up communicating those things we are trying to hide.
Whereas the attentional demands placed on a self-presenter by virtue of interacting with
another can be detrimental, these same demands on a recipient’s attention can work to the
sender’s advantage. In some ways, the goal of creating a favorable impression is directed
at eliciting attributions of positive personality traits (e.g., warm, honest, kind, witty, etc.).
In listening to a self-presentation, the recipient’s focus of attention is necessarily directed
toward the sender. As research on impression formation has shown (e.g., Storms, 1973;
Taylor & Fiske, 1975), focusing attention on a person (as opposed to the situation) in
itself can lead to dispositional, or personality, attributions. Furthermore, it generally takes
less effort to generate dispositional attributions than situational attributions. In forming
impressions of others, we often rely on implicit personality theories that inform us about
which traits and behaviors go together. Thus, when someone tells us that she went out of
her way to save a neighbor’s cat from drowning, we can instantly infer that the person is
helpful as well as kind. Situational attributions are harder to make for two reasons. First,
situational information is generally difficult to come by. Second, even when it is available,
recipients may be preoccupied with self-presentational concerns of their own, thus depriv-
ing them of the attentional resources needed to take situational information properly into
account (Gilbert, Pelham, & Krull, 1988).
Detecting Deceit in Self-Presentation

Two people who meet for the purpose of creating a favorable impression with one
another find themselves in a somewhat paradoxical situation. While they are trying to
generate favorable impressions of themselves, they are to some extent aware that this
may be the other person’s goal, as well. From this perspective, people may be moti-
vated to find out just how truthful the other is in presenting himself or herself. This
is often hard to figure out from verbal descriptions alone, unless they are particularly
outrageous (“I used to date Orlando Bloom, but I got bored with him very quickly”).
Instead, we often have to rely on nonverbal cues to detect whether someone is telling
the truth or lying to us. Nonverbal cues (e.g., facial expressions) are difficult to con-
trol, and thus people’s thoughts and feelings may leak out despite their best efforts to
conceal them (DePaulo, 1992). If anything, the higher the stakes, the more likely that
leakage will occur (DePaulo, Lanier, & Davis, 1983). One way in which this manifests
itself is through inconsistencies among different channels of nonverbal communication
(DePaulo, Stone, & Lassiter, 1985). For example, a person may look us straight in the
eye while telling us about his occupational accomplishments, thus conveying open-
ness and honesty on his face. If, at the same time, the person shifts his body around
nervously, we can infer from the discrepancy between facial expressions and postural
movements that he may be lying.
Furthermore, deceit is reflected in people’s speech. The pitch of their voices tends to rise
(Zuckerman, Spiegel, DePaulo, & Rosenthal, 1982), and they engage in more sentence
repair (Stiff et al., 1989). Interestingly, the more motivated people are to lie about some-
thing, the more likely it is that their true thoughts and feelings will leak out through their
nonverbal behavior (DePaulo, 1992). Of course, detecting deceit requires that we pay
attention not only to what people say to us but also to their nonverbal behavior. There-
fore, the successful detection of deceit may be impaired when we are preoccupied with our
own self-presentation.
Virtual Self-Presentation
Impairments of this kind matter little when we connect with others from afar and within
the comforts of our home through social networking sites and online dating services. As of
January 2017, 1.87 billion people worldwide have profiles on Facebook. If you’re one of
them, reflect on your own profile for a moment. What is it that you are trying to communi-
cate about yourself? Is it some idealized version of you that does not accurately reflect who
you are? Or does it represent your best shot at presenting what you are truly like? If you
are like most people, your profile will likely correspond to how your close friends perceive
you, that is, who you really are (Back et al., 2010). In other words, Facebook profiles tend
to be accurate representations of their owners’ personalities. And judging by the results
obtained with a German sample, this is especially true for people who are extroverted and
open to experience (Back et al., 2010). Online self-presentation, like that on Facebook,
has a couple of advantages over face-to-face self-presentation. First, it allows for selec-
tive self-presentation because it is more controllable and thus can be more aligned with
specific self-presentational goals (Walther, 2007). Second, to the extent that self-presenters
are motivated to craft a flattering version of themselves that’s vetted for attractiveness by
a network of friends, looking at one’s own profile can enhance self-esteem (Valkenburg &
Peter, 2011). This boost, however, comes with a price tag as it seems to impair cognitive
performance. In one study (Toma, 2013) participants who had spent some time looking
at their Facebook profile performed worse on a task involving mental arithmetic than
participants who had inspected the profile of a stranger.
Although profile pictures on Facebook play an important role in the initiation of close
relationships, as we have seen in Chapter 3, they really take center stage when it comes to
online dating services like Tinder and Match.com. They have proliferated in recent years,
and people seeking relationships have flocked to them in ever increasing numbers (Ellison,
Heino, & Gibbs, 2006). Although facilitated by computer-mediated communication, the
competition for dates remains stiff. Attractive profiles that paint the most desirable por-
trait of users would go far in securing a date, thus inviting a measure of deceit when we
feel that we may be falling short. Inspections of online daters’ profiles (Toma & Hancock,
2010) suggest that daters low in attractiveness were likely to enhance their profile photo-
graphs and lie about their physical descriptors (height, weight, age). Men tend to exagger-
ate claims about their height, while women give inaccurate information about their weight
(Toma, Hancock, & Ellison, 2008).
Online daters also realize they must tread the fine line between impression management
and attracting someone who will like them for who they are (Toma et al., 2008; Gibbs,
Ellison, & Heino, 2006). To this end, many have learned to attend to an assortment of
small cues they use as possible “windows” into the true character of the other person
(Toma et al., 2008). For instance, some online daters screen profiles for misspelled words
or poorly written passages, viewing them as clues to a person’s educational attainment
(Ellison et al., 2006). How do we successfully convey who we are to interested others . . .
and keep them interested?

• Dating via the Internet permits self-presentation in areas that are easily and
immediately verifiable upon meeting in person, such as physical characteristics.
How would you explain the fact that in spite of this some people still chose
embellishment over complete honesty?
Models of Self-Disclosure
It probably goes without saying that relationships cannot survive very long on good
impressions alone. In fact, self-presentational concerns may be an outright hindrance
for the further development of a relationship. For example, if two romantically
involved people refuse each other access to their homes out of fear that the decor
may not match the image they worked so hard to convey, trouble is likely to ensue.
The point is that relationship development is closely tied to changes in communica-
tion. Research confirms that the most satisfied couples move from self-presentation
and self-enhancing communications to self-verifying ones as their relationships mature
(Campbell, Lackenbauer, & Muise, 2006). That is, we eventually have to go beyond
merely coming across as likable and instead reveal a sense of who we really are. This
is accomplished through self-disclosure, a process that has been defined as “what indi-
viduals verbally reveal about themselves to others (including thoughts, feelings, and
experiences” (Derlega, Metts, Petronio, & Margulis, 1993, p. 1). Self-disclosure in
developing relationships follows a fairly predictable path, which has been captured by
several theoretical models.
Self-Disclosure as Social Penetration

According to social penetration theory (Altman & Taylor, 1973), we can look at self-
disclosure in terms of the number of topics that are covered (its breadth) as well as the
personal significance of the topics (its depth). Early in a relationship, self-disclosure may
be limited to a few superficial topics, often indicating simple preferences (“I like Lite
beer”). As the relationship develops, self-disclosure becomes more intimate (“Sometimes
I have too many Lite beers”) to the point of being very intimate (“When I drink too
many Lite beers, I go crazy”). At the same time, the number of topics covered in self-
disclosure increases, too. To some extent, the course of self-disclosure resembles a wedge
that becomes deeper through the increasing levels of intimacy and wider through the
increasing number of topics covered, as illustrated in Figure 5.1.
Social penetration theory predicts that as a relationship develops, self-disclosure goes
from narrow and shallow to broad and deep. This raises two important issues. First is
Figure 5.1 The Social Penetration Model of Self-Disclosure

the question of causality. One could argue that increasing self-disclosure causes a rela-
tionship to develop further. However, one could just as easily argue that self-disclosure
is a result of relationship development. In other words, the closer two people become,
the broader and deeper their self-disclosures will be. The solution to this apparent
riddle is that both processes are possible, which has led some (Derlega et al., 1993)
to propose that self-disclosure and relationships are mutually transformative. That is,
self-disclosure increases as a relationship develops and relationships develop partly as a
result of self-disclosure.
The second issue relates to what happens to self-disclosure over time. By virtue of
employing the analogy of a wedge, social penetration theory implicitly suggests that the
increase in self-disclosure over time is gradual and linear for some time before eventu-
ally leveling off. However, this is not necessarily the case. Instead, the rate of change in
breadth is not the same as the rate of change in depth. People tend to increase the number
of topics they talk about before they increase the intimacy of their self-disclosures. Once
the increase in topics levels off, intimacy increases sharply (Brehm, 1992). At the same
time, couples on the verge of a breakup tend to decrease the number of topics on which
they self-disclose but actually increase the intimacy of their self-disclosures (Tolstedt &
Stokes, 1984).
Furthermore, no two relationships develop at the same rate. In some relationships,
self-disclosure may increase gradually, but instead of leveling off, it might actually
decrease. Research on couples who have been together for some time supports this idea.
For example, Huston, McHale, and Crouter (1986) found that couples became less
disclosing after just one year of marriage. At the same time, in relationships that fall
under the general heading of “love at first sight,” self-disclosure may develop almost
immediately and increase sharply rather than gradually. In fact, couples who show this
pattern of self-disclosure are more likely to stay together than couples who follow a
more gradual pattern (Berg, 1984; Berg & Clark, 1986; Berg & McQuinn, 1986). Of
course, one does not know whether the longevity of such relationships is due to the
particular pattern of self-disclosure or something else. It appears, however, that couples
self-disclose more rapidly when the reality of their relationship fits their ideal of a rela-
tionship fairly well (Berg & Clark, 1986).
Self-Disclosure Reciprocity
Whatever the exact time course of social penetration and depenetration, how do peo-
ple manage how they self-disclose as couples? Unlike self-presentation, self-disclosure
involves two people interacting with one another face-to-face, by text messaging, or
through some other medium. Two people manage to increase or decrease their levels
of self-disclosure through self-disclosure reciprocity (Berg & Archer, 1980, 1982). This
strategy is akin to a tit-for-tat, whereby people tend to match the other’s self-disclosure
in terms of its intimacy and valence (Taylor & Belgrave, 1986). In other words, highly
intimate self-disclosures are reciprocated with intimate self-disclosures, whereas self-
disclosures low in intimacy are reciprocated in kind. Similarly, positive self-disclosures
(“I’m thinking of getting a puppy”) are reciprocated with positive self-disclosures (“I
like dogs”), whereas negative self-disclosures (“My dog just died”) are also reciprocated
in kind (“I once had a hamster that drowned”). Thus, one important function of the
reciprocity norm is that it regulates how people go about disclosing to one another (Der-
lega, Harris, & Chaikin, 1973).
Additionally, there is evidence that responding to another’s self-disclosure in kind
is associated with attraction (Gable, Reis, Impett, & Asher, 2004). Berg and Archer
(1980) exposed research participants to a taped interaction that had allegedly taken
place between two strangers. One of the strangers disclosed items that were either low
or high in intimacy. The other stranger (a) responded in kind, (b) responded to a highly
intimate disclosure with a disclosure low in intimacy, or (c) responded to a disclosure
low in intimacy with a highly intimate disclosure. Research participants were asked to
indicate how much they liked the stranger who responded to the initial self-disclosure.
As predicted, liking was strongly determined by the extent to which the responding
stranger matched the other’s initial level of self-disclosure (see also Chaikin & Derlega,
1974). Moreover, matching the valence of self-disclosures also impacts liking. Appar-
ently, reciprocating a partner’s good news with happiness and enthusiasm had beneficial
effects in the form of increased feelings of intimacy and greater marital satisfaction
(Gable et al., 2004).
These findings are important because they suggest that self-disclosure by itself does
not produce attraction. Rather, attraction appears to be a result of following a tit-for-tat
strategy by which people match each other’s levels of self-disclosure. Of course, people
could pursue a matching strategy simply to follow a perceived norm of reciprocity. On the
other hand, the extent to which someone matches or mismatches another person’s level of
self-disclosure itself conveys information.
According to Berg and Archer (1982), there are at least three different aspects to self-
disclosure. Through descriptive intimacy, people convey factual information, which,
among other things, can be used by the other to form an impression. Through evaluative
intimacy, people express strong emotions and judgments, which can help in being liked
by the other. Finally, and most importantly for the present purpose, through topical reci-
procity, people convey that they are responsive and flexible. In other words, by sticking
with the same topic in response to another’s self-disclosure, one elicits positive attributions
about one’s personality, and this in turn can lead to an increase in attraction. Switching to
a different topic, on the other hand, may lead to negative attributions and a resulting
decrease in attraction. This makes a great deal of sense. Imagine, for example, that during
the course of a first date, we reveal that we like animals. If our date responds by subtly
switching the topic of conversation to the Chicago Bulls, Bears, and Cubs, we are likely to
think of them as unresponsive, inflexible, and self-centered.
The world of relationships would be a simple place if building intimacy could solely
be achieved based on reciprocating disclosures at matching levels of intimacy, positiv-
ity, and topicality. But the process of getting to know one another is a bit more com-
plicated. For example, many believe that sharing their vulnerabilities with their lover
is a part of the “romantic relationship script” and essential to intimacy. However, this
type of self-disclosure might actually backfire! Instead of becoming closer, partners
who share their vulnerabilities can become more insecure about their relationship
(Lemay & Clark, 2008). Insecure partners who share their insecurities with a partner
often believe it diminishes them in the eyes of their partner. This belief causes disclos-
ers to discount the authenticity of their partner’s assurances and to reject their affir-
mations. In the end, they can become even more insecure about their partner’s regard
(Lemay & Clark, 2008).
Another commonly shared misconception is that the disclosure of our values provides
an effective way to reveal our innermost selves to a date or romantic partner. Ironically,
our perception that value disclosure or revelation (e.g., “I think education is the most
powerful tool for ending poverty and discrimination”) will make a lasting impression
on our dates is not supported by research (Pronin, Fleming, & Steffel, 2008). Those who
receive value revelations do not find them to be especially useful or revealing. Why the
disconnect? It seems that the intensity with which we hold our most cherished values leads
us to add significance to their disclosure (Pronin et al., 2008). Although observers hear
the revelation, they do not have access to the discloser’s affective link to the value. We will
see a similar type of asymmetry of sender-receiver interpretations of self-disclosures in our
discussion of individual differences.
Individual Differences in Self-Disclosure

Altman and Taylor’s (1973) social penetration model as well as Berg and Archer’s (1980,
1982) topical reciprocity model are to some extent idealizations of the self-disclosure
process. Neither one takes into account important individual differences that can lead to
considerable variations in how mutual self-disclosure unfolds.
Gender-Related Differences
Men and women are not alike when it comes to self-disclosure. Although both sexes
are similarly willing to disclose their emotions, women tend to be more willing to
disclose about feelings of depression, anxiety, anger, and their greatest fears (Rubin
et al., 1980; Snell, Miller, & Belk, 1988). This general tendency of women to disclose
more information of a more intimate nature is somewhat attenuated when they expect
to interact with the recipient of their disclosure. Under these circumstances, women’s
self-disclosures become less revealing and less intimate, whereas men’s self-disclosures
become more revealing and intimate (Shaffer & Ogden, 1986). It appears that women
avoid self-disclosure primarily to avoid personal hurt. When men avoid self-disclosure
they often do so strategically—that is, to maintain control over their relationships
(Rosenfeld, 1979).
Most of these sex differences are not so much related to gender per se, but more to dif-
ferences in expectations of what constitutes proper behavior for men and women. U.S.
culture has assigned women the role of socioemotional specialists. As a result, men and
women alike expect females to disclose more than males. In support of this contention,
men and women alike tend to rate males who fail to disclose as better adjusted than males
who disclose information about personal problems. The opposite is true for perceptions
of women who either disclose information about personal problems or fail to disclose it
(Derlega & Chaikin, 1976). Furthermore, men who are particularly high in masculinity
are less willing to disclose intimate information, especially to other men, but men with a
more feminine orientation generally disclose more intimate information, spend more time
doing it, and expect intimate disclosures in return, particularly when they are disclosing
to a woman (Winstead, Derlega, & Wong, 1984).
Self-Monitoring
Regardless of gender, the degree to which people monitor their behavior in the context of
a social situation has an impact on self-disclosure. In general, high self-monitors like to
adapt their behavior to the demands of the current social situation. Low self-monitors,
on the other hand, do relatively little in terms of modifying their behavior in light of
situational constraints (Snyder, 1987; Snyder & Gangestead, 1986). As a result, high self-
monitors tend to look for cues about appropriate behavior by inspecting the behavior of
others, and they tend to act differently when in different situations and with different peo-
ple. Low self-monitors are guided more by their “true” attitudes, beliefs, and feelings, and
they would be reluctant to change the way they do things just to please another. Not sur-
prisingly, when asked to disclose personal information to another, high self-monitors are
more prone to reciprocate the intimacy, emotionality, and descriptive content of another’s
disclosure than low self-monitors are (Shaffer, Smith, & Tomarelli, 1982). Apparently,
high self-monitors use the other’s lead to decide on what constitutes the proper level of
self-disclosure.
Shaffer, Smith, and Tomarelli’s (1982) findings are certainly consistent with the gener-
ally hypothesized differences between low and high self-monitors. However, Ludwig,
Franco, and Malloy (1986) found that low self-monitors followed the reciprocity norm
more closely than high self-monitors, who always disclosed at a high level of intimacy
regardless of their partner’s behavior. How can this apparent mystery surrounding these
contradictory findings be resolved? One possibility is that differences in the ways high
and low self-monitors reciprocate another’s self-disclosure may be influenced by whether
they expect to interact with the other in the future. Remember that high self-monitors
want to please others, perhaps with the ultimate goal of being liked. Thus, it may be that
high self-monitors are particularly likely to reciprocate to another’s self-disclosure when
they expect to have contact with that person in the future. To test this idea, one study
(Shaffer, Ogden, & Wu, 1987) varied the prospect of future interaction along with an
initially high or low level of disclosure intimacy. Results showed that high self-monitors
reciprocated their partner’s self-disclosure only when they expected to meet that person
again. This difference was not observed when there was no prospect of future interaction.
Under these circumstances, both low and high self-monitors followed the reciprocity rule
equally.
Self-Consciousness
A concept that appears superficially related to self-monitoring is self-consciousness. It
describes our tendency to focus our attention inward—toward our feelings, goals, and
values (e.g., “I want to be a rocket scientist”). Once we focus our attention on ourselves,
we compare them with our current state. If we discover a large enough discrepancy (e.g.,
“I flunked all my physics courses”), we are likely to adjust our behavior so as to bring
our current state more in line with our goals and values. Self-consciousness takes on
two forms (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Private self-consciousness refers to our tendency
to reflect on private aspects of ourselves—that is, the extent to which our behavior cor-
responds to how we would like to act. Public self-consciousness describes the extent
to which we reflect on how we might appear in the eyes of others. Both types of self-
consciousness can vary situationally. Seeing ourselves in the mirror or listening to a tape
of our own voice generally raises our levels of both private and public self-consciousness.
Additionally, there are chronic differences between people’s level of self-consciousness
in the absence of such devices. Either way, heightened self-consciousness is hypothesized
to lead to an inspection of our behavior and a subsequent adjustment of that behavior
if necessary.
To date, research has shown that self-consciousness can affect self-disclosure in
a couple of ways. One study (Archer, Hormuth, & Berg, 1982) shows that research
participants who were asked to disclose intimate information about themselves became
more reluctant disclosers when they did the task while sitting in front of a mirror.
Apparently, the increased public and private self-consciousness induced by the pres-
ence of the mirror made research participants watch more closely how their disclosures
might compare with their own standards and the kind of impression they wanted to
convey. With respect to reciprocity of self-disclosure, a slightly more complicated pic-
ture emerged from a study that looked at research participants who were either high
or low on private and public self-consciousness (Shaffer & Tomarelli, 1989). Research
participants who scored high on one aspect of self-consciousness and low on the other
tended to reciprocate the level of intimacy of another’s disclosure. Research partici-
pants who were uniformly low or high on both private and public self-consciousness
did not follow the reciprocity norm to the same extent. Apparently, research partici-
pants who were concentrating on both aspects of the self had suffered from some sort
of attentional overload that prevented them from paying attention to the level of inti-
macy of the other’s self-disclosure.
Anxiety, Trust, and Machiavellianism

The number of personality dimensions on which people differ is almost endless. Con-
sequently, a thorough treatment of how they might affect various aspects of the self-
disclosure process might fill volumes. In the interest of brevity, the remaining discussion
will focus on a few personality dimensions that are particularly obvious or particularly
intriguing.
Not surprisingly, people who are highly anxious are concerned with self-protection.
They feel vulnerable enough as it is and thus tend to disclose at a moderate rather than
a high level of intimacy, regardless of whether the other person discloses information
high or low in intimacy (Meleshko & Alden, 1993). This pattern of disclosure might
be the result of self-protection or the result of self-perception processes. For instance,
fear of rejection leads people to amplify the significance of their disclosures (Vorauer,
Cameron, Holmes, & Pearce, 2003). That is, because of the internal struggle to get
beyond their inhibitions (for example, fear and anxiety) in order to express them-
selves, people who fear rejection perceive their disclosures as having added meaning
and extra import.
To the extent that some of the anxiety is tied to the face-to-face nature of an interac-
tion, are socially anxious people helped by using online social sites, texting, and instant
messaging? Do the reduced audiovisual cues of computer-mediated communication help
overcome the inhibitions typically experienced in face-to-face interactions among those
who are anxious? The evidence is a bit mixed. Although some (Schouten et al., 2007;
Valkenburg & Peter, 2009) have reported findings that are consistent with this idea, oth-
ers have painted a more nuanced picture. A study of 280 adolescents (Pierce, 2009) found
that socially anxious participants who indicated they were not comfortable talking with
others face-to-face preferred talking with others online or by text messaging. However,
participants low in social anxiety with no issues related to talking with others had an eas-
ier time making friends online. Sex differences also emerged. Compared to males, females
reported more social anxiety and feeling more comfortable interacting with others online
or by text messaging.
People with a high level of generalized trust are in some ways the opposite of people
who are socially anxious. Not surprisingly, they approach others without the notion
that they might get hurt and tend to reveal more information, especially information of
an intimate nature (Wheeless & Grotz, 1977). Of course, a high level of interpersonal
trust may be detrimental when one discloses to another who uses self-disclosure as a
means of manipulating others for the purpose of interpersonal control. Rather than
presenting an honest and accurate image of themselves, people with such Machiavel-
lian tendencies disclose strategically to control the behavior of the other and ultimately
their relationship (O’Connor & Simms, 1990). Interestingly, some researchers have
reported this type of strategic self-disclosure to be prevalent among women (O’Connor
& Simms, 1990), yet others have shown it to be more prevalent among men (Dingler-
Duhon & Brown, 1987), suggesting that it is perhaps more a question of personality
rather than gender.
Context Influences on Self-Disclosure

At this point, there is probably little doubt that self-disclosure is important for the ini-
tiation of close relationships, particularly those that are intimate in nature. However,
this is by no means the only context in which self-disclosure takes place. Absence of
self-disclosure, either by choice or for lack of opportunity, is associated with loneliness
(Berg & Peplau, 1982; Davis & Franzoi, 1986). Males and females alike suffer from
loneliness in the absence of opportunities to self-disclose to members of the opposite sex.
However, a lack of self-disclosure to same-sex friends is associated with loneliness among
women (Solano, Batton, & Parish, 1982).
To the extent that self-disclosure to friends and peers can buffer the possible effects
of lack of self-disclosure to intimate partners, one might ask if self-disclosure in these
types of relationships would perhaps unfold in different ways. After all, self-disclosure
in ongoing friendships, for example, does not serve the purpose of getting to know one
another. Rather, it appears that self-disclosure is volunteered for social support and cop-
ing (Pennebaker, 1989, 1995). From this point of view, one would not expect reciprocity
to matter much. Consistent with this idea, it appears that intimacy of disclosure is most
closely associated with friendship. It is important to note that it is the psychological close-
ness rather than the physical closeness of friends that is responsible for this relationship.
We generally disclose intimate information to those who are psychologically close to us,
whereas we disclose nonintimate information to those who are close in terms of their
proximity (Rubin & Shenker, 1978).
Intimate self-disclosure to an acquaintance or even a stranger is considered to be inap-
propriate, which is perhaps one reason why we generally avoid it. In fact, people who
violate this implicit norm are frequently perceived as maladjusted (Chaikin & Derlega,
1974). This does not mean we would never disclose intimate information to a stranger
under any circumstance. If this were the case, most experimental studies of self-disclosure
would have failed miserably and most daytime TV talk shows would have gone off the air
long ago. Intimate self-disclosure to a stranger is more likely to occur when the stranger
is physically attractive, especially in the absence of a strong need for approval (Brundage,
Derlega, & Cash, 1977). Our transient moods further affect our willingness to disclose
intimate information. People in good moods tend to be more willing to disclose intimate
information, whereas people in bad moods are more reluctant to do so (Cunningham,
1988).
Finally, alcohol consumption seems to promote willingness to disclose personal infor-
mation, especially for men. However, to some extent this is more due to how intoxi-
cated people believe they are. In one study (Caudill, Wilson, & Abrams, 1987), men who
believed that both they and their partner were drunk showed an increase in self-disclosure
even when no alcohol was consumed. At the same time, women who believed they were
drunk showed a decrease in self-disclosure. It may be that the women who believed they
were drunk reminded themselves of their heightened vulnerability and thus decided to
exercise caution.
Self-Disclosure in Mature Relationships

Advice columns in newspapers and magazines are filled with letters from spouses com-
plaining that they and their partners do not talk anymore. Specifically, the common com-
plaint is about the absence of intimate self-disclosure. The frequency with which such
complaints are volunteered testifies to the importance of self-disclosure for marital sat-
isfaction (Hendrick, 1981). However, that intimate self-disclosure would decrease with
the length of relationship is not entirely surprising. After all, intimate self-disclosure is a
means to get to know the other person. People in long-term relationships tend to know
their partners fairly well and need little information to know how they feel about things
(Rauers, Blanke, & Riediger, 2013). Consequently, in mature relationships there may
simply be less need for self-disclosure. Then again, if this were true, one would expect
fewer complaints about the lack of intimate self-disclosure on the part of long-term hus-
bands and wives.
Most intact long-term relationships are not entirely devoid of intimate self-dis-
closure. However, compared to self-disclosure to a prospective date, there is a shift
in terms of the type of intimate information that is disclosed. Relative to strangers,
spouses tend to reveal more descriptive intimacy but less evaluative intimacy, although
this is more pronounced for husbands than for wives, who prefer disclosures high in
evaluative intimacy (Morton, 1978). Contrary to popular belief, there is little differ-
ence in terms of the sheer amount of information that husbands and wives disclose to
one another. For both, the amount of information disclosed becomes less with age and
with length of relationship (Antill & Cotton, 1987). This does not mean that people
will necessarily become unhappy with their relationship over time. Instead, there is
evidence that marital happiness is determined by the perceived discrepancy in the part-
ner’s affective disclosure. Marital satisfaction decreases as this discrepancy increases
(Davidson, Balswick, & Halverson, 1983). The intent and valence of self-disclosure are
equally important for marital satisfaction. Honest and positive self-disclosures result in
more happiness than disclosures aimed at gaining control of the relationship (Dickson-
Markman, 1984).
The picture of a mature relationship marked by a decrease in self-disclosure and a
preponderance of self-disclosures high in descriptive intimacy can change quickly and
dramatically in response to stressful events. People who are distressed tend to be preoc-
cupied with their problems to the point where their thinking becomes overwhelmed by
them. This can trigger a need to confide in others, spouses included (McDaniel, Stiles, &
McGaughey, 1981). Such confessions often make people feel better because, by virtue of
confiding in someone, they have transferred some aspects of their problem to the other
person (Pennebaker, 1990). Because the need to confide does not depend on where the
stress comes from in the first place, this perspective suggests that self-disclosure, especially
the type high in evaluative intimacy, may be especially prevalent in relationships that are
marked by turmoil. Once the relationship stabilizes, one can expect a return to lower lev-
els of self-disclosure high in descriptive intimacy.

• As a relationship develops we probably do not abandon the goal of making our-
selves liked by the other person. Yet at some point we make the move from strate-
gic communication specifically aimed at eliciting liking (self-presentation) to open
communication (self-disclosure). What do you think helps prompt us to shift?
• One explanation for gender-related differences in self-disclosure is that women
avoid self-disclosure in order to protect themselves, while men avoid it to main-
tain control over the relationship. In what ways do you think avoiding self-
disclosure can help men maintain control of their relationships?
• Being deprived of opportunities to self-disclose to members of the opposite sex
results in loneliness. Do you think this indicates the existence of a “need to self-
disclose”? What other explanations could you generate for this link?
• People in good moods are more willing to disclose intimate information, while
people in bad moods are reluctant to do so. What do you think causes this pat-
tern of mood influences on self-disclosure?
Summary
Issues • How do people increase their chances of maintaining attraction and

interest?
• How do they get to know one another?
• How do couples manage self-disclosure?
Theory • Theories of self-presentation hold that people try to communicate a posi-
tive yet plausible image of themselves
• Self-presentation tactics include self-descriptions, attitude expressions,
attributional statements, compliance with social norms (e.g., deco-
rum, modesty, behavioral matching, social associations, and changes in
environment)
• Balance between presenting a positive image while avoiding outright
deceit
• Two models of self-disclosure
• Social penetration model emphasizes moving from superficial to intimate
disclosures
• Reciprocity model focuses on matching the level of intimacy in each
other’s disclosures
Research • Nonverbal cues such as body posture, facial expression, touch, gaze,
grooming, and gestures signal interest and are used in flirting (Patterson,
1987)
• Breaking eye contact, closed body posture, not smiling, and not touching
convey disinterest (McCormick & Jones, 1989)
• Opening lines are crucial to initiating a relationship, with most people
preferring innocuous or direct remarks over cute and flippant ones
(Kleinke, Meeker, & Staneski, 1986)
• Modesty—refusing credit for success and accepting responsibility for
failure—can create a good impression (Miller & Schlenker, 1985)
• Maintaining self-presentation depletes cognitive resources and dimin-
ishes our capacity for self-regulation; resource depletion may lead to
paradoxical outcomes such as talking too much or too loud or saying
embarrassing things (Vohs et al., 2005)
• Trying hard to present oneself in a certain light requires a certain amount
of suppression, and suppression can lead to a rebound and communicat-
ing the very things we are trying to hide (Wegner et al., 1987)
• Online daters use self-presentation to manage their impressions: Men
portray themselves as slightly taller than they are in reality, and women
portray themselves as weighing slightly less (Toma et al., 2008)
• Research on the social penetration model of self-disclosure suggests that
breadth and depth of disclosure appear to increase at a somewhat differ-
ent rate, with the rate of breadth changing faster than the rate of depth;
also, there are substantial variations from one couple to the next
• Research on the reciprocity model shows that reciprocating another’s
self-disclosure within the same topic and with the same level of intimacy
and valence connotes sensitivity and likeableness
• As relationships mature, the intimacy of self-disclosure does not decrease;
instead, it increases in descriptive intimacy while it decreases in evalua-
tive intimacy
• A variety of individual differences, including gender, self-monitoring,
self-consciousness, anxiety, trust, fear of rejection, and Machiavellian-
ism, as well as differences due to the context in which self-disclosure
takes place, influence the course and outcome of self-disclosure
Key Terms
Self-presentation (sometimes also called impression management): behaviors aimed at
creating a favorable yet plausible image of the self, with the goal of eliciting liking from
another.
Self-presentation norms: constraints upon our self-presentations such as decorum, mod-
esty, and behavioral matching.
Social penetration theory: the development of self-disclosure in terms of number of topics
covered (breadth) and the personal significance of the topics (depth).
Self-disclosure reciprocity: a strategy in which people tend to match the other’s self-
disclosure in terms of intimacy and valence.
Descriptive intimacy: aspect of self-disclosure through which people convey factual
information.
Evaluative intimacy: aspect of self-disclosure through which people express strong emo-
tions and judgments.
Topical reciprocity: sticking with the same topic in response to another self-disclosure.
Self-monitoring: a disposition that compels some people to adjust their behavior to the
situation in order to manage their public image.
Self-consciousness: a disposition to focus our attention inward, toward our feelings, goals,
and values.
Private self-consciousness: a disposition toward reflecting on whether our behavior cor-
responds to how we would like to act.
Public self-consciousness: a disposition toward reflecting on how we might appear in the
eyes of others.
6 Fairness and Equity
Summer Gift-Giving Season or Ochūgen

In summer, there is a custom of sending a gift, called ochūgen, to those to whom we are
indebted. The season for sending ochūgen varies between regions, but usually it falls in July
and August. During this period, people wrap food items, seasonings, or household goods in
noshi, paper tied with a red and white bow, and send them to any relatives and acquaintances
who may have helped them in the past year. Children may send ochūgen to their parents,
but only after they grow up and leave home. Family members who live together do not send
ochūgen to each other. The origin of this custom is a Chinese Daoist festival. In Daoism, peo-
ple ward off evil by making offerings at jōgen (January 15th), chūgen (July 15th) and kagen
(October 15th). Among them, chūgen became popular as a gift-giving occasion because it
overlaps with the bon festival, when many people travel to visit one another.
—Cross Currents, www.crosscurrents.hawaii.edu
The kinds of interactions we have with close others can vary greatly from one relationship
to another. The relationships we maintain with our friends are different from those we
maintain with our romantic partners, and both are different from our relationships with
our parents and family. Even within a single relationship, our interactions are prone to
change over time. A dating relationship in its early stages is qualitatively different from an
established-long term relationship in many ways, and the kinds of things we do with our
friends will change as we move from adolescence to adulthood. Despite these differences,
some (e.g., Levinger & Huesman, 1980) have argued that it is possible to view them all
from one single theoretical viewpoint—social exchange theory. This viewpoint proposes
that all human interactions can be construed in terms of exchanges of mutually rewarding
activities. It assumes that, although the rewardingness of various activities will be different
from person to person and on different occasions, people will conduct their relationships
so as to maximize rewards and minimize costs.
The idea that close relationships can be conceptualized in terms of interpersonal
exchanges is at once compelling and controversial. It is compelling because of the simplic-
ity of its assumptions that seem to be borne out by the relationship phenomena discussed
in the previous chapters. Remember that people often desire others who match their level
of attractiveness. From the perspective of exchange theory, what people are doing in this
process is trading levels of attractiveness so as to gain a fair exchange. People who desire
others with similar attitudes and beliefs may similarly be trading mutual agreement. The
importance of a reciprocity norm during self-disclosure in its early stages further suggests
the operation of exchange principles.
Exchange theory is controversial because it suggests that there is little difference in how
we conduct our relationships with close others and strangers. In both cases, we attempt to
maximize our gains and minimize our costs. Of course, to do this successfully we need to
monitor closely what we put into a given relationship and compare our inputs to what we
get out of it in return. Many find such a materialistic, tit-for-tat approach inappropriate
to explain what happens between close and intimate others. Moreover, the story at the
beginning of the chapter suggests that matters of exchange in intimate relationships can
often become very complicated.
To appreciate fully both the strengths and shortcomings of exchange theory for the
explanation of various processes in close relationships, it is necessary to examine the pre-
dictions it makes regarding what types of commodities people exchange, how they decide
whether their relationship is fair and equitable, and how they react to inequities. As it
turns out, there are several different perspectives, each looking at different aspects of the
exchange.
The Nature of Resources Exchanged
Rewards and Costs

What is it that people in casual as well as close relationships exchange? On the most
abstract level, people exchange rewards. By definition, a reward is anything a person val-
ues, and thus rewards can take on many forms, ranging from money to hugs. As a rule,
people tend to place greater value on things they don’t have than on things that are in
ample supply. Finding a $20 bill in the laundromat will be more rewarding for a college
student, for instance, than it would for a baseball player with a multiyear, multimillion-
dollar contract. Similarly, a hug will mean more to someone deprived of physical affection
than to someone who receives hugs and kisses all day long.
Of course, the flipside of rewards are costs. Giving another person any kind of reward
is usually associated with a variety of costs. Because engaging in one activity usually
precludes some alternative activity, opportunity costs are almost always incurred. For
example, spending an evening talking about one’s relationship can be quite reward-
ing, but it may come at the expense of not being able to go to a movie with friends.
Of course, the cost of an activity is directly related to the desirability of the alterna-
tive activity. If the alternative to talking about one’s relationship is to watch the grass
grow, the costs for the activity are fairly low. Apart from the unavoidable opportunity
costs, most activities tend to become more costly as they are repeated over a period
of time (Secord & Backman, 1964). Frequent exchanges of the same commodity may
lead to fatigue in one person and satiation in the other. Remember that the value of a
reward decreases once there is no shortage of it. This decrease in value, coupled with
an incremental increase in the cost associated with the production of the reward, fur-
ther increases the total cost of the activity. Because relationships change over time, new
activities need to be substituted for older ones to avoid fatigue and satiation and to
provide appropriate rewards.
Variety of Resources Exchanged

To talk about exchange exclusively in terms of reward and cost does not really tell us
about the specific types of resources, or commodities, that people exchange. In both casual
Fairness and Equity 87
Particularistic
More Less
Abstract Status Information
Love Money
Concrete Goods Services
Figure 6.1 A Classification of Interpersonal Resources by Concreteness and Particularism Accord-

ing to Turner et al. (1971)
and close relationships, people can exchange a wide variety of resources that fall into six
distinct classes: (1) love, (2) status, (3) information, (4) money, (5) goods, and (6) services
(Turner, Foa, & Foa, 1971). These resource categories can be distinguished in terms of
how concrete and particularistic they are, as illustrated in Figure 6.1.
Goods and services are more concrete than money, and all three are more concrete
than love, status, and information, which are relatively more abstract. Furthermore,
some resources are more particularistic; that is, their reward value depends on the per-
son who is providing them. Love is perhaps the most particularistic of all resources,
simply because finding love in all the wrong places is generally not very rewarding.
Money, on the other hand, may be the least particularistic of all resources because, by
and large, its value is the same regardless of who gives it to us (not withstanding drug
money or blatant bribes).
Given the differences in the nature of interpersonal resources, one can expect that dif-
ferent rules apply to the exchange in casual as opposed to close relationships. For one
thing, it may be that different resources are exchanged. Just as nobody would expect to
find love at the hardware store, few would probably expect their loved ones to provide
them with roofing nails. More importantly, exchanges among strangers are more con-
strained. The general expectation is that the exchange will involve resources from the
same class or from proximal classes. The clerk at the grocery store can rightfully expect
the appropriate amount of money in exchange for a packet of cream cheese. Likewise,
the mechanic can expect the appropriate amount of money in exchange for repairing the
brakes on our car. People in close relationships have a little more leeway in how they
conduct their exchanges. They can trade resources from proximal as well as distal classes.
For example, a friend may offer us money, a dinner, or a whole lot of praise in exchange
for a little help with her overdue homework. In light of the variability of exchanges pos-
sible in close relationships, some (e.g., Scanzoni, 1979b) have gone so far as to propose
that intimates spend a great deal of time negotiating the values and exchangeability of
certain types of behaviors. Although it is not clear whether relationships can be entirely
defined by that, it is clear that a certain amount of negotiation does at least occasionally
take place.
Determining What Is Fair: Equity Theory

Assuming that people in close relationships find ways to decide on the types of resources
they wish to exchange, the question becomes: How do they decide if they are getting
what they deserve? Some (Homans, 1961) have phrased the answer simply in terms
of interpersonal profit: “The open secret of human exchange is to give the other man
behavior that is more valuable to him than it is costly to you and to get from him
behavior that is more valuable to you than it is costly to him” (p. 62). This idea, then,
proposes that two people will seek maximum gains at minimal cost. Others have argued
that people will focus on fairness. Specifically, equity theory (Adams, 1965; Hatfield,
Utne, & Traupmann, 1979; Walster, Berscheid, & Walster, 1973, Walster, Walster, &
Berscheid, 1978) proposes that people scrutinize their outcomes relative to their inputs
and then compare the result to their partner’s inputs and outcomes by applying the fol-
lowing formula (Adams, 1965):
O A − I A OB − I B
=
IA IB
IA and IB represent the respective perceptions of the inputs from Person A and Per-
son B. OA and OB represent the respective perceptions of the outcomes Person A and
Person B are receiving. Inputs describe participants’ contributions to the exchange
that entitle them to rewards and thus can be considered the costs of the relationships.
Outcomes describe the positive or negative consequences participants perceive to have
received as a result of the exchange. In principle, a relationship is considered to be
equitable when the ratio of inputs to outcomes of Person A equals the ratio of inputs
to outcomes of Person B. In other words, people feel like they are getting a fair shake
out of their relationship when their partner puts in as much and receives as much as
they do.
Establishing Whether There Is Equity

Of course, one might ask just how people go about determining the magnitude and value
of their inputs as well as those of their partner. According to the theory, equity is in the
eye of the beholder. In order for the formula to work, two people need to agree on how
they assess one another’s inputs and outcomes. This may be more easily said than done.
Inequity can be fairly easily determined when there is a wide gap between two people’s
inputs. For example, if one person spends an hour cleaning the kitchen after dinner while
the other person plays basketball for an hour, it is pretty clear who incurred more costs. It
may be more difficult to make the same determination when one person washes the dishes
while the other person takes out the garbage. One could argue that it may be more costly
to do the dishes if it requires more time than taking out the garbage, creating a temporary
sense of inequity. But if disposing of the garbage should involve going out in the rain or
having to talk with one’s least favorite neighbor, the equation is quickly thrown out of
whack because of the increase in cost stemming from getting drenched or having to listen
to deliberations about power tools.
Admittedly, the example of cleaning up after dinner is a mundane one. However, it
illustrates the difficulties in assessing what is equitable. If it is hard to determine equity
regarding two people’s contributions to a simple task, it may be next to impossible to
determine if one’s relationship as a whole is equitable. For one thing, assessing equity
requires people to scrutinize the many aspects of their relationship at any given point in
time. For another, people need to keep track of their inputs and outcomes as well as those
of their partner over long periods of time. Even if people were inclined to do that, and
there is reason to believe they frequently don’t (Clark & Mills, 1979), there may still be
a problem in terms of the value two people put on their respective inputs and outcomes
(Hatfield et al., 1979). A person who puts little stake in an impeccably clean house will
likely place little value on his or her partner’s painstaking clean-up efforts. Because of this,
the gains provided by a clean house will be perceived as relatively low, and, as a result, the
other’s input tends to be devalued. Of course, the reverse is true for someone for whom
a clean house is of paramount importance. Because the gains are fairly high, the other’s
input will increase in value.
Do People Really Seek Equity?

Given the many problems in deciding what is equitable, one might well ask if people do,
in fact, apply an equity rule in determining what is fair in their relationships. One way to
figure this out is to look at how well research supports this idea. According to Clark and
Chrisman (1994), there is little research that directly examines the extent to which people
in ongoing relationships apply an equity rule. However, there is research broadly con-
cerned with the effects of equity on relationship satisfaction and stability, which allows an
indirect evaluation of the idea that people would seek equity in a relationship (e.g., Lloyd,
Cate, & Henton, 1982; Sabatelli & Cecil-Pigo, 1985; Sprecher, 1988).
To date, the evidence for the importance of equity is somewhat mixed. In one study
(Sprecher, 1986), research participants who were involved in a dating relationship were
asked to indicate their level of commitment to the relationship, their experience of positive
and negative affect over the past month, whether they or their partner contributed more
to the relationship, and who seemed to be getting a better deal out of their relationship.
Consistent with predictions from equity theory, research participants who felt that they
and their partner were getting an equally good deal out of the relationship and contributed
to it equally reported a higher level of commitment and a preponderance of positive emo-
tional experiences. Similarly, Sabatelli and Cecil-Pigo (1985) found that married couples
who reported their relationship as equitable were more committed to their relationship
than couples who felt their relationship was inequitable. Additionally, Lloyd et al. (1982)
found that perceived equity was associated with higher relationship satisfaction among
serious as well as casual daters.
More recently, in 5-year longitudinal study of 101 romantic couples, Sprecher (2001)
found that most participants felt their relationships were equitable. They also found
a strong correlation between global measures of equity and specific equity dimen-
sions, perhaps because similarly anchored scales were used for both. Equity was found
across specific dimensions of love, status, money, services, goods, information, and
sexuality. Partners did not feel overbenefitted or underbenefitted in these areas of their
lives. However, couples perceived equity to be relatively low when it came to money,
perhaps reflecting the practice of most men paying for the expenses related to their
dates. Sex differences were found in terms of feelings of inequity. To the extent that
there was inequity in the relationship, women were more likely to feel overbenefitted,
while men were more likely to perceive themselves as being underbenefitted (Sprecher,
2001). Finally, this study did not find that equity increased over time, as the theory
suggests.
Thus, there appears to be some evidence that perceived equity is related to happiness
as well as relationship satisfaction and stability. However, to conclude from these studies
that people may, in fact, apply an equity rule to evaluating the quality of their relationship
would be premature. Virtually all the studies in support of this idea used a global measure
of equity (e.g., “Are you getting a better, worse, or equally good deal from your relation-
ship as your partner?”). When dating couples are asked to rate the extent to which there is
equity on specific dimensions of relationship inputs and outcomes, levels of equity no lon-
ger predict relationship satisfaction. Others (Clark & Mills, 1979) have even found that
subscribing to a principle of equitable exchange can be downright harmful for the further
development of a relationship. Specifically, people in close relationships who feel like they
are being repaid for every benefit they award to the other end up being less attracted to
that person. More importantly, and contrary to what equity theory predicts, people in a
close relationship often avoid keeping track of their respective inputs (Clark, 1984; Clark,
Mills, & Corcoran, 1989).
Reactions to Inequity
The preceding discussion of the difficulties inherent in deciding what is equitable sug-
gests that people in close relationships may be less motivated to achieve and maintain
equity at all times. At the same time, it is reasonable to expect that glaring inequities
may not go unnoticed. Theoretically, a relationship can be marked by inequity in either
one of two ways. A person may find herself underbenefitted. Her outcomes, relative to
her inputs, may be lower than that of her partner. Another person may find himself over-
benefitted. His outcome, relative to his inputs, exceed those of his partner. According to
the theory, both situations should have negative emotional consequences. This is fairly
obvious in the case of the person who finds herself underbenefitted. She is likely to feel
exploited, unhappy, and angry, and her satisfaction with the relationship may be low.
Contrary to what intuition might suggest, the person who finds himself overbenefitted
is not much better off. If nothing else, the person should feel guilty about getting more
than his fair share. Both types of inequity, along with their respective emotional conse-
quences, should lead to attempts to make the relationship more equitable. This can be
accomplished in a variety of ways. People might simply try to convince themselves and
their partner that they are getting more or less out of the relationship than they actually
do. Or they might try to convince themselves that their partner is getting more or less
than he or she does.
Alternatively, people who find themselves in an inequitable relationship may attempt
to restore equity behaviorally. An underbenefitted member of a couple may decide to
decrease her inputs, whereas an overbenefitted member may increase his inputs. Or the
couple may choose the somewhat more difficult option of asking each other to increase or
decrease their inputs. Of course, symbolic attempts at restoring equity through changes in
the perceptions of inputs may be more successful than actual behavioral attempts, as it is
generally easier to change one’s perceptions than one’s actual behavior.
There is some evidence for some of the predictions equity theory makes about the emo-
tional and behavioral consequences of inequity. Overall, underbenefitting inequity leads to
greater distress then overbenefitting inequity (Sprecher, 2001). Further, several studies have
shown that being underbenefitted results in feelings of unhappiness and anger, whereas
being overbenefitted results in feelings of guilt. Still others (Sprecher, 2001) find gender
differences in which underbenefitted men experience anger and depression while their
female counterparts experience primarily frustration. Moreover, it is women’s feelings of
being underbenefitted that are most likely to lead to relationship disruption (DeMaris,
2007). Although this finding suggests that perceived inequity contributes to marital dis-
satisfaction (DeMaris, 2007), there is also evidence that the opposite may occur. Marital
distress can compel partners to begin scrutinizing their relationship outcomes, which may
result in perceptions of inequity or unfairness (Grote & Clark, 2001). Of course, realizing
unfairness may lead to a further deterioration of the relationship.
These issues aside, equity is generally associated with happiness and contentment (Hat-
field et al., 1979; Walster, Walster, & Traupman, 1978). However, these particular findings
were obtained by asking research participants first about how equitable or inequitable
their relationship was and then asking them to indicate how content, happy, angry, and
guilty they felt. It is never clear just how much people’s self-reports can be trusted (Nisbett
& Wilson, 1977), and, in the case of these studies, some extra caution should be war-
ranted, especially since no attempt was made to disguise their purpose. It may be that
responding to the questions made salient norms about how one ought to feel in cases of
inequity (e.g., “I get more out of this than my partner, so I had better feel guilty”); thus,
the results may be partially due to the demands inherent in each study.
Longitudinal studies have attempted to push our understanding of equity beyond that
obtained via paper-and-pencil measures. van Yperen and Buunk (1990) followed the
relationships of 736 married Dutch couples for a year and found that equitable relation-
ships were more comfortable and satisfying. And contrary to Sprecher’s (2001) findings,
relationships that did not dissolve over the course of the study became more equitable
over time.
Empirical tests of the predictions made by equity theory about behavioral avenues
toward the restoration of equity provide a mixed bag of evidence. Reasoning that under-
benefitted members of couples may call in the chips in order to restore equity, one study
(Hatfield et al., 1979) hypothesized that dating couples in which the male partner is
underbenefitted would have sex more frequently than couples in which the male partner
is overbenefitted or couples who have an equitable relationship. The general idea is that
there is a double standard suggesting that men are supposed to have sex and women
are supposed to dispense it cautiously. Therefore, if a man finds himself shortchanged,
equity can be restored by an increase in the frequency with which the couple has sex
because it requires an increase in the woman’s input to the relationship, which should
lead to an increase in the man’s outcomes. At the same time, couples in which the man
is overbenefitted should have sex less often because women may now withhold sex to
restore equity.
Those who find this line of reasoning less than compelling may be reaffirmed by the
results of the study, which showed that couples who felt that their relationships were
equitable had sex more frequently than any other set of couples. Although this finding is
inconsistent with the specific predictions of the study, it does make a great deal of sense,
perhaps even from an equity point of view. Remember, couples who feel that their rela-
tionship is equitable are generally happier than couples who feel there is inequity. And
while happiness is not a prerequisite for sex, common sense suggests that it promotes its
enjoyment.
To sum up, at some point, equity theory appeared to be a promising approach to find-
ing out how two people may evaluate their relationship outcomes, including a seemingly
easy-to-use formula. In its heyday, some (e.g., Hatfield et al., 1979) felt that equity theory
might someday become the foundation for a general theory of human behavior. However,
support for its major predictions has been hard to come by. This, combined with a more
general distaste for a theory that proposes people would keep track of relationship inputs
and outcomes in an almost bean-counting fashion, has put equity theory’s seeming promise
in perspective.

• How would you explain the fact that a global measure of equity predicts rela-
tionship satisfaction, but equity on specific dimensions does not?
• DeMaris (2007) found a gender difference in the influence of perceived equity on
relationship stability, namely that it is women’s feelings of being underbenefitted
that is most likely to lead to a relationship disruption. How does that fit with
the stereotype that women are more idealistic, more romantic, and interested in
“the relationship itself” rather than its benefits?
• Inequity contributes to relationship dissatisfaction, but there is evidence that
the opposite may also occur: Relationship distress may lead to perceptions of
inequity. Can you think of situations in which relationship distress not caused
by inequity could lead to feelings of unfairness.
Evaluating Relationship Outcomes: Comparison Levels

The difficulties with equity theory aside, it is probably fair to say that people will evalu-
ate their relationship at least occasionally. Most people have a pretty good idea of how
satisfied or dissatisfied they are in their relationship. Of course, if such evaluations are not
based on rules of equity, one must ask just how people go about making these types of
assessments.
The Thibaut and Kelley Model

One approach (Thibaut & Kelley, 1959) proposes that people evaluate their relationship
against two standards. The first standard is a comparison level (CL) that summarizes
what people expect to get or deserve from a relationship. This comparison level may be
an idealized standard, such as perpetual romance, or it may be a more realistic standard
comprised of past relationship experiences, cultural ideas, or social comparison to one’s
siblings or friends. From this latter perspective, comparison levels can change over time.
A series of highly satisfying relationships is likely to increase one’s CL, whereas a series of
bad relationships is likely to decrease it. The extent to which people are satisfied with their
relationship is then a function of their current outcomes compared to their expectations
(CL). When the outcomes exceed the CL, people will be satisfied with their relationship;
when the outcomes fall below, people will be dissatisfied. The degree of satisfaction or dis-
satisfaction is determined by the magnitude of the discrepancy between outcomes and CL.
In Thibaut and Kelley’s (1959) original proposal, the CL was considered a universal
quantitative standard against which outcomes are compared. Thus, if Ashley expects five
units of companionship and Derek provides eight units, she should be quite satisfied with
her relationship. However, the issue becomes complicated when one takes into account
people’s mental models of relationships—that is, the kinds of things they idiosyncratically
expect from their relationship. As it turns out, people vary widely in terms of the charac-
teristics their ideal relationship should have (Rusbult, Onizuka, & Lipkus, 1993). On the
surface, Ashley may be quite satisfied with the level of companionship Derek provides,
but if she really values passion and intimacy and her outcomes on these dimensions fall
Table 6.1 Different Levels of Satisfaction and Dependence Stemming From Comparisons Between
Relationship to a CL and CLAlt
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4
0 CLAlt CL CLAlt
CL 0 0 CL
CLAlt CL CLAlt 0
below her CL, she will likely be somewhat unhappy. After all, even though companion-
ship may be a good thing, it does not really compensate for a perceived lack of intimacy
and passion. Thus, in order to determine whether someone is satisfied with a relationship,
one needs to take into account both the quantity as well as the quality of what is received.
In addition to comparing relationship outcomes to a general comparison level, people
use a comparison level for alternatives (CLAlt). In this comparison, people contrast their
current relationship outcomes with the outcomes they could obtain from a possible alter-
native relationship. If the current outcomes exceed the CLAlt, people are somewhat depen-
dent on their partners and their relationship will be relatively stable. On the other hand, if
the outcomes are lower than the CLAlt, a person may decide to leave a current relationship
in favor of the alternative. Of course, a person’s CLAlt may fluctuate, as its level depends on
the availability of possible alternatives, which may vary over time and across situations.
The two comparison levels produce at least four different kinds of relationships, depend-
ing on how one’s current outcomes stack up against the CL and the CLAlt, as depicted in
Table 6.1. Level 1 shows a person in a relationship marked by attractive stability. The per-
son’s outcomes from his current relationship exceed both his CL and his CLAlt. He should
be highly satisfied with his relationship, but also fairly dependent on it, because his out-
comes from an alternative relationship would be much lower than his current outcomes.
Level 2 shows a person in a relationship marked by attractive instability. The person’s
outcomes exceed her expectations, but she could do better by leaving the relationship in
favor of the alternative possibility. Level 3 shows a person in a relationship marked by
unattractive stability. The person is unhappy because he is getting less from his current
relationship than what he expects, but by leaving it, he would be even worse off. Level 4
shows a person in a relationship marked by unattractive instability. What this individual
gets from her current relationship falls below her expectations and what she could get
from an alternative relationship. According to comparison level theory, it is a pretty safe
bet that the relationship will end soon. In fact, there is ample research suggesting that,
compared to individuals whose relationships persist, those whose relationships end often
report lower satisfaction along with more attractive alternatives (Rusbult, 1983; Rusbult,
Johnson, & Morrow, 1986; Sabatelli & Cecil-Pigo, 1985; Simpson, 1987).
Interestingly, our evaluations of possible alternatives appear to decrease as our commit-
ment to a relationship increases. You may recall from Chapter 3 that people in exclusive
dating relationships tend to perceive opposite-sex persons as less attractive than people
who are dating more casually or not dating at all (Simpson et al., 1990). It turns out that
this effect is not limited to perceptions of physical attractiveness, but instead extends to
other characteristics, as well (Rusbult, 1983). This tendency to devalue possible alterna-
tives is strongest among those who are committed to a relationship and are presented with
an extremely appealing alternative. Furthermore, this devaluation is more closely related
to commitment rather than satisfaction per se (Johnson & Rusbult, 1989).
The Investment Model
What creates commitment in the first place? This question has been addressed by a model
that extends interdependence models in two ways. Specifically, the investment model (e.g.,
Agnew, Van Lange, Rusbult, & Langston, 1998; Rusbult, 1983) suggests that attraction
and dependence are to some extent influenced by the level of investment one has in a
relationship. Alina becomes increasingly dependent on Michael to the extent that the rela-
tionship is rewarding, that there are few alternatives, and that she feels bound by the rela-
tionship (i.e., is highly invested in it). The confluence of these forces leads to relationships
marked by increasing cognitive interdependence. As Alina and Michael become increas-
ingly committed to continuing their relationship, foreseeing an extended future, they are
likely to engage in more frequent relationship-relevant cognitive activity (e.g., Wegner
et al., 1991), and the nature of their identity and self-presentation is likely to shift, as
well (e.g., Aron & Aron, 1997). In other words, Alina will come to view herself as part
of a unit. Interestingly, this link between commitment and interdependence is strongest in
romantic relationships (Agnew et al., 1998), suggesting that it is a unique mechanism that
sustains exclusivity—a relationship feature that is more important in romantic relation-
ships than in friendships.
It is all too easy to construe commitment and investment in terms of extemporane-
ous markers such as marriage. However, they are present to varying degrees in all close
relationships—straight and gay alike (Duffy & Rusbult, 1986; Rusbult, 1983). It appears
from these observations that investment is a state of mind one brings to a relationship.
Recent work has extended our understanding of the types of investments on the level
of commitment to a relationship. Goodfriend and Agnew (2008) distinguished invest-
ments in terms of their timing (past vs. planned) as well as their materiality (tangible vs.
intangible).
Money spent on a relationship would be an example of a past tangible investment
whereas time spent in a relationship would be an example of a past intangible investment.
Planned investments represent the goals and investments to come, such as getting mar-
ried, buying a home, having children, or retiring to Hawaii. Data from five studies using
diverse samples of dating and married couples, college students, and an older non-college
population supported the idea that both the materiality and the timing of investments
mattered. Intangible past investments and planned investments contributed significantly
to strengthening commitment. Higher levels of planned investments also serve as a buffer
to relationship dissolution and are also more likely to impede, after dissolution, the estab-
lishment of new relationships (Goodfriend & Agnew, 2008).
Understanding what leads to increases in commitment is of obvious importance as it
has been implicated in many important relationship functions—most notably decisions on
whether to leave or stay (e.g., Arriaga & Agnew, 2001; Le & Agnew, 2003; Arriaga, Reed,
Goodfriend, & Agnew, 2006). A meta-analysis testing the investment model assessed the
degree to which relationship satisfaction, the presence of relationship alternatives, and
investment size predict commitment and subsequent relationship duration (Le & Agnew,
2003). Relationship satisfaction was a better predictor of relationship duration than the
presence of alternatives and investment size, although all three predicted commitment.
Finally, the causal arrow points in both directions as commitment predicts relationship
satisfaction in married couples (Givertz, Segrin, & Woszidlo, 2016) along with decisions
to stay or leave (Le & Agnew, 2003; Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2010). We revisit the
role of commitment on how partners make decisions of this kind in Chapter 13.
In conclusion, the research based on Thibaut and Kelley’s (1959) theory does a good job
of describing how people evaluate their relationships and in predicting the consequences
of certain types of comparison outcomes. People are undoubtedly happy with their rela-
tionships if they exceed their expectations, and people become dissatisfied when their
relationships fall below their expectations. The theory suggests reasons why many people
remain in relationships with which they are unhappy and further suggests reasons why
some people may walk out of what seem to be perfectly good relationships. Still, some
scholars seem troubled by the suggestion that people apply some sort of calculus involv-
ing a comparison of their relationship outcomes. After all, such a notion seems to imply
that there is little difference in how we conduct ourselves in close relationships and casual
relationships. The following section considers a somewhat radical approach that empha-
sizes the differences in the norms guiding our relationships with close others and strangers.

• Can you find commonalities between variants of social exchange theory dis-
cussed at the beginning of this chapter and the Thibaut and Kelley model?
• Some research shows a tendency among those in committed relationships to
devalue alternatives, especially extremely appealing ones. To make things more
interesting, this tendency is not directly related to relationship satisfaction, but
with commitment. How would you explain these findings?
• Some research found that intangible and planned investments have a greater
influence on relationship stability than tangible and past investments. This
conclusion seems a little counterintuitive, especially since one would expect
investments that have already been made to weigh more heavily. How would
you explain these findings?
Close Relationships as Communal Relationships

Some (Clark & Mills, 1979) have argued that our relationships with close others are fun-
damentally different from those we have with casual acquaintances or strangers. Accord-
ing to this view, for example, relationships with our employers and those who provide us
with goods and services are based on exchange principles. We expect our employers to
compensate us adequately for the amount of effort we put into our jobs. When we realize
that we are getting less than we can reasonably expect, we become unhappy and, depend-
ing on the availability of alternatives, might decide to take our skills elsewhere. When we
pay $50 for a concert ticket, we expect the band to show up, start on time, and play for
more than 45 minutes. When we lend our chainsaw to a neighbor across the street, we
often do it with the expectation that someday he will let us borrow his jumper cables. In
all these examples, people exchange things with the expectation of getting something in
return, either immediately or in the near future.
Other types of relationships are not as easily captured in terms of exchange. For exam-
ple, precisely what do teachers and their students exchange? If it is a tradeoff between
effort and grades, what are the teacher’s contributions to the exchange? What is the nature
of the exchange that takes place between parents and their children? Historically and
culturally, children were often expected to provide for their parents once they reach old
age. However, this type of exchange has in many cases given way to employer-sponsored
retirement funds, social security, and nursing homes. Of course, one could argue that rais-
ing children has its own rewards. Then again, how many smiles and coos do we expect in
return for changing one messy diaper?
Faced with such difficulties in conceptualizing a variety of relationships in terms of
exchange principles, Clark and Mills (1979) proposed that close relationships may best be
considered communal in nature. In communal relationships, giving and receiving benefits
are guided by different norms and principles, which render them qualitatively different
from exchange relationships.
Giving and Receiving Benefits

In exchange relationships, benefits are given either in exchange for past benefits or with
the expectation of receiving benefits in the future. This is why we often feel compelled to
return favors when we are dealing with relative strangers or casual acquaintances. Such
considerations do not matter in close relationships. Instead, the giving of benefits is, or
should be, guided by the other’s needs or our desire to please the other (Clark & Mills,
1979). For example, in deciding on a wedding gift for a couple of friends, we carefully
examine what they would like and need by consulting their registry and making a choice
accordingly. It matters little what they have given us for our own wedding. Moreover, if
we find that a close other responds to us by returning favors and assistance in a tit-for-tat
fashion, we are likely to experience a measure of discomfort, and we may even like him
or her less.
These assertions about a need-based norm regarding the giving and receiving of ben-
efits in close relationships have received a fair amount of empirical support. One of the
first investigations was designed to test the idea that in exchange relationships, benefits
are given in exchange for receiving past benefits or with the expectation of future ben-
efits. In communal relationships, on the other hand, benefits are given according to the
other’s needs, without consideration of past or future benefits (Clark & Mills, 1979). In
this study, male research participants were led to believe that they could expect either
an exchange or a communal relationship with a female confederate who posed as either
married or new in town and thus anxious to meet people. Participants then worked on
a task that required them to create as many words from a set of letters as they could
for points from the experimenter. While doing the task, they were under the impression
that the female confederate was in another room doing the same task but using fewer
letters. Because that essentially made the confederate’s task harder, the experimenter
gave research participants the opportunity to send any extra letters to the confederate
if she so requested through an elaborate message system. This manipulation allowed
research participants to give benefits to another with whom they expected either an
exchange or communal relationship. In addition, the confederate responded to research
participants’ benefits in one of two ways. She sent research participants a note, thank-
ing them for the letter, and included a letter from her set in return. This essentially
communicated that she was desiring an exchange relationship. Alternatively, she sent
research participants a note containing a simple “Thank you” without returning the
favor. At the end of the experiment, research participants were asked to indicate their
liking for the confederate.
Table 6.2 Liking Based on Relationship Expectations and Compliance With Relationship Norms
Believes confederate is single Believes confederate is married
Confederate follows Lower levels of liking Liking is high for this

exchange norms confederate
Confederate follows Liking high for this confederate Lower levels of liking
communal norms
The results of the experiment were in line with what Clark and Mills (1979) had pre-
dicted. Research participants who expected an exchange relationship with the allegedly
married confederate liked her most when she followed exchange-based norms—that is,
when she returned research participants’ favors. On the other hand, research participants
who expected the possibility of a communal relationship with the single woman liked
her most when she followed communal norms—that is, when she offered no repayment.
Moreover, when the confederate violated the norms of the type of the expected relation-
ship by either following communal norms in the exchange situation or exchange norms
in the communal situation, research participants’ liking of her decreased substantially (see
Table 6.2).
There are several reasons that may lead to decreased liking for someone who violates
our expectations about the rules in which people in exchange and communal relationships
are to conduct themselves. In exchange relationships, giving a benefit comes with the
expectation of repayment, ideally in the form of a comparable benefit. At the same time,
receiving a benefit creates an obligation to respond with a comparable benefit. When this
expectation is violated, people will feel shortchanged and exploited, just as equity theory
would predict. However, this same expectation is not only absent in communal relation-
ships, but it may be downright absurd (e.g., Mills & Clark, 1994). In its strongest form,
it would suggest that if Jennifer gives Jason a three-pack of Under Armour briefs for his
birthday, Jason is to reply in kind (three thongs from Victoria’s Secret?). At the very least,
this type of gift exchange is likely to leave Jennifer with a sense of bewilderment at Jason’s
lack of originality. Things do not become much better if Jason decides on a gift that simply
costs as much as the underwear and is thus comparable in value. After all, it is considered
tacky to leave the price tag on gifts (partly because it creates the impression that we expect
future, comparable repayment).
Our expectations of what should happen in a communal relationship can influence how
we perceive others, how we behave toward them, and how much we like them. That is,
holding a communal orientation also has the power to break down barriers and facilitate
the development of interdependence (Lemay & Clark, 2008). In other words, it is rela-
tionship promoting. For example, research participants who perceived themselves to have
a high degree of communal responsiveness projected this orientation onto their partners.
Believing their partners to be equally communal, participants reacted with relationship-
promoting behaviors such as greater self-disclosure, caring, and positive views of their
partner (Lemay & Clark, 2008).
Of course, the differences in the norms guiding the giving and receiving of benefits
in exchange relationships, as opposed to communal relationships, should be reflected in
terms of how much we like someone who either follows or violates the respective rules.
Moreover, one would also expect to find differences in terms of how closely people keep
track of their inputs in casual and close relationships. Specifically, one would expect people
in casual relationships to monitor their inputs more closely than people in communal rela-
tionships. This speculation was borne out in two studies (Clark, 1984) that looked at the
communal-exchange distinction in two ways.
The first study was similar to the procedure used by Clark and Mills (1979). Pairs
of strangers were led to believe that their partner desired either an exchange or com-
munal relationship. All research participants then worked on a joint task for which they
expected a reward. The task consisted of circling numbers that were arranged as a matrix;
the reward would be given according to how well the pair (rather than the individuals)
performed. To complete the task, research participants could choose pens that were the
same color as or a different color from the one their partner used. As expected, research
participants who considered the relationship with their partner as an exchange relation-
ship chose the different color pens significantly more often (87.5 percent of the time) than
what one would expect by chance. Apparently, their choice was motivated by a desire to
keep track of each other’s inputs in the service of dividing the joint reward proportion-
ately. At the same time, research participants who desired a communal relationship chose
the different color pens significantly less often than what one would expect by chance
(12.5 percent of the time), presumably because they felt compelled to obscure any dif-
ferences in the respective inputs. Similar results were obtained in the second study, when
the behavior of friends, who should think of their relationship as communal in nature,
was compared to the behavior of strangers, who should think of their relationship as an
exchange relationship.
For the same reason that keeping track of inputs becomes unimportant for communal
relationships, keeping track of the other’s needs increases in importance. This should be
true regardless of whether the other person has an opportunity to reciprocate for a ben-
efit in kind. Instead, the giving of benefits in communal relationships should be exclu-
sively guided by an orientation toward the other’s needs. This should not be the case in
exchange relationships, where reciprocation, expected or actual, should determine the
willingness to give a benefit. These hypotheses were confirmed in a study (Clark, Mills,
& Powell, 1986) that employed a paradigm similar to the one used by Clark and Mills
(1979). The main difference was that instead of actually returning benefits, research
participants had a chance to check on whether their partner needed help under condi-
tions of reciprocation or no reciprocation. As it turned out, research participants who
expected an exchange relationship checked more often when they knew the other might
reciprocate, whereas for research participants who expected a communal relationship,
the possibility for reciprocation did not influence the frequency with which they checked
for calls for help. Another way to look at relationship orientation is in terms of stable
individual differences. In other words, people chronically differ in the extent to which
they approach relationships in an exchange or communal fashion. Toward that end,
Mills and Clark (1994) developed a scale to measure these individual differences. It is
depicted in Table 6.3.
Controversies Surrounding the Communal-Exchange Distinction

Despite the impressive amount of research in its favor, the distinction between exchange
and communal relationships is not without its critics. One frequent argument claims
that the distinction is based on research conducted in somewhat artificial laboratory
settings in which the type of relationship is experimentally manipulated. However, this
argument is not particularly compelling in light of the fact that studies that looked at the
Table 6.3 Items from the Communal and Exchange Orientation Scale
The nature of a relationship influences which orientation (communal versus exchange) people
adopt. In addition, communal-exchange orientation may also be viewed as an individual difference
variable. Some people approach relationships with a communal orientation, whereas others
approach them with an exchange orientation. Margaret Clark and her colleagues (e.g., Mills &
Clark, 1994) have developed two scales to measure such individual differences. Following are
some sample items from both scales. On a scale from 1 (not at all) to 5 (extremely), respondents
rate the extent to which these statements characterize themselves.
Items from the Communal Orientation Scale
It bothers me when other people neglect my needs.
When making a decision, I take other people’s feelings into account.
I believe people should go out their way to be helpful.
I expect people I know to be responsive to my needs and feelings.
When I have a need that others ignore, I’m hurt.
Items from the Exchange Orientation Scale
When I give something to another person, I generally expect something in return.
When someone buys me a gift, I try to buy that person a gift as comparable as possible.
When people receive benefits from others, they ought to repay those others right away.
It’s best to make sure things are always kept “even” between two people in a relationship.
Source: J. Mills and M. S. Clark, “Communal and Exchange Relationships: Controversies and Research,” in
R. Erber and R. Gilmour (Eds.), Theoretical Frameworks for Personal Relationships (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum,
1994). Reprinted by permission.
behavior of friends (e.g., Clark, 1984; Clark et al., 1989) have, by and large, obtained
results that are consistent with those studies that manipulate the type of relationship
experimentally.
A second issue relates to whether communal relationships are really exchange relation-
ships with an extended time perspective. In other words, people in communal relation-
ships may not expect immediate repayment or reciprocation, but instead expect the giving
and receiving of benefits to be equitable in the long run (Batson, 1993). However, this idea
is not easily reconciled with the findings showing that people in communal relationships
do not keep track of their inputs. Without such knowledge, it is unclear how they would
determine what to expect in the future (Clark & Mills, 1993).
A final and related criticism holds that the etiquette of the exchange is what sets com-
munal relationships apart from exchange relationships (Batson, 1993). You expect the
mechanic who worked on your car to present you with a bill for his services, but you
probably don’t expect your date to directly “pay” for dinner with affection. However, the
main reason for not holding this expectation is that a communal orientation prevents you
from seeking this kind of quid pro quo while at the same time allowing you to anticipate
exchanges of affection at a future point in time (Clark & Mills, 1993).
Communal Orientation and Relationship Satisfaction

It appears, then, that the distinction between exchange and communal relationships is a
meaningful one both in terms of its theoretical and empirical foundations. By adopting a
communal orientation, partners in a close relationship respond to each other’s needs, as we
have seen. Their responsiveness is in large part a matter of projection. Essentially, people
project their own care and supportiveness for their partner onto the perceptions of their
partner’s care and supportiveness for them. And the projected perceptions of responsive-
ness promote satisfaction with the relationship (Lemay, Clark, & Feeney, 2007). Further
contributing to relationship satisfaction may be that partners in a communal relationship
are more willing to express positive and negative emotions, which is associated with more
liking for the other (Clark & Taraban, 1991).
Of course, it is entirely possible that responsiveness may have at least some limits. For
example, whether or not one responds to another’s need may to some extent be determined
by its perceived legitimacy. Most people are probably somewhat reluctant to accommo-
date their partner’s need for “more space.” It is also possible that people for whom equity
is highly salient, perhaps because they are deprived of it at work and elsewhere, might seek
it in their close relationships in a compensatory fashion. None of these issues is likely to
shatter the usefulness of the distinction between communal and exchange relationships.
In fact, research (Bartz & Lydon, 2006) has found predicted patterns of preferences for
either communal or exchange norms that cleave along the lines of an individual’s attach-
ment style. Securely attached individuals were more comfortable in communal situations
while avoidantly attached individuals actually disliked others who attempted to respond
according to communal norms.

• Some relationships are difficult to capture in terms of the exchanges they entail.
Relationships between teachers and student are a case in point. Do you think
they fit better with the exchange or the communal type? How would you
describe them?
• In communal relationships benefits are given according to the other’s needs,
without consideration of one’s own benefits. How can you reconcile that with
what you know about the need to belong, the need for intimacy, and the need
for affiliation?
• Do you think the orientation could change from communal to exchange in
a romantic relationship? What could cause such a shift? What might be the
consequences?
Summary
Issues • Relationships as the exchange of interpersonal resources

• Inequity in relationships
• The relationship of commitment and investments to relationship stability
• Commitment
• Communal vs. exchange orientation in intimate relationships
Theories • Equity theory
• Comparison level theory
• Investment model
• Communal-exchange theory
Research • A great deal of research supports equity theory, although results are fre-
quently based on self-reports
• At least one study failed to support predictions regarding attempts to
restore equity
• Comparison level theory has been supported by several studies that
showed that satisfaction combined with dependence are important to stay/
leave decisions
• Commitment is an important mediator of perceptions of the attractiveness
of alternatives
• A meta-analysis of studies on the investment model supports the roles of
relationship satisfaction, availability of alternatives, and investments into
the relationship in predicting commitment and stay/leave decisions (Le &
Agnew, 2003)
• Studies in which participants’ expectations for communal vs. exchange
relationship were manipulated demonstrated that both types of relation-
ships are guided by different principles regarding the giving and receiving
of benefits (Clark & Mills, 1979)
Key Terms
Social exchange theories: a set of theories proposing that all human interactions can be
construed in terms of exchanges of mutually rewarding activities.
Reward: in social exchange theory, anything a person values.
Equity Theory: a theory that proposes that individuals in relationships seek a ratio of
inputs to outcomes that is equal to their partner’s.
Thibaut and Kelley Model: this model predicts that satisfaction and stability of a relation-
ship are determined by the way people compare their relationship to two standards—a
comparison level, and a comparison level for the alternatives.
Comparison level: standard of comparison that summarizes what people expect to get
from a relationship.
Comparison level for alternatives: standard of comparison between current relationship
outcomes and outcomes from a possible alternative relationship.
Investment model: suggests that attraction and dependence are influenced by the level of
investment one has in a relationship.
Communal relationship: type of relationship in which benefits are given according to
needs, without consideration of past or future benefits.
Exchange relationship: type of relationship in which benefits are given either in exchange
for past benefits or with the expectation of future benefits.
7 Love and Emotion
When “Love Marriage” Needs a Little Help

After decades of fixing arranged marriages for their children, Indian parents are taking on a
new challenge: trying to orchestrate their kids’ love marriages. A new generation of young
Indian professionals has refused to follow the arranged-marriage route, with its emphasis on
caste, family ties, wealth and skin color—with the blessings of their parents.
But as these kids tread toward their 30s, some parents say they fear their offspring’s chances
of finding a marriage partner are evaporating entirely. These parents, while trying to respect
their children’s wishes, are trying other measures, like pushing their offspring to singles net-
works and online dating sites.
Take Pramodini Srinivasan, a former trainer in the information technology industry and
now a writer for a wellness Web Site. Ms. Srinivasan has a Bangalor-based nephew who
is nearing 40 and Bangalore-bred son in London who is hitting 30. Both are indifferent to
marrying within their traditional south Indian community.
But neither has made any headway in finding a wife on their own, even though Ms. Sriniva-
san has declared that she would be happy for them to fall in love and marry.
—Sarita Rai, india.blogs.nytimes.com, April 23, 2013
Few relationship issues have fascinated people as thoroughly and consistently as love. Song-
writers, philosophers, poets, and even religious scholars have speculated on the antecedents,
features, and consequences of love. Some have suggested that love is a many-splendored
thing; others have offered that love hurts and stinks; and still others have focused on the
nature of different types of love, such as platonic love, brotherly love, and Christian love.
For most Westerners, love is considered a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for mar-
riage, whereas other cultures have traditionally awarded it a more secondary consideration.
Psychologists, in general, and social psychologists, in particular, entered the study of
love at a relatively late stage. This is not surprising in light of the various paradigms that
dominated the discipline at one point or another. Freud’s seemingly obsessive preoccupa-
tion with sex as a major motivator of human behavior compelled him to define love as
a compensatory mechanism that kicked in whenever the desire for a sexual union was
blocked. Presumably, sexual frustration of this sort leads to idealization of the other per-
son along with a feeling of falling in love (Freud, 1922). For the behaviorists, with their
exclusive focus on stimulus-response connections, sex was important for the experience of
love in a very different way. Specifically, Watson (1924) considered it an innate response
elicited by the cutaneous stimulation of the erogenous zones. Finally, social psychologists
Love and Emotion 103
of the 1950s and 1960s treated love as an attitude that predisposes one to think, feel, and
act toward another in certain ways (Rubin, 1970).
Presumably, if Ivanka thinks that Jared is a pretty neat guy, she will have positive feel-
ings about him and may consequently entertain a proposal for a dinner date with some
degree of seriousness. Such a sequence of events is suggested by one prominent view (e.g.,
Breckler, 1984; Eiser, 1986) that looks at attitudes as consisting of three components: (1) a
cognitive component, which consists of everything we know and believe about an object
or a person; (2) an affective component, which describes our feelings toward the object or
person; and (3) a behavioral or conative component, which contains our behavioral inten-
tions toward the object or person.
Thus, someone with a favorable attitude about broccoli is likely to have favorable
beliefs about it, along with positive feelings and an urge to consume it whenever the
opportunity presents itself. Similarly, if Fred has favorable beliefs about Linda, then he is
likely to have positive feelings about her, along with a tendency to seek out her company.
Note that there is an underlying assumption of consistency here. Favorable or unfavor-
able beliefs about an object or person usually fall in line with positive or negative feelings
and their corresponding behavioral intentions. As it turns out, this assumption is more
troublesome than one might suspect. Frequently, our belief about the healthiness of broc-
coli does not translate into liking, much less into a desire to eat it, and the same can hold
for our attitudes about people (e.g., Tesser & Shaffer, 1990). As a result of such complica-
tions, research on attitudes became more preoccupied with resolving issues of consistency
among its components than with delineating the nature of their affective components.
In defense of academic psychology, it is important to note that laypeople appear to be
just as confused about the nature and meaning of love. Visitors to the United States are
frequently struck by the effusiveness with which Americans express what appear to be
simple preferences. We claim that we love (or hate) skateboarding, arugula, and mojitos
when in fact we merely like (or dislike) them. This seems to imply that love is simply
intense liking. Then again, people often go to great lengths to assure us that they like us
but not necessarily love us. The suggestion to “just be friends” is not really an indication
that a reduction in love should ensue but instead implies that liking should be the pre-
dominant sentiment in the relationship.
Liking and Loving: A Conceptual Distinction

Given the profound implications of labeling one’s feelings for another as “love” rather
than “liking,” psychologists were eventually forced to abandon the idea that love was
nothing more than intense liking (Heider, 1958). Interestingly, the first crack at differen-
tiating between the two types of sentiments came out of an attempt to develop attitude
scales that would distinguish the extent to which a person likes another and the extent to
which a person loves another. Specifically, Rubin (1970) developed two attitude scales to
measure love and liking. A few samples follow:
Liking Items
1. I think that ___ is unusually well-adjusted.
2. I think that ___ is one of those people who quickly wins respect.
3. I think that ___ and I are quite similar to each other
4. I have great confidence in ___’s good judgment.
104 Love and Emotion
Love Items
1. If I could never be with ___, I would be miserable
2. I feel very possessive toward ___.
3. I would do almost anything for ___.
4. I feel I can confide in ___ about virtually everything.
A look at the items of both scales shows several things. First, liking appears to be a
matter of favorable evaluation of the other (e.g., “I think that ___ is unusually well-
adjusted”), respect for the other (e.g., “I think that ___ is one of those people who quickly
wins respect”), and the perception of similarity (e.g., “I think that ___ and I are quite
similar to each other”). Love, on the other hand, seems to consist of an affiliative and
dependent need component (e.g., “If I could never be with ___, I would be miserable”), an
exclusiveness and absorption component (e.g., “I feel very possessive toward ___”), and a
predisposition to help (e.g., “I would do almost anything for ___”).
To further explore the differences between liking and love, Rubin administered both
scales to 158 dating couples and asked them to respond once with their dating partner
in mind and once with a close same-sex friend in mind. The finding from this study cor-
roborated many of Rubin’s speculations about the differences between liking and love,
although there were a few surprises, as well. First, the two scales were only moderately
correlated, suggesting that although liking and love often go hand in hand, they are not
the same thing. As we all know, we can like others without loving them, and sometimes we
may love others without really liking them all that much. Along these lines, participants
liked their dating partners only slightly more than their same-sex friends, but they loved
their dating partners much more than their friends. Somewhat surprisingly, scores on the
love and liking scales were more highly correlated for men, suggesting that men are per-
haps more confused about the true nature of their feelings, whereas women are prone to
make more subtle distinctions. Finally, women tended to like their boyfriends more than
they were liked in return. This difference was almost entirely due to differences in the
ratings of task-related dimensions, such as good judgment, intelligence, and leadership
potential. Keep in mind, however, that this study was conducted over 40 years ago. It may
be that in these days of increased gender equality, this type of finding may no longer be
obtained.
The Prototype of Love

In thinking about the differences between love and liking, Rubin (1970) was initially
inspired by the writings of anthropologists, psychologists, and sociologists. Their specu-
lations about the nature of love became the basis for many of the items that subse-
quently formed the love scale. In using this approach, Rubin ended up with a sample that
was strongly biased in favor of highly educated academics marked by peculiar ways of
thinking.
But what about people whose thinking has not been contaminated by years of intel-
lectual immersion in an academic discipline? Would they think of love in the same
way as a psychologist or an anthropologist? Maybe. Maybe not. What love is in most
people’s minds may be an empirical question. To that end, all one would need to do is
to ask a sufficient number of people to list the features of love as they see it and look for
a consensus about which features are considered more or less central by most people.
Table 7.1 The 10 Most Central and the 10 Most Peripheral Features of Love According to Fehr
(1988)
Most Central Most Peripheral
1. Trust 1. Scary

2. Caring 2. Dependency
3. Honesty 3. Uncertainty
4. Friendship 4. Butterflies in stomach
5. Respect 5. See only other’s good qualities
6. Concern for other’s well-being 6. Gazing at the other
7. Loyalty 7. Euphoria
8. Commitment 8. Heart rate increases
9. Acceptance 9. Energy
10. Supportiveness 10. Thinking about the other all the time
Source: Fehr (1988). Reprinted by permission.
This would establish a prototype of love; that is, the results would yield the features
most commonly associated with love. Fehr (1988) took this very approach by first ask-
ing a large number of undergraduate research participants to list as many features of
love as they could think of in 3 minutes. This procedure resulted in a list of 68 features
that were listed by two or more people. Fehr then asked a second group of undergradu-
ates to rate each item on the list in terms of how central this feature is to love, using
an 8-point scale ranging from 1 (“extremely poor feature of love”) to 8 (“extremely
good feature of love”). The 10 most central and 10 least central features are listed
in Table 7.1.
The picture of love painted by this study is slightly different from that of Rubin. On the
one hand, Rubin’s predisposition to help seems to be reflected in “Concern for the oth-
er’s well-being” and “Supportiveness.” Similarly, Rubin’s affiliative and dependent need
appears to be reflected in “Want to be with the other” (not shown in Table 7.1). On the
other hand, “Friendship” and “Respect,” which were among Fehr’s most central features
of love, had been classified by Rubin as being part of liking. However, before we can
brand academics as sadly misguided in their thinking, we need to acknowledge one possi-
ble shortcoming of Fehr’s (1988) study. It may be that participants’ responses were at least
partly influenced by their normative expectations regarding what love should be rather
than what love is. This could explain why “Sexual passion” (not shown in Table 7.1) was
rated as a peripheral rather than a central feature of love.
These shortcomings aside, it is probably safe to conclude that for most people love is a
curious mixture of trusting, caring, helping, wanting, and commitment. With this in mind,
we can now look at some theories that deal with the issue of how this particular emotion
comes about in the first place.
Causal Theories of Love
The Evolution of Love

Love is generally considered a uniquely human emotion. If we adopt this view, the
human capacity to experience love may be related to reproduction and genetic survival.
Humans face some unique reproductive challenges that have required unique adapta-
tions. Compared to other primates, human offspring are weak, slow to develop, and
dependent on adult caretakers until well into their teens (Martin, 2003; Hill & Kaplan,
1999). At the same time, human offspring are weaned at a much earlier age than most
other primates, which allows for shorter intervals between births. One adaptation to the
challenges of raising several highly dependent children at the same time is bi-parental
care (Pillsworth & Haselton, 2005). Simply put, two parents are better than one at
providing for high-maintenance offspring. Fathers in particular provide nutritional and
social resources, protection against predators, and models for learning (e.g., Marlowe,
2003).
Successful bi-parental care requires a strong parental investment on the father’s part,
which in turn requires a high degree of certainty regarding a child’s paternity (Trivers,
1972). Pair bonding provides a basis for that certainty, maximizing the parental invest-
ment on the father’s part. Love enables pair bonding and, along with commitment (Gon-
zaga, Keltner, Londahl, & Smith, 2001), provides the emotional glue to hold the bond
together (Pillsworth & Haselton, 2005).
To the extent that love is part of an adaptation to evolutionary pressures, one would
expect to find corresponding processes in the human brain (see Table 7.2 for a listing
of the specific neurological substrates of lust, romantic love, and attachment). A study
that looked at what happens in the brains of participants as they thought about their
romantic partner identified dedicated neurotransmitters that correspond to our expe-
rience of three different processes common in the experience of love: lust, romantic
attraction, and attachment (Fisher, Aron, Mashek, Li, & Brown, 2002). Lust and sexual
attraction were associated with high levels of androgens and estrogens. Attraction and
romantic love were associated with high levels of dopamine and norepinephrine along
with low levels of indoleamine and serotonin. Finally, attachment was associated with
processes involving oxytocin and vasopressin (Fisher, 2000; Fisher et al., 2002). More
recently, oxytocin has been implicated in parental, romantic, and filial attachment in
humans (Feldman, 2012), and many of its effects appear to be mediated by increasing
perceptions and behaviors related to trust (Bartz, Zaki, Bolger, & Ochsner, 2011). At
any rate, from an evolutionary perspective, lust, romantic attraction, and attachment
Table 7.2 Neurological Substrates of Lust, Romantic Love, and Attachment
Process Neurological substrates
Lust (sexual attraction) Androgens: testosterone, estrogen—sex drive, libido

Romantic love Dopamine—pleasure/reward system
Serotonin—modulates anger, aggression, body temperature,
mood, sleep, appetite
Norepinephrine—fight-or-flight system, modulates alertness,
arousal, influences reward system
Attachment Oxytocin—letdown reflex (lactation), uterine contractions,
released during orgasm, involved in social bonding, trust
formation; in humans, released during hugging, touching
Vasopressin—involved in aggression, blood pressure regulation,
temperature regulation, released during sex, supports pair
bonding, induces male-to-male aggression
are the processes that regulate the emotional function of mating, reproduction, and
parenting respectively.
Specific hormonal fluctuations have also been linked to the experience of love. Maraz-
ziti and Canale (2004) compared the neurobiology of men and women who had recently
fallen in love (i.e., the “love group”) to those of single men and women and long-term
couples. They found that men in the love group had lower levels of testosterone than
either single men or those in long-term relationships. Conversely, women in relationships
had higher testosterone levels than women from the other groups. It appears that this
“hormone equalizing” serves to create greater similarity between the couple and further
enhances continued pair bonding.
Finally, it appears that evolution has provided us with another foolproof mechanism
for the experience of love and the success of pair bonding. Regions of the brain associated
with dopamine also overlap with those rich in oxytocin and vasopressin receptors, which
have long been associated with the reward centers of the brain (Curtis, Liu Aragona, &
Wang, 2006; Aragona et al., 2006; Aron et al., 2005). Take a look at Table 7.2 for a com-
prehensive list of the neurological substrates of love: As far as our brains are concerned,
experiencing love is rewarding!
Love as Misattribution of Arousal

Evolutionary principles provide a compelling yet somewhat distal explanation for why
and how humans experience love. Misattribution theory (Schachter & Singer, 1962),
which we discussed at length in Chapter 4, provides a more proximal account. As you
may recall, within the framework of this theory, any emotion is a result of a change in the
level of physiological arousal (e.g., increase in heart rate, perspiration, pupil dilation, etc.)
that becomes labeled according to the cues available in the situation. And although no
single study has explored the effects that misattribution of arousal may have for the spe-
cific experience of love, it is safe to speculate that any arousal-producing event or situation
has the potential to at least intensify feelings of love. Trouble at work or school, parental
or social disapproval (e.g., Driscoll et al., 1972), and the need to keep a relationship a
secret (Lane & Wegner, 1994; Wegner et al., 1994) are but a few factors that may serve
as sources of arousal with similar effects, as long as there is at least some ambiguity about
the origin of the arousal in the first place.
Love as Preoccupation With the Other

The misattribution perspective on love primarily takes into account the importance of
unexplained arousal, and it awards thinking a somewhat subsidiary status, as it limits
its role to the task of explaining the arousal. However, it may be the case that thinking,
particularly thinking about the other, may be an important component for the generation
and subsequent intensification of subjective feelings of being in love. To outside observers,
people who are in love often appear as though they have lost their minds. Not only do
they go around with strange smiles on their faces, but they also seem to have a hard time
concentrating on the most elementary tasks of life, such as working and enjoying time
with their friends.
There is, of course, a good reason for this. People in love simply cannot help thinking
about the object of their love at practically all times. But given the pervasiveness of this
preoccupation, it may be that thinking about the other has a causal effect on the experi-
ence of love. If nothing else, thinking about the other may intensify feelings of love in ways
similar to how our evaluations of a variety of things seem to change the more we think
about them. If, for example, we just left a movie theater with a sense of disappointment,
further thinking is likely to increase our bad feelings. By the same token, if we liked the
movie, thinking about it more is prone to increase our initial liking. Presumably, contin-
ued preoccupation with the movie brings to mind thoughts that are largely congruent
with our initial evaluation, and thus additional thinking is likely to further polarize them
(Tesser, 1978).
That this type of reasoning may explain the intensification of love over time is sug-
gested by the results of a study in which members of dating couples recorded how often
they thought about their partner over a period of two weeks (Tesser & Paulhus, 1976).
Additionally, research participants in this study also reported on how much they felt
they were in love at the beginning and end of the two-week period, using the love part of
Rubin’s liking and loving scales, as well as the number of dates during that time. Finally,
research participants were asked to keep track of any discoveries they made about the
other that could give rise to decreased feelings of love (e.g., strange and intolerable per-
sonal habits). This measure served as an indication of the reality constraints within which
research participants’ thinking about the other took place. The general idea was that
discovering that their partner is an alcoholic or an ax murderer might substantially alter
the nature of research participants’ thoughts about their partner and ultimately attenuate
the love they feel.
The results, as expected, showed that the frequency with which the members of the
couples thought about each other was strongly correlated with their subjective experi-
ence of love. This manifested itself in a couple of ways. First, the frequency of thought at
Time 1 (the beginning of the two-week period) was highly predictive of how much in love
research participants felt at Time 2 (the end of the two-week period). At the same time,
how much in love research participants felt at Time 1 predicted the frequency of thinking
at Time 2. In other words, the more participants felt in love, the more they subsequently
thought about the other, with the ultimate outcome of intensified feelings of love. Not
surprisingly, dating frequency and love were positively correlated, but encountering real-
ity constraints was negatively correlated with love. This latter finding is important for it
suggests that love is not totally blind. Obsessive preoccupation with the other may to some
extent border on idealization, but discovering things that we dislike about the other seems
to impose an important constraint on this process. Furthermore, it suggests that obsessive
thinking may have its most profound impact when we are lacking a lot of information
about the other, perhaps because the relationship is in its very early stages and little self-
disclosure has occurred, or perhaps because the lovers are kept apart by circumstances
(Beach & Tesser, 1978).
Intense preoccupation with another person may be part of a motivational state that
drives the preoccupied person to seek the companionship of or union with the target
of their desire. Rempel and Burris (2005) suggested that specific situations create these
motivational states or drives that compel us to seek proximity to a loved one. They iden-
tify unique sets of circumstances that trigger the experience of six types of love: erotic
love, dependence, enrichment, companionate love, regard, and altruistic love. This drive
approach suggests that there are different types of love. Their scheme corresponds with
much of what researchers on type theories have proposed.

• The results of Fehr’s (1988) study may be partially attributed to participants
being influenced by normative expectations about love. If that is the case,
how might participants from non-Western cultures respond? How would their
answers speak to the universality of love?
• If love is an evolved mechanism meant to ensure successful bi-parental care for
the children, what implications does this have for single parenthood?
• Beach and Tesser’s (1978) model of love as preoccupation with the other pre-
dicts that the more you dwell on your love, the more it intensifies. Can you think
of circumstances where this would not be the case? Can you think of circum-
stances where the opposite might happen?
Type Theories of Love

In some ways, causal theories of love focusing on the role of arousal and obsessive think-
ing are neat and tidy theories as they isolate some of the factors that help translate
attraction into love and lead to a further intensification of love. The tidiness of such mini-
theories (Bentler & Huba, 1979), however, is not without its cost. For one thing, cynics
might object to these theories as treating love as a “secondhand emotion,” originating
primarily from physiological arousal and obsessive thinking. For another, by focusing
primarily on increases (or decreases) in the experience of love, these theories look at
love mostly in terms of its quantitative aspects. At the same time, they devote little or
no attention to the qualitative differences in the experience of love from one person and
one relationship to the next. Obviously, the kind of love we have for our siblings is dif-
ferent from the kind of love we feel for our romantic partners. Moreover, in reviewing
our past intimate relationships, we often remember qualitative differences in infatuation,
companionship, and the like rather than differences in the amount of love we felt for
another. That love has many manifestations, even in the context of intimate relationships,
has been addressed by various theories stressing individual differences in love. Common
to these approaches is the theme that there are different types of love that vary more or
less systematically among people.
The Colors of Love

In many ways, the intellectual godfather of all individual difference approaches to love
is John Lee’s (1973, 1988) typology of love as colors. By drawing on the color meta-
phor, Lee was able to come to some interesting assumptions about possible differences
in love styles among people. First, just as we have different color preferences, we have
idiosyncratic preferences for different love styles. Second, just as we prefer different col-
ors for our wardrobe and our home, we prefer different love styles for different people.
Third, just as color preferences change over time, preferences for love styles as well may
change as we get older, perhaps as a result of our relationship history. Finally, just as
primary colors can be mixed to produce new ones, primary love styles can be mixed to
produce secondary ones.
Armed with this set of assumptions, Lee went on to examine everything that had
been written about love by poets, philosophers, and social scientists throughout his-
tory. Using the conclusions from his readings as a framework from which to understand
people’s experiences, he collected structured accounts of how people experience love.
On the basis of his combined analysis, Lee (1973) initially identified 12 different love
styles that characterized the way most people experience and think about love. Eventu-
ally, this initial classification was pared down to six different love styles, composed of
three primary love styles and three secondary love styles, which represented mixtures
and compounds of the primary styles. In order to correspond to the different types of
love described in the classical literature, Lee gave them Greek and Latin names rather
than the names of colors.
Primary Love Styles

The first love style Lee identified was Eros, which describes the passionate love often
caused by a strong attraction to the physical attributes of the other. Eros is love that
is certainly not blind. Moreover, people characterized by this love style tend to think
that finding the prefect mate is the most important thing in life. Once they have found
their mate, the relationship is frequently characterized by a strong desire for abundant
physical and verbal acknowledgments of their love. The polar opposite to Eros is
Storge, a kind of companionate love style that develops out of friendship and interac-
tion. It is most common in agrarian societies, where partner choice is limited by virtue
of people’s proclivity to stay in one place for most of their lives, and is less typical for
societies with high mobility. Unlike Eros, overt expressions of love and passion are
rare; instead, the focus in Storge is on commonly shared interests. In addition to Eros
and Storge, there is Ludus, which describes a sort of playful love mostly for the short
term. Ludus lacks a “falling in love with all its trimmings” element as well as com-
mitment in either time or exclusivity and thus is characteristic of people who prefer
to remain single.
Secondary Love Styles

Mixing the proper amounts of Eros and Ludus results in a love style called Mania, the
kind of dependent and possessive love characterized by obsessive preoccupation and
intense jealousy. Similar to Eros, Mania requires constant and tangible assurances of love,
but just like Ludus, there is no preference for any particular type of person. As the term
implies, lovers characterized by Mania appear to have lost their senses as they vacillate
between demonstrating their love and getting control of the relationship. As such, manic
love has an element of pathology, which is further amplified by the tendency of manic lov-
ers to project desired qualities onto their partner of choice.
Mixing Storge and Ludus results in the very different love style of Pragma, which
describes a love style anchored around matters of logic and practicality. For pragmatic
lovers, finding the compatible mate is first and foremost a practical problem that can be
solved through effort and persistence. Just like Storge, Pragma tends to develop slowly,
as pragmatic lovers are wary of warning signs. And, like Ludus lovers, pragmatic lovers
are restrained about commitment and the future, at least until they find the right partner.
Sexual compatibility is considered to be important, but it is perceived to be a matter of
sharpening skills rather than chemistry. Not surprisingly, pragmatic lovers like to join
organizations, such as singles clubs, to find a partner.
Finally, mixing Eros and Storge yields Agape, a form of love that is selfless, giving, and
altruistic. Lovers characterized by Agape consider love as a duty to respond to the needs
of the other, even if their love is not reciprocated. And while Agape is espoused in the New
Testament as the ultimate form of love (1 Corinthians 13: 4–7), it is perhaps the least com-
mon form of love in adult romantic relationships. Instead, it may be descriptive of the kind
of love parents have for their children.
Research on Love Styles

Lee’s typology certainly has face validity, as most of us are able to sort ourselves and
our love styles into one of his categories. Thus, it is not surprising that social scientists
were quick to explore its utility and apply it to a variety of relationship phenomena,
including partner choice, relationship satisfaction, and relationship stability. Facilitated
by Hendrick and Hendrick’s (1986) 42-item Love Attitude Scale (LAS), several studies
revealed generally positive correlations in the love styles of two partners, especially on
Eros (Davis & Latty-Mann, 1987; Hendrick, Hendrick, & Adler, 1988). Of course,
there is always the chicken-and-egg problem with interpreting correlational research:
Are matching love styles the basis of choice, or do partners in a relationship come to
share each other’s views?
The results on the relationship between love styles and satisfaction are less difficult to
interpret. Consistent with the importance people generally place on passion and altru-
ism, Eros and Agape are generally associated with relationship satisfaction, whereas
Ludus and satisfaction tend to be negatively correlated (e.g., Bierhoff, 1991; Davis &
Latty-Mann, 1987; Hendrick et al., 1988; Levy & Davis, 1988). Further, matching
levels of Eros and Agape, along with Pragma, seem to predict relationship stability as
well as the number of children a couple has (Bierhoff, 1991). However, as was true for
partner matching, the question of whether love styles themselves or outcomes of the
love styles (i.e., commitment, investment) predict stability more directly remains an
open one.
In some ways, the interpretational ambiguities inherent in much of the research on love
styles are mirrored by a number of conceptual ambiguities surrounding the very concept
itself. As some (e.g., Clark & Reis, 1988; Davis, Kirkpatrick, Levy, & O’Hearn, 1994)
have pointed out, Lee’s theory is essentially a descriptive typology of relatively complex
syndromes containing components that are not necessarily found together in ways that
an ideal type would suggest. What is lacking is a sense of which of the various compo-
nents are more or less central to the various love styles. This lack of specificity, moreover,
makes it difficult to assess the degree to which any one person matches each style. Lee’s
theory is also silent on the issue of how different love styles evolve in the first place and
how they change over time. However, because of the inductive way in which Lee gener-
ated his theory, further theorizing may not lead to answers to these questions: The lack of
theoretical guidance makes it difficult to modify the theory in ways necessary to provide
a maximally useful framework from which to understand just why and how “love is a
many-splendored thing.”
A Triangular Theory of Love
Despite its shortcomings, Lee’s (1973, 1988) typology has been influential in setting the
stage for other typologies of love that, although still primarily descriptive in nature,
avoid some of the problems inherent in Lee’s theory. Working in a less inductive man-
ner, Sternberg’s (1986, 1988) triangular theory of love proposed that love consists
of three basic ingredients: intimacy, passion, and decision/commitment. The intimacy
component refers to feelings that promote closeness, bondedness, and connectedness
and includes such feelings as concern for the welfare of the other, subjectively experi-
enced happiness, positive regard, sharing, support, mutual understanding, and intimate
communication. The passion component refers to sources of arousal that promote the
experience of passion, such as sexual needs and needs for self-esteem, affiliation, sub-
mission, dominance, and self-actualization. Finally, the decision/commitment compo-
nent refers to the decision that one is in love with the other and the commitment to
maintain that love.
Intimacy, passion, and commitment follow a unique time course as a relationship
develops. In successful relationships, intimacy increases steadily, much in the way
as self-disclosure increases. Conversely, dying relationships are characterized by a
decrease in intimacy. Passion develops rapidly in the beginning of a relationship and
is eventually replaced by habituation. However, drastic decreases or even a loss of
passion may lead to a somewhat cyclical pattern by returning a relationship to its
beginning. Of course, the larger question is: Where do increases and decreases in
passion come from in the first place? One possibility is that passion is a function of
intimacy. At the early stages of a relationship, passion will be high because of initial
increases in intimacy (Baumeister & Bratslavsky, 1999). Simply put, learning about
another, sharing experiences, and finding out that the other person cares about you
are arousing and thus provide the basis for passion. By the same token, as two people
reach the point where they feel they know everything about each other, have run out
of new experiences to share, and feel they understand each other completely, passion
decreases accordingly.
The temporal pattern of decision/commitment depends somewhat on the success of
a relationship, which to some extent is influenced by the development of intimacy and
passion. In successful relationships, with rapidly increasing passion along with gradually
increasing intimacy, commitment initially develops somewhat slowly. Dramatic events,
such as having sex for the first time or moving in together, generally mark a drastic increase
in commitment. Once couples are established because they are married, own a home, and
have children, commitment levels off primarily because it reaches a ceiling; that is, it can-
not increase any further.
The three components of love are present in all close relationships to various degrees.
Assuming that in any given relationship, intimacy, passion, and commitment can be either
low or high, Sternberg (1986) came up with eight forms of love that are characteristic of
qualitatively different relationships. Consummate love describes the kind of relationship
in which all three components are present, and consequently is the type of relationship
for which many strive, yet few achieve. Realistically, most romantic relationships may be
lacking in one or more components (see Figure 7.1).
Sternberg’s (1986; 1988) typology is useful in understanding how different forms of
love result in qualitatively different relationships. However, at this point, there is little if
any research supporting its utility in explaining relationship satisfaction and stability.
Romantic Love =
Intimacy + Passion
e.g., a summer fling
Liking = Intimacy alone Infatuation =

e.g., true friendships, usually short-term Passion alone
e.g., obsessive love-at-
Intimacy Passion
first sight
Consummate Love =
Intimacy + Passion +
Commitment
This is rare, difficult to
achieve
Companionate Love Fatuous Love =
= Intimacy + Passion +
Commitment Commitment
e.g., long-term e.g., shallow
committed Decision/Commitment relationships,
friendship, whirlwind
marriage in which courtships
passion is gone Empty Love =
Commitment alone
e.g., love without
intimacy or passion,
obligatory relationship
Figure 7.1 Sternberg’s (1986) Triangular Model of Love
Nonetheless, one could argue that people will be happy with their relationship if it
meets their mutual expectations. For example, two people may be satisfied with a relation-
ship low on commitment as long as they both agree that commitment is not important.
Mismatches in expectations as to the relative importance of any of the love components
is likely to lead to conflicted relationships. Further, Sternberg felt that all three compo-
nents were of equal importance to relationships, and hence one might also assume that
relationships slanted toward one component may be under pressure to achieve a more
balanced state.
Passionate Love and Companionate Love

The eight different types of relationships described by Sternberg (1986; 1988) represent
the range of theoretical possibilities created by the varying levels of intimacy, passion,
and commitment. By themselves, they give no indication of which ones are more likely
to occur empirically. Some (Hatfield, 1988) have argued that most close relationships fall
into one of two categories: passionate and companionate love.
Passionate love is characterized by an intense longing for a complete union with the other
and is represented by both the unadulterated passion of infatuation and the intimate passion
of romantic love in Sternberg’s typology. According to Hatfield, passionate love comes in
two forms. Reciprocated passionate love creates a sense of fulfillment along with feelings
of elation and perhaps even ecstasy on the part of both members of the couple. Unrequited
passionate love often results in feelings of emptiness, anxiety, and despair on the part of
those whose love is rejected. As it turns out, unrequited love is difficult for the would-be
lover as well as the rejecter. Would-be lovers often look back on the relationship with
a mixture of positive and intensely negative emotions. They feel that the love had been
mutual, that they had been led on, and that the rejection had not been communicated
clearly. Contrary to what one might believe, rejecters are by no means better off. Looking
back on the relationship elicits mostly negative emotions. And while rejecters feel morally
innocent, they feel guilty over their inability or unwillingness to return the other’s love. At
the same time, however, they perceive any attempts on the part of the would-be lover to
keep the relationship going as intrusive and annoying (Baumeister & Wotman, 1992; Bau-
meister, Wotman, & Stillwell, 1993).
Hatfield (1988) proposed that passionate and companionate love have a lot in common
with attitudes to the extent that they contain cognitive, emotional, and behavioral com-
ponents. Passionate love, for example, entails intrusive thinking, a general preoccupation
with the other, and an idealization of the other and the relationship. Emotionally, pas-
sionate love includes attraction, especially of a sexual nature, and both positive feelings
and intensely negative feelings when things are amiss. Additionally, there is a longing for
reciprocity and a desire for complete and permanent union. Behaviorally, passionate love
compels actions toward determining the other’s feelings, a proclivity to study the other
person, and a desire to do things for him or her.
Companionate love, on the other hand, lacks some of the longing of passionate love and
instead describes the attraction we feel toward another person with whom our lives are
deeply intertwined. Cognitively, it entails sharing information about one another—even
if it is embarrassing. The emotional component is characterized by the possession of inti-
macy rather than the longing for it, while behaviorally the continued proximity creates
a sense of comfort rather than arousal. Although both types of love feel great, many are
loathe to imagine spending a lifetime being in companionate love rather than being madly,
passionately in love with their partner.
However, successful relationships probably have elements of both in the sense that for
many people their lover is also their best friend. Moreover, as relationships mature, they
may undergo a transformation from being primarily passionate to being primarily com-
panionate. After all, as Sternberg (1986) has argued, passion is subject to habituation, and
the focus of a relationship may shift as a result of specific events. It is thus not surprising
that life satisfaction, or our subjective well-being, is more closely linked with companion-
ate rather than passionate love (Kim & Hatfield, 2004).
How well does this distinction between passionate and companionate love explain dif-
ferences in relationship satisfaction and stability? One could argue that the experience of
passionate love is perhaps more rewarding in part because of the overwhelming experi-
ence of longing for a union with the other. One could further argue that companionate
love may be more predictive of success in the long term because it lacks the emotional
turmoil often created by the experience of passionate love. Unfortunately, there is little
research that addresses these issues, although one study (Aron & Henkemeyer, 1995)
reports that women who experienced a great deal of passionate love were happier, more
satisfied with their relationship, and more excited about their relationship than women
who experienced little passionate love. Interestingly, these same associations were not
found for men, suggesting perhaps the existence of gender differences in love.

• Lee’s typology of love has been criticized for describing syndromes that contain
components not necessarily found together in ways that an ideal type would
suggest. Do you agree or disagree with this criticism? Can you provide an illus-
tration for your position?
• Kim and Hatfield (2004) found that life satisfaction is more closely linked with
compassionate rather than passionate love. However, Aron and Henkemeyer
(1995) found that women who experienced more passionate love were happier
and more satisfied with the relationship than women who experienced less pas-
sionate love. How could you explain these seemingly contradictory findings?
• Elements of passionate as well as companionate love are usually found together
in most successful relationships. Moreover, as relationships mature they are
thought to go from being primarily passionate to being primarily companionate.
Do you think that movement in the opposite direction, from primarily compan-
ionate to primarily passionate, is also possible?
Individual Differences in Love
Gender
Whether the experience of love is different for men and women has been a matter of
almost perpetual debate. Newspaper advice columns as well as talk shows are flooded
with complaints from people who feel their partner does not love them. Frequently, such
complaints are based on a perceived lack of companionship, intimacy, or sex. Keep in
mind, however, that for every person who registers complaints about his or her love life,
there are probably thousands who appear to have no problems in this regard. Not surpris-
ingly, then, research on gender differences paints a somewhat sketchy and inconsistent
picture. It appears that for every study that reports gender differences on such measures as
Rubin’s Love Scale (Black & Angelis, 1974; Dion & Dion, 1975), romanticism (e.g., Spre-
cher, 1989b), or passionate love (Aron & Henkemeyer, 1995), there are an equal number
of studies that fail to find gender differences (cf. Cunningham & Antill, 1981; Hatfield &
Rapson, 1987; Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986a; Rubin, 1973). Thus, it appears that any effects
of gender on the specific experience of love may be mediated by other variables.
Age and Relationship Duration

Age is one variable that may affect the experience of love among men and women. Surpris-
ingly, there is reason to believe that even very young children can experience feelings akin
to Hatfield and colleagues’ passionate love (Diamond, 2001). Children aged 4 to 18 who
completed the Juvenile Love Scales, a children’s version of the Passionate Love Scale, indi-
cated that they experienced just as much passionate love as 18-year-olds (Hatfield, Schmitz,
Cornelius, & Rapson, 1988). The only exception to this pattern was the finding that boys
around the age of 12 reported experiencing little in the ways of passionate love, perhaps
because they are at an age where they tend to be uncomfortable or even disinterested with
anything having to do with girls. On the face of it, the finding that even young children can
experience passionate love may be taken as an indication that Freud was perhaps correct in
proposing that there is sexuality in childhood. However, there is a more likely explanation.
Hatfield, Brenton, and Cornelius (1989) found that among children, passionate love was
correlated with dispositional anxiety as assessed by the trait part of Spielberger’s (1966)
state-trait anxiety scale. Thus, it may be that in an attempt to explain anxiety-related
arousal, highly anxious children imitate adult models by attributing it to passionate love.
Comparisons of romantic experiences among young adults, their parents, and their
grandparents suggest an influence of age on a romantic view of life (Hieger & Troll,
1973). Whereas young adult women were more romantic than males, the exact opposite
was found when the researchers looked at the entire sample. Furthermore, the grandpar-
ents in the sample were less romantic than the young adults.
This finding is interesting for a couple of reasons. For one thing, it appears that young
couples are more inclined than older couples to engage in behaviors indicative of passion
and romanticism, such as embracing and kissing in public and holding hands. For another,
one theory (Berscheid, 1983) suggests that the experience of love and other emotions in
relationships decrease over time. This is the case because of the kinds of things that bring
about emotions in the first place. According to Simon (1967) and Mandler (1975), emo-
tions result from interruptions of ongoing behavior. Many activities we perform through-
out the day are either so well practiced (e.g., driving a car) or so engrossing (e.g., reading
a novel) that performing them results in little or no emotion. However, when they are
interrupted by external events, such as a text message notification on your phone, or a
fiery car crash in the next lane, a variety of emotional reactions can occur.
Couples whose relationships have reached a state of maturity have usually found ways
to handle the chores of everyday life, perhaps relying on a transactive memory or a more
general division of labor (Wegner et al., 1991). Furthermore, such chores as getting the
kids ready for school, shopping for groceries, and preparing meals often require highly
interdependent and sequential contributions from both adults. For example, Jane can load
the kids in the van for the trip to school only after John has made sure that they are prop-
erly dressed; Bob may be able to fix dinner only if Ann made a stop at the grocery store on
the way home from work. According to Berscheid (1983), there is little room or cause for
strong emotions when things go smoothly. However, when these interdependent sequences
of behaviors are interrupted because John sleeps through his alarm or Ann has to work
late, considerable emotion can result. Although these examples suggest a potential primar-
ily for the experience of negative emotions, the theory predicts the occurrence of positive
emotions, as well.
Moreover, it predicts a steady decrease of love over time. Basically, falling in love con-
stitutes a major interruption in our lives and thus results in strong emotional experiences.
As the focus of a relationship shifts toward raising children and making ends meet, the
experience of love is somewhat diminished, although the potential is still there. It generally
diminishes again once the kids leave the house and financial security has been achieved.
Under these circumstances, people’s lives become less intertwined, thus decreasing the
potential that interruptions will lead to the experience of love and other emotions.
Several things are appealing about Berscheid’s approach to love and emotion in close
relationships. The theory appears to explain the data reported by Aron and Henkemeyer
(1995) fairly well, and it provides hope for those whose lives revolve around dirty diapers,
night-time feedings, and providing taxi service to ballet lessons and basketball games.
Equally important, it suggests that apparent decreases in love, passion, and romanticism
may not be an inevitable outcome of age per se, but instead of relationship duration.
This is important in part because there is little we can do about getting older, yet we can
arrange our relationships in a way that they can provide us with the experience of love
over a lifetime.
Love Over Time: Does It Get Better or Worse?

It is disheartening to think that the love two people have for one another would decrease
as their relationship matures beyond its early tumultuous stages. Interestingly, Berscheid’s
theory is not the only one that makes precisely that prediction; it is implicit in at least
one other theory. Aron and colleagues (e.g., Aron & Aron, 1986; Aron, Aron, Tudor, &
Nelson, 1991) conceptualized “falling in love” as a process by which the self is expanded
to include another person. This means that forming a close relationship with another
involves integrating the other’s perspective, resources, and characteristics into the self,
resulting in self-expansion. Of course, as people get to know each other more and more as
their relationship matures, opportunities toward self-expansion may decrease at the same
rate. To the extent that self-expansion and love are linked, reduced opportunities for self-
expansion may be accompanied by decreases in love.
Fortunately, these somewhat dire predictions about decreases in love as relationships
mature are not well supported by actual data. Tucker and Aron (1993) reported results
from a study that measured the amount of passionate love couples experienced at three
important transition points: Before and after they got married, before and after they had
their first child, and before and after the children were old enough to leave home. The
amount of passionate love declined steadily over time and from before and after the tran-
sitions, suggesting that the relationships took on a more companionate nature. However,
these decreases were relatively small. Even couples who were contemplating or experienc-
ing the “empty nest” still reported at least moderate amounts of passionate love.
Further, the human mind seems to have found important mechanisms to offset these
small decreases in passionate love and in fact to keep love alive. One study in particular
(Sprecher, 1999) asked members of 101 heterosexual dating couples two sets of questions
at varying intervals over a 4-year period of time. First, at each wave, couples were asked
to report their perceptions about how their feelings of love, commitment, and satisfaction
had changed since the last data collection. Second, couples also responded to “objective”
measures of their current levels of love, commitment, and satisfaction. The results from
those couples who were still together at the conclusion of the study (roughly 40 per-
cent) showed an intriguing pattern. In terms of their perceptions of change, most couples
reported increases in their feelings of love, commitment, and satisfaction. In addition, the
objective measures yielded no increases over time. In other words, even though respon-
dents were no more in love with their partner 2, 3, or 4 years after the relationship began,
they felt as if they were!
Beyond Love: A Quick Look at Guilt

Love, in its many manifestations, is undoubtedly of paramount importance for close rela-
tionships. Feelings of increasing love are associated with the initiation of close relation-
ships, whereas decreasing feelings of love are often precursors for their termination. Of
course, continued feelings of love for the other also help maintain a relationship even in
times of conflict and turmoil. However, it appears that guilt provides love with a powerful
ally in this process. Just like shame, the experience of guilt is promoted by interpersonal
contexts. Whereas shame mostly results from failure combined with a concern with others’
evaluations, guilt usually stems from moral transgressions involving harm to others (Bau-
meister, Reis, & Delespaul, 1995; Tangney, 1992), especially valued partners in close rela-
tionships (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1994). Thus, it is not surprising that guilt
is commonly found in relationships that are communal in nature (Baumeister et al., 1994),
generally as a result of neglecting the other, skipping out on obligations, and selfish actions.
Interestingly, guilt may be more than just the emotional price one partner pays for
committing a variety of transgressions against another. Instead, it appears that guilt may
be a powerful mechanism in the maintenance of close relationships, as it can help restore
power among the powerless (i.e., the victims of transgression). In other words, guilt can
pave the way toward influencing the behavior of the transgressor in terms of eliciting
apologies and promises involving corrective behavior in the future. This perspective sug-
gests that victims of interpersonal transgressions are not as poorly off as they may seem, as
long as the perpetrators experience feelings of guilt over their transgression. And because
guilt is caused by harming a close other in the first place, only the most cynical may be
exempt from its experience.
So where does this all leave us? In 1975, the late U.S senator William Proxmire
bestowed the Golden Fleece award for wasteful spending of tax dollars on the National
Science Foundation because it had funded a study on why people fall in love. This
dubious honor appears to have become somewhat of a rallying cry for social scientists
interested in close relationships. Theorizing and research on love have proliferated ever
since. Although a lot of it has, in fact, added to our understanding of the role of love in
relationships, numerous questions remain unanswered. In light of this, many researchers
have recently come to conceptualize love as a form of attachment much like the attach-
ment infants have to their caregivers. We will look at this perspective more closely in
the next chapter.

• Some researchers believe that emotions result from interruptions of ongoing
behavior. According to this theory, established couples experience a decline in
love due to the fact that they established smooth routines of interactions and
work. To the extent that this is true, how could you go about fanning the flames
of romantic love?
• Although various theories predict a decrease in love over time, a longitudinal
study involving 101 couples (Sprecher, 1999) revealed that at the end of the
4-year span of the study the surviving couples felt more in love than at the begin-
ning of the study. How would you reconcile the empirical finding with the theo-
retical predictions?
• According to the research on unrequited love, rejecting another’s love is associ-
ated with feelings of guilt. Could this same guilt compel a person to have a rela-
tionship with another in the absence of romantic feelings? What might motivate
the aspiring lover (that is, the one who loves more) to seek and maintain the
relationship?
Summary
Issues • Defining love

• The difference between liking and loving
• Different forms and types of love
• Love and the brain connection
• The relationship of love to satisfaction and relationship stability
• The relationship of gender differences and age to the experience of love
• The impact of guilt on close relationships
Theories • Rubin (1970, 1973) first to propose a conceptual distinction between lik-
ing and loving
• Fehr (1988) defined love by specifying its prototypical features
• Love as the misattribution of arousal
• Causal theories of love that emphasize the importance of physiological
arousal and cognitive preoccupation with the other
• Type theories of love
• L ee (1973) identified six forms of love based primarily on an analysis
of literature
• Sternberg (1986) suggested that three components of love—intimacy, pas-
sion, and commitment—combined to form eight types of relationships
• Hatfield (1988) elaborated on the differences between passionate and
companionate love
• Rempel and Burris (2005) conceptualize love, like hate, as a motivational
state with specific triggers and goals
Research • People distinguish between liking and love
• People experience love in vastly different ways as suggested by the various
typologies
• Specific neurotransmitters and brain regions correspond to the experi-
ence of three different types of love: lust, passionate love, and attachment
(Fisher et al., 2002)
• Both physiological arousal and cognitive preoccupation with the other as
important causal factors in the experience of love
• Role of love in relationship satisfaction and stability is less clear
• Individual differences in the experience of love as well as gender and age
differences cloud the relationship between love typologies and relation-
ship stability and satisfaction
• Guilt may be important for the maintenance of close relationships once
transgressions have occurred (Baumeister et al., 1994)
Key Terms
Eros: a passionate love style, often caused by a strong attraction to the physical attributes
of the other.
Storge: a companionate love style, based on friendship and commonly shared interests.
Ludus: playful love, mostly for the short term.
Mania: secondary love style, resultant from mixing elements of Eros and Ludus; character-
ized by obsessive preoccupation and intense jealousy.
Pragma: practical love, resulting from mixing Storge and Ludus.
Agape: secondary love style, derived from Eros and Storge, characterized by giving, self-
lessness, and altruism.
Triangular theory of love: a model of love according to which love consists of three basic
ingredients: intimacy, passion, and decision/commitment.
Passionate love: a form of love characterized by an intense longing for a complete union
with the other.
Companionate love: the attraction we feel toward those with whom our lives are intertwined.
Transactive memory: a shared system for encoding, storing, and retrieving information
that is greater than the individual memories.
Guilt: social emotion resulting from moral transgressions that involve harming others.
Shame: social emotion resulting from having done something dishonorable, improper, or
ridiculous.
8 Attachment
Ask the Therapist . . .

Q: I’m studying psychology at my university, so I know for sure what my problem is in
relationships. I have an anxious-ambivalent adult attachment style. So far this has ruined
a number of my relationships but not all of them. I know I’m anxious-ambivalent because
thinking about the women in my life is the first and last thing I do in the day. If I have noth-
ing better to think about, I’m thinking about my relationships. If I don’t have a relationship
at the time, I’m mentally searching through my known relations looking for the next. I’m
jealous, worry about being dumped, and take heartbreak hard.
My life feels on-track when I am in a relationship, but I rarely feel comfortable in it lasting. I
felt comfortable in my last relationship, which ended about 3 weeks ago, and now I’m worried
I’ll never learn to control my anxieties. You could say success in relationships is my life-goal.
So what strategies can I employ to overcome these issues? I’m open to almost everything
except medication.
—Dr. Marie Hartwell-Walker, PsychCentral, November 3, 2008
For many of us, falling in love triggers an almost inexplicable desire to spend most, if not
all, of our time with the person toward whom our feelings are directed. When we are with
those we love, the world seems like a safe and rewarding place. When we are without
them, it seems cold and possibly dangerous, and we long for the moment when we are
once again reunited with our loved one.
Admittedly, this description of some of the feelings that go along with being in love may not
apply to everyone, and it is probably somewhat exaggerated. However, the truth of the matter
is that some aspects of our adult romantic relationships bear an almost uncanny resemblance
to the relationships we had with our caregivers when we were infants. In other words, the
emotional bonds between adult romantic partners can be understood in terms of the nature
and quality of the emotional attachment that exists between infants and their caregivers.
To understand the nature of adult attachment and its ramifications for individuals and
their relationships, it is first necessary to take a closer look at what developmental psy-
chologists have uncovered about the nature of children’s attachments to their caregivers.
Attachment research has its origins during World War II. As a result of the massive destruc-
tion and loss of life, many social service agencies began to wonder about the ramifications
of the lack of maternal care. In 1950, the World Health Organization asked John Bowlby,
a British psychiatrist, to undertake a study of the mental health problems of children
who had been separated from their families and were cared for in hospitals, nurseries,
and orphanages. His systematic observations of these children who had either lost their
122 Attachment
parents or were otherwise separated from them resulted in a general theory of attachment,
which was published in three volumes over three decades (Bowlby, 1969, 1973, 1980).
While attachment research was sparked by observations of families disrupted by World
War II, its theoretical origins can be traced to modern evolutionary theory (Simpson, 2002:
Fraley, 2002). As Bowlby observed, mother-child proximity along with sensitivity to the
“environment of evolutionary adaptedness” are essential for genetic survival (Bowlby, 1969,
1982). Infants can contribute to this by voicing distress when separated from their caregivers
and vigorously demanding their return. This Bowlby considered a good strategy to ensure
the survival of a young and helpless newborn. How does this attachment system operate?
Patterns of Attachment in Infancy

According to Bowlby’s theory, all children develop an attachment to their caregivers.
Bowlby characterized this attachment as an internal working model that children use as a
standard to guide their interactions with their caregivers as well as other adults more gen-
erally. What differs from one child to the next is the extent to which the child is attached
as well as the quality of his or her attachment. Children with a secure attachment form a
mental representation of their caregivers as a secure place from which to explore the world
and as a source of comfort in times of distress. Children with an anxious attachment form
a generalized expectation that their caregivers cannot be reliably counted on to provide
comfort in times of distress. And children with an avoidant attachment do not think of
their caregivers as a source of comfort at all.
To test Bowlby’s speculations about the different forms of attachment, Mary Ainsworth
and colleagues (Ainsworth, Bell, & Stayton, 1971; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978)
devised the “Strange Situation,” an experimental paradigm that allows for the observation
of children’s behavior in response to being separated from their mothers. A typical experi-
ment contains the following sequence of events. The mother and her 12- to 18-month-old
child arrive at the laboratory, set up as a playroom, and are initially greeted by a stranger.
The stranger leaves and mother and child spend a period of time together, during which
the child can play with a number of toys (i.e., explore the unfamiliar environment). Then,
without warning, the mother leaves, the stranger reenters, and, after a short period of time,
the mother returns. Because virtually all children below the age of 18 months show distress
when their mother leaves suddenly and unannounced, researchers are able to observe a
child’s behavior while playing, when a stranger offers comfort, and when the mother returns.
Children’s behavior under these circumstances falls into three categories that relate to
the different types of attachment Bowlby had initially proposed. A securely attached child
plays comfortably with the toys as long as his or her mother is present. When the mother
suddenly leaves, the child becomes visibly and vocally upset. He or she is unlikely to
accept the stranger’s invitation for comforting but calms down quickly and resumes play-
ing once the mother returns. About 65 percent of U.S. middle-class children show this
pattern of attachment. An anxiously attached child is more reluctant to play and instead
prefers to stay close to his or her mother at all times. When the mother leaves, the child
becomes very upset and does not calm down when the mother returns. Instead, the child
seeks renewed contact with the mother yet simultaneously resists her attempts at comfort-
ing. About 23 percent of U.S. middle-class children show this pattern of attachment. An
avoidantly attached child resembles a securely attached child to the extent that he or she
does not worry about where the mother sits while they are playing. The child may or may
not cry when the mother leaves, but when the child does cry, he or she readily accepts the
Attachment 123
stranger’s attempts at comforting. When the mother returns, the child might look or turn
away from her instead of seeking closeness and comfort. About 12 percent of U.S. middle-
class children show this pattern of attachment.
Finally, although secure attachment has been linked to many positive outcomes, it
should be noted that the different attachment orientations represent an infant’s adapta-
tion to its environment (Simpson, 2002; Belsky, 1999). As such, all types of attachment
are beneficial at least in their immediate context. For example, avoidant attachment may
be particularly adaptive in an impoverished environment where gaining self-reliance and
independence can mean the difference between life and death. Moreover, to the extent that
attachment systems are adaptive, one might expect to find evidence of it across people and
species—perhaps in physiological structures. As we discussed in Chapter 7, the human
brain has dedicated systems and neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and vasopressin that
are uniquely associated with attachment processes (Fisher et al., 2002). Let’s look more
closely at the mechanisms by which attachment patterns develop.
Causes of Different Attachment Patterns

How do differences in attachment come about in the first place? It appears that they
result from a complex interaction among specific characteristics of the mother (or, more
generally, the caregiver), innate characteristics of the child, and the larger cultural con-
text. In general, mothers of securely attached children tend to be more involved with
their infants, more responsive to signs of distress and feeding needs, more appropriate in
responsiveness, and more positive in their emotional expression (Isabella, 1993). Most
of the research attempting to pinpoint the child’s contribution to attachment has focused
on the child’s temperament. Granted, it is intuitively plausible that mothers would have a
harder time responding appropriately and positively to children who are fearful or who
get upset at the drop of a hat, but the evidence to date is somewhat inconclusive. Although
some studies show an effect of temperament on subsequent attachment (Miyake, Chen, &
Campos, 1985), others fail to demonstrate it (Vaughn, Lefever, Seifer, & Barglow, 1989;
Diener, Nievar, & Wright, 2003; Roisman & Fraley, 2008).
It is difficult to disentangle the contribution of an insensitive mother’s parenting style
from that of a dispositionally difficult child. Does a mother’s insensitivity elicit difficult
behavior from her child? Or does a difficult child frustrate the mother who then responds
with non-optimal responses (Diener et al., 2003)? One way to answer such questions is to
look at twins sharing their developmental environment along with varying levels of genetic
material. In a study based on a diverse sample of 485 same-sex twin pairs, Roisman and
Fraley found that attachment security was primarily the product of shared (home) and
non-shared environmental features (e.g., school) and less of the genetic characteristics of
the children (Roisman & Fraley, 2008). Thus, it seems natural that variations in attach-
ment patterns should reflect both factors in the immediate environment (e.g., maternal
factors) as well as those in the broader social and culture milieu.
In this regard, Ainsworth (1967, 1982) suggested that while the distinct patterns of attach-
ment are to some extent culturally universal, there is also evidence that attachment patterns
can be greatly influenced by the unique childrearing practices of a culture. For example,
among Israeli children who grow up in kibbutzim, where they are cared for primarily by
adults other than their parents, a smaller percentage of 14-month-olds were classified as
securely attached (37 percent compared to 65 percent in the United States). One study of
German children (Grossmann, Grossmann, Spaengler, Suess, & Unzner, 1985) found that a
124 Attachment
mere 33 percent of 1-year-olds could be classified as securely attached, whereas a whopping
49 percent tested as avoidantly attached. However, this should not be taken as evidence that
half of German mothers are insensitive and uncaring. Instead, the large proportion of avoid-
antly attached infants may be the result of childrearing practices revolving around the idea
that children, like clothing and kitchen floors, should be pflegeleicht (i.e., easy to care for).
More specifically, it appears that avoidant attachment may result from the pursuit of creat-
ing independent, nonclingy infants who do not make too many demands on their parents.
Among children raised in traditional Japanese families, where the mother stays home to care
for them, one finds a high proportion of anxiously attached infants but virtually no avoidantly
attached infants. This pattern may be due to the fact that traditional Japanese mothers rarely
leave their children in the care of anyone else and instead raise them in ways that promote
a sense of dependence. For example, it is not at all uncommon for children to sleep in their
mother’s bed until the time they start elementary school. Naturally, if such children are put
into the “Strange Situation,” they are more than likely to become extremely upset.
Stressful environments, such as those created by poverty, also impact attachment pat-
terns (Diener et al., 2003). A study of 101 mother-child pairs from low-income families
revealed that the strongest predictors of attachment security were maternal and contextual
characteristics (as opposed to individual child dispositions). Two specific maternal charac-
teristics that correlated with lower levels of attachment security were maternal depression
and the mother’s perception that her child was “difficult.” Maternal sensitivity, on the
other hand, and the mother’s support of play and provision of toys and playthings were
associated with high levels of attachment security (Diener et al., 2003). Taken together,
these factors suggest that maternal sensitivity along with an enticing environment combine
to promote the development of a secure base both in terms of approaching the maternal
secure base and exploring the environment beyond her.
Adult Attachment
Developmental psychologists generally agree that acquired patterns of attachment—
whether secure, anxious, or avoidant—are relatively stable over time (i.e., over a period of
at least several months). This sounds like an awfully short amount of time. However, there
is evidence that a secure attachment evident at ages 12 to 18 months can become less so, or
even turn into an anxious attachment, as a result of external stressors, such as unemploy-
ment, prolonged illness, or conflict within the family (Lyons-Ruth, Repacholi, McLeod,
& Silva, 1991; Main & Weston, 1981). Of course, the reverse is also true. As stressors
that may have contributed to an anxious attachment are removed, attachment patterns
are likely to become less anxious and even secure. The observation that attachment is
somewhat malleable, however, should not be taken as an indication that it can fluctu-
ate wildly throughout infancy and early childhood. Instead, because optimal attachment
develops during a relatively short, sensitive period, shifts in attachment should primarily
be observed if the presentation or removal of family stressors falls within that period.
If anything, attachment patterns are generally fairly stable and appear to be present
through adulthood (Bowlby, 1982; Fraley, 2002; Simpson, Collins, Tran, & Haydon, 2007).
Of course, in adulthood, the partner in a close, intimate relationship becomes a person’s
attachment figure, completing a period of transition in which the attachment figure is trans-
ferred from parent to peer (Kerns, 1994). In other words, the attachment styles that marked
infants’ relationships to their mothers should be evident in the sense that adults can be
attached to their romantic partners in a secure, anxious, or avoidant way. Note that Bowlby
Attachment 125
had good reasons to advance this idea. After all, he conceived of attachment as “inner work-
ing models” of the self and social relationships. Not surprisingly, then, research that has
looked at adult attachment has found ample support for Bowlby’s (1982) notion and has
provided important insights into the importance and ramifications of adult attachment pat-
terns. Before jumping into a review of the relevant research, it is important to keep in mind
that until recently, much of the research has been correlational and retrospective in nature.
In one of the first studies of adult attachment (Hazan & Shaver, 1987), over 1,200 adults
(with an average age of 36) responded to a questionnaire that appeared in the Rocky Moun-
tain News. It contained a total of “95 questions about your most important romance.”
The crucial question asked respondents to describe their feelings about relationships (see
Figure 8.1). Respondents who indicated that they found it easy to get close to others, were
comfortable depending on them, and did not fear abandonment were classified as securely
attached. Those who indicated that they were reluctant to get close and worried about the
other’s love were classified as anxiously attached. And finally, those who reported that they
were uncomfortable being close and felt that they had problems trusting their partner as well
as reciprocating with their level of closeness were classified as avoidantly attached.
The nature and scope of this study revealed a wealth of data about the importance of
attachment in romantic relationships. To begin with, the percentages of adults who dis-
played the three attachment styles were remarkably similar to the percentages usually
obtained when one looks at the attachment styles of infants. Specifically, 56 percent were
characterized by a secure attachment (compared to 65 percent of infants); 19 percent were
characterized by an anxious attachment (compared to 23 percent of infants); and 25 percent
were characterized by an avoidant attachment (compared to 12 percent of infants). More-
over, the different attachment styles were associated with markedly different experiences of
love. Secure lovers characterized their most important relationship as happy, friendly, and
trusting. They further emphasized that they were able to accept and support their partner
unconditionally. Anxious lovers reported their experience of love as being marked by obses-
sion, desire for reciprocation and union, and emotional ups and downs, along with extreme
sexual attraction and jealousy. Finally, avoidant lovers’ most important relationship was
characterized by fear of intimacy, emotional ups and downs, and jealousy (in the absence
of sexual attraction). Given these qualitatively different experiences, it is not surprising that
the duration of secure lovers’ most important relationship was markedly longer (about 10
years) than those of anxious and avoidant lovers (6 years and 5 years, respectively).
Secure: I find it relatively easy to get close to others and am comfortable depending on
them and having them depend on me. I don’t often worry about being abandoned or
about someone getting too close to me.
Anxious: I find that others are reluctant to get as close as I would like. I often worry that
my partner doesn’t really love me or won’t stay with me. I want to merge completely with
another person, and this desire sometimes scares people away.
Avoidant: I am somewhat uncomfortable being close to others; I find it difficult to trust
them completely and difficult to allow myself to depend on them. I am nervous when
anyone gets too close, and often, love partners want me to be more intimate than I feel
comfortable being.
Figure 8.1 Adult Attachment Styles According to Hazan and Shaver (1987)
126 Attachment
Finally, Bowlby’s (1982) speculations about the transfer of attachment from the mother
to the adult romantic partner received some support, as well. Instead of recalling child-
hood memories, respondents answered a series of questions about their parents’ general
behavior toward them during childhood as well as their parents’ behavior toward each
other. Compared to insecure respondents, secure respondents reported generally warmer
relationships with both parents and between their parents. Anxious respondents recalled
their fathers, in particular, as having been unfair, and avoidant respondents described
their mothers as cold and rejecting. Of course, it would be impossible for most adults to
recall the exact nature of the attachment they had with their caregivers at the tender age of
18 months. Thus, rather than having to rely on dimmed recollections and reconstructions
of the past, researchers are increasingly turning to other methodologies to fill this gap.
A meta-analysis of 27 longitudinal studies provides even more compelling evidence for
the continuity between childhood and adult attachment patterns (Fraley, 2002). All lon-
gitudinal studies in this analysis initially measured attachment in 12-month-old toddlers,
and then at a second time, ranging from 1 month to 15 years later. Fraley (2002) also con-
trasted a prototype model that assumes that attachment is relatively stable across a person’s
lifespan against a revisionist model that looks at attachment as flexible, changeable, and
susceptible to environmental modifications. Although the meta-analysis supported the pro-
totype model, it also revealed plasticity, suggesting “stable instability” (Fraley, 2002). That
is, while there may be some relationship-specific fluctuations, the general pattern remains
stable. Fraley and colleagues also found support for the prototype model when they looked
at daily fluctuations in attachment representations over a 30-day period in one sample and
weekly changes over the course of a year (Fraley, Vicary, Brumbaugh, & Roisman, 2011).
Hazan and Shaver’s work proved to be a launching pad for many exciting tests of both
the conceptualization and measurement of attachment orientations. Diverging from the
original approach that viewed attachment categorically (i.e., one of three different types),
Bartholomew (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991; Griffin & Bartholomew, 1994) proposed
a dimensional model in which attachment is determined by the valence of beliefs people
have of themselves (i.e., model of self) and others (i.e., model of others). According to this
“self-other model,” the positivity of beliefs of self and others forms four general orienta-
tions: secure, preoccupied, dismissing, and fearful (see Table 8.1). The secure orientation
in the self-other model maps onto Hazan and Shaver’s secure attachment style. Further,
the “preoccupied” orientation corresponds to Hazan and Shaver’s ambivalent attachment
style, and the “fearful” orientation describes the avoidant attachment style. Dismissing
style, however, has no equivalent in Hazan and Shaver’s framework. Rather it adds a
dimension that contributes to a better understanding of attachment in adults (Crowell,
Fraley, & Shaver, 1999). Further, research also suggests that attachment styles do not
conform to strict typological categories and are more accurately captured by dimensional
models that vary along a continuous scale (Fraley & Waller, 1998). You will see many
studies that use the Hazan and Shaver measure and many more recent studies that use
dimensional measures such as the self-other model.
One way to conceptualize the self-other model of attachment is in terms of anxiety and
avoidance as its underlying dimensions. Anxiety (or anxiety monitoring) is the affective
mechanism that determines how one reacts to the perceived availability or unavailability
of an attachment figure. The avoidance dimension reflects the behavioral components of
attachment regulation, that is, whether one seeks out or withdraws from attachment fig-
ures (Crowell et al., 1999). Anxiety and avoidance combine in unique ways to yield four
attachment orientations, as Table 8.2 shows.
Attachment 127
Table 8.1 A Dimensional Model of Attachment
Model of Self (Dependence)
Positive (Low) Negative (High)
Positive Secure. “It is easy for me to Preoccupied. “I want to be completely

(Low) become emotionally close emotionally intimate with others, but I
Model of Other (Avoidance)
to others. I am comfortable often find that others are reluctant to get as

depending on them and having close as I would like. I am uncomfortable
them depend on me. I don’t being without close relationships, but I
worry about being alone or sometimes worry that others don’t value
having others not accept me.” me as much as I value them.”
Negative Dismissing. “I am comfortable Fearful. “I am uncomfortable getting
(High) without close emotional close to others. I want emotionally close
relationships. It is very relationships, but I find it difficult to trust
important to me to feel others completely, or to depend on them. I
independent and self-sufficient. worry that I will be hurt if I allow myself
I prefer not to depend on others to become too close to others.”
or have others depend on me.”
Source: Items from Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991) Relationship Questionnaire (RQ).
Table 8.2 Two-Dimensional Model of Individual Differences in Adult Attachment Orientation
Avoidance
Low High
Low Secure Dismissing-avoidant

Anxiety
High Preoccupied Fearful-avoidant
Source: Crowell et al. (1999).

• Why might a casual observer think that an avoidantly attached male toddler
placed in the “Strange Situation” is a “good boy”? Why is this little boy’s behav-
ior not necessarily indicative of optimal parenting? How might the development
of this attachment style have been adaptive for him?
• What are the implications of research showing that the human brain has specific
neural pathways and neurotransmitters associated specifically with attachment?
Moreover, what does the existence of three separate neurological systems for
lust, romantic love, and attachment say about our traditional views of love and
romance?
• Research suggests that attachment style is determined largely by a person’s envi-
ronment (such as interactions with caregivers, richness of environment) than by
their individual or genetic characteristics. What does this mean for clinicians and
community psychologists who wish to improve the mental health of children
growing up in impoverished communities?
128 Attachment
From Infant Attachment to Adult Attachment:
Models of Transition
In light of the close correspondence of infant and adult attachment, it is reasonable to ask
about the mechanisms that might be responsible for this continuity. At this point, there are
several tentative answers in the form of broad theoretical perspectives.
One perspective (Kerns, 1994) emphasizes the importance of infant attachment for interac-
tions with peers throughout childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Once children are able
to interact with peers, the immediate importance of the parental attachment figure becomes
somewhat diminished. At the same time, the various developmental stages carry with them
different friendship goals that require different skills. It is with regard to these goals and
skills that early attachment has its effects. Kerns’ (1994) model of attachment transition is
intriguing primarily because it focuses equally on the effects of attachment on subsequent
developmental periods. Thus, the model suggests that the transition is not simply a matter of
near-magical transference but rather a result of a snowballing of attachment effects over the
course of development. In other words, adult attachment styles observed at age 21 did not
become fixed at age 1. Instead, the level of continuity is determined jointly by interactions
in infancy as well as interactions throughout the remainder of childhood and adolescence.
Furthermore, there is evidence that during adulthood, attachment styles may continue to
perpetuate themselves by influencing everyday social activities. Consistent with this idea, one
study using a diary approach (Tidwell, Reis, & Shaver, 1996) found that avoidantly attached
adults experienced lower levels of intimacy, less enjoyment, lower levels of positive emotions,
and higher levels of negative emotions, particularly in opposite-sex interactions.
Further support for the idea that adult attachment styles are the result of individuals’ devel-
opmental histories comes from a study that looked at 18-year-olds who had been tracked
longitudinally since birth (Fraley, Roisman, Booth-LaForce, Owen, & Holland, 2013). As
expected, individual differences in their (adult) attachment style could be traced to their care-
giving environments, their emerging social competence, and the quality of their best friendships.
A second perspective, rooted in the psychodynamic tradition known as object relations,
proposes that early interactions between parents and children become the basis for more
generalized expectations about the nature of close relationships. Moreover, these expecta-
tions incorporate both sides of the interaction (e.g., aggressor and victim; nurturance and
succorance), thus providing the child with a repertoire for interactions with others in general
(Osofsky, 1982). This perspective suggests that adult attachment incorporates both aspects
of the infant attachment (i.e., child and parent) and thus can help explain why avoidant lov-
ers, for example, would be both distrustful and fearful of another’s attempts at being close.
A third approach proposes that emotional experiences and expressions may provide
the mechanism for attachment transfer across development. A longitudinal study tracked
78 individuals over 28 years (Simpson, Collins et al., 2007). It found that attachment at
12 months of age reliably predicted social adjustment in elementary school, friendships in
high school, and romantic experiences in adulthood. Although the correlational nature of
this study prevents conclusions about the nature of the causal link between attachment in
infancy and adult working models, it contributes to the converging evidence for the role
of emotions in the transfer of attachment from infancy to adulthood.
Finally, although participants’ attachment styles remained stable across situations and
over the 28-year span of this study, the authors found additional evidence for the plasticity
of attachment. This plasticity allows for the possibility that adult attachment is comprised
of a general model that applies to other people and a model that applies specifically to
one’s partner (Cozzarelli, Hoekstra, & Bylsma, 2000). General models of attachment are
Attachment 129
the sum of all relationship experiences and are more predictive of a generalized sense of
well-being and self-esteem. Partner-specific models, on the other hand, are more accurately
predictive of specific relationship outcomes such as satisfaction, love, and happiness.
From a social-cognitive perspective (e.g., Brumbaugh & Fraley, 2006), attachment is
transferred by way of schematic processing in which the activation of existing mental
models influences the reactions to specific attachment figures like close friends and roman-
tic partners. Moreover, attachment can be transferred either in a global fashion so that
attachment-related expectations are applied to new targets regardless of how much they
resemble previous attachment figures, or it can be transferred in a more specific fashion
such that attachment is transferred only to targets that resemble previous attachment fig-
ures. To test these differing perspectives, Brumbaugh and Fraley (2006) conducted a two-
part study. In the first session, participants gave a description of their most significant past
romantic partners along with completing measures assessing their own attachment style.
At a second session a couple of weeks later, the same participants rated personal ads—one
that was constructed to resemble the former romantic partner, and one that was unlike.
Participants’ ratings of the personal ads indicated that both general and specific transfer
processes were applied (Brumbaugh & Fraley, 2006).
Overall, participants applied the same mental model to attachment figures who were
both similar and dissimilar, thus supporting the notion of a global transfer of attachment.
However, there was also evidence for a specific transfer in which attachment was applied
to an even greater degree to similar targets, providing support for the specificity of transfer
(Brumbaugh & Fraley, 2006). So, can people’s attachment styles change? Can an inse-
cure person become more secure as a result of being with a secure partner (Kirkpatrick &
Hazan, 1994)? Perhaps transferred attachment marks a relationship during its early stages.
As the relationship develops, the plasticity of attachment (Fraley, 2002) enables romantic
partners to build trust (or lose it) and develop more relationship-specific expectations.
The self-perpetuation of attachment may come full circle when one considers the impli-
cations of different attachment styles for attitudes about and relationships with chil-
dren. One study (Rholes, Simpson, & Blakeley, 1995) found that, compared to securely
attached adults, avoidant college men and women were less certain about having children
and whether they would be able to relate to young children. Anxiously attached men
and women desired to have children but felt unsure about their parenting ability. Among
those who had children, avoidantly attached mothers reported that they lacked a feeling
of closeness toward their preschool children, and they behaved less supportively toward
them in a teaching task than did mothers who were securely attached.
Consequences of Adult Attachment Styles

It’s intriguing to think that the quality of our attachment to our caregivers when we are
little manifests itself in our attachment to our romantic partners when we are adults. And
the study of the processes and mechanisms through which it occurs is quite fascinating.
However, understanding adult attachment is also important because of its potential to
help explain how we live our lives and how we experience our romantic relationships.
Attachment Style and Emotional Control

To the extent that secure attachment comes with a predilection to look at one’s partner as a
source of comfort, one would expect the different attachment styles to be related to a more
130 Attachment
general ability for emotional self-control. In support of this reasoning, Feeney and Kirkpat-
rick (1996) found a marked difference in how secure, anxious, and avoidant individuals
responded to stress when their partner was either present or absent. Compared to secure
research participants, anxious and avoidant individuals showed increased levels of physiolog-
ical arousal (indicative of anxiety) when they had to complete a stressful task (counting back-
ward by 13 as quickly and accurately as possible) in the absence of their partner. Moreover,
this increased level of anxiety persisted when they tried to do a similar task in the presence of
their partner. These results suggest that secure attachment comes with a generalized anxiety-
reducing tendency, whereas insecure attachments produce anxiety related to separation in a
stressful situation. Moreover, the observation that the presence of one’s partner does little to
reduce the anxiety levels of insecure individuals in a stressful situation suggests an approach-
avoidance conflict that is likely brought on by the generalized expectation that the other
cannot be counted on as a source for emotional support (Carpenter & Kirkpatrick, 1996).
Studies that look at support seeking and support giving among individuals with different
attachment styles lend further support to the idea that those who are securely attached are
more likely to seek and receive support from their partner when confronted with an anxiety-
provoking situation, such as prolonged or drastic separations, Fraley and Shaver (1998)
studied couples waiting at an airport. They asked those couples who were separating to
complete a questionnaire designed to assess the length of their relationship, their attachment
style, and their degree of distress. Then, unobtrusively, the researchers observed the couples’
behavior. Not surprisingly, most couples engaged in some form of proximity maintenance.
That is, they held onto, followed, and searched for their partners more than couples travel-
ing together. Couples who had been together for a relatively short period of time stayed
especially close together. Anxious women who had reported a great deal of distress on the
questionnaire also exhibited a great deal of proximity maintenance behavior. But fearful
women pulled away from their partners even though they had reported a high level of
stress on the questionnaire. Both these findings are consistent with attachment theory. Oddly
enough, anxious and avoidant men failed to exhibit a similar behavior pattern in this situa-
tion. Their behavior may have been more constrained by the airport’s public setting.
Studies in laboratory settings that create anxiety-provoking situations have found simi-
lar results (Simpson, Rholes, & Nelligan, 1992). Securely attached women in stressful
situations used their partner as a source of reassurance and comfort. Avoidant women
looked for emotional support from their partner when their anxiety level was low, and
anxious women did not seek support from their partner, regardless of the level of anxiety
they experienced. Presumably, this lack of support seeking among anxious women may
be due to an internal conflict with regard to proximity needs. Although they might need
and desire comfort and reassurance, they also know that their partner is not consistently
available to provide it. Thus, the need for proximity becomes associated with anger and
resentment, which is likely to add to the level of stress already experienced. Not surpris-
ingly, then, when the researchers looked at the behavior of the male partners, they found
that secure men offered greater reassurance, comfort, and support than anxious and
avoidant men.
Of course, findings like these should not be taken as an indication that individuals
with insecure attachment styles are unable to control emotions such as fear and anxiety.
Instead, it appears that such individuals may have an edge in the self-control of such
emotions because they have learned that their partner cannot be relied on as a source of
comfort and reassurance. Consistent with this idea, one study (Feeney, 1995) found that a
proclivity for emotional self-control was most pronounced among couples in which both
partners endorsed insecure attachment styles. Moreover, insecure individuals tend to use
Attachment 131
Facebook more frequently, and at times when they are experiencing negative emotions
(Oldmeadow, Quinn, & Kowert, 2013).
Much of the early research on attachment involved measuring attachment styles and
comparing their effects on a number of dependent variables. To the extent that unmea-
sured variables associated with attachment may be at least partly responsible for any
results, that approach is problematic. For example, if we assume that securely attached
individuals are happier than anxiously attached individuals, differences in happiness,
rather than differences in attachment, may be responsible for any differences in results.
However, more recent research that uses priming procedures to elicit a sense of security or
anxiety in participants has not supported this alternative explanation.
For example, Mikulincer and Shaver (2001) primed a “secure base schema” by sublim-
inally exposing some participants to words like closeness, love, hug, and support. They
primed other participants with words that had positive connotations unrelated to security
(for example, happiness, honesty, luck, and success). Finally, they primed a third group of
participants with neutral words (for example, office, table, boat, and picture). They then
asked all participants to form impressions of two people, one of whom was identified as an
in-group member and the other as an out-group member. As expected, participants in whom
a secure base schema had been primed provided more favorable evaluations of the out-group
member than participants who had been primed with positive or neutral words. How can
we explain these effects? Using a similar procedure, Mikulincer, Hirschberger, Nachmias,
and Gillath (2001) found that priming a secure base schema produces increased empathy—a
quality that may have affected participants’ evaluation of the out-group member.
Conversely, when participants in another study were primed with the names of an
attachment figure (i.e., a “security-providing” person), they behaved in proximity-seeking
ways: They were more self-disclosing, sought support, and were quicker to identify “secu-
rity” words (Mikulincer, Gillath, & Shaver, 2002; Gillath et al., 2006). Responses, how-
ever, were also consistent with attachment style. For example, avoidance was negatively
correlated with willingness to self-disclose, while attachment anxiety was associated with
quicker responses to self-disclose and support seeking (Gillath et al., 2006).
Attachment Style and Partner Choice

In light of the observation that the seeds for adult attachment are sown as far back as
infancy, one might ask whether adults choose partners with similar attachment styles. At
least two answers are possible. On the one hand, based on the importance of similarity
for attraction, one might argue that individuals would seek others with similar attachment
styles. Consequently, if one drew a random sample of couples, one would expect to find
secure-secure attachments, somewhat reflective of the base rates. On the other hand, one
could argue that a secure attachment is something of an ideal type of a relationship that
everyone would seek regardless of his or her attachment style. From this perspective, the
same random sample might yield a relatively higher number of couples in which a secure
partner is paired with either an anxious or an avoidant partner.
Not surprisingly, the evidence appears to come down in favor of the similarity hypoth-
esis. One study (Frazier, Byer, Fisher, Wright, & DeBord, 1996) independently looked
at participants’ attachment styles in relation to the attachment styles of those they were
presently dating as well as their preference for partners with different attachment styles.
The results on both measures were overwhelmingly in favor of the similarity hypothesis.
Secure individuals tended to date and prefer partners who were also secure, whereas anx-
ious and avoidant participants tended to date partners with similar attachment styles.
132 Attachment
Another study that looked at the specific dimensions underlying the different types of
attachment provided similar results (Collins & Read, 1990). Participants who reported
that they were comfortable getting close were more likely to be with a partner who was
equally comfortable with closeness. Those who felt they could depend on others tended
to be dating a partner who felt similarly. Furthermore, participants who were comfortable
with closeness tended to be dating partners who felt they could depend on others and were
much less likely to be dating partners who worried about abandonment. However, there
was no evidence that those who worried about abandonment were with partners who
shared their anxiety in this regard. Among other things, this latter finding suggests that
couples in which both partners have an anxious attachment style may be empirically rare.
Perhaps there are good reasons why one would not find many couples in which both
partners are anxiously attached. Although the individuals may initially be drawn to one
another on the basis of similarity, the reality of their relationship would likely render it
highly unstable. Remember that on an individual level, Hazan and Shaver (1987) described
anxious attachment as a preoccupying and painful struggle to find a union with the other.
This may be difficult when the union is sought with a securely attached other and next to
impossible when it is sought with someone who is similarly preoccupied with obtaining love
and holding on to it. At the same time, an anxious person concerned with dependability and
commitment may find that an avoidant partner who is concerned about too much intimacy
and commitment displays a relationship orientation consistent with his or her expectations.
Likewise, for an avoidant person, the distrust and demands for intimacy by an anxious
partner may confirm his or her relationship expectations. It is perhaps for these reasons that
several studies found anxious women who were dating avoidant men and anxious men who
were dating either anxious or avoidant women (Collins & Read, 1990; Simpson, 1990).
These considerations aside, if given a choice of dating someone who is securely or inse-
curely attached, whom would you pick? This is not a trick question even though the
answer seems almost too obvious. Considering all the positive and desirable character-
istics that come with secure attachment, choosing anyone else would seem foolish, espe-
cially if things like physical attractiveness were the same for all choices. It is thus not
surprising that research consistently shows people selecting secure individuals as their first
choice of a romantic partner (e.g., Klohnen and Luo, 2003).
However, if we’re all attracted to secure individuals, how do the insecure attract dates
and form relationships with them? The short answer is that attachment insecurity comes
with beneficial features that may override or balance out its drawbacks in the short run
(Brumbaugh & Fraley, 2010). For example, because anxious people are preoccupied with
their own emotions and vulnerabilties, they may be hypervigilant with regard to potential
partners’ interest, care, and support (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2012). And this hypervigi-
lance may come across as attractive if others perceive it as being caring or attentive. Their
attempts to minimize emotional distance may also elicit a positive reaction, at least at the
beginning. And because they tend to be on the neurotic side, they may at first come across
as fascinating. Avoidantly attached others may gain a temporary advantage because they
may come across as independent and self-sufficient. And because they tend to suppress
negative thoughts and emotions, interactions with them may be more pleasant and upbeat.
Attachment Styles, Relationship Satisfaction, and Stability

Our speculations are supported by studies that looked at the quality of people’s ongoing
relationships (as opposed to one’s “most important relationship,” as Hazan and Shaver
Attachment 133
had done). Several studies report that, compared to people with secure attachment styles,
those with anxious and avoidant attachment styles tend to have relationships marked by
less trust, commitment, and satisfaction (Kane et al., 2007). They report less satisfying
sexual relationships, higher levels of sexual dysfunction, and lower motivations for sex
(Gentzler & Kerns, 2004; Stefanou & McCabe, 2012). As one might expect, attachment
avoidance is related to less positive feelings toward cuddling in adult and parent-child
relationships (Chopik et al., 2014) and lower levels of sexual satisfaction in married cou-
ples of all ages (Butzer & Campbell, 2008). A study of coupled gay men (Starks & Par-
sons, 2014) showed that securely attached partners had the highest self-reported level of
communication and were most likely to have sex at least once a week. Avoidantly attached
partners reported more casual unprotected sex, compared to all other attachment styles.
Interestingly, lack of commitment and interdependence are particularly descriptive of
avoidant attachment styles, whereas lack of trust is more descriptive of anxious attach-
ment styles (Collins & Read, 1990; Feeney & Noller, 1990; Simpson, 1990). Moreover,
people with anxious and avoidant attachment styles report their relationship as a source
of more frequent negative emotions and less frequent positive emotions; the reverse is true
for those with secure attachment styles (Fuller & Fincham, 1995; Simpson, 1990). Not
surprisingly, both partners in a relationship tend to be particularly dissatisfied when either
partner suffers high anxiety over abandonment (anxious attachment) or low comfort with
closeness (avoidant attachment) (Jones & Cunningham, 1996). Although perceptions of
a partner’s capacity for caregiving are one important mediator of satisfaction (Kane et al.,
2007; Simpson, Winterheld, Rholes, & Oriña, 2007), attachment styles predict the type
of support being sought. Securely attached individuals seek emotional support; insecures
are primarily interested in instrumental support, such as advice and direction (Simpson,
Winterheld et al., 2007). In terms of providing support, securely attached individuals have
an edge because they are more caring, empathetic, altruistic, and compassionate (Miku-
lincer & Shaver, 2005; Mikulincer, Shaver, Gillath, & Nitzberg, 2005).
Given the implications of different attachment styles for relationship satisfaction, one
might suspect that attachment styles also have at least indirect implications for the stabil-
ity of a relationship. Specifically, one might expect relationships characterized by secure
attachments to be relatively more enduring, especially when both partners are securely
attached, than relationships in which one or both partners are anxiously or avoidantly
attached. Establishing theoretical and empirical links between attachment styles and rela-
tionship stability is important, as it may help shed light on the more general relationship
between relationship satisfaction and stability. As discussed in Chapter 6, Thibaut and
Kelley (1959) suggested that the two are somewhat independent of one another. Whereas
satisfaction is determined by a comparison of one’s outcomes to one’s expectations, stabil-
ity is determined by a comparison of one’s outcomes to the possible alternatives.
Consistent with this idea, there is evidence that not all couples who stay together are in fact
happy and not all unhappy couples break up (e.g., Rands, Levinger, & Mellinger, 1981). This
suggests the intriguing possibility that attachment styles may help predict why some relation-
ships persist even though they appear to be doomed when one applies the yardstick of satisfac-
tion. Similarly, attachment styles may help predict why relationships marked by relatively high
degrees of satisfaction might nonetheless break apart. For example, an anxious individual’s
preoccupation with reciprocation of affection along with a concern about abandonment may
motivate special efforts to maintain the relationship even though it may fall well short of
expectations. Avoidant individuals, on the other hand, may be compelled to break up out of a
fear of becoming overly dependent, even though the relationship goes swimmingly.
134 Attachment
There is evidence in favor of both sets of speculations. Remember that in Hazan and Shav-
er’s (1987) study, secure respondents reported that their current relationship had lasted longer
(10 years) than those of anxious (6 years) and avoidant respondents (5 years). Additionally,
secure respondents were less likely to be divorced (6 percent) than anxious (10 percent) and
avoidant respondents (12 percent). That these differences may be due to the different qualita-
tive nature of relationships based on various attachment styles is suggested by a study that
tracked couples over a 4-month period (Keelan, Dion, & Dion, 1994). In this particular sample,
secure individuals reported consistent levels of relationship satisfaction, relationship costs, com-
mitment, and trust. Anxious and avoidant individuals, on the other hand, evidenced decreasing
levels of satisfaction, commitment, and trust, along with increasing relationship costs.
However, the results from a couple of studies (Kirkpatrick & Davis, 1994; Kane et al.,
2007) suggest that the relationship among attachment, relationship satisfaction, and relation-
ship stability might be more complex. For instance, one study (Kirkpatrick & Davis, 1994)
which tracked well over 300 heterosexual dating couples over a period of 3 years found that
the effects of some attachment styles on satisfaction depend to some extent on gender. Whereas
securely attached individuals displayed high levels of satisfaction and stability, anxious and
avoidant attachment styles had some interesting effects. In couples in which the woman was
anxiously attached, both partners tended to be unhappy with their relationship. In couples in
which the man was avoidantly attached, the men (but not the women) rated their relationship
negatively. At the same time, however, the relationships of avoidant men and anxious women
were remarkably stable over time. Interestingly, even though the sample of couples was large,
there were no couples in which both partners were anxiously or avoidantly attached.
Similarly, other researchers (e.g., Kane et al., 2007) found that men reported being less
satisfied when their romantic partners were high in attachment anxiety. Women, on the
other hand, were more dissatisfied when their male partners were high in avoidance (Kane
et al., 2007). Another way to assess satisfaction is to examine how couples fare in stressful
situations such as during conflicts. Research measuring physiological stress reactivity by way
of salivary cortisol levels also found that attachment style interacted with gender to predict
stress reactivity (Powers, Pietromonaco, Gunlicks, & Sayer, 2006). For instance, men paired
with securely attached women had lower cortisol levels that decreased during and after per-
forming a conflict task. However, men paired with insecure women had significant increases
in cortisol levels prior to and during the conflict. Interestingly, women’s cortisol levels, reac-
tivity, and recovery were not constrained by their partner’s attachment style. Compared to
women, men’s reactions to conflict are more dependent on their partner’s attachment style.
Among other things, these findings seem to preclude any generalizations about which
attachment styles might be superior or inferior for a relationship. Instead, it seems that what
impact attachment styles may have on relationships in general depends on the particular
relationship stage as well as gender. This appears to be especially true for couples in which at
least one partner’s attachment is insecure. Because of the nature of their working models of
relationships, anxious individuals expect their partners to avoid intimacy, withdraw, and be
rejecting. Thus, choosing an avoidant other confirms anxious people’s expectations about the
nature of relationship. Avoidant individuals expect others to be demanding and clingy, and
thus choosing an anxious other confirms their expectations in a similar fashion. By the same
logic, a partner with a similar insecure attachment style violates one’s expectations, thus help-
ing explain why it is hard to find anxious-anxious and avoidant-avoidant couples.
But why would relationships between anxious women and avoidant men be just as stable as
those of secure men and women? The answer to this question may be related to the unique gen-
der stereotypes in U.S. culture. Women are generally expected to seek and maintain intimacy
Attachment 135
and to be the general caretakers of relationships. It may be that anxious women, for whom the
possibility of abandonment is a central concern, are more motivated to initiate processes that
would hold the relationship together, thus accounting for the relatively high temporal stability
in their relationships with avoidant men. This process may further be aided by the relatively
low expectations that avoidant men have for their partners and their relationships.
Of course, the observation that relationships between anxious women and avoidant men
can be surprisingly stable should not be taken as an indication that they are marked by hap-
piness and bliss. Instead, it appears that they are lacking in trust, which, according to some
(Holmes & Rempel, 1989), is one of the most sought-after qualities of close relationships.
Trust in one’s partner is one of the cornerstones for the development of intimacy (Stern-
berg, 1986), and it is necessary for the development of commitment and feelings of security
(Holmes & Rempel, 1989). It appears that securely attached individuals may have an edge
when it comes to trusting their partners. In one study using a diary technique (Mikulincer,
1998), securely attached partners remembered more relationship episodes marked by trust
and reported adopting more constructive coping techniques in response to violations of
trust (e.g., talking to their partner) than their anxious and avoidant counterparts. Not
surprisingly, anxious and avoidant individuals remembered fewer relationships marked by
trust. Further, anxious individuals tended to respond to violations of trust with rumination
and worry; avoidant individuals responded with attempts to distance themselves from their
partner. Interestingly, whereas achieving intimacy was considered important by everyone,
regardless of attachment style, anxious individuals were struggling to attain a sense of
security and avoidant individuals were attempting to gain control over their relationship.
Research on attachment theory continues to expand in new and exciting directions. As
we have already seen, researchers have systematically tested many of the assumptions and
tenets initially set forth by Bowlby. As we will see in the coming chapters, there are few
issues or topics in intimate relationship research that have not been revisited and reviewed
through the lens of attachment theory.

• How would you explain your classmate’s observation that he started out life
with an anxious attachment orientation but that his fantastic, caring, compas-
sionate, and loving girlfriend and her equally supportive family have given him
a secure attachment? Has this tiger changed its stripes?
• Given that adults’ attachment orientation is reflected in their attitudes towards hav-
ing children as well as in their beliefs about their competence as parents (Rholes,
Simpson, & Blakeley, 1995), what might expectant parents with insecure attachment
styles do to prevent transmitting their attachment orientations to their newborn
child? Do you think it’s possible to change the pattern of parent-child interactions?
• Securely attached people are generally happier and more compassionate, handle
conflict better, and are more trusting of others. On the other hand, insecurely
attached people experience greater stress, distress, distrust, and dissatisfaction
with their relationships. How can you reconcile the poor relationship outcomes
that attach to insecurely attached individuals with the idea that attachment
styles are adaptive?
136 Attachment
Summary
Issues • What are the manifestations of attachment in infancy and early childhood?
• How does attachment form?
• To what extent does attachment to romantic partners resemble earlier
attachment patterns?
• How does infant attachment get transferred into adult attachment?
• What are the ramifications of different attachment styles for adult roman-
tic relationships?
Theory • Attachment as an evolved and adaptive process that correlates with unique
brain systems
• Developmental theories stress the importance of mother-infant interac-
tions in attachment formation
• Adult attachment patterns and measurement
• Typological framework of Hazan and Shaver (1987) proposes three
attachment styles
• Dimensional models (e.g., self-other model) propose two attachment
dimensions that yield four different attachment orientations
• Transitional models explore how attachment is transferred across attach-
ment figures (i.e., from mother to lover); we consider the possible role of
the following:
• Developmental tasks in the transfer of attachment
• Object relations based on expectations for others
• Emotions in transferring attachment
• Cognitive processes such as mental models of attachment
• Adult attachment styles have predictable effects on emotional control,
partner choice, relationship satisfaction, and stability
Research • Attachment theory grew out of Bowlby’s observations of children whose
lives had been disrupted by World War II
• Early research found that children could be categorized as one of three
attachment styles: secure, anxious, avoidant
• A twin study found that attachment orientation is the result of environ-
mental factors such as parenting and not due to genetically determined
features of the child
• Cross-cultural studies from Israel, Germany, and Japan find that dif-
ferences in parenting styles result in different attachment patterns
• Stressful environments also produce predictable differences in attach-
ment patterns
• Hazan and Shaver (1987) found adult distribution of attachment patterns
were similar to infant patterns and that attachment style predicted rela-
tionship satisfaction
• Fraley’s (2002) meta-analysis of longitudinal studies tested attachment
stability across the lifespan and found evidence for both stability and flex-
ibility (“stable instability”)
Attachment 137
• Brumbaugh and Fraley (2006) found that participants applied general
mental models and partner-specific mental models when meeting new
people
• Couples waiting in airports behave differently depending on their attach-
ment orientation (Fraley & Shaver, 1998)
• Mikulincer and Shaver (2001) successfully elicited attachment consistent
behaviors by priming a “secure base schema”
• Relationship satisfaction and stability were predicted by attachment style
and gender (Kirkpatrick & Davis, 1994)
• Attachment orientation also mediates stressful responses to conflict (Pow-
ers et al., 2006)
Key Terms
Secure attachment: mental representation that children form of their caregivers as sources
of comfort and a secure place from which to explore the world; this child is easily com-
forted by caregivers. In terms of the self-other model of attachment, securely attached
people have positive mental models of self and other; this person is comfortable being
close to and depending on others.
Anxious attachment: mental model of caregivers as unreliable and unable to provide com-
fort in times of distress; this child remains distressed, even when caregivers attempt to
comfort her.
Avoidant attachment: mental model of caregiver is that of someone who does not provide
comfort at all; this child is not distressed when left alone and ignores the presence of
caregivers.
Preoccupied attachment: negative mental model of self and positive mental model of oth-
ers; this person desires emotional intimacy but is anxious about being loved and valued.
Dismissing attachment: positive mental model of self and negative mental model of other;
this person prefers independence and being self-sufficient more than being in close
relationships.
Fearful attachment: negative mental models of self and other; this person is uncomfort-
able being close to others, distrusts others, and fears rejection and being hurt by others.
Prototype model of attachment: view of attachment style as being relatively stable across
a person’s lifespan.
Revisionist model of attachment: perspectives of attachment as flexible, changeable, and
susceptible to environmental modification.
Stable instability: the idea that general attachment patterns remain stable over time while
there are relationship-specific fluctuations.
Secure base schema: the internal representation of the “secure base,” or mental representa-
tions related to security and secure attachment.
9 Sexuality
Americans born in the 1980s and 1990s (commonly known as Millennials and iGen) were
more likely to report having no sexual partners as adults compared to GenX’ers born in the
1960s and 1970s in the General Social Survey, a nationally representative sample of American
adults (N = 26,707). Among those aged 20–24, more than twice as many Millennials born in
the 1990s (15%) had no sexual partners since age 18 compared to GenX’ers born in the 1960s
(6%) . . . Americans born early in the 20th century also showed elevated rates of adult sexual
inactivity. The shift toward higher rates of sexual inactivity among Millennials and iGen’ers
was more pronounced among women and absent among Black Americans and those with a
college education. Contrary to popular media conceptions of a “hookup generation” more
likely to engage in frequent casual sex, a higher percentage of Americans in recent cohorts,
particularly Millennials and iGen’ers born in the 1990s, had no sexual partners after age 18.
—Twenge, Sherman, and Wells (2017, p. 433)
In the minds of many, love and sex are often closely connected. In fact, studies that explore
people’s attitudes about the role of sex in a dating relationship find that affection for the
partner is the most frequently cited reason for having sex (e.g., Robinson & Jedlicka,
1982; Sherwin & Corbett, 1985), especially for women (Michael, Gagnon, Laumann, &
Kolata, 1994). This is hardly surprising in light of the fact that sexuality is perhaps the
one feature that sets romantic relationships apart from other close relationships (Scanzoni
et al., 1989). We can share intimate details with our friends and be strongly committed to
our relationships with family members, but sex is something that is supposed to be shared
specifically with the one(s) we love in a romantic way.
Attitudes About Sex: An Evolving Story

How do Americans feel about sex? The General Social Survey tracks attitudes about non-
marital sex (i.e., premarital sex, sex among adolescents, extramarital sex, and same-sex
relationships) on a near-annual basis. Responses from 33,380 adult Americans collected
between 1972 to 2012 reveal trends toward greater overall acceptance of non-marital
sex, with the greatest change occurring in the 2010s and thereafter (Twenge, Sherman, &
Wells, 2015). However, this trend was not in the same direction for all questions. Although
attitudes increased in permissiveness toward premarital sex, sex among adolescents, and
same-sex relationships, they decreased—below 1970s levels—in acceptance of extramari-
tal sex. See Table 9.1 for these trends.
How can we explain this increased permissiveness? It could indicate a time period
effect (i.e., all people change), a generational/cohort effect (a new cohort drives change),
Sexuality 139
Table 9.1 Changes in Attitudes Toward Premarital Sex of American Adults From 1972–2012
Sexual Attitudes Sample size 1972–1974 1980–1984 1990–1994 2000–2004 2010–2012 d
Premarital sex 33,267 2.47 2.73 2.79 2.79 3.05 0.47*

Teen sex 21,758 – – 1.48 1.45 1.56 0.08*
Same-sex activity 32,006 1.60 1.60 1.73 2.09 2.49 0.72*
Extramarital sex 33,380 1.47 1.42 1.32 1.30 1.29 −0.24*
Response scale 1–4, where 1 = always wrong, 2 = almost always wrong, 3 = wrong only sometimes, and 4 = not
wrong at all.
Cells with dashes indicate either that the question was not asked or that there were fewer than 100 participants.
d difference in SDs comparing the early 1970s to the 2010s.
p < .05 or less, t-test comparison of early 1970s to 2010s.
Source: Adapted from Twenge et al. (2015).
or a developmental effect (i.e., Americans have aged) (Twenge et al., 2015). A statis-
tical analysis isolated the impact of each factor and revealed that generational effects
were driving changes in sexual attitudes and behaviors. Thus, it appears we are lurching
toward more permissiveness in our sexual attitudes and greater acceptance of a wider
range of non-marital sexual behavior not because of changes in culture or deepening
wisdom of earlier generations, but because of the increased openness and optimism of
today’s young adults.
Sexual Behavior
A Brief History of Research on Sex

Despite its ubiquity in intimate relationships, sex is something Americans have historically
approached with a sense of ambivalence. Many cultures consider sex a fact of life like eat-
ing and drinking (Mead, 1963), but in the American way, it is best done in an environment
marked by darkness, drawn curtains, and hushed silence. Thus, it is not surprising that
academic research on sex was slow in coming.
Collectively, we first learned about human sexual behavior through the work of Alfred
Kinsey. A professor of zoology at Indiana University who specialized in the sexual behav-
ior of the gall wasp, he was asked to deliver a lecture on the biology of sexual behavior
for a colleague who had to leave town that day. Not wanting to deliver a lecture on the
gall wasp to students in a course on human sexuality, and being a conscientious scholar,
he went to the library to prepare for his lecture. Although he came across an abundance
of research on the sexual behavior of all sorts of animals, he found virtually no research
that was specific to the biology of human sexual behavior, and thus he decided to start
his own research. He began by distributing questionnaires about sexual behavior to
students in his classes as well as students in classes taught by supportive and friendly
colleagues. He eventually expanded his efforts to include fraternities, parent-teacher
associations, and just about any group willing to support his efforts. Several years and
roughly 18,000 respondents later, Kinsey published his findings in a book titled Sexual
Behavior in the Human Male (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948). Five years later, he
published a follow-up titled Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (Kinsey, Pomeroy,
140 Sexuality
Martin, & Gebhard, 1953). Together, both volumes have become widely known as the
Kinsey Report.
The twin volumes provided such a provocative look into what goes on in bedrooms
across the United States that they became the major compendium of everything we always
wanted to know about sex. Despite its widespread popularity, however, Kinsey’s work
was not without its detractors. The primary message of the Kinsey Report—that sex was
perfectly natural—was comforting and well received by most. More specific results invited
controversy, though. For example, some took the finding that 50 percent of all men
reported to have had extramarital affairs as a hint that the breakdown of the moral order
was near and the end of the world was just around the corner. And some feared that the
publication of such findings would further contribute to this breakdown. After all, read-
ing about the prevalence of extramarital affairs might give men the idea that it is perfectly
normal and thus drive even the most devoted suburban husband into infidelity.
Whether or not these fears were justified is not clear. What is clear, however, is that
men and women differ markedly in their sexual motivation. Men’s sexual motivation is
stronger than that of women by any measure. Compared to women, men desire more fre-
quent sexual intercourse, think about sex more often, have more intense sexual fantasies,
masturbate more frequently, and are willing to make sacrifices for sex (Baumeister, Cat-
anese, & Vohs, 2001). For women, sexual motivation is marked by a high degree of erotic
plasticity. That is, their sexual response is more affected by cultural, social, and situational
factors. As such, women’s sexual motivation is often tied to a specific partner with whom
they enjoy pleasurable and satisfying sex (Baumeister & Stillman, 2006). Once the partner
is lost, sexual motivation is greatly reduced (Kinsey et al., 1953)
Sexual Behavior in the United States Today

Social scientists like to study attitudes because they help predict behavior. In line with
that, Twenge et al. (2015) reported that the increased permissiveness in attitudes toward
Table 9.2 Changes in Sexual Behavior of American Adults from 1988–2012
Sexual Sample 1988–1989 1990–1994 1995–1999 2005–2009 2010–2012 d

Behaviors size
Total no. 24,247 7.17 8.45 8.89 11.12 11.22 0.11*

sex partners
since 18
With casual 3,795 27.6% 32.2% 30.9% 38.7% 37.9% 0.22*
date/pick-up
With 3,796 32.1% 30.0% 35.3% 30.7% 41.2% 0.21*
acquaintance
With others/ 3,694 1.6% 2.2% 2.5% 7.5% 6.0% 0.20*
not regular
partner
Paid for sex 24,774 – 8.4% 8.1% 8.2% 6.0% −0.09*
Cells with dashes indicate either that the question was not asked or that there were fewer than 100 participants.
d difference in SDs comparing the early 1970s to the 2010s.
p < .05 or less, t-test comparison of early 1970s to 2010s.
Source: Adapted from Twenge et al. (2015).

Sexuality 141
non-marital sex resulted in corresponding changes in sexual behavior, mostly unfolding in
the 2010s. Six percent of the 2012 respondents said they were more likely to have sex with
a person who was not their regular partner compared to only 1.6 percent who endorsed
this item in 1988–1989. Interestingly, though, 2012 respondents were less likely to have
paid for sex than were respondents in 1988.
Attitudes toward sex have loosened (Twenge et al., 2015), and behaviors are slowly
following suit. But that tells us little about the ways in which we experience sex with our
partners. Somewhat surprisingly, it seems that many of the problems couples had in the
1950s and 1960s (Masters & Johnson, 1966) persist to this very day. For example, 40 to
44 percent of men and women reported feelings of extreme physical pleasure and emo-
tional satisfaction (Wylie, 2009), yet only 29 percent of the women reported always expe-
riencing orgasms as a result of intercourse, compared to 75 percent of the men (Michael
et al., 1994). Moreover, the most frequently cited “sexual problem” is still premature
ejaculation and erectile dysfunction for men and lack of interest and relationship prob-
lems for women (Wylie, 2009). One possibility for this discrepancy may be a continued
insistence on vaginal intercourse, at 85 percent for heterosexual males and 84 percent for
heterosexual females (Wylie, 2009), as the preferred sex act.
Sexual Satisfaction
Sex Around the World

Much of what is true about sex in America also holds for sex around the world, as evi-
denced by a comprehensive study—the Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and Behav-
iors (GSSAB) in which 27,500 adult men and women from 29 countries reported on
their sexual behaviors and attitudes via survey and face-to-face and phone interviews
(Laumann et al., 2006) Respondents revealed their feelings of sexual satisfaction, gen-
eral happiness, physical and psychological health, relationship status, sexual prac-
tices, and sexual attitudes. (See Table 9.3 for a summary of the global variety of sexual
practices.)
Worldwide, women reported a lower degree of sexual satisfaction than men—a pattern
consistent with that found in the United States. Women specifically cited a lack of interest
in sex (31 percent), an inability to achieve orgasm (22 percent), an inability to enjoy sex
Table 9.3 Highest Incidences of Sexual Practices from a Global Survey of Sexual Behaviors
Sexual Practice Country Incidence
Giving/receiving a massage Greece/South Africa 77%

Giving oral sex Austria 80%
Sexual fantasies Switzerland 77%
Wearing sexy underwear Poland 53%
Receiving anal sex Japan 33%
Telephone sex Greece 23%
Bondage/S&M Austria 17%
Source: Adapted from Wylie (2009).

142 Sexuality
(21 percent), difficulties lubricating (20 percent), or painful sexual intercourse (14 per-
cent) as interfering with their sexual satisfaction. However, among all respondents the
degree of sexual satisfaction also depended on specific patterns of sexual interactions that
vary along gender and the cultural dimension of individualism and collectivism.
Common to all patterns, sexual satisfaction was positively correlated with happiness for
both men and women. However, men and women from countries that place a premium
on gender equality (for example, the U.S., Canada, Mexico, Western European countries,
Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa) expressed higher levels of sexual satisfaction
than participants from countries marked by male-centered sexual interaction patterns (for
example, Morocco, Egypt, Israel, Italy, Turkey, Malaysia, and Thailand). One reason for
the lower levels of sexual satisfaction among the latter group may be that it seems to place
a premium on the importance of sex, perhaps raising unrealistic expectations. Respon-
dents from a third group that combined male-centeredness with collectivism (for example,
China, Indonesia, Japan, Taiwan, and Thailand) showed the lowest levels of sexual satis-
faction, this perhaps due to the belief that individual gratification adds little to the values
espoused by collectivistic cultures.
Sexual Satisfaction, Relationship Satisfaction, Intimacy, and Commitment

Gonzaga, Turner, Keltner, Campos, and Altemus (2006) suggest that romantic love and
sex are independent and that love, rather than being a prelude to or basis for sex, enhances
commitment and therefore long-term relationship stability. Sex, they found, was nega-
tively correlated with commitment. That is, while love serves to ensure long-term com-
mitment and stabilize relationships, sex is better viewed as a short-term mating strategy.
Further, in the absence of love, sex actually functions as a deterrent to relationship stabil-
ity. But what if the sex is great?
Many studies confirm that sexual satisfaction and relationship satisfaction are positively
correlated and that this is true for both heterosexual and same-sex partners (Laumann
et al., 2006; Sprecher, 2002; Schwartz & Young, 2009). What contributes to the con-
cordance between sexual satisfaction and relationship satisfaction? In addition to gender
equality, frequency of sex is considered by many to be a predictor of sexual satisfaction
(Laumann et al., 2006). That is, frequency may be correlated with satisfaction perhaps
due to the fact that having more sex also increases receptivity, desire, and ability to achieve
orgasm (Schwartz & Young, 2009). However, frequency of sex is not consistently associ-
ated with relationship satisfaction (Hicks, McNulty, Meltzer, & Olson, 2016), and the
frequency of sex declines over time (e.g., Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Greenblatt, 1983;
James, 1981). It may be tempting to conclude that this decline is perhaps due to decreases
in vitality and virility as a function of age alone. However, increases in other life com-
mitments (Greenblatt, 1983) as well as pregnancy, childrearing, and job demands (Call,
Sprecher, & Schwartz, 1992) may affect sexual frequency even more profoundly. How-
ever, once such stressors are removed, the decline in the frequency of sex levels off and
may even rebound. Perhaps this is one reason for why older adults have sex with about
the same frequency as younger adults. A recent survey (Lindau et al., 2007) indicated that
adults aged 57 to 85 had sex about two to three times a month, and half of them disclosed
they had had oral sex. To the extent that sexual activity declined, it was linked to deterio-
rating health and, more importantly, to the lack of a partner. Yet even older adults with
diminished sexual function continue to consider sex to be an important part of their lives
and their relationship (Hinchliff & Gott, 2004).
Sexuality 143
In addition to sexual frequency, other determinants of sexual satisfaction include what
might be referred to as “cherishing” one another. These include communication intimacy,
affection, cohesion, respect, and mutual goals (Schwartz & Young, 2009). In fact, one
study found that the strongest predictor of sexual satisfaction was what they termed
“emotional investment” (Waite & Joyner, 2001). For women, the link between relation-
ship variables and sexual satisfaction is even more pronounced (Basson et al., 2003). That
is, a woman’s sexual desire is less likely to be triggered by physiological drives for sexual
fulfillment and much more likely to be triggered by relationship qualities such as partner
tenderness and the lack of male anger. Numerous studies support this notion, highlight-
ing the powerful impact of respect, fair treatment, and egalitarianism on women’s sexual
satisfaction (Bridges, Lease, & Ellison, 2004; Schwartz & Young, 2009). Interestingly,
egalitarianism benefits the sexual satisfaction of both men and women (Laumann et al.,
2006; Schwartz & Young, 2009). Finally, the positive association among sexual satisfac-
tion, relationship satisfaction, love, and commitment also has been found to be true for
premarital couples (Sprecher, 2002).

• One of the findings of the Kinsey Report was that 10 percent of all males were
exclusively gay. How would you explain why this estimate is viewed as too
high by some and too low by others? Can this matter be settled objectively,
scientifically?
• The insistence on vaginal intercourse as the preferred sex act is thought to create
problems in the way we experience sex. At the same time, we as a species are
supposed to be adaptable, yet we persist in less than optimal approaches. What
do you think is responsible for this situation?
• It seems that both the over-valuation and the under-valuation of sex result in lower
sexual satisfaction. What might be the mechanism behind this phenomenon?
• Some research suggests that sex and commitment are negatively correlated
(Gonzaga et al., 2006). Other research links the first sexual encounter between
two partners with an increase in commitment (Baxter & Bullis, 1986). How
could these seemingly contradictory findings be reconciled with each other?
Sexual Communication
The research on sex discussed thus far is largely descriptive in nature. Although it is informa-
tive with respect to many factual aspects of sex (frequency, satisfaction, etc.), it tells us little
about why we have sex in the first place. Nor does it tell us how we go about having sex.
Flirtation
Sex can be initiated by something as direct as a request to “watch Netflix and chill” or
perhaps more subtly via flirtation. The point of flirtation is to stimulate sexual interest, but
its purpose is not necessarily to have sex.
144 Sexuality
Assume for the moment that two people flirt with the explicit purpose of communicat-
ing and stimulating sexual interest. How do they go about doing it? It is generally consid-
ered uncool to blurt out, “I find you very attractive and want to have sex with you right
here and now!” If anything, such a blunt communication is likely to put the other person
off and thus might well produce counterintentional results. As it turns out, people fre-
quently employ more subtle, nonverbal cues when flirting with another. Among these non-
verbal involvement cues are gaze, body posture, facial expressions, touch, and grooming
gestures (Patterson, 1987). Some have argued that what sets these behaviors apart from
other nonverbal behaviors, such as scratching and self-touching, are their propensity to
signal submissiveness and affiliation (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1974; Givens, 1978). For example,
an unsolicited and unexpected compliment in a bar is likely to be interpreted as flirtation,
especially when the delivery of the compliment involves a level of effort, such as crossing
the room (Downy & Damhave, 1991).
People flirt for all kinds of reasons. Sometimes they do it to communicate or stimulate
sexual interest; on other occasions, they do it to pass the time or to find out if they are still
able to stir sexual interest in another. Consequently, the pleasures derived from flirting can
be manifold and may be somewhat independent of whether or not sex is the ultimate out-
come. In fact, researchers (Hall, Carter, Cody, & Albright, 2010; Hall & Xing, 2015) have
identified five distinct flirting styles. Those who believe men should make the first move
while women passively await their advances tend to embrace the traditional style. Flirting
in this style follows traditional gender roles. Similarly, the polite style focuses on propriety
and generally follows a rule-governed approach to flirtation. It emphasizes proper man-
ners and polite, nonsexual talk. Those who embrace the physical style of flirtation are
comfortable with their sexuality and with using nonverbal, physical cues to express their
desire. Further, they excel at both conveying their intent to others as well as at detecting
flirtations from others. Similar to this group, people who use playful flirtation styles lack
concern for tradition or politeness. Their instrumental approach highlights the fun of the
behavior itself, and flirtation is used as a means of self-enhancement rather than for attain-
ing a partner. Finally, sincere flirts seek to establish an emotional connection and to convey
their genuine attraction to a potential partner. This is probably one of the most effective
flirtation styles, and research on opening lines confirms that most people prefer innocuous
or direct remarks to cute and flippant ones (Kleinke et al., 1986).
Initiating Sex
Flirting aside, a more realistic way to think about sexual communication might be in terms
of interactions between two people that take place in a social context. From this perspec-
tive, we can look at sex as something that two people negotiate with the help of their
sexual communication system. A sizeable part of this system is verbal in nature (Victor,
1980). Talking about past sexual experiences and simply voicing sexual interest can often
suffice to initiate a sexual encounter. Expressing sexual preferences and fantasies as well as
voicing sexual pleasure can shape the experience in important ways. However, such verbal
expressions are often preceded or accompanied by a number of nonverbal signals, such as
reducing interpersonal distance and increasing eye contact and touch (McCormick, 1979;
Perper & Weis, 1987). During the early part of a relationship, men and women alike tend
to rely heavily on nonverbal signals, ostensibly to fend off the possibility of rejection or its
potential impact (Perper & Weis, 1987). At the same time, men and women often interpret
the meaning of such symbols in vastly different ways. Men tend to think of women who
Sexuality 145
reduce interpersonal distance, maintain eye contact, and touch them as sexy, seductive,
and promiscuous, and men thus experience a heightened level of sexual attraction. The
same is not true for how women perceive the corresponding behaviors in males (Abbey &
Melby, 1986; Perilloux, Easton, & Buss, 2012).
In light of the observation that men tend to over-perceive sexual intent on the part of
women, it is perhaps not surprising that men are also more likely to initiate sex. This
appears to be true for marital and cohabiting relationships (Brown & Auerback, 1981;
Byers & Heinlein, 1989) as well as dating relationships (DeLamater & MacCorquodale,
1979), although there is evidence that women become more comfortable about initiating
sex as a relationship matures (Brown & Auerback, 1981). Of course, the existence of sex
differences in the likelihood to initiate sex raises an interesting question in terms of how
the initiation of sex proceeds among gay and lesbian couples. Although it appears that the
partner who is more emotionally expressive is the one who usually initiates sex in both
gay and lesbian couples (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983), a recent study of sexual commu-
nication and repertoires suggests that that there are in fact more similarities and very few
differences between heterosexual and nonheterosexual couples (Holmberg & Blair, 2009).
How do we go about initiating sex? In dating couples, the initiation of sex is often more
than just a matter of negotiation via the sexual communication system. The first time
a couple has sex often has special meaning and significance. For one thing, it is usually
accompanied by strong emotions and thus remembered in vivid detail for a long time.
For another, the first time marks a significant turning point, as it generally results in an
increase in commitment (Baxter & Bullis, 1986). Consequently, couples tend to give con-
sideration to multiple factors before deciding to have sex.
Why do we have sex? The short answer to this question is that there are many rea-
sons. One study (Meston & Buss, 2007) uncovered 237 different reasons for having sex,
including love, lust, money, and pragmatic considerations. Further, these reasons were
statistically clustered into four global categories that, together, include 13 sub-categories
of reasons for having sex. The four global categories are (1) physical reasons (with the fol-
lowing four sub-factors: pleasure, stress reduction, desirability, and experience seeking),
(2) goal attainment (with four sub-factors: resources, revenge, social status, and utilitar-
ian), (3) insecurity (with the following three sub-factors: duty/pressure, self-esteem boost,
mate guarding), and (4) emotional reasons (with two sub-factors: love/commitment and
expression). Notice that sex stemming from love is only one of the 13 sub-factors in this
taxonomy, suggesting that love and sex are relatively independent experiences. There are
some marked differences in the kinds of reasons, depending on gender and relationship
duration. For example, women, more than men, tend to cite affection for their partner
as an important reason for having sex—a finding that was also reported by Michael and
colleagues (1994). The same is true for sexually inexperienced couples, whereas arousal-
related factors are more important for sexually experienced couples.
Whereas men are, by and large, more likely to initiate sex, women often find themselves
in a position to have to resist sexual advances. Although this may sound like a stereotype,
there are sound evolutionary reasons for women’s reluctance to engage in sex. It may
represent a form of error management by which women try to reduce the likelihood that
they may produce offspring with a partner who does not improve their inclusive fitness
(Haselton & Buss, 2000). Perhaps this is why, compared to men, women are both more
comfortable saying no (Grauerholz & Serpe, 1985) and more likely to say no to a partner
who wants sex (Clark, 1990; Clark & Hatfield, 1989). How do people go about telling
their partners they don’t want to have sex? One study (Perper & Weis, 1987) found two
146 Sexuality
general categories of rejection strategies. A strategy aimed at avoiding proceptivity entails
avoiding or ignoring an unwelcome sexual advance. By using a strategy aimed at incom-
plete rejection, a woman may indicate that she is not ready to reciprocate at this time
because it is too early in the day or the relationship, for example.
The preponderance of these two strategies illustrates that rejecting another’s sexual
advances is not an easy thing to do. People who find themselves in such a position are
often motivated to avoid hurting another’s feelings by directly rejecting attempts at ini-
tiating sex, although it appears that direct rejection is both more common and more
acceptable in long-term relationships (Byers & Heinlein, 1989; Cupach & Metts, 1991).
In married or cohabiting relationships, there is always tomorrow, and thus rejection,
even when it is direct, is less threatening to both partners than it might be in more casual
dating relationships. Of course, the use of an indirect rejection strategy is not without
its downside. Because of their indirectness, such strategies can often be misinterpreted
by the recipient as something other than rejection and thereby result in conflicted sexual
interactions.
Sexual Pathways
Regardless of how one looks at the relationship between dating and sex, it is clear that
being sexually active is a common reality in dating. On the other hand, it appears that
there is no set way by which couples decide when the time has come. Instead, the decision
to have sex depends in large part on whether a couple feels that the time is right, which
itself is likely based on one’s perception of “couplehood.”
Extradyadic Sex
Although being part of a couple helps, there are many alternative pathways to sex. Some
do not even include “couplehood,” at least in the traditional sense. Although most couples
consider sexual exclusivity part and parcel of a successful relationship, others do not.
This is evidenced by the prevalence of extradyadic relationships. Some studies estimate
the rate as high as 25 to 50 percent for married men and 15 to 26 percent for married
women (Kinsey et al., 1948; Kinsey et al., 1953; Laumann et al., 1994). And when asked
about having engaged in extramarital sex in the previous year, 6 percent responded in
the affirmative (Twenge et al., 2015). Further, Schmitt and Buss (2001) estimate mate
poaching—attempting to steal a person away from his or her partner—occurrences as
high as 60 percent for American men and 53 percent for American women. Given the high
proportion of individuals admitting to poaching, it should not be surprising that extrady-
adic relationships are prevalent and common.
Extradyadic sex is widespread and common not only in humans, but also in animal spe-
cies that practice monogamy (Fisher, 2011). The prevalence of infidelity among humans
has led researchers to modify their views on monogamy, referring to it instead as “social
monogamy,” in which couples practice all features of monogamy, such as childrearing and
social behaviors, save for sexual fidelity (Fisher, 2011). This conceptualization of monog-
amy is more consistent with actual sex practices and behaviors observed by researchers.
The pervasiveness of infidelity has stimulated research on the evolutionary underpin-
nings of extradyadic sex (Haselton & Gangestad, 2006, Pillsworth & Haselton, 2006;
Pillsworth, Haselton, & Buss, 2004; Fisher, 2011). According to this perspective, women
pursue a dual mating strategy aimed at finding a male who will be a good provider for
Sexuality 147
their offspring and provide the best genetic material available. As a result, women in
committed relationships are particularly likely to seek extradyadic sex with a man who
has masculine features around the time of ovulation. In other words, women’s and men’s
desire for sex outside of their relationship may be equally motivated by concerns with
their inclusive fitness. Men benefit in this regard from having sex with many different
women. Women benefit from having sex with men who are good providers and men who
have good genes.
Evolutionary perspectives also suggest biological universals to explain infidelity. For
example, as discussed in Chapter 3, women whose immune system genes (major histo-
compatibility complex) are similar to their partners are more likely to engage in infidel-
ity (Garver-Apgar, Gangestad, Thornhill, Miller, & Olp, 2006). Walum and colleagues
(2008) identified a biological predictor of “partner bonding.” Men with one 334 allele
scored lower on the bonding scale. Men with two 334 alleles scored even lower. Men
carrying this allele were more likely to experience relationship disruptions and mari-
tal crises, and these outcomes were even greater in men with two 334 alleles. Thus,
this genetic factor may mediate infidelity via the disruption of bonding and relation-
ship maintenance. Discovering the possible evolutionary and biological mechanisms of
extradyadic sex clearly responds to the universality of these behaviors but also intro-
duces the question of how temperamentally fit we as a species are for exclusive and
long-term monogamy.
Serial Monogamy
As popular sex-advice columnist Dan Savage has advocated, humans are not built to be
exclusively monogamous (Oppenheimer, 2011). Perhaps he is not so far from a behavioral
truth. Together with the prevalence of infidelity, divorce patterns worldwide suggest a pat-
tern of serial monogamy, or moving from one monogamous relationship to the next. In
fact, divorce, as tracked across 53 cultures from 1947 to 1989, falls into three patterns.
Incidence of divorce is highest among (1) couples with only one child, (2) couples aged
25–29 who are at the peak of their reproductive capacity, and (3) couples who have been
married for roughly 4 years (Fisher, 2011). It appears that for individuals who are of
maximum reproductive capacity, relationships last just long enough to raise children past
weaning (i.e., the worldwide average age of weaning is 4.2 years) before moving on to a
new childbearing relationship. The impetus, whether conscious or not, is that individuals
can improve their reproductive success (and with it their inclusive fitness) by increasing the
genetic variability of their offspring.
Consensual Non-Monogamy (CNM)

In consensual non-monogamy, partners agree to extradyadic romantic and sexual relation-
ships. That is, partners have explicit non-monogamy agreements. There are several differ-
ent relational structures of CNM relationships, among them the primary/secondary model
in which there is a main relationship—the primary partnership—with other relationships
secondary to it. In triads and quads, three or four individuals comprise the primary part-
nership, while one individual who is equally involved with two partners comprises the
V-Structure model (Mogilski, Memering, Welling, & Shackelford, 2017). Some common
forms of CNM practices are open relationships, polyamory, and swinging. In polyamory,
a couple agrees to participate in extradyadic romantic and sexual relationships, whereas in
148 Sexuality
swinging, couples agree to have sex with others (e.g., partner swapping, sex with multiple
partners, etc.). This usually occurs in the context of parties and gatherings set up for this
express purpose. And although swinging may conjure up images of raucous and hedo-
nistic revelries, in reality swingers negotiate rules of engagement in which activities and
expectations are mutually agreed upon, perhaps even via a written contract.
By some estimates, 4 to 5 percent of Americans identify themselves as practicing con-
sensual non-monogamy (Moors, Conley, Edelstein, & Chopik, 2014). From a sociologi-
cal perspective, polyamorous relationships are more prevalent in cultures with greater
wealth and lower mortality rates (Schmitt, 2005) or contexts that favor short-term mat-
ing strategies. And to the degree that men are more likely than women to have an unre-
stricted sociosexual orientation (i.e., ability to have sex without commitment or intimacy,
Baumeister et al., 2001), it should not be surprising that gay men are most likely to
have CNM relationships that work to the primary partnership’s satisfaction (Schwartz &
Young, 2009).
Relative to individuals in exclusively monogamous relationships, those in polyamorous
relationships experience greater openness in communication and higher levels of trust,
intimacy, and relationship satisfaction (Mogilski et al., 2017; Moors et al., 2014). Those
practicing CNM also report lower levels of jealousy and mate retention behaviors as well
as positive feelings toward secondary partners (Moors et al., 2014). In fact, polyamory
involves high levels of closeness and self-disclosure regarding extradyadic sexual desires
and behaviors, with some characterizing it as an ethical and responsible non-monogamy
(Anapol, 1997). Although these research results paint a glowing picture of polyamorous
relationships, they are not without problems. For example, many of the benefits of CNM
accrue asymmetrically to the primary partner, who is likely to be viewed as more sup-
portive and desirable. Although secondary partners are considered more adventurous,
they are also more likely to be considered a short-term partner (Mogilski et al., 2017)
to whom fewer resources and mate retention strategies are given. Thus, positive gains
in primary relationship satisfaction are frequently associated with satisfaction loss to
secondary ones.
Why consensual non-monogamy? According to clinical psychologist Elizabeth Sheff
(2016), CNM provides relief for “failed monogamists” who struggle mightily with
faithfulness and fidelity—even with a partner whom they love. CNM offers these indi-
viduals a way to escape the guilt and shame associated with the betrayal and hurt
caused by infidelity and subsequent failed relationships. Thus, instead of changing their
stripes, some individuals may satisfy their social and sexual needs in an open and hon-
est relationship format. Clearly, CNM relationships help individuals satisfy sexual or
interpersonal needs not met by the primary relationship. Evidence in support of this
is that secondary partnerships are frequently same-sex relationships. In a roundabout
way, both exclusive monogamists and consensual non-monogamists are doing the same
thing. Both are practicing pluralistic mating strategies that include both long-term and
short-term strategies. For monogamists, short-term strategies may include infidelity or
serial monogamy. In CNM, both long-term (primary relationship) and short-term (sec-
ondary relationship) strategies co-occur and are done so with transparency (Mogilski
et al., 2017).
Before you decide to try out CNM based on these findings, you may want to consider
research that suggests it is neither equally appealing to all, nor plausible for many. To
the point, survey respondents who had never engaged in CNM relationships and who
were high in avoidance were more likely to have positive attitudes toward CNM, while
Sexuality 149
those high in anxiety were more likely to have a negative view of it. Men also had more
positive attitudes toward CNM (Moors et al., 2014). This pattern suggests that the
perceived flexibility of open relationships appeals primarily to those who like to avoid
commitment and who have an unrestricted sociosexual orientation. Likewise, survey
respondents who were in CNM relationships were also more likely to be male. However,
unlike those who had never engaged in CNM, consensual non-monogamists were lower
in avoidance and were also likely to demonstrate secure attachment styles (Moors et al.,
2014). Finally, research suggests that there is continuing social stigma attached to the
practice of polyamory (Conley, Moors, Matsick, & Ziegler, 2013), as the majority of
Americans continue to value, prefer, and promote monogamy as the gold standard for
intimate relationships.
Asexuality
According to the Asexual Visibility and Education Network “an asexual person is a
person who does not experience sexual attraction.” Although there is no doubt they
exist, it is less clear whether asexuality should be considered a sexual orientation. This
is not an entirely academic issue because what constitutes the basis for asexuality mat-
ters when we try to estimate the number and proportion of asexuals. For example,
when the National Survey of Family Growth poll defined asexuality as “never having
had sex in one’s lifetime,” 5 percent of females and 6 percent of males endorsed this
item (Poston & Baumle, 2010). However, when Bogaert (2006b) made a person’s sub-
jective notion of their sexual attraction the basis of sexual orientation, the percentage
of respondents who identified as lacking sexual attraction to any gender in a British
sample dropped to just 1 percent.
It should be noted that asexual individuals do not perceive the absence of person-oriented
sexual attraction as distressing. Nor does its absence preclude participation in romantic or
affectional relationships with others. That is, asexual individuals may engage in romantic
relationships, but generally have lower levels of sexual activity (0.2 per week versus 1.2
week) and participate in sexual activities in order to satisfy their partners (Bogaert, 2006b;
Brotto, Knudson, Inskip, Rhodes, & Erskine, 2010). Understanding asexuality as a sexual
orientation is a new and growing area of research exploration.
Other Pathways to Sex: Hookups and Friends With Benefits

Sexual pathways continue to evolve. Casual sexual relationships and experiences are by
now widespread at least among college students (Rodrigue et al., 2015). Including hook-
ups, there are five pathways that define casual sexual encounters: (1) one-time sexual
encounters, (2) sex with a former romantic partner, (3) relationships based primarily on
sex, (4) relationships based on intimate and sexual partnerships in which there is no intent
to become a couple, and (5) sex with friends with the intent of maintaining friendship
status (i.e., friends with benefits) (Rodrigue et al., 2015).
Hookups are, by now, quite common on college campuses. A term that once meant a
“spontaneous get-together/getting together on the fly” now refers to a casual, usually one-
time-only sexual encounter between acquaintances or even strangers (Paul, McManus,
& Hayes, 2000). Hookups can but need not include sexual intercourse, and prevalence
rates among young adults are between 50 to 80 percent (Lambert, Kahn, & Apple, 2003;
Owen, Fincham, & Moore, 2010). An examination of college students’ accounts of what
150 Sexuality
compelled them to hook up reveals that one underlying factor may be social. Pluralistic
ignorance fueled by campus sexual norms suggesting there is nothing wrong with it con-
tributes in large part to participation in hookups (Paul & Hayes, 2002; Lambert et al.,
2003). Generally, both men and women who had “hooked up” thought others were more
comfortable with hookups than they were themselves (Lambert et al., 2003). However,
this false consensus may also explain why some men and women felt that hooking up
made them feel a part of the in-group and in synchrony with mainstream campus life
(Lambert et al., 2003).
Consistent with this view, college students who felt lonely and had symptoms of depres-
sion at the start of the semester experienced positive gains in well-being after having
engaged in penetrative hookups (Owen, Fincham, & Moore, 2011). Students who felt
less lonely and less depressed at the start of the semester and who engaged in penetrative
hookups felt worse than their classmates who did not hook up. Perhaps lonely students
use hookups to feel a part of the in-group, while students who are already connected to
friendship groups experienced dissonance.
Given the typical college campus’ social atmosphere, it is not surprising that alcohol
plays a large role in hookups. And for women, its role is even greater. Perhaps women
need the facilitative and disinhibiting assistance of alcohol because they are not com-
pletely convinced of the merits of hooking up. In fact, women generally enjoy hookups
less than men, desiring instead more intimacy or long-term relationships (Paul & Hayes,
2002; Lambert et al., 2003; Owen et al., 2010; Allison & Risman, 2013). In one study
(Owen et al., 2011), heavy alcohol consumption was associated with hookups involv-
ing penetration whereas moderate alcohol consumption was associated with hookups
not involving penetration, Interestingly, those who did not use alcohol did not hook
up. However, in spite of findings that alcohol frequently fuels casual sexual encounters,
the strongest predictor of hooking up was whether or not an individual had hooked up
before (Owen et al., 2011).
It is estimated that roughly 60 percent of college students have had sex with a friend,
known as “friends with benefits” (Bisson & Levine, 2009). Research suggests that one
of the primary attractions of this type of relationship is the ability to have commitment-
free sex with a trusted and well-liked partner. Given that some key parameters of friend-
ship are different from those of romantic relationships (e.g., friendships do not include
exclusiveness, absorption, and passion), is it possible to navigate the blending of the two?
Can individuals avoid the complications that sex might introduce into a platonic friend-
ship? Communication would seem to be key to making this relationship work. However,
although those who have sex with friends are concerned with the sexualization of their
friendship, very few share their trepidations with each other or bother to negotiate the
terms of their evolved relationship (Bisson & Levine, 2009).
Just as in hookups, having friends with benefits results in a similar pattern of gendered
experiences and attitudes. Whereas both men and women seem equally committed to their
friend relationship, motives for entering a sexual relationship differ. Women are more
motivated to have sex with a friend out of a desire for a stronger emotional connection.
Men are more likely to be motivated by sex itself. Further, while men are generally happy
to see the sexual friendship continue, women are more likely to hope the relationship
might either revert to a platonic friendship or evolve into a bona fide romantic relationship
(Lehmiller, VanderDrift, & Kelly, 2011). It seems that the benefits of commitment-free sex
are too often accompanied by complications and baggage that may challenge the core of
the friendship.
Sexuality 151

• Both women and men use nonverbal signs in the early stages of negotiating a
sexual encounter, but it seems they perceive these signals differently. Where do
you think this discrepancy is coming from?
• How does men’s tendency to over-perceive sexual interest fit with researchers’
depiction of men having an unrestricted sociosexual orientation and women
having a restricted sociosexual orientation?
• Given the variety of sexual relationships and what we know about success rates
of long-term monogamous relationships, why are we culturally bound to the
idea of lifetime monogamous commitments? Why is relationship success still
measured against the standard of long-term monogamy?
Same-Sex Attraction
Scientific understanding of sexual orientation and same-sex attraction progresses in spite
of a political and moral climate often opposed to it. Although marriage equality is now
the law of the land, bias still exists, with many countries holding even more extreme and
intolerant attitudes toward non-heterosexuality. What does science tell us?
Sexual orientation emerges early. One of the most reliable correlates of adult homo-
sexual behaviors is childhood gender role nonconformity (Bailey & Zucker, 1995; Bailey
et al., 2016). Little boys who engage in gender nonconformity do things such as play with
dolls, have long hair, and avoid rough and tumble play. Conversely, gender nonconform-
ing girls may be found playing sports, dressing like boys, and avoiding girlish pursuits
such as playing with dolls and wearing makeup. Gender nonconformity emerges as early
as preschool, with most retrospective accounts of the awakening of same-sex interest as
early as age 10 (Bailey et al., 2016). These findings and others like them suggest that expla-
nations of non-heterosexuality cannot rest solely on social causes but rather must include
biological factors and other epigenetic and developmental variables.
Biological Essentialism
Some who feel that sexual orientation is more than an arbitrary, culture-bound notion
to distinguish among types of people have looked for biological mechanisms that might
bring about heterosexual and same-sex preferences. To date, they have provided evidence
that sexual orientation may be coded genetically, or determined by prenatal hormones
and brain neuroanatomy. Evidence in support of biological essentialism, that is, the idea
that same-sex preferences are inherited comes from studies that compared the incidence
of homosexuality among monozygotic and dizygotic twins. One study of gay men (Bai-
ley & Pillard, 1991) found that 52 percent of monozygotic (MZ) twin brothers were
gay, compared to only 22 percent of dizygotic twin brothers. In a comparable study of
lesbian women (Bailey, Pillard, Neale, & Ageyi, 1993), 48 percent of monozygotic twin
sisters were gay, compared to only 16 percent of dizygotic twin sisters. These studies
fall short of pointing to a genetic marker for homosexuality as MZ twins should have a
much higher rate of concordance (Bailey et al., 2016). Further, although this and studies
152 Sexuality
like these confirm the impact of non-genetic factors in determining homosexuality, they
nonetheless point to a genetic influence. After all, monozygotic and dizygotic twins share
the same environment and learning experiences, but monozygotic twins also share the
same genetic makeup.
Hormonal influences were among the earliest biological variables implicated in the
development of sexual orientation. One of the oldest hypotheses held that gay men had
too little and lesbian women had too much testosterone. However, this does not appear
to be true for adult men and women (Gartrell, 1982). Instead, it appears that prenatal
exposure to unusually high or low levels of androgens can masculinize or feminize the
brain, which may then lead to same-sex preferences. However, this conclusion has been
demonstrated only with rats and only with regard to their mating postures. Thus, the idea
that human males prenatally exposed to unusually low levels of testosterone and human
females prenatally exposed to unusually high levels of testosterone will develop homo-
sexual preferences is somewhat speculative (Ellis & Ames, 1987; Bailey et al., 2016). In
general, although support for the role of hormones is not strong, it is too soon to reject it
as a potential explanation. These hypotheses await better techniques and methodologies
to test them (Bailey et al., 2016).
Neuroanatomical differences in the brains of gay and heterosexual men constitute a
third set of biological variables that have been implicated in the development of same-sex
preferences. For example, some have pointed to differences in the hypothalamic struc-
tures of gay and heterosexual men (LeVay, 1991), whereas others have found differences
in the anterior commissure (Allen & Gorski, 1992) and in the size of the suprachiasmatic
nucleus (Swaab & Hoffman, 1990). However, before we start looking in our biology
books for maps to locate these particular brain structures, we have to keep in mind the
correlational nature of this evidence. It may be possible that these differences developed
prenatally or during the early years of life and subsequently led to same-sex preferences.
However, it is equally possible that these differences came about as a result of being gay
to begin with.
Gay Brothers, but Not Lesbian Sisters:

Impact of Environment on Development
If Anthony Bogaert could rewrite the script of the classic western Seven Brides for Seven
Brothers (or at least its title), it would have to be called Five or Six Brides for Seven
Brothers. According to his research on the “fraternal birth-order effect,” the greater the
number of older biological brothers, the higher the probability that younger brothers will
be sexually attracted to other men (Bogaert, 2006a). Each older brother, according to his
research, increases the chances of same-sex attraction by 33 percent. By these calculations,
the seventh brother would have a roughly 8 percent chance of same-sex attraction—a
much greater probability than the 2 percent base rate for a first-born son and the general
population. This has been one of the most consistent findings on male homosexuality
(Bailey et al., 2016).
What contributes to this pattern? Blanchard and colleagues (Blanchard & Sheridan,
1992; Blanchard & Bogaert, 1996; Bogaert, 2003; Bogaert, 2006a) hypothesize that
a maternal immune response to male fetuses may be at the root of this effect. For
example, he found that older adopted brothers do not exert a birth-order influence on
younger brothers, suggesting that this effect is driven by physiology and not context or
environment. That is, an interaction of male-specific proteins secreted by male fetuses
Sexuality 153
in utero may change the maternal uterine environment for subsequent male fetuses.
This explanation suggests that male fetal proteins trigger the release of maternal
antibodies in response. The fact that no birth-order effect was found for girls and
sisters—because female fetuses do not trigger the maternal immune response—also
bolsters support for a physiological link. That is, the lack of a birth-order effect for
sisters is consistent with research findings that mothers’ wombs do not “remember”
female fetuses in the same way that they “remember” male fetuses (Gualtieri & Hicks,
1985). While the 33 percent per brother increase in probability is dramatic, research-
ers hasten to point out that the fraternal birth order accounts for just one in seven cases
of homosexuality (other estimates are as high as 28.6 percent, Blanchard & Bogaert,
2004). Finally, the fraternal birth-order effect does not account for cases in which
first-born sons are gay and cases in which monozygotic twins’ sexual orientation are
discordant (Bailey et al., 2016).
Female Sexuality and Sexual Fluidity

A genetic study conducted on 5,799 3- and 4-year-old twin pairs found slightly differ-
ent results. Knafo, Iervolino, and Plomin (2005) tested fully gender-atypical boys and
girls (i.e., feminine boys and masculine girls) as well as partially gender-atypical boys
and girls (high or moderately high in both masculinity and femininity). The results of
their investigation revealed larger effects for shared environmental than for genetic
influences for all groups except for the fully gender-atypical girls. That is, for mascu-
line girls who were also low in femininity, genetics accounted for most of the variance.
Thus, while female homosexuality may not be explained by the aforementioned brain
and hormone explanations nor by the birth-order mechanism, it does not mean there
are no heritable components to same-sex preferences in females. What is clear, how-
ever, is that there are multiple causal pathways to explain same-sex preferences and
that explanations that consider both heritability and environment as well as the inter-
action of the two will most likely be fruitful in leading to a more accurate understand-
ing of the etiology of same-sex preferences.
A further consideration is women’s erotic plasticity and the possible fluidity of sexual
orientation. Savin-Williams (2016) contends that sexual orientation might be viewed
as differences along a continuum rather than as discrete categories (e.g., heterosexual,
lesbian, gay). In support of his position, Savin-Williams identifies “in-between” sexuali-
ties that run along a continuum from primarily straight to primarily gay/lesbian with
in-between orientations such as “mostly straight,” bisexual, and “mostly gay/lesbian.”
Knafo and colleague’s (2005) research presented prior is consistent with this conceptu-
alization. Their identification of “partially gender atypical” children corresponds with
this view.
Finally, Diamond’s (2003) biobehavioral model of sex and love provides a biologically
based interpretation of the broad variety of affectional bonds observed in real-world rela-
tionships. The model builds on neuroscience breakthroughs identifying separate pathways
and unique neural systems for the testosterone-based lust system and vasopressin- and
oxytocin-driven attachment (e.g., Marazziti, Akiskal, Rossi, & Cassano, 1999; Fisher,
1989). The independence of these systems accounts for instances such as those in which
children develop intense romantic infatuations (attachment system) with others in the
absence of sexual desire (lust system). However, in addition to the independence of attach-
ment from lust, both have also evolved in distinct ways.
154 Sexuality
Sexual desire is a “targeted” system in which desire or sexual orientation is specific and
stems from both heritable and environmental determinants. The result is that individuals
develop specific preferences for same- or opposite-sex partners. On the other hand, the
attachment system is presumed to operate on a different genetic platform, one that is not
targeted. That is, the adult attachment system is considered an outgrowth of the infant-
parent attachment model that is not geared toward a specific gender/target and lacks
an affectional orientation (Diamond, 2003). Insofar as attachment is linked to romantic
attraction, we can experience romantic feelings toward either same-sex or opposite-sex
individuals.
A final premise of the biobehavioral model is that the causal paths of love and desire
are bidirectional: Love can lead to sex, but sex can also lead to love (Diamond, 2003).
The reciprocal effect of love and sex is possible because oxytocin mediates attachment/
pair bonding as well as sexual responsiveness. Thus, even commitment-free sex—such as
occurs with friends with benefits—may trigger romantic feelings, and even love, via the
repeated release of oxytocin. Although many of the premises of this model await empiri-
cal support, it comes much closer to describing the subtleties and nuances of sexual rela-
tionships, identities, and behaviors, and recognizing the causal pathways of the myriad
biological and contextual factors and their interactions.
Research presented in this text provides a deeper understanding of human sexuality.
Unfortunately, these new insights do not seem to be reflected in many U.S. sex education
curricula. For example, according to the Guttmacher Institute’s (2016) Fact Sheet, only 22
states presently require sex and HIV education. Compared to 2006–2010, fewer teens in
2011–2013 received birth control instruction while more were taught abstinence only. See
Table 9.4 for the outcomes of abstinence-only sex education compared to sex education
that includes instruction on birth control.

• There are two social constructionist models of sexuality: one that places
sexual orientation on a continuum anchored on each side by exclusive homo-
sexuality and exclusive heterosexuality, respectively, and another one accord-
ing to which homoeroticism and heteroeroticism are distinct and should not
be merged into a bipolar continuum. Which model makes more sense to you,
and why?
• Our neural systems for sexual desire and attachment have evolved to operate
relatively independently of each other, yet to influence each other. What are the
evolutionary advantages afforded by this development?
• Virtually all minority groups face prejudice, but homosexuality seems to elicit
the most virulent response. What do you think is causing this situation?
• Table 9.4 contains some facts about sex education in the United States. Based on
these facts, how successful would you say sex education is? Is there any reason
to believe that sex education in its current form might reduce prejudice against
gays and lesbians?
Sexuality 155
Table 9.4 Facts and Stats About Sex Education in the United States
Sex • Incidence of sexual intercourse by age 18

• 6 in 10 teenaged women
• 5 in 10 teenaged men
• 1995–2002: 10% decline in incidence of sexual intercourse in teens
aged 15–17
• U.S. teens’ levels of sexual activity comparable to Canadian,
English, French, and Swiss teens; however, U.S. teens more likely
to have shorter, more sporadic relationships and less likely to use
contraceptives.
Pregnancy • 1990–2002: Overall decline in pregnancy rate in women aged 15–19
• 1990: 117 pregnancies per 1,000 teen women
• 2002: 75 pregnancies per 1,000 teen women
• U.S. still among highest in teen pregnancies in the developed world—
twice as high as England, Wales, Canada; eight times higher than
Netherlands and Japan
Sexually Transmitted • Annually, about 9 million new STIs occur in U.S. teens and young
Infections (STIs) adults; rates in Canada and Western Europe much lower
Abstinence Only • 2002: 1/3 of teens received no instruction on contraception
• 2002: 21% of females and 24% of males received only abstinence only
messages and no formal instruction on contraception; in 1995 only
8%–9% of teens received only abstinence instruction
• No evidence that abstinence only programs delay teen sex; evidence
suggests they may deter contraceptive use and increase unintended teen
pregnancies and STIs
Sex Education • Between 1995 and 2002, 14% of decline in teen pregnancies was due
to teen abstinence or reduction in frequency of intercourse; 86% of the
decline was due to an increase in contraceptive use
• Evidence shows that comprehensive sex education programs that
include both abstinence message and contraception instruction can
delay onset of sexual activity, reduce number of partners, and increase
contraceptive use
• 2006: Not a single federally funded program that supports both
abstinence and contraceptive education
Source: Guttmacher Institute (2006).
Summary
Issues • Early work focused on patterns of sexual behavior and functioning

• Review of sexual practices around the world
• Current work focuses on sex as part of social interactions
• Topics include communication and sexual interaction
• Reactions to rejection
• How couples decide to have sex
• Link between sexual satisfaction and relationship satisfaction
• Multiple pathways to sex that include a variety of nonmonogamous
relationships
• Same-sex relationships
156 Sexuality
Theories • Sexual communication theories: Explain the importance of verbal and
nonverbal signals in communicating sexual intent
• Biological essentialism: Biology and biological mechanisms as explana-
tions for the origin of homosexuality
• Biobehavioral model of sex suggests that love, sex, and romance can
operate independently of each other
Research • Descriptive research suggests that sexual behaviors of Americans are rela-
tive conventional and unchanged until the 2010s
• Sexual relations develop gradually and with a fair amount of exclusivity
• Majority of couples begin sexual relations after they believe they are
in love with one another or after about a month of dating
• Current generation demonstrates more accepting attitudes and broader
range of sexual behaviors
• Correlational research suggests a positive relationship between sex and
relationship satisfaction
• Commitment and intimacy are positively correlated with sexual satisfaction
• Extradyadic sex is prevalent and takes many forms
• Consensually nonmonogamous relationships are frequently satisfying
and are typified by openness, trust, and communication
• Asexual individuals do not experience sexual attraction
• Reasons for engaging in as well as outcomes of hookups and sex with
friends differ for men and women
• Research supports the notion that homosexuality is the result of an inter-
action of biology and nurture
• Love can occur without sex, sex can occur outside of love, and we can
love a same-sex other without being gay
• Abstinence only programs not as effective at stemming teen sexual
activity, unwanted pregnancies, and the transmission of STIs; combi-
nation of abstinence message along with instruction on contraception
most effective
Key Terms
Kinsey Report: two-volume report of pioneering research on human sexuality published
by Alfred Kinsey and colleagues.
Erotic plasticity: the extent to which sexual motivation is influenced by cultural, social,
and situational factors.
Avoiding proceptivity: rejecting unwelcome sexual advances by ignoring or avoiding them.
Incomplete rejection: saying no to sex by postponing it until some condition is met.
Extradyadic relationships: sexual involvement with someone other than an established mate.
Serial monogamy: moving from one monogamous relationship to the next.
Consensual non-monogamy: a relationship in which partners agree to extradyadic roman-
tic and sexual relationships.
Polyamory: Couples agreeing to engage in extradyadic romantic and sexual relationships.
Sociosexual orientation: individual differences in the tendency to have casual, uncommit-
ted sexual relationships.
Sexuality 157
Asexuality: Lacking sexual attraction to any gender.
Hookups: a dating practice involving a casual, usually one-time-only sexual encounter.
Friends with benefits: a dating practice involving commitment-free sex with friends and
acquaintances.
Biological essentialism: a theoretical position regarding sexual orientation that emphasizes
the role of such biological factors as genes, hormones, and neuroanatomy.
Biobehavioral model of sex and love: theoretical model according to which attachment
behavior and sexual behavior are controlled by separated, yet interacting, brain structures.
Oxytocin: a neurotransmitter involved in the regulation of the attachment system.
10 Communication and Relationship
Management
If you want to start a conversation with a girl, first you have to say something like, “hi.” If
she says “hi” back, you are off to a good start. It’s good to let the girl start off the conversa-
tion. You want her to talk. If she doesn’t talk then you have to . . . If she doesn’t want to
talk to you, then either she is shy or she doesn’t like you. You might want to get out of there
and try another day.
—Alec Green, How to Talk to Girls, pp. 32–33
Problem with your relationship? For those who eschew the Internet’s ready advice, a cruise
down the aisle of any bookstore will reveal a plethora of books aimed at helping the love-
lorn sort out all nature of relationship dilemmas. Alec Green was 8 years old when he wrote
his. A good number of books cite communication as the root cause of most relationship
problems. Deborah Tannen followed up on her You Just Don’t Understand: Women and
Men in Conversation (1990) with 11 sequels full of advice on how men and women can
improve communication and have healthy, mutually rewarding relationships. John Gray’s
wildly successful Men Are From Mars, Women Are From Venus (1992) triggered 13 equally
successful sequels (from Mars and Venus in the Bedroom to The Mars and Venus Exercise
Solution). None of them proposed that the battle of the sexes had turned into intergalactic
warfare. Rather, they echoed in a much-amplified voice what researchers in psychology
have known for some time. First, there are relatively stable differences in the ways men
and women communicate. Second, these gender differences have traceable origins. Third,
gender-based communication differences are at the heart of most relationship problems.
Sex Differences in Communication

Men and women differ on numerous dimensions in the ways they communicate. Some of
these dimensions have less to do with what they say to each other than with how they do
it. To illustrate some of these differences, consider the following scenarios.
As Norm enters his favorite sports bar after work, he notices that his friend Cliff is already
seated on his favorite bar stool—the one closest to the TV that shows the baseball game.
Norm sits down alongside him. They are both fixated on the TV screen, although their bod-
ies are turned toward each other ever so slightly in order to have equal access to the bowl
of Beernuts that sits between them on the bar. The following conversation begins to unfold:
Norm: Man, I’d like to have your job. How do you manage to get out of work so early
every day?
Communication 159
Cliff: Hey, I’m in my cubicle by seven in the morning, so come four thirty, I bolt.
Norm: What’s the score?
Cliff: Cubs up by two, bottom of the eighth.
Norm: Any home runs?
Cliff: No, but Hendricks’ got a two-hitter going.
Norm: Hey, I’ve been thinking about buying a truck.
Cliff: Hmm. A guy at work just got one of those SUVs. Says he loves it but the thing
guzzles gas like there’s no tomorrow.
Norm: Have you looked at gas prices lately? If this keeps up I’m gonna have to take out
a second mortgage just so I can drive to work.
Cliff: C’mon, how can that be a strike? That pitch wasn’t even in the same zip code as
the plate!
Norm: You know, I remember when a gallon of gas was like fifty cents.
Cliff: Yeah, back when Fergie Jenkins still played for the Cubs.
Norm: Fergie Jenkins. Those were the days.
Cliff: And Ditka. They just don’t make them like that anymore.
Meanwhile, in a quiet corner of the same bar, Oni and Susan find a small table at
which to sit. They pull up the chairs so they can face each other as they catch up
on what’s been happening in their lives.
Oni: How have you been? It’s been almost a week since I last saw you.
Susan: I’ve been trying to shake this awful cold.
Oni: You do look like you’re a little under the weather.
Susan: Under the weather? I’ve been sniffling and sneezing almost the entire winter.
Everybody at work’s been doing the same thing, so I’m sure that doesn’t help.
Oni: I’ve been lucky so far. Do you take vitamins or any kind of supplements? I’ve been
doing that and I think it’s been helping me this year.
Susan: Well, I take a multiple vitamin and some extra Vitamin C on occasion. But I don’t
know about that other stuff, like Echinacea and stuff. I sometimes wonder if they
do more harm than good.
Oni: I see your point. It’s probably a good idea to stay away from stuff that’s not FDA
approved. How are things at work?
Susan: All right, I guess. There’s this new guy in accounting who’s been acting kind of
weird. I mean he is nice and real easy on the eyes, but he keeps dropping sexual
innuendos all the time. That really makes me feel kind of yucky.
Oni: We had a guy like that, too, a few years ago. He probably thought he was funny,
but some people didn’t and filed a sexual harassment complaint against him. I don’t
exactly know what came out of it, but one day I came to work and he was gone.
Susan: I wish my company had a policy against sexual harassment. I mean, I don’t like
what’s going on, but I don’t think I want to file a lawsuit and stuff.
Oni: Well, who would? It costs an arm and a leg and it’s probably hell to prove. So
what are you going to do?
Susan: I don’t know, I just wonder why guys have to be like that.
Oni: Weird creatures, I’m telling you. Just look at those two over at the bar [pointing
to Norm and Cliff]. I wonder what they’re hatching.
Susan: Whatever it is, I’m not sure I want to know.
Admittedly, some aspects of these fictitious conversations reflect popular stereotypes

more than anything else. But are men more likely to talk about sports and trucks? Do
160 Communication
women really talk more than men, as some have suggested (James & Drakich, 1993)?
There is evidence that the sexes approach the job of talking to one another in dif-
ferent ways. By looking at the conversational styles evident when men talked to each
other and when women talked to each other, Tannen (1994a) found several differences.
By and large, men prefer side-by-side interactions, whereas women prefer their bodily
alignment to be oriented toward each other. Consequently, Norm and Cliff prefer to sit
at the bar, whereas Susan and Oni sit at a table. But even though the preference for a
side-by-side alignment prevents men from gazing at each other, their conversations are
not necessarily less engaged than those of women. Rather, their engagement proceeds
as if on parallel tracks. Not surprisingly, there is evidence that the different alignment
preferences may be related to differences in the kind of activities men and women enjoy
(Caldwell & Peplau, 1982). Specifically, it appears that men prefer activities that can
be done in parallel (e.g., going fishing), whereas women prefer activities that promote
talking (e.g., having lunch together).
Compared to men, women establish topics for their conversations quickly and talk
in depth about a small number of them for an extended period of time. Men, on the
other hand, show less topical cohesion, preferring instead to cover a lot of topics for a
shorter period of time. Interestingly, these differences in alignment and topical cohesion
appear to manifest themselves at an early age. In Tannen’s (1994b) study, differences were
equally present among 6-year-olds as well as 25-year-olds. Before we look at possible
explanations for these differences, let us look at another feature of mixed-sex conversa-
tions: interruptions.
Interruptions: Let Me Finish, Please!

It is easy to see that the different conversational styles might clash once men and women
talk to each other rather than among themselves. Men might become impatient with wom-
en’s proclivities to talk about one topic at length. Women might take men’s tendency to
jump from one topic to the next with trailblazing speed to indicate a lack of attention and
caring. Moreover, one might speculate that men would be tempted to interrupt women
more during a conversation. Preferring to jump from one subject to the next quickly, men
might cut women off as they are talking in depth about a single topic. In addition, inter-
ruptions can be interpreted as a means for reasserting dominance and control in an inter-
action (e.g., Mishler & Waxler, 1968; West & Zimmerman, 1983; Zimmerman & West,
1975). Researchers who work within this framework look at interruptions as violating
normal conversational rules, as being negative or undesirable behavior, and as constituting
an attempt to exercise power and to dominate and control the interaction through control
of the floor and of the topic of conversation.
So, are interruptions more common in mixed-sex conversations? In other words, are
men more likely to interrupt women than they would other men? Are women less likely
to interrupt a speaker of either sex? An early study that recorded naturally occurring
conversations in public places (Zimmerman & West, 1975) seems to suggest the answer
is a resounding yes. In this study, 31 conversations were recorded in such places as cof-
fee shops and drugstores. A total of 10 conversations took place between men, another
10 between women, and the remaining 11 between mixed-sex pairs. Interruptions were
operationally defined as simultaneous speech that penetrated into the structure of the
speaker’s utterances more than two syllables from completion. The results indicated that
when men talk to men and when women talk to women, interruptions are about equally
Communication 161
divided between the two speakers. However, in mixed-sex dyads, a whopping 96 percent
of interruptions were initiated by men.
Many took these findings as proof for the asymmetrical pattern of interruptions pre-
dicted by both the topical cohesion perspective as well as the reasserting dominance per-
spective. However, as Aries (1996) has pointed out, such a conclusion may be more in
line with wishful thinking than the actual data. The main problem is that the number of
interruptions observed by Zimmerman and West (1975) was very low to begin with. A
mere 7 interruptions took place in the 20 same-sex conversations, and they occurred in
only 3 of the 20 conversations (leaving 17 conversations that took place without any inter-
ruptions whatsoever). This is an awfully small database on which to base the somewhat
sweeping conclusion that interruptions in same-sex conversations are about even. In the
mixed-sex conversations, a full quarter of all interruptions came from a single man who
repeatedly interrupted a female teaching assistant as she was trying to explain something
to him. Once again, given the small sample size, the behavior of this single outlier may
have skewed the data to the point that the conclusions might be at least somewhat errone-
ous. The reason this particular man interrupted so frequently may have been less rooted
in his desire to dominate the female than in his wish to fully understand the concepts she
was explaining.
Of course, based on a close look at just one study, one should be reluctant to reject
the popular notion that men interrupt women more. However, a comprehensive review
of all relevant studies between 1965 and 1991 suggests that reports of sex differences in
interruptions may have been greatly exaggerated (James & Clarke, 1993). Only 6 of 20
studies on interruptions in mixed-sex dyads find a higher frequency of interruptions by
men. More than twice as many studies (13) report no differences in the frequency of inter-
ruptions by men and women, and 2 even find that women are the interrupting sex!
It also appears that researchers have historically defined interruptions too narrowly.
Rather than being evil devices employed in the service of dominance and control, some
interruptions may be made for the purpose of clarification or simply to express agree-
ment. Interruptions of this nature have been termed confirmation interruptions (Ken-
nedy & Camden, 1983). They are very different from rejection interruptions, such as the
expression of disagreement. They are further different from disconfirmation interruptions,
including those that show awareness of the speaker’s statement but make light of them
(tangentialization) and those that are made with the ultimate goal of changing the subject.
When one looks at interruptions from this perspective, a very different picture emerges
with regard to sex differences. One study looking at interruptions in naturally occurring
mixed-sex graduate seminars (Kennedy & Camden, 1983) found that in this context,
women actually interrupted more than men. Interestingly, almost half of the interruptions
were confirmation interruptions (indicating agreement and asking for clarification). Of
course, one might argue that the nature of the setting (graduate seminars) did not easily
lend itself to interruptions based on power and dominance. On the other hand, a study
that looked at interruptions during conversations between pairs of unacquainted men and
women (Dindia, 1987) found that the majority of interruptions by both males and females
expressed agreement.
The bottom line on interruptions in mixed-sex conversations seems to be that the popu-
lar belief regarding men interrupting women more than vice versa has very little support.
This is not to say that men never interrupt women in the service of asserting or maintain-
ing dominance. Rather, the conclusion should be that interruptions serve many functions
(Aries, 1996) that may be invoked by men and women alike.
162 Communication
At times conversations can be interrupted by a delay in one person’s response to anoth-
er’s utterance, regardless of the conversants’ gender. Because this happens with some fre-
quency in conversations mediated by technology, it is worth considering how they may
affect relationships among two or more people. Several studies of previously unacquainted
individuals whose conversations were disrupted by a longer-than-expected pause found
that these silences threatened their sense of belonging and undermined their sense of “we-
ness” (Koudenburg, Postmes, & Gordijn, 2011, 2013). These detrimental effects occurred
independently of the content of the conversation and in the absence of participants’ con-
scious awareness of the disrupting silence. It appears that conversations that flow smoothly
can go a long way toward creating a sense of belonging and positive affect.
The picture changes dramatically, however, when it comes to flow disruptions in the
conversations of close partners. They don’t perceive them as a threat but instead fall back
on their relationship beliefs to conclude that silence implies mutual agreement. Not sur-
prisingly, then, this is particularly prevalent in relationships in which partners feel secure
(Koudenburg, Gordijn, & Postmes, 2014).

• It seems that gender differences in communication have less to do with content
and more with style. How much of an influence do you think this type of differ-
ence has on a relationship?
• One explanation for the gender differences in communication is that they are
acquired through socialization. Two such differences have to do with alignment
(parallel vs. face-to-face) and with topical cohesion (many topics discussed cur-
sorily vs. fewer topics discussed in depth). What might be the reasons behind
these different socialization outcomes? Why do you think they developed?
• Keeping in mind that different types of interruptions are employed for different
purposes, what influence do you suppose the context, or the situation, might
have on interruption frequency and type? Think for example of a seminar-style
class, a workplace, and a romantic dinner.
Language Use and Conversation Management

Interruptions to express agreement or to ask for clarification can serve as important tools
for managing conversations. Even though it appears there is little difference in the ways
men and women use interruptions, the literature on gender and communication is replete
with claims about scores of sex differences.
Politeness
One popular claim holds that women’s speech is marked by politeness. For example,
compared to men, women are said to be more likely to use the words please, might, may,
and could when making a request (Lakoff, 1973, 1975, 1977; Holmes, 1984). Women
are also said to be more likely to avoid directives and imperatives (Brown & Levinson,
Communication 163
1978). In other words, a man working on his car’s engine is likely to request a tool by
uttering, “Get me a half-inch wrench!” whereas a women would request the same tool
by politely asking, “Would you please get me a half-inch wrench?” Again, this claim
appears to have some face validity. Furthermore, questionnaire studies in which men and
women were asked to respond to hypothetical scenarios revealed such differences quite
clearly (e.g., Baxter, 1984). Finally, a recent study analyzing over 14,000 samples of men’s
and women’s writings found a reliable but small tendency for women to use more polite
phrases (e.g., “Would you mind if we had sex?” “Should we buy a flat screen TV?”) than
men (Newman, Groom, Handelman, & Pennebaker, 2008).
However, a number of variables modify the extent to which men and women use more
or less polite forms in making requests. Specifically, it has been suggested that the balance
of power may play an important role (Sagrestano, 1992). As such, focusing on informant
(i.e., speaker) characteristics alone may not be enough to fully inform our understanding
of communication. Research analyzing the utterances of men and women purchasing train
tickets found no significant differences between men’s and women’s use of speech devices
such as repetitions, hesitations, self-corrections, and the asking of questions (Brouwer, Ger-
ritsen, & De Haan, 1979). Instead, the most significant factor in determining differences in
speech type was the gender of the ticket taker! In other words, a man might be more likely
than a woman to use a directive when requesting the wrench from his adolescent son than
his neighbor, who happens to be an expert in car repair as well as the owner of the wrench.
And, of course, when the need for a wrench arises while motor oil is gushing from the
engine, it may matter little whether the person making the repair is male or female.
Tag Questions
Another communication difference, first proposed by Lakoff (1973, 1975, 1977), has to
do with the use of tag questions by men and women. The claim is that women often add
a short question to the end of a sentence to express hesitancy and uncertainty (“We’re
eating out tonight, aren’t we?”). However, there is conflicting empirical evidence regard-
ing this claim. Some studies find support, others find the exact opposite (i.e., men ask-
ing more tag questions), and still others find no difference (Aries, 1996; Newman et al.,
2008). One way to resolve the conflicting findings is to look at the functions that tag
questions serve. As was the case with interruptions, not all tag questions are the same
(Holmes, 1984). Some may be uttered to convey uncertainty, whereas others can serve
to express solidarity and ask the person to join a conversation (“Still bummed out about
your divorce, are you?”). Yet other tag questions may be used to soften a directive or a
negatively toned speech act, thus adding a measure of politeness (“You’re not going to
play golf again, are you?”).
One study that examined tags (Holmes, 1984) found a number of interesting sex differ-
ences in terms of sheer frequency as well as in how they are used. By and large, women use
tags slightly more often than men. More importantly, the majority of women’s tags were
used in the service of expressing solidarity, and women used these types of tags far more
frequently than men. Somewhat surprisingly, in light of Lakoff’s claims, men used almost
twice as many tags to express uncertainty than did women. Thus, it appears that women
use tags primarily to promote conversation, whereas men use tags primarily to express
uncertainty (as in, “We are having sex tonight, aren’t we?”).
Another way to examine the use and function of tag questions is to analyze their
impact based on the speaker’s credibility rather than his or her gender. In the context of
164 Communication
persuasion, Blankenship and Craig (2007) found that the use of tag questions reduced the
persuasiveness of messages from communicators low in credibility. Conversely, tag ques-
tions used by credible sources increased the extent to which messages were elaborated and
processed (Blankenship & Craig, 2007). The implications of this study raise the question
as to whether studies on gender differences in the use of tag questions might also have
captured some of the stereotyped differences in terms of source credibility.
Qualifiers and Hedges

Lakoff (1973, 1975, 1977) claimed that women expressed uncertainty and hesitancy
by virtue of using more qualifiers and hedges, such as I guess, I think, Sort of, I mean,
and You know. Among all of Lakoff’s claims, this has been one of the most difficult
to study empirically. Part of the problem is that many different meanings are attached
to what Lakoff considered qualifiers. Take, for example, the use of “you know.” Its
precise meaning depends on both its position in a sentence as well as the speaker’s
intonation (Aries, 1996; Holmes, 1984). At the beginning of a sentence, it may simply
be a call for attention and indicate certainty (“You know, we really need to clean up
the kitchen”). At the end of a sentence, preceded or followed by a pause, it may serve
as an invitation to provide feedback to the speaker and indicate a level of uncertainty.
For example, “It’s nice out, you know” may prompt the other to ask, “Do you want
to play tennis?” It is not clear if the same thing would happen if the phrase you know
had been omitted.
Mulac and colleagues (Mulac & Lundell, 1994; Mulac, 2006) as well as Newman
et al. (2008) coded and analyzed written text and found empirical support that women
were more likely than men to hedge. However, when Holmes (1984) analyzed men’s and
women’s formal and informal speech, he found no overall sex differences in the use of
the phrase you know. As one might expect, it seems to occur primarily in informal con-
versations. As was the case with tag questions, men use you know primarily to express
uncertainty, whereas women use it to express certainty. Moreover, women use it more
often than men to boost the strength of a statement (“You just bought a new car last
year, you know”) and to express certainty about the validity of a proposition (“They
thought I was stupid, you know”). To boost the strength of a statement by means of
the phrase you know generally entails falling intonation, whereas the expression of
certainty entails rising intonation. In any event, there is little research to suggest that
phrases such as you know are expressions of uncertainty by women. Nor does it seem
to be the case that women use the phrase more frequently than men. In studies that find
such a difference, you know is primarily used as a device to secure a conversation topic
(e.g., Fishman, 1980).
Back-Channeling
Our laundry list of alleged and real sex differences in communication concludes with some
considerations of Duncan’s (1974) observations about back-channeling. It includes a vari-
ety of verbal and nonverbal responses to another’s utterances, such as sentence comple-
tions, brief restatements, head nodding and head shaking, and minimal responses of the
Hmm, Yeah, and Right variety. Many studies indicate that women use back-channeling to
a higher degree than do men, although it appears that an equal number of studies show
the opposite or find no difference (cf. Aries, 1996). Back-channeling serves a variety of
Communication 165
purposes; for example, minimal responses inserted during another’s speech may indicate
agreement and encouragement, whereas the same responses after a delay may be attempts
to discourage further conversation about the topic. Interestingly, Fishman (1980) found
that women use back-channeling more to express agreement, whereas men tend to use it
primarily to signal lack of interest.
The mixed bag of evidence regarding Lakoff’s claims about differences in men’s and
women’s language use triggers at least two questions. First, why is there such a discrep-
ancy between Lakoff’s claims and the evidence? One problem is methodological in nature.
In arriving at her conclusions, Lakoff relied primarily on inspections of her own speech
and that of acquaintances, using introspection and intuition. If nothing else, it may be that
this relatively severe sampling bias was ultimately responsible for her conclusions. Had
she included a more representative sample of women, Lakoff may well have found what
others did in the process of debunking her claims. The second question is more difficult
to answer: Why, as a society, have we rushed to embrace Lakoff’s findings so willingly
and with little hesitation? The answer may lie in our deep-seated desire to find differences
between the sexes. We all know perfectly well that men and women are different, but we
are much less certain on exactly how they differ. In addition, Lakoff’s observations about
differences in politeness, use of tag questions, and qualifiers resonate well with our stereo-
types about men and women in conversation.
Emotionality and Support

Our discussion of sex differences in communication has so far focused primarily on differ-
ences in the conversational style preferred by women and men. However, there is another
area to investigate. Much literature seems to support the notion that women are more emo-
tionally sensitive and expressive than men. Put a slightly different way, women approach
talk with an affective orientation, whereas men approach it with an instrumental orien-
tation (e.g., Ballswick, 1988; Gilligan, 1982; Vaux, 1985; Mulac, 2006; Newman et al.,
2008). Support for this idea comes from research on sex differences in self-disclosure,
discussed in Chapter 5. In addition, much of its thrust comes from research that looks at
sex differences in emotional support. Research consistently finds women to be more likely
than men to do the following:
• Inquire about an upsetting situation (Mickelson, Helgeson, & Weiner, 1995)

• Provide emotional support (Trobst, Collins, & Embree, 1994)
• Seek emotional support from others (Ashton & Fuehrer, 1993)
• Feel confident about their ability to provide support (Clark, 1994)
• Place a high value on skills related to giving support (Burleson, Kunkel, Samter, &
Werking, 1996)
• Employ supportive strategies directed at emotions (Derlega, Barbee, & Winstead, 1994)
A study of gender differences in instant messaging (IM) found gender similarities on

all variables except in expressiveness. Not surprisingly, women sent more expressive mes-
sages than men (Fox, Bukatko, Hallahan, & Crawford, 2007). Women’s use of emotional
language and men’s use of instrumental language were also supported in Newman et al.’s
(2008) analysis of over 14,000 written texts, mentioned earlier. Women used words that
referenced emotional and psychological states as well as social situations more than men.
Women wrote more about their thoughts, emotions (including doubts), and other people,
166 Communication
and they were more likely to use verbs. Men, on the other hand, used a preponderance
of words referring to objects, processes, and labeling of external events. They were more
likely to write about occupation, money, and sports; refer to numbers; and use more
articles, prepositions, and long words. And yes, men also used more swear words than
women. Although many of these differences were statistically small to moderate, the size
and scope of the sample, coupled with the computer analysis and coding of text, make
these results notable.
Thus, although some of the reported sex differences are relatively small, as is the case
in differences regarding self-disclosure, the cumulative evidence suggests that sex differ-
ences in emotionality and emotional support are fairly pervasive. It is therefore difficult
to argue that these findings may be artifacts due to methodological shortcomings, as was
the case with some of the purported sex differences in communication style. Accounting
for these differences theoretically is an entirely different matter. We examine the prevailing
view next.
Men and Women: Different Cultures, Different Planets?

Even though numerous explanations have been offered to account for a variety of sex
differences in communication, by far the most prevailing and popular view is that women
and men form different cultures (Wood, 1994). The different cultures hypothesis holds
that the sexes are socialized into different cultures, with each sex developing vastly differ-
ent but equally valid and effective ways of communicating, including expressions of emo-
tional intimacy and support. This idea is not without appeal. For one thing, it seems to be
a step up from biological accounts (e.g., Fausto-Sterling, 1985) that essentially proclaim
biology to be destiny. For another, it seems to make intuitive sense. After all, everybody
knows that girls and boys are raised differently. Little girls are encouraged to express their
emotions and to be concerned about the feelings of others. Little boys, on the other hand,
are encouraged to keep their feelings under wraps, especially when it comes to expressing
emotions such as sadness and distress. Is it any wonder, then, that men and women will
come to inhabit different speech communities (Wood, 1997), emotional cultures (Wood,
1994), or planets (Gray, 1992)? Is it any wonder that the different cultures view has
become so widely accepted that it is taught like the gospel?
Unfortunately, the different cultures view has some rather profound implications for
theory, research, and teaching (Kunkel & Burleson, 1998) that justify a more critical
examination. For example, if women and men constitute different cultures, it may be
necessary to develop separate theories of close relationships to account for the different
things men and women seek in a relationship as well as the different ways in which they
develop and maintain them. Further, if women and men are from different cultures, it may
be necessary to develop culturally sensitive methods for our research. Finally, if men and
women are from different cultures, it may be necessary to develop educational programs
designed to respect and appreciate the differences in each other’s culture. In other words,
in order to get along with each other, men and women need diversity training (Kunkel &
Burleson, 1998)!
So what’s wrong with this picture? It is not entirely clear who belongs to the different
cultures (Burleson, 1997). Many researchers assign membership according to biological
sex (Maltz & Borker, 1982; Noller, 1993; Tannen, 1990); others, most notably Wood
(1997), base assignment on psychological gender. This approach, then, suggests that the
different cultures thesis does not necessarily apply to males and females per se, but instead
Communication 167
to masculine and feminine speech communities. But how does one find out to which cul-
ture or community any given person belongs? Seemingly, the answer is that one examines
the person’s speech style: Those who use the feminine style are members of the feminine
community, and those who use the masculine style are members of the masculine com-
munity (Wood, 1997).
There is something deeply troubling about assigning people to speech communities or
even cultures based on their style of speech. For one thing, it is inherently circular. For
another, it makes it unclear how the different cultures thesis could be tested empirically. In
order to ascertain if we are dealing with different cultures, we need to provide data that
go beyond simply showing that there are sex differences in communication. In light of this
consideration, Burleson (1997) suggested that tests of the different cultures hypothesis
should take into account differences that one would generally expect for different cultures,
such as meanings, values, and preferences. In other words, if men and women form differ-
ent cultures beyond communication styles, one would expect them to differ also in terms
of the meaning they associate with important relationship concepts (e.g., intimacy, sex),
the values they place on such things as emotional support, and general preferences regard-
ing the way things ought to be done.
Interestingly, when one throws meanings, values, and preferences into the mix, there is
surprisingly little support for the different cultures hypothesis. With respect to meanings,
Monsour (1992) looked at sex differences in the meaning assigned to intimacy in friend-
ships and found them to be very small. Men and women alike listed self-disclosure as the
most common meaning of intimacy. Even though women did so more often than men
(87 percent vs. 56 percent), the important thing is that the majority of both sexes appeared
to feel the same way. Moreover, roughly even numbers of men and women listed emo-
tional expressiveness as the second most common meaning of intimacy. Sharing activities
was mentioned relatively infrequently by most sexes (0 percent of women and 9 percent
of men). Many other studies show very similar results (Helgeson, Shaver, & Dyer, 1987;
Parks & Floyd, 1996; Reis, 1990).
Research on the values men and women place on different communication skills
is equally unsupportive of the different cultures thesis. In one study, male and female
research participants rated the importance of various communication skills in friendships
and romantic relationships (Burleson et al., 1996). The list included affectively oriented
skills such as comforting (e.g., “Can really cheer me up when I’m feeling down”) and ego
support (e.g., “Makes me feel like I’m a good person”) as well as instrumental skills such
as persuasion (e.g., “Is able to get me to go along with what he/she wants to do”) and nar-
ration (e.g., “Often comes up with witty remarks in conversation”).
Women considered the affective skills of their partner as slightly more important than
men regardless of relationship type. Men, on the other hand, viewed the instrumental
skills of their partner as important. However, contrary to the different cultures thesis,
both men and women placed a much higher value on the affectively oriented skills of their
partner. Of course, in light of such findings, one might ask why women often report more
problems in their long-term romantic relationships than do men. It appears that it is not
a matter of differences in the standards or values that men and women deem important.
Rather, it is that the perception of problems stems from discrepancies in the extent that the
standards are fulfilled (Vangelisti & Daly, 1997) in the relationship.
Finally, the idea that men and women would prefer to interact with a member of their
own culture has little support. It really does not make too much sense to begin with. Het-
erosexual men and women generally prefer to have sexual interactions with members of
168 Communication
the opposite sex (a.k.a. the different culture). But even when it comes to seeking emotional
support, men and women do not gravitate toward members of their own sex. Instead,
both sexes prefer to look for emotional support from women (Clark, 1994; Kunkel,
1995). Even the more general hypothesis that men and women find cross-sex interactions
less rewarding than interactions with members of their own sex because of the “clash of
conversational styles” (Tannen, 1990) has virtually no support (e.g., Goldsmith, McDer-
mott, & Hawkins, 1996). If anything, evidence shows that members of both sexes find
interactions with females to be more intimate and meaningful than interactions with men
(Reis, Senchak, & Solomon, 1985; Wheeler et al., 1983).
Different Cultures, Different Skills, or Different “Degrees”?

The differences in the communication styles of men and women, as profound as they
may be, do not appear to justify claims of representing different cultures. Instead, it
may be that the differences in men’s and women’s socialization lead to predictable com-
munication deficits. In other words, men and women are part of one culture in which
differences in socialization foster the development of emotional support skills among
girls but discourage them among boys. The result is a skill specialization among women
and a skill deficit among men with respect to support and comforting (Kunkel & Burle-
son, 1999). It is this difference in comforting skills that leads both men and women to
turn to women for comfort and support during times of stress and emotional upheaval
(Clark, 1994; Kunkel, 1995). The skill specialization account proposes a number of
additional hypotheses that contrast maximally with the different cultures account, as
shown in Table 10.1.
Several things are appealing about the skill specialization account of the sex differences
in emotional support. First, unlike the different cultures view, skill specialization takes
into account similarities between the sexes along with differences. Second, this viewpoint
represents a much more parsimonious explanation than the different cultures account.
Third, it is more soundly supported by the data (Kunkel & Burleson, 1999; MacGeorge,
Graves, Feng, Gillihan, & Burleson, 2004). Fourth, and perhaps most important, skill
specialization suggests a unique and perhaps simple solution to communication problems
between men and women. That is, rather than needing diversity training, men and women
may be able to learn each other’s communication skills by way of the three Ps involved in
acquiring any skill: Practice, practice, practice.
Table 10.1 Some Differences in Comforting Preferences Predicted by Two Theoretical Accounts
Different Cultures Account Skill Specialization Account
Men and women live in different emotional Men and women live in the same emotional
cultures. culture.
Men and women have different but equally effective Women have more effective ways of dealing
ways of dealing with emotional experience. with emotional experience than do men.
Men and women will turn to their own sex for Men and women will turn to women for
support. support.
Men and women will feel more supported by Men and women will feel more supported
members of their own sex. by women.
Source: Adapted from Kunkel and Burleson (1999).

Communication 169
Skill deficits aside, research on gender differences in men’s and women’s linguistic styles
overwhelmingly supports the contention that there are more similarities than differences
between the sexes (MacGeorge et al., 2004; Dindia, 2006; Mulac, 2006). And though men
and women may have different ways of executing the same communication task, these
differences are subtle at best (Mulac, 2006). Thus, it is probably more accurate to say that
men and women differ in degree, not in kind (Dindia, 2006). In fact, research comparing
men’s and women’s responsiveness to different “emotional” situations further puts to rest
the mythical nature of gender cultures.
In a study on gender differences in emotional responsiveness, male and female par-
ticipants were presented with situations in which a friend had experienced one of the
following: impending divorce, poor performance appraisal at work, death of a friend,
or giving a speech (MacGeorge et al., 2004). Although women were somewhat more
responsive to a friend facing divorce and men were slightly more responsive to a
friend giving a speech and to one whose own friend had died, overall, both men and
women were equally responsive across all situations. Consistent with past research,
the researchers also found that women were more likely to respond by offering help
and affirmations while men responded with advice. However, all gender differences
were so slight that they did not warrant an explanation based on different cultures.
Yet, despite the dominance of research demonstrating only subtle gender differences
in communication, gender stereotypes and expectations persist. It almost begs the
question of why.
In terms of perpetuating gender differences in scholarly research, Dindia (2006) points
out that one potential culprit may lie in researchers’ failure to make clear the statisti-
cal effect sizes—usually small—when reporting research results. Knowing that there are
“significant gender differences” in, say, the use of personal pronouns is not the same as
finding “small” or “slight” differences with small effect sizes. Thus, differences between
men’s and women’s communication styles may be exaggerated, in part, by the way we
report our findings.
This does not explain why Americans have shelled out over 40 million dollars to read
about the galactic difference between Martian men and Venetian women. Part of the
willingness to buy into the myth of the gender divide may lie in the pervasiveness of
cultural stereotypes regarding speech. Part may also be based on our perception of male
and female speakers. For example, significant differences in linguistic style have been con-
firmed across multiple studies: Men are more directive, concise, and instrumental, while
women are more indirect, detailed, and affective (Mulac, 2006). Clearly, these differ-
ent linguistic styles also correspond to more general gender stereotypes. Not surprisingly,
then, “blind” transcribers in one study were unable to detect, at a rate better than chance,
the gender of the text’s author (Mulac, 2006). This suggests that gender differences in
speech are so subtle that they are relatively undetectable!
Linguistic differences may be undetectable to someone who is “blind to condition”;
however, men and women speakers are perceived very differently (Mulac, 2006). Female
speakers are evaluated as being higher in social status, more literate, and also as more
agreeable and beautiful. Male speakers, on the other hand, are perceived to be stronger
and more aggressive. Thus, while linguistic differences are slight, these subtle differences
make a big difference in terms of how communicators are evaluated. And the fact that
we perceive male and female speakers so differently leads to a misattribution of sorts.
We falsely interpret our perception of speaker differences as stemming from variances in
speaking style.
170 Communication
In sum, the issue over whether men and women hail from different planets (e.g., Mars
or Venus) or from different cultures (Tibetan or Columbian) might be supplanted with
a different one. Perhaps the more apt analogy might be that men and women are from
the same culture and country, but from neighboring states. As Dindia (2006) suggests,
it might be more fruitful to conceptualize gender differences as, “Men are from North
Dakota and Women are from South Dakota.”

• Research found that in general women tend to be more polite than men and that
politeness seems to be a function of the power differential in a situation. How
does politeness affect this power differential?
• Mulac and colleagues found gender differences in the frequency with which men
and women use hedging in written communication. However, other research-
ers failed to find any such differences in oral communication. How would you
explain this discrepancy?
• Our culture fosters the development of emotional support skills among girls but
discourages them among boys. In what specific ways do you think this differen-
tial socialization is achieved? What might its utility be?
• In keeping with the findings that gender differences are a matter of degree rather
than kind, Dindia (2006) suggested that a more appropriate way to conceptual-
ize these differences would be “Men are from North Dakota and Women are
from South Dakota.” Imagine this as a book title and compare it with Men Are
From Mars, Women Are From Venus. Which book do you think will sell more
copies? Why?
Managing Relationships
One important aspect of close relationships is often overlooked when viewed through
the different cultures lens. On a daily basis, most couples actually manage the mundane
aspects of their relationships quite well. Communication is frequently not a problem when
it comes to such tasks as paying the bills, taking out the garbage, getting dinner, and taking
the kids to baseball practice. How do couples manage to get these and other chores done?
Transactive Memory in Close Relationships

If one took an exhaustive look at the sheer number of tasks that couples need to complete,
living together may seem like a gargantuan task. Moreover, remembering who does what
appears to be an equally tall order. However, most couples have little trouble assigning
chores to one another and getting them done.
One of the reasons for the apparent ease with which couples manage the numerous
chores imposed by everyday life is that they develop a transactive memory structure, a
shared system for encoding, storing, and retrieving information (Wegner, 1986; Wegner,
Giuliano, & Hertel, 1985). Transactive memory not only informs partners about what
Communication 171
they themselves need to remember but also what the other person will remember. These
assignments can be based on a number of principles. Gender and, more generally, sex
roles can provide simple cues to what the other might know and can thus serve as default
options. For example, men may be more likely to remember who got the final out in
game 7 of the 2016 World Series, and women might have an easier time recalling all the
movies in which Leonardo DiCaprio starred. Thus, when questions about baseball or
movies come up, the members of a couple can turn to each other for answers without first
ascertaining whether or not they might know them. From this perspective, memory assign-
ments frequently follow the general division of labor among couples (Atkinson & Huston,
1984). Alternatively, memory assignments can be negotiated based on suspected expertise
or on who has accepted responsibility for a task in the past.
The operation and importance of transactive memory among couples was demonstrated
in a study in which couples who had been together for at least 3 months completed a
memory task (Wegner et al., 1991). The memory task consisted of remembering items
belonging to seven distinct categories. For example, the sentence Midori is a Japanese
melon liqueur represented the category “Alcohol.” The sentence Yeasts reproduce by bud-
ding represented the category “Science.” Research participants could complete the mem-
ory task in one of two ways: by assigning categories to each other based on their relative
expertise or through an arbitrary assignment provided by the experimenter. As expected,
couples who used their relative expertise in assigning the memory tasks remembered more
items than couples who had to complete the task according to the experimenter’s scheme,
which supposedly interfered with the way couples ordinarily remember things. How long
the couples had been together did not influence their performance. Couples who had been
dating for 3 months did just as well as those who had been together for years, as long as
they could rely on their transactive memory. It is important to note that transactive mem-
ory does not operate by some sort of magic. Rather, intimate couples often use a variety of
nonverbal cues, like eye contact, to ascertain who might know what, especially when they
are confronted with novel memory tasks (Hollingshead, 1998).
These findings are important for a number of reasons. They suggest that couples develop
a way of assigning memory tasks to each other, including knowing what the other knows
(as opposed to knowing and remembering everything themselves). It seems that couples
develop such a transactive memory early in their relationship, as evidenced by the absence
of any effect due to the length of a relationship. Further, transactive memory retrieval works
best when members of couples interact face-to-face. Finally, breaking up may be hard to
do in part because it entails the loss of one’s transactive memory. When a relationship
ends, reassignment of expertise frequently occurs at great expense. The individual needs to
become an expert in a number of topics that used to be a part of the other’s domain. New
information relating to the previous partner’s areas of expertise may be handled poorly
at first and perhaps for some time. The resulting confusion may lead items in one’s own
domains to be mishandled, as well. Even if a new partner is eventually found, it will likely
take time and effort for the new couple to know what the old couple took for granted.
Creating and Maintaining Satisfying Relationships

The observation that women are less adversely affected by a breakup should not be taken
as an indication that they might be relieved when a relationship ends. Nor does it mean
that women are necessarily more unhappy in intimate relationships than men. Instead, sev-
eral interpersonal processes contribute to the level of satisfaction in intimate relationships.
172 Communication
Idealization
Intimates can create and maintain a high level of satisfaction with their relationship as
long as they look at their partners in an idealistic rather than realistic way (Murray,
Holmes, & Griffin, 1996a, 1996b). This may strike some as counterintuitive. After all,
idealization is characteristic of the early stages of relationship development, when the nov-
elty of one’s partner seems to short-circuit any type of rational thought. However, ample
evidence shows that maintaining positive illusions, especially after experiencing adversity,
has beneficial effects on one’s mental and physical health (Taylor & Brown, 1988). There
are three different ways that idealization can develop in intimate relationships (Stafford
& Merolla, 2007). Cognitive idealization includes developing positive illusions and view-
ing one’s partner in a “better” light (Murray et al., 1996a, 1996b; Miller, Caughlin, &
Huston, 2003). Couples, especially those who do not interact with each other frequently,
are also able to develop positive illusions of their relationship, although they are apt to do
so via behavioral idealizations. These couples maintain the initial idealized perceptions of
their partners because they have not been exposed to the full repertoire of their partner’s
daily behaviors (e.g., leaving socks on the floor, chewing with their mouths open). Both
cognitive and behavioral idealizations may also be the result of massive impression man-
agement efforts on the part of one or both partners (Cornwell & Lundgren, 2001). Self-
presentation can be used—at least in the short run—to create a perfect “reality.”
At least two studies suggest that maintaining positive illusions about one’s partner is
beneficial for intimate relationships. One study (Murray et al., 1996a) asked members of
married and dating couples to rate themselves and their partner on a number of interper-
sonal attributes reflecting virtues (e.g., patience, understanding), faults (e.g., complaining,
moodiness), and social commodities (e.g., self-assured, witty). The complete list of items is
depicted in Table 10.2. You may want to take a moment to rate yourself and your partner,
keeping in mind that the scientific way to assess levels of idealization is somewhat more
complicated.
A number of interesting findings resulted from this study. First, intimates saw their
partners in a more positive light than their partners saw themselves, suggesting somewhat
idealized constructions of the other. Moreover, idealization was correlated with relation-
ship satisfaction. Those who most idealized their partner were happiest with their rela-
tionship. Not surprisingly, in light of these findings, idealization also appears to have a
number of self-fulfilling mechanisms that add to the stability of relationships. Specifically,
relationships are most likely to persist, even in the face of conflicts and doubts, when inti-
mates idealize each other the most (Murray et al., 1996b). However, once a conflict arises,
idealization by itself is not likely to prevent escalation. Instead, it may be one among
many variables that contributes to the extent to which a partner inhibits the temptation to
respond destructively to a partner’s transgression and instead chooses constructive ways
to deal with the resulting conflict (e.g., Arriaga & Rusbult, 1998; Rusbult et al., 1991).
We will discuss these and other issues in Chapter 13.
Attributions
The extent to which we idealize our partners may ultimately be related to how we explain
their behavior, especially when the behavior in question is detrimental for the relationship.
In general, satisfied partners generate attributions that attenuate the impact of negative
relationship events. Dissatisfied partners, on the other hand, tend to generate attributions
Communication 173
Table 10.2 Interpersonal Qualities Scale
Self Partner
Virtues
Kind and affectionate
Open and disclosing
Patient
Understanding
Responsive to my needs
Tolerant and accepting
Faults
Critical and judgmental
Lazy
Controlling and dominant
Emotional
Moody
Thoughtless
Irrational
Distant
Complaining
Childish
Social Commodities
Self-assured
Sociable
Intelligent
Witty
Traditional
Source: Based on Murray et al. (1996a).
Note: Assign a number from 1 (“Not at all characteristic”) to 9 (“Extremely characteristic”) for yourself and
your partner. You are idealizing whenever the number for your partner is higher, except for attributes that are
negatively worded. In these cases, negative discrepancies indicate idealization.
that accentuate the impact of negative events and diminish the impact of positive events
(e.g., Bradbury & Fincham, 1989). For example, Happy Harold may attribute his part-
ner’s disinterest in going dancing to his or her preoccupation with final exams. Sad Sally,
on the other hand, may interpret the same behavior to indicate a lack of love and consid-
eration. Of course, the extent to which a person chooses negative attributions has con-
sequences for subsequent behavior. Negative attributions for a partner’s behavior tend
to trigger negative behavior. If the partner responds to this situation in the same fashion
(i.e., with negative attributions and negative behaviors), and if this pattern persists over
a period of time, the couple will likely be enveloped by massive unhappiness. As will be
discussed in detail in Chapter 13, this cyclical pattern of behavior and attributions is com-
mon in distressed couples (Bradbury & Fincham, 1992). It may be that idealizing one’s
partner acts as an important buffer in this cycle of events. If we have exaggerated views
of our partner’s personality, we may simply be less likely to attribute his or her behavior
to a negative disposition.
174 Communication
Expectations
Finally, it is reasonable to suspect that partners’ expectations regarding their relationship
would be related to satisfaction. If two people expect their relationship to be marked by
open self-disclosure and interaction resulting in identity affirmation, they will be happy
if that occurs and unhappy if it does not (e.g., Hackel & Ruble, 1992). One situation in
which expectations have been shown to be of paramount importance is the transition to
parenthood. The birth of the first child represents an important transition and is frequently
marked by a decrease in relationship satisfaction, especially for mothers (Belsky, Rovine, &
Fish, 1989; Cowan & Cowan, 1988). This is not entirely surprising for a society that leaves
providing and securing childcare primarily in the hands of mothers. However, there is also
evidence that the decline in relationship satisfaction after the first baby is born is neither
universal nor inevitable. Some (e.g., Ruble et al., 1988) have found that the overall level of
relationship satisfaction among parents remains at higher than average levels or does not
differ very much at all from nonparents. How can one account for such conflicting results?
It appears that whether relationship satisfaction takes a turn for the worse as a result of
the transition from couplehood to parenthood depends in important ways on the extent
to which the experience of childrearing confirms or disconfirms prepartum expectations.
Consistent with the idea that expectations are important, Hackel and Ruble (1992)
found that mothers are not necessarily dissatisfied when they find out that they are left
with the majority of chores related to childrearing. They are only dissatisfied if they previ-
ously had strong expectations regarding an equal and fair division of labor. Interestingly,
women with traditional attitudes about the roles of women and men in society showed
the opposite effect. They were actually happier with their relationship after they found
out that their partners were going to contribute less than an equal amount of work. On
the surface, this finding looks as though it is somewhat inconsistent with the idea that
expectancy disconfirmation leads to negative affect. However, although having to do the
bulk of the chores may have violated the mothers’ expectations for the relationship, it con-
firmed their expectations regarding their role. Consequently, being primarily in charge of
caring for the baby increased their happiness with their relationship. Of course, the larger
implication here is that the number of diapers one changes does not, by itself, determine
happiness. Rather, it is one’s expectations regarding how many diapers one will change.
To conclude, effective and rewarding communication is clearly important for the suc-
cess of intimate relationships; however, it does not guarantee it. The extent to which
intimate partners are happy with their relationship further depends on their ability and
willingness to idealize the other and to generate benevolent attributions for negative rela-
tionship events, as well as their more general expectations regarding the nature of their
relationship. How do these factors operate when couples are forced to live apart? What
role does communication and idealization play in long-distance relationships?
The Special Case of Long-Distance Relationships

By some estimates more than 3 million Americans live apart from their spouses for reasons
other than conflict or separation (Bergen, Kirby, & McBride, 2007). A whopping 75 per-
cent of college students are or have been in a long-distance relationship at some point (Staf-
ford, 2005). Although some long-distance couples fare better than others—most notably
those with securely attached partners (Pistole et al., 2010) and those who manage to savor
their experiences (Borelli, Rasmussen, Burkhart, & Sbarra, 2015)—there is little reason to
Communication 175
believe that the trials and tribulations of conducting an intimate relationship over a long
distance are particularly traumatic. One study that examined how couples in long-distance
and proximal relationships fare in terms of satisfaction, trust, and relationship progress
found that proximal relationships were in no way superior to long-distance relationships
(Guldner & Swenson, 1995). Not surprisingly, compared to couples in proximal relation-
ships, those in long-distance relationships report a decrease in descriptive self-disclosure
and companionship. However, they were comparable to proximal couples in their evalua-
tive self-disclosure and level of affection for their partner (Van Horn et al., 1998).
Although distance certainly increases the difficulties in meeting each other’s needs (Le &
Agnew, 2001), there is a reason for the seeming lack of profound decrements in long-
distance relationships. Couples who are apart often find ways to cope with their physical
separation. It appears that how frequently they visit each other and how often they com-
municate otherwise, via the phone or the Internet, contribute to their level of satisfaction
(Holt & Stone, 1997). But what contributes most to long-distance dating couples’ rela-
tionship stability might be how they perceive their partner and their relationship. Long-
distance couples have been found to have higher levels of idealization and romantic love,
greater perceived agreement, and more relational reminiscence than geographically proxi-
mal dating couples (Stafford & Merolla, 2007). Ironically, idealization was negatively cor-
related with face-to-face interactions: the fewer the visits, the greater the positive illusions.
Coping in such ways may further explain why long-distance couples are no more likely to
break up than proximal couples, at least in the short run (Van Horn et al., 1998). What
happens in the “longer” run?
That roughly half of long-distance dating relationships terminate while partners are apart
(Stafford, Merolla, & Castle, 2006) is not surprising, given the situational stressors and the
fact that almost as many proximate dating relationships terminate as well. What is surprising
is that of the relationships that survive the distance and time apart, not all end in a “happily
ever after.” One study found that one-third of the “reunited” relationships ended within 3
months of relocation and reunion (Stafford et al., 2006). This statistic may be surprising
because it violates many of our expectations. The fact that a couple’s relationship has success-
fully weathered a stint apart suggests they have an especially durable relationship. For each
person in the long-distance relationship to endure the privations and resist the temptations of
separation also suggests an especially mighty type of love and an even mightier commitment.
What then leads to the rather swift termination of the reunited couples? Responses
from 180 college students who had been reunited revealed that several factors contrib-
uted to post-reunion relationship stability. They included the loss of autonomy, increased
knowledge—both positive and negative—of each other, difficulty inserting another per-
son into their daily routines, and increased conflict and jealousy (Stafford et al., 2006).
Taken together, these findings suggest that how long-distance couples think of their
relationship—i.e., the extent to which they idealize each other—may play an important
role in determining dissolution as well as relationship stability.
For instance, low levels of idealization were found to predict instability and the dis-
solution of long-distance relationships, whereas moderate to very high levels of idealiza-
tion contributed to stability and endurance of long-distance relationships (Stafford &
Merolla, 2007). However, high levels of idealization (which, as you may recall, occurred
in the absence of frequent face-to-face visits) were most likely to precipitate dissolution
upon reunion. It seems that moderate levels of idealization yielded the most stable and
successful couples both pre- and post-reunion (Stafford & Merolla, 2007). Finally, as
found previously, face-to-face contact during separation predicted stable reunions, while
176 Communication
Table 10.3 Researchers’ Advice on Navigating Your Long-Distance Relationship
• Visit each other as frequently as possible. Instant messaging, e-mail, letters, and Internet chats
cannot replace real time together. How are you ever going to find out how your boyfriend or
girlfriend gets along with your friends . . . or how responsive he or she is to your mundane
needs . . . or how compatible you are on issues outside your immediate relationship?
• Realize that your knowledge of each other while apart may not be the complete picture. No
one and no relationship are perfect.
• Be ready to renegotiation your relationship when you are reunited: Don’t be surprised to
discover flaws in your partner . . . or that you partner has changed since you first separated.
• Being more realistic about your relationship and each other will help—like Mary Poppins said,
just take a “spoonful of sugar to help the medicine go down. . . .” You do not need the entire
sugar bowl.
computer-mediated and mail communications did not! One conclusion from this research
is that nothing takes the place of face-to-face contact in helping couples develop the deep-
est, most realistic (though optimistic) understanding of each other. Of note is the fact that
phone calls, computer-mediated communications, and letters do not facilitate the exchange
of unpleasant information and may even inhibit these important exchanges. Thus, though
they enable couples to cope with separation, overly positive illusions that obscure real
partner qualities do not provide a good foundation for relationship stability after reunion.
Finally, it is also reasonable to speculate about sex differences in adjusting to physi-
cal separation. Recall that both men and women alike gravitate toward women when
it comes to seeking emotional support (Clark, 1994; Kunkel, 1995) and that both sexes
find interactions with women more meaningful and rewarding (Reis et al., 1985; Wheeler
et al., 1983). Based on these findings, one might expect that any negative ramifications of
physical separation should be more pronounced for the male partner in a long-distance
relationship. Some have even argued that women might be better off as a result of physical
separation because it eases the burden of giving emotional support without receiving simi-
lar levels from their partners (Helgeson, 1994). How can you survive your long-distance
relationship? See Table 10.3 for research-based advice.

• Self-disclosure is key to achieving intimacy, which is in turn linked to relation-
ship satisfaction. On the other hand, there is research that shows that self-
presentation is one way to foster positive illusions, which also have been shown
to promote satisfaction. How might you integrate the two sets of findings?
• Some research found that new mothers who are left with most of the chores
related to childrearing are unhappy with the relationship only if they had
expected a fair division of the labor. Does this mean that fairness is neither
always expected in a relationship nor essential to relationship satisfaction?
• One interesting finding about long-distance relationships is that both low and
high levels of idealization predict instability and dissolution, whereas moderate
and very high levels of idealization predict stability. How would you explain this
pattern?
Communication 177
Summary
Issues • Are there sex and gender differences in communication?

• Men prefer side-by-side communication
• Women prefer face-to-face communication
• Are there gender differences in linguistic styles?
• Differences in politeness, use of tag questions, qualifiers, and
back-channeling
• Differences in emotional expressiveness and use of instrumental language
• Couples manage their relationships in a variety of ways, including using
transactive memory and idealization
• How can couples navigate long-distance dating relationships?
Theory • Theoretical perspective that gender differences arise because men and
women grow up in different communication cultures
• Theoretical perspective that gender differences stem from having different,
gender-based skill sets
• Perspective that gender similarities in linguistic style outweigh differences
Research • Sex differences in linguistic styles are small but reliable
• Sex differences in interruptions, use of tag questions, qualifiers, and
back-channeling depend more on speech goals rather than on sex dif-
ferences alone
• Women use more supportive speech and express more emotion than men
• Men and women are from the same language culture because they share values
and preferences for interactions partners and also because of shared meanings
• Skills specialization is a better way to conceptualize sex differences in
linguistic styles
• Research on transactive memory shows how establishing a memory sys-
tem helps couples navigate the many chores of daily life (Wegner, 1986)
• Idealization is not related to relationship satisfaction, but it is important
in relationship maintenance
• Relationship satisfaction is influenced by the types of attributions individ-
uals make for partner transgressions and the extent to which relationship
expectations are confirmed (Bradbury & Fincham, 1989)
• Idealization plays an interesting role in long-distance relationships (Staf-
ford & Merolla, 2007)
• High levels of idealization sustain relationships during separation
• Moderate levels of idealization are associated with successful reunion
Key Terms
Topical cohesion: the extent to which topics introduced to a conversation are related; low
cohesion is characterized by covering a lot of topics for a short time.
Reasserting dominance: establishing and maintaining dominance in a conversation by way
of interruptions.
178 Communication
Confirmation interruptions: made for the purpose of clarification or to express agreement.
Rejection interruptions: express disagreement.
Disconfirmation interruptions: include those that seek to minimize the importance of the
speaker’s statements and those made with the goal of changing the subject.
Qualifiers: phrases such as I guess, Sort of, I mean, and You know to express uncertainty.
Back-Channeling: a variety of verbal and nonverbal responses to another’s utterances,
such as sentence completion and nodding.
Different cultures hypothesis: the idea that men’s and women’s communication patterns
are so different that they resemble distinct cultures.
Transactive memory: a shared system for encoding, storing, and retrieving information.
Positive illusions: beliefs that are more positive than the reality warrants.
Self-presentation: the processes through which people try to control the impression other
people form about them.
Self-disclosure: the processes through which people reveal more of themselves to others.
11 Infidelity and Jealousy
It is a brutal story of jealousy and obsession which ended in the horrific murder of a
businesswoman.
Sadie Hartley was found with more than 40 stab wounds lying in a pool of blood in the
hallway of her home in Helmshore, Lancashire, on January 14.
Today, Sarah Williams, 35, and her friend Kitt Walsh, 56, were both found guilty of murder-
ing the 60-year-old.
Williams had become “jealous and obsessive” over Ms Hartley’s partner Ian Johnston, 57,
after having sex with him a number of times when he was previously single.
—Mirror, August 17, 2016
When asked, most people would vehemently disagree with the statement, “If you really
love me, you’d be jealous.” Some quite forcefully argue that jealousy is a selfish reaction to
perceived threat and loss and is indicative of poor self-esteem, possessiveness, and a lack
of trust rather than a sign of true love. Yet, despite this widespread belief, who among us
can honestly say we have never experienced the bitter sting of jealousy? And if the earlier
statement is reversed, can it be possible (or desirable) to truly love someone and not expe-
rience any jealousy at all? Why does it seem difficult, even impossible, to eliminate jealous
feelings? On the other hand, would we really want to? Perhaps a better question would be:
Why do we even question the validity of our jealousy in the first place?
Infidelity and Jealousy Across Time and Cultures
Fidelity and Infidelity

To the extent that fidelity is an important feature of romantic relationships, infidelity
should lead to a plethora of negative emotions, including feelings of jealousy. However,
if we equate fidelity with monogamy, there are some interesting news to report. Accord-
ing to a 2016 survey by YouGov.com, monogamy (and with it fidelity) is still valued
among people over 30; 70 percent of people over 65 indicated that their ideal relation-
ship would be completely monogamous. This percentage declines with (younger) age.
Among Millennials—those under 30—only 51 percent indicated a desire for a completely
monogamous relationship (Zane, 2016).
Cultures and subcultures also differ in the degree to which fidelity is valued and prac-
ticed. The same YouGov survey suggested that the desire for monogamy was influenced
by race, with White Americans placing a higher premium on complete monogamy than
African-Americans and Hispanics (Zane, 2016). In “honor cultures” such as in the Ameri-
can South and West, a woman’s fidelity is especially important to her husband’s reputa-
tion. In such cultures men are expected to react to perceived threats with jealousy, thus
protecting the fidelity of their mates along with their honor (Vandello & Cohen, 2003).
In cultures that place little value on fidelity and sexual exclusivity, jealousy is a less com-
mon experience (Hupka, 1991; DeSteno & Salovey, 1996a), and people who enjoy open
marriages and sexual adventure may actually attempt to weaken the link between love
and sex in order to reduce jealousy (Buunk, 1991). For example, “swingers” in England
attempted to manage jealousy through communication and negotiation and by insisting
on emotional fidelity (de Visser & McDonald, 2007). Swinging couples actually welcomed
the experience of sexual jealousy because they perceived it as arousing rather than threat-
ening. Thus, one way that culture influences the incidence or the expression of jealousy is
through the value it places on fidelity. That is, the greater the value placed on fidelity, the
greater the vigilance to guard monogamy and, consequently, the greater the emotional and
behavioral reactions (e.g., jealousy) to perceived threats to the relationship.
Although one can find cultural variations in the value of fidelity, there is one form
of infidelity that appears to be universal. Think about your current or most recent
romantic relationship. How did you meet your partner? Was your partner single and
uncommitted when you first met? Or was your partner in a relationship already and
decided to jump ship? If the latter applies, you have successfully “poached” another’s
mate. Mate poaching refers to attempts by individuals to romantically attract others
already involved in a relationship (Davies, Shackelford, & Hass, 2007; Foster et al.,
2014). Worldwide it is fairly common throughout much of Europe and South America.
It is less common in Africa and much of Asia. In North America, roughly 75 percent
of men and women report to have been a target of a poaching attempt; about half of
them report to have successfully poached from a romantic partner. Although some
of these poaching attempts result in relationships that are short-lived, the majority of
poached men (63 percent) and women (54 percent) form long-term relationships with
their poachers (Schmitt & International Sexuality Description Project, 2004). Lon-
gevity does not translate into bliss, however. Individuals who were poached by their
current partners tend to be less committed, less invested, and less satisfied. Not surpris-
ingly, they also tend to pay more attention to romantic alternatives, perceive them to be
more attractive, and engage in infidelity at a higher rate than non-poached individuals
(Foster et al., 2014).
It may be that evolution predisposes us to infidelity, but cultural expectations of fidelity
may dictate the degree to which we will suffer the pangs of romantic betrayal. Yet there
is still more to the story of fidelity and jealousy than culture and evolution can explain.
An examination of infidelity at the relationship level clarifies its elements and reveals its
complexity. A 17-year longitudinal study reports that infidelity is both the cause and result
of relationship discord and conflict (Previti & Amato, 2004). Let us explore the factors—
historical, evolved, situational, and dispositional—that contribute to the occurrence and
experience of jealousy.
A Brief History of Jealousy

From a personal, emotional perspective, jealousy has often been viewed as a potentially
destructive and embarrassing emotion (a view currently embraced by lovers and researchers
Infidelity and Jealousy 181
alike). The 18th-century Chinese, for example, considered jealousy an unmanly and dan-
gerous female sentiment, while 17th-century philosophers and writers believed that two
forces guide action: passion and reason. Actions motivated by reason were considered
superior, and behaviors stemming from passion were viewed as uncontrollable, irregular,
and erratic. Jealousy and other extreme emotions that stem from passion were therefore
deemed unreasonable. This view continues to be reflected in much of our current thinking
about jealousy and other “darker” emotions.
Not all thinkers view emotions in such a grim light. In fact, 14th-century philosophers
saw in jealousy the eagerness, devotion, and zealousness of love (Mullen, 1991). Here,
jealousy found a place where its expression was justified—not as a base manifestation
of possession, but as an expression of ardor in defense of romantic threats. Similarly,
18th-century British philosopher David Hume thought that human passion—not reason—
was the correct guide for our actions and morality. Jealousy, therefore, was considered a
legitimate guide for moral conduct. The evocation of jealousy would dictate the correct
moral action: for example, defending one’s honor, reacting to the loss of an exclusive rela-
tionship, responding to a romantic rival.
Current perspectives on jealousy have evolved along with the concurrent shift away from
a pragmatic, economic basis for marriage to a romantic one. Cultural changes in the role
of women in the workplace have also had a ripple effect on the way we view fidelity and
jealousy. One of the outcomes of these cultural revolutions has been a subtle but inexo-
rable change in our view of jealousy as a justified, (even) moral reaction governed by social
norms to one of jealousy as a purely individual-level reaction occurring outside of acceptable
romantic expectations and standards. Currently, jealousy has been stripped of its positive
attributes (i.e., enthusiastic, devoted, ardent love) and functions (i.e., protection of the rela-
tionship, defense of honor). In 21st-century Western culture, jealousy is no longer consid-
ered a valid, socially acceptable way to express one’s love, defend one’s honor, or protect and
protest a partner’s infidelity. It has become a uniquely individual expression of rage, a sign
of irrationality, immaturity, and even pathology (Mullen, 1991).
Defining Jealousy
Although the English language includes more than 2,000 words describing emotions,
theorists suggest that only six (plus or minus four) emotions are universal and univer-
sally recognizable (cf Tomkins, 1991; Izard, 1991; Plutchik, 1983; Ekman, Friesen, &
Ellsworth, 1982). This means that a bushman from the Kalahari, a college student in
America, and a child in Japan will all recognize an angry face when they see one. The
idea, of course, is that we are born with the equipment to detect and interpret these
primary, universal expressions. Although the exact number of these universal emotions
is subject to debate, at least six are commonly recognized across theories: fear, anger,
enjoyment, disgust, interest, and surprise. A seventh emotion, sadness, is also common
to many models. Where do jealousy and the remaining 1,990 or so other emotions fit
into the emotional landscape?
The vast majority of our emotional responses fall outside the universal or primary emo-
tions category. The experience and expression of emotions such as relief, panic, fondness,
and jealousy are generally thought to be shaped by upbringing and culture to a much
larger extent than are primary emotions. They are considered either subtypes of a pri-
mary emotion (e.g., Shaver et al., 1987), secondary emotions (e.g., Plutchik, 1983), or
blends of the primaries (e.g., Izard, 1991; Sharpsteen, 1991). From an emotional blending
Primary Emotions Emotional Subtypes
Love Adoration
Affection
Fondness
Longing
Joy Amusement
Glee
Ecstasy
Relief
Surprise Amazement
Astonishment
Anger Rage
Scorn
Envy
Jealousy
Torment
Sadness Depression
Despair
Loneliness
Rejection
Fear Horror
Terror
Panic
Anxiety
Nervousness
Figure 11.1 Primary Emotions and Their Subtypes

Source: Shaver, Schwartz, Kirson, and O’Connor (1987). Reprinted by permission.
perspective, loneliness is a blend of sadness and fear while ecstasy results from the combi-
nation of joy and love, for example. Similarly, jealousy can be a subtype of anger (Shaver
et al., 1987) or a blend of anger, sadness, and fear (Sharpsteen, 1991). (See Figure 11.1 for
a prototype model of emotions.)
Others have suggested that jealousy is a universal human experience (Daly, Wilson, &
Weghorst, 1982; Salovey & Rodin, 1985; Sabini & Silver, 2005) rather than being a sub-
type or blend of more primary emotions. How else could one explain that infants as young
as 6 months of age (Hart & Carrington, 2002) are capable of experiencing jealousy? Mar-
riage counselors estimate that over one-third of their clients seek help for problems related
to romantic jealousy (Mullen, 1991). And a survey of over 25,000 Psychology Today
readers verified the prevalence of jealousy across class, gender, and race (Salovey & Rodin,
1985). Jealousy, like love, appears to be central to our interpersonal lives and thus may be
best viewed as an emotion in its own right (Sabini & Silver, 2005) that can manifest itself
as either suspicious jealousy or fait accompli jealousy (Parrott, 1991). We will return to
this distinction in a moment.
On the face of it, to suggest that jealousy is both universal and variable across cultures
may seem a bit contradictory. However, what may vary across groups is not the actual
emotional experience of jealousy, but the degree to which jealousy is tolerated, how and
when it can be expressed, and whether its expression is sanctioned at all. Thus, whether
you live with a bunch of swingers, with a polygamous band of nomads, or are in a rela-
tionship “till death do us part,” you will experience jealousy when you feel your romantic
relationship(s) threatened. Of course, what you do with those feelings of anxiety, insecu-
rity, anger, or sadness has everything to do with the context in which you find yourself.
In sum, few if any of us are spared jealousy’s grip. While feelings of jealousy transcend
time and place, its expression and value are determined by its context—the time, place,
situation, and culture. A full understanding of jealousy should also include what it is
not: envy.
Envy: I Want What I Cannot Have

Some researchers have suggested that envy and jealousy are the same emotion, differing
only in intensity (Salovey & Rodin, 1986). Granted, both envy and jealousy are negative
responses that arise when we cannot have what we want, yet there are subtle differences
between them. In particular, envy occurs when we covet someone else’s possessions (e.g.,
your friend’s car, your classmate’s iPod, your sibling’s popularity). Jealousy, on the other
hand, occurs when we perceive a threat (real or imagined) to a desired relationship. Thus,
envy can be construed as the triadic relationship among the actor (A), who wishes to pos-
sess a material or immaterial possession (B) that belongs to someone else (C). Jealousy
can be represented by the triadic relationship in which the actor (A) is threatened by the
intentions of a rival (B) for the attention of the desired (C).
The subtleties that separate envy from jealousy are meaningful, and their semantic
closeness is reflected in our language usage. American English speakers are prone to using
the terms interchangeably (Parrott & Smith, 1993; Stepanova & Coley, 2002). Interest-
ingly, part of this confusion may arise largely from local linguistic norms rather than real
conceptual overlap (Stepanova & Coley, 2002). However, despite linguistic distinctive-
ness, careful analyses reveal qualitatively different emotional experiences for envy and
jealousy. While envy includes feelings of inferiority, longing, and disapproval, jealousy
includes feelings of anger, distrust, anxiety, and fear of loss and rejection (Parrott & Smith,
1993). In essence, though, what truly separates the two emotional experiences is the pres-
ence of a rival. We will look more closely at this defining characteristic of jealousy when
we consider the different sources of jealousy.

• In view of what we know about love and sex from Chapter 9, how successful
might attempts to weaken the link between them in order to reduce jealousy be?
• People in all cultures experience jealousy, even in cultures that denigrate it. But
across time and geographic space it has been viewed either as justified, norma-
tive, and desirable or as dangerous and embarrassing. How would you argue for
either position?
• Jealousy occurs when one perceives a threat (real or imagined) to a desired
relationship. Do you think it makes a difference whether the threat is real or
imagined? How would you support your answer?
Sources of Jealousy: The Jealous Person, the Partner, and the Rival
Our previous discussion of envy and jealousy makes it clear that there are at least three pos-
sible sources of jealousy: the jealous person, the partner, and the rival. Let us examine each.
The Jealous Person

Dear Abby: Some people may think my problem silly, but they don’t realize how serious
it is to me—it’s making my life miserable . . . My problem is jealousy. I am jealous of all
other females, and it has made my life pure hell. I am 37 years old and the mother of two
children. I have a good husband, if he can manage to live with me. My family and friends,
my husband, even my children think I am way overboard with my feelings of jealousy . . .
Please help me. This is not a joke. Jealousy is ruining my life. (Signed) Jealous Julia in Ohio
—“Dear Abby,” Chicago Tribune, July 7, 1998
Witnessing your romantic partner in a loving embrace with someone else is clear grounds
for jealousy. It is a powerful situation that will evoke jealous feelings no matter how pos-
sessive, insecure, confident, shy, or intelligent we may be. However, to what degree can
jealousy be attributed to characteristics or traits of the individual—the jealous person? Are
some of us, like Jealous Julia, more prone than others to experience jealousy? Research
grounded in evolutionary principles suggests that height plays a role. Shorter men are
more likely to be chronically jealous than taller men. Both shorter and taller women are
more likely to be chronically jealous than women of average height (Buunk, Park, Zur-
riaga, Klavina, & Massar, 2008). But what are the psychological characteristics of a jeal-
ous person? (See Figure 11.2 for an example of a jealousy measurement instrument.)
Research using the Self-Report Jealousy Scale suggests that highly jealous individuals
have lower self-esteem, experience lower life satisfaction, feel more negativity toward the
world, and have an external locus of control compared to individuals less prone to experi-
ence jealousy. High chronic jealousy is also correlated with higher levels of dogmatism and
greater reactivity to threatening events (Bringle, 1991). This corresponds to a commonly
held idea that individuals with low self-esteem are most likely to experience and exhibit
jealousy. Let’s explore this possibility.
By its very nature, self-esteem is a dispositional quality. As such, we cannot randomly
assign participants to high and low self-esteem conditions in an experiment. Because of
this complication, much research on jealousy and self-esteem is correlational. But as we
know, correlation does not imply causation. Specifically, does low self-esteem cause jeal-
ousy, or does jealousy lead to low self-esteem, or is there yet a third possibility? Research
on jealousy and self-esteem has suggested all of the above. Some (e.g., Mullen & Martin,
1994; Salovey & Rodin, 1991; White, 1981) find that low self-esteem precedes jealousy,
while others find that low self-esteem is the result of jealous experiences (e.g., Bringle,
1991; Mathes, Adams, & Davies, 1985; Peretti & Pudowski, 1997). Still other researchers
have found only a weak or no link between self-esteem and jealousy. For example, Buunk
(1982) found only a weak correlation between self-esteem and jealousy in women and no
relationship between self-esteem and jealousy for men!
The Partner
Our romantic partners play an essential role in the experience of jealousy, the importance
of which is often unstated and assumed by us all. Love is a prerequisite: We must in some
Cognitive component: How frequently do you have the following thoughts?

1. I suspect that X is secretly seeing someone of the opposite sex.
2. I am worried that some member of the opposite sex may be chasing after X.
3. I suspect that X may be attracted to someone else.
4. I suspect that X may be physically intimate with another member of the opposite
sex behind my back.
5. I think that some members of the opposite sex may be romantically interested in X.
6. I am worried that someone of the opposite sex is trying to seduce X.
7. I think that X is secretly developing an intimate relationship with someone of the
opposite sex.
8. I suspect that X is crazy about members of the opposite sex.
Emotional component: How would you react emotionally to the following?

1. X comments to you on how great looking a particular member of the opposite
sex is.
2. X shows a great deal of interest or excitement in talking to someone of the oppo-
site sex.
3. X smiles in a very friendly manner to someone of the opposite sex.
4. A member of the opposite sex is trying to get close to X all the time.
5. X is flirting with someone of the opposite sex.
6. Someone of the opposite sex is dating X.
7. X hugs and kisses someone of the opposite sex.
8. X works very closely with a member of the opposite sex (in school or office).
Behavioral component: How often do you do the following?

1. I look through X’s drawers, handbag, or pockets.
2. I call X unexpectedly, just to see if he or she is there.
3. I question X about previous or present romantic relationships.
4. I say something nasty about someone of the opposite sex if X shows an interest
in that person.
5. I question X about his or her telephone calls.
6. I question X about his or her whereabouts.
7. I join in whenever I see X talking to a member of the opposite sex.
8. I pay X a surprise visit just to see who is with him or her.
Figure 11.2 Multidimensional Jealousy Scale

Source: Adapted from S. M. Pfeiffer and P.T.P. Wong, Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 6 (pp. 181–
196). Copyright © 1989 by Sage Publications Ltd. Used by permission.
way love a person in order to experience jealousy. Perhaps it is exactly this element that
led early Christian philosopher St. Augustine to suggest, “Qui non zealat non amat” (“He
who is not jealous does not love”).
If we are madly in love with our partner, we can find at least two sources from which
jealousy may arise. For example, we may believe our love is not reciprocated. In this
case, feelings of insecurity may then give rise to heightened sensitivity to real or imagined
threats from potential rivals. Or our partner may love us deeply but flirt mercilessly with
others. In this case, feelings of jealousy may be inevitable. In fact, some people actually
use jealousy strategically to gain attention from their partner (Fleishmann, Spitzberg,
Andersen, & Roesch, 2005).
Some romantic partners, though, are simply more likely than others to stray. Some
have located the source of infidelity not in individual genotypes, but in the genetic match
between couples (Garver-Apgar et al., 2006). Genetic similarity as measured at the level of
the immune system (i.e., the major histocompatibility complex, or MHC) revealed that the
greater the degree of genetic or MHC similarity, the lower the level of sexual responsiveness
in females. Further, high MHC similarity also corresponded to a higher likelihood of infi-
delity. Thus, high degrees of genetic similarity spell trouble for men who will be frustrated
by their partners’ lack of sexual responsiveness. In fact, these MHC-matched men may be
threatened by both the lack of sexual interest and the likely prospect of infidelity. Of course
our love for our partner and how our partner responds to it explains only a small fraction
of jealousy. Our analysis can gain considerably by adding the romantic rival.
The Rival
The presence of a rival sets jealousy apart from envy. Rivals, whether a romantic oppo-
nent, your partner’s best friend, or simply time your partner spends at work, can be threat-
ening because they signify a possible loss in attention (Parrott, 1991), especially the kind
of formative attention (Tov-Ruach, 1980) that is central to how we think of ourselves and
to our feelings of intimacy.
The presence of a rival may also lead to jealousy by way of self-evaluation mainte-
nance (SEM) processes (DeSteno & Salovey, 1996b). According to Tesser and colleagues
(e.g., Tesser, 1988; Erber & Tesser, 1994; Beach et al., 1998), self-evaluation is a tempo-
rary manifestation of self-esteem that is subject to fluctuations. Self-evaluation suffers
whenever we realize we have been outperformed by a close other on a dimension that is
important to us. In romantic relationships, jealousy comes about when a person makes a
relevant comparison to a rival. Comparisons may include qualities that are important to
the jealous person (i.e., self-relevant qualities such as those that makes him or her special,
loveable) or those that are relevant to the relationship (i.e., qualities the partner finds
attractive and admirable).
In support of SEM processes in jealousy, male and female research participants who
imagined their romantic partner flirting with someone other than themselves at a univer-
sity party felt threatened by some but not all interlopers (DeSteno & Salovey, 1996b).
When asked about how they felt about rivals who excelled in different domains (i.e.,
intelligence, athleticism, and popularity), participants felt the most intense jealousy when
rivals outshone them on self-relevant dimensions. For example, participants who felt that
intelligence was important to their self-concept were most threatened by an intelligent
rival but experienced little threat when the rival was athletic and popular. Interestingly,
participants rated similar rivals more favorably than dissimilar ones, suggesting that the
threat was due not to competition but to SEM processes.
What other characteristics contribute to how threatening a rival is perceived? In their
study of infidelity in 53 cultures, Buss and colleagues found individuals likely to engage
in mate poaching were high in extraversion, low in agreeableness, and low in conscien-
tiousness. And they admitted to loving sex! Similar results were reported in a study that
specifically looked at individuals who admitted to being unfaithful (Barta & Kiene, 2005)
and in a representative sample of over 3,000 U.S. respondents, aged 18 to 59 (Treas &
Giesen, 2000).
Social-Cognitive Approaches to Jealousy

Understanding the characteristics of the jealous person, the partner, and the rival in isola-
tion falls short of providing a comprehensive account for why jealousy comes about. A
complete understanding also needs to take into account how these characteristics interact
to produce jealousy. This is considered by social-cognitive approaches to jealousy that add
to our discussion in important ways.
The transactional model of jealousy (Bringle, 1991; Rydell & Bringle, 2007) exam-
ines how three variables—arousability, commitment, and insecurity—moderate jealousy.
First, individual differences in jealousy are determined by individual differences in lev-
els of physiological arousability. Individuals who are easily aroused have more intense
jealous reactions than those lower in physiological arousal. Commitment refers to the
degree of involvement a person has in the relationship. The more committed we are in
a relationship, the greater the threat of loss and ensuing feelings of jealousy. Insecurity
refers to the perceived level of commitment on the part of the beloved. If we perceive our
partner to be uninvolved or disinterested in the relationship, we will feel a greater sense
of insecurity. These three elements combine at three levels to determine the intensity of
jealousy: the individual, the relationship, and the situation. Yet despite taking the situation
and relationship into account, this particular model focuses primarily on the individual’s
chronic tendencies toward jealousy (i.e., the arousability component). Dispositions carry a
relatively greater weight than situational factors (Bringle, Renner, Terry, & Davis, 1983).
Dispositional jealousy is much less prominently featured in theories that emphasize how
we, as actors, see and understand our romantic worlds. For example, cognitive motiva-
tional theorists (e.g., White, 1991) emphasize the importance of the cognitive processes
by which the jealous person perceives and interprets jealousy-provoking situations. Pro-
ponents of this approach suggest that our expectations and beliefs about the behaviors
of others play an important role in determining how we will react. The same situation,
depending upon the expectations of the perceivers, can be interpreted and responded to
in a variety of ways: Brittney may interpret a smile as a benign greeting, whereas Jacob
may interpret it as sign of sexual interest. Thus, in order to fully understand and predict
jealous behaviors, we must understand both the individual’s disposition and his or her
interpretation of the partner’s behavior. The interplay between disposition and interpreta-
tion predicts jealous reactions (White, 1991).
Our experience of jealousy may also be shaped by specific relationship goals (Sharp-
steen & Kirkpatrick, 1997; Sharpsteen, 1995). For example, a person whose goal is to
maintain a long-term relationship will react to a jealousy-provoking situation very differ-
ently from someone whose primary goal is to have a sexual fling. Once motivation has
been established, jealousy results from perceived threat to either the person’s self-esteem
or to the relationship. The higher the threat to both self-esteem and to the relationship, the
greater the jealousy (Sharpsteen, 1995)
It seems, then, that a complete explanation of jealousy needs to include at least three if
not more critical elements (e.g., the jealous person, the rival, the desired relationship, com-
mitment, motivations, perceptions) in order to accurately account for the entire range of
experiences. Cognitive approaches take many of these elements into account. Of course,
considering multiple explanatory influences is often more difficult than relying on a single
source. However, models focusing on interactions provide a greater degree of complete-
ness to our understanding of the wellspring of jealousy. Let us now examine how we react
to jealousy.

• How could you explain the relationship between one’s height and proneness to
jealousy?
• From Chapter 9 we know that we are attracted to and form close relationships
with others who are similar to us. Yet some research shows that genetic similar-
ity within a couple is linked with a lower level of sexual responsiveness of the
woman. How would you resolve this contradiction?
• The self-evaluation maintenance model predicts that we are likely to experience
jealousy when the rival excels in a domain that is important to us, but not if
he or she excels in something we find irrelevant. Getting personal, imagine that
your significant other paid undue attention to a person who excelled in domain
that is not important to you. Would you feel jealous? Why or why not?
Reactions to Jealousy
We’ve all experienced jealousy at one time or another. What causes some of us to demand
that our boyfriends commit murder to prove their love for us while others go into a deep
depression or become bar hoppers? It appears that gender plays a big role in how we per-
ceive threat and react to infidelity and jealousy.
Gender Differences in Perceptions of Threat

Researchers have found that gender differences in our reactions to jealousy may start with
the differences in what men and women find threatening about a potential rival (DeSteno
& Salovey, 1996b; Nadler & Dotan, 1992). For instance, men’s jealousy is largely driven
by a concern to protect their egos whereas women’s jealousy is primarily focused on pro-
tecting their relationships (Nadler & Dotan, 1992). Consistent with this idea, DeSteno
and Salovey (1996b) found that men were most imperiled by rivals who were exceptional
on dimensions that were relevant to their own self-definitions (e.g., a jock would be more
threatened by the rivalry of another jock rather than by that of the campus chess master).
Women, on the other hand, were most threatened by rivals who seem to possess charac-
teristics important to their partners (e.g., for a woman dating a jock, a rival who loves
sports would be more threatening than a rival who loves opera). In other words, men
were competitive with their rivals while women were focused on their ability to meet their
partner’s needs and desires.
Clearly, men and women alike are concerned with infidelity. Although early approaches
suggested that men are more threatened by sexual infidelity whereas women are more
threatened by emotional infidelity because of the disparity in their parental investment
(Trivers, 1972), it now appears that men and women are similarly concerned with sexual
infidelity (Carpenter, 2012; Sagarin et al., 2012). What sets them apart is how they deal
with infidelity-related threats.
According to the rivalry sensitivity hypothesis (Ein-Dor et al., 2015) women tend to
pay attention to potential rivals (other women) in their mate’s vicinity, whereas men tend
to focus on their partner. Moreover, Ein-Dor et al. (2015) found that women were more
alert to cues of potential partner unfaithfulness than men. And they were faster and more
accurate in detecting signs of infidelity photographs depicting infidelity scenarios!
Further, researchers are developing a compendium of links between jealousy and other
evolved characteristics (see Table 11.1). Individually, these findings are intriguing and
together suggest multiple sources of evidence that jealousy may be linked to an evolved
mechanism. However, whether jealousy is triggered by an evolved mechanism or is due to
an interaction of cognitive and situational forces, being jilted still feels bad. How do we
react to jealousy?
Table 11.1 Links Between Jealousy and Other Evolved Characteristics
Curtis et al. (2006) Dopamine is linked to monogamy and monogamous pair bonding
in rodents, birds, and humans.
Van Anders, Hamilton, and Testosterone: Men in a monogamous relationship had lower levels
Watson (2007) of testosterone than those in multiple partner relationships.
Garver-Apgar et al. (2006) Major histocompatibility complex is an indication of genetic
similarity—the greater the MCH similarity between romantic
partners, the more likely women will be to have sexual relations
outside of their primary relationships, especially during
ovulation.
Park et al. (2008) 2D:4D: The ratio of index finger length to ring finger length is a
measure of androgen exposure in utero. Men with higher, more
feminine 2D:4D experienced more jealousy when confronted with
socially dominant rivals. Women with lower, more masculine
2D:4D experienced more jealousy when presented with attractive
rivals.
Dijkstra and Buunk (2001) Waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) and shoulder-to-hip ratio (SHR): Men
focused on rivals’ shoulders and felt most jealous of low-WHR/
low-SHR rivals—men with lean, slender builds. In older men,
SHR less important. Women were most attentive to their rivals’
waist, hips, and hair and were most jealous of rivals with lower-
WHR/high-SHR rivals—a V-type body. No age effects were found
for women.
Buunk et al. (2008) Height: Men: Height positively correlated with attractiveness and
dominance. Height negatively correlated with jealousy. Women:
Curvilinear relationship between height and health/reproductive
success. Average-height females are healthiest and also least
jealous. Negative correlation between height and jealousy.
Average-height women less jealous of attractive rivals but more
jealous of dominant, more masculine rivals.
Buss (1988); Goetz et al. Mate guarding: Men react to relationship threats by “mate
(2005); Shackelford, Goetz, guarding,” which includes mate concealment, vigilance, and
Guta, and Schmitt (2006) monopolization of mate’s time and attention. Men also engage in
more frequent copulation to displace a potential rival’s sperm.
Gender and Reactions to Jealousy: “Every Breath You Take . . . I’ll Be
Watching You”
The stereotype is that women suffer the pangs of jealousy more than men, but research
also suggests that women and men suffer differently. Shettel-Neuber, Bryson, and Young
(1978) showed men and women videotaped episodes of a jealousy-provoking situation.
Men viewed a video in which a male interloper attempted to steal another man’s girlfriend.
Women saw a video with a similar scenario, except with a female interloper attempting to
take a woman’s boyfriend from her. Participants put themselves in the place of the person
whose relationship was threatened by the rival and then responded to the scenarios.
The videotaped scenarios produced several sex differences. Men were more likely to
express anger, including self-directed anger. Further, they claimed they would get drunk or
high and verbally threaten the intruder (not necessarily in this order). Yet at the same time,
men indicated they would feel flattered by the interloper’s attention to their partner as well
as experience arousal by their girlfriend. Women, on the other hand, were more likely to say
they would be depressed, engage in self-blame, and try to make themselves more attractive
to their partners. And they would first cry alone, but then put on their best face in public.
Sex differences aside, our reactions differ depending on the type of jealousy we experience.
As we alluded to earlier, Parrott (1991) proposed two different types of jealousy: suspicious
and fait accompli. Each type of jealousy is associated with specific feelings and reactions.
For instance, suspicious jealousy arises when we suspect that the self-verifying, self-defining
feedback we crave from our loved one is being given instead to a rival. This type of jealousy
creates feelings of anxiety and insecurity. Fait accompli jealousy occurs when our suspicions
of betrayal have turned to certainty; we’ve lost to our rival. This type of jealousy leads to
three different types of reactions. Focusing on the loss of the relationship will make us sad.
Focusing on being alone will make us anxious, and focusing on the betrayal aspect of our
loss will make us angry. According to this perspective, sex differences arise not because men
and women have different responses to jealousy, but because they might focus on different
aspects of the situation. Perhaps women are more likely than men to focus on relationship
loss and being alone, while men are more likely to focus on the betrayal.
Sabini and Green (2004) have developed a comprehensive model to predict the nature
of the emotional experience that comprises jealousy. Consistent with Parrott (1991), their
first premise is that jealousy, the emotion, is comprised of subcomponents, two of which
are anger and hurt feelings. Whether we experience anger or hurt feelings depends on
several factors. First, we must consider degree to which we blame our partner for the
betrayal. Blame is more likely to be trigged by sexual infidelity (than by emotional unfaith-
fulness) because engaging in sex with someone is a behavior that can presumably be con-
trolled. Emotions, on the other hand, are believed to be less under our direct influence, and
thus we may not find our partners as blameworthy for their wandering affections. Greater
blameworthiness for sexual infidelity, in turn, results in anger. Lower levels of blame, such
as in cases of emotional infidelity, result in sadness and hurt feelings.
Sex differences in jealousy may be the result of men’s and women’s unique reactions to
relationship distress. In support of this idea, Sabini and Green (2004) found that men and
women interpret and react to distress differently. Men interpret distress as anger whereas
women interpret it as feeling hurt. To the extent that sexual infidelity results in feelings of
anger and emotional infidelity results in hurt feelings, men are more likely to experience
greater distress (anger) over sexual infidelity. Women, on the other hand, are more likely
to be distressed (feel hurt) by emotional infidelity.
Finally, reactions to jealousy include behavioral responses in addition to emotional reac-
tions. In this regard, evolutionary psychologists have found that men respond to threats to
their relationships by engaging in mate guarding behaviors (Goetz et al., 2005; Shackel-
ford, Goetz, Guta, & Schmitt, 2006) intended to safeguard a partner from a rival’s unwel-
come overtures. According to Buss (1988; Buss & Shackelford, 1997), mate guarding can
be accomplished in several ways. Mate concealment includes strategies such as staying at
home rather than going out to a party. Vigilance includes checking in and checking up on
one’s partner such as questioning one’s partner about time spent apart. Monopolization
of time involves keeping your partner to yourself in public or at a party. Another reac-
tion to perceived threats to the relationship is to increase the frequency and amount of
sexual intercourse, or in-pair copulation (IPC). The possibility, in monogamous pairs, of
being cuckolded (i.e., raising the offspring of another male) leads to behaviors intended
to displace the sperm of rivals (or poachers). Consistent with this speculation, men who
engage in higher rates of IPC generally have partners who are highly attractive, who seem
more likely to have had sex with other men, or who are near ovulation (Shackelford et al.,
2006). Mate guarding assumes some degree of success in warding off rivals. However,
should those efforts prove fruitless, the subsequent feelings of anger, sadness, and betrayal
are difficult to diffuse. The next section talks about research on how we cope with jealousy.
Coping With the Green-Eyed Monster

Dear Jealous Julia: Jealousy is no laughing matter—it can make you and those around you
miserable . . . Until you learn to feel more secure about yourself, you will probably continue
to have these feelings. Short-term therapy, focused specifically on this issue, will help you
recognize that your feelings are not based in reality, and will give you useful tools to manage
them. You may have to work hard to conquer this, as any counselor will tell you, but it can
be done. (Signed) Abigail Van Buren
—Chicago Tribune, July 27, 1998
Individuals like “Jealous Julia” who suffer from chronic jealousy would probably benefit
from taking Abby’s advice aimed at self-esteem repair and increased self-reliance (Salovey &
Rodin, 1988). Chronically jealous individuals might curb their jealousy by increasing their
self-confidence and independence. In the process they may realize that they can survive and
perhaps even flourish without being in a relationship. Of course, such a simple “self-esteem
patch” or “psychic band aid” may be of little utility to individuals who, for one reason
or another, find themselves trapped in relationships marked by infidelity and betrayal. If,
for instance, your partner is cheating on you, isn’t jealousy an appropriate reaction to this
betrayal? And wouldn’t the absence of jealousy in this case be more “abnormal” than
its manifestation? To discover a loved one’s infidelity and to experience no threat or fear
of loss returns us back to St. Augustine’s proclamation that “He who is not jealous does
not love.” Sometimes jealousy, as Hume suggested, may be an indication that we have an
unworthy partner or are stuck in a doomed relationship. Just as pain signals the presence
of an injury, perhaps jealousy can be a sign that a deeper ailment may be afflicting the
relationship. Thus, disentangling ourselves from relationships torn apart by jealousy and
infidelity will sometimes require more than self-affirmations or other self-esteem boosts.
Clinicians, recognizing the volatile and multifarious nature of jealousy, have suggested
that couples and rivals involved in jealous triads are more highly intertwined than we
might suspect (Pam & Pearson, 1994). Helping a jealous person cope with his or her
jealous feelings needs to include considerations of the psychological state, needs, and
motivations of the primary client, as well as the cheating partner and interloper. Further-
more, the dynamic between the couple and the rival can be extremely complex and quite
resistant to change. Improving self-value may help us feel better about ourselves but does
not guarantee that we can extricate ourselves from these situations.
Pam and Pearson (1994) offer clinical examples of couples who were are unable to com-
pletely rid themselves of their former partners or their ties to the severed relationship even after
they had terminated it. Although the psychological presence of the ex-partner and rival are
necessary to achieve closure and provide eventual healing, the third wheel is not so easily dis-
carded. In one case, a man left his wife for his mistress. After several years, the former mistress
pleaded with the man’s ex-wife to take him back. She refused. Incredibly, the man believed the
women were still fighting over him without realizing they were now fighting to get rid of him!
Finally, using denial as a way to cope with our jealous feelings may not work at all and
may actually backfire. According to work by Wegner and colleagues (e.g., Wegner & Erber,
1992), suppressed thoughts often return unbidden to us. Additionally, efforts to control or
suppress thoughts can actually lead to a magnification of the unwanted thoughts. In other
words, trying not to think about how jealous we are or trying not to think about our rival
may increase our feelings of jealousy or our insecurity about our rival. Instead of sup-
pressing our feelings and thoughts, we may actually benefit from expressing them openly.
Specifically, sharing our thoughts and feelings with others makes us feel better even if the
“other” is a diary (Pennebaker, 1990). We should therefore strive to acknowledge our feel-
ings of jealousy, find a counselor or a helpful friend who cares to listen to our problems,
and take positive strides to address the source of the jealousy.
An Attachment Approach to Jealousy

Our discussion of the reactions to jealousy suggests that we react in many different ways to
perceived threat: anger, blame, hurt feelings, depression, self-blame, mate guarding, in-pair
copulation, self-medication, and so on. Being able to predict who will react in what manner
might further our ability to assist individuals cope successfully with jealousy. The attach-
ment model, as applied to adult relationships (also discussed in Chapter 8), offers a way of
integrating what we know about jealousy, reactions to jealousy, and coping with its effects.
Like attachment processes, jealousy can be viewed as a mechanism that functions in
the service of relationship maintenance (Sharpsteen and Kirkpatrick, 1997). Similar to
the attachment system that is activated by separation from a primary caregiver, jealousy
is triggered by the threat of losing a romantic partner. Thus, romantic partners, or attach-
ment figures, should activate attachment systems and also trigger their related emotional
and jealous reactions. Needless to say, the types of jealous experiences should co-vary pre-
dictably with attachment style. Recent research supports this and reveals how attachment
style predicts the intensity and frequency of jealous episodes.
In one study, Sharpsteen and Kirkpatrick (1997) measured participants’ attachment
style and dispositional jealousy and also asked them to describe their usual reactions to
jealousy situations in general as well as to recall and evaluate two specific jealousy inci-
dents. It turned out that anxiously attached individuals, who view themselves as inad-
equate and unworthy lovers, reacted to jealousy with feelings of fear and sadness. In
other words, they felt inferior and, although angry, were careful not to express it. Their
poor self-image led to intense fears of abandonment and rejection, which also resulted in
heightened perceptions of threat and subsequent jealous reactions. However, instead of
blaming the betrayal on their lover or the interloper, anxious individuals focused their
anger inward and blamed themselves for their lover’s infidelity—even to the neglect and
detriment of their own self-esteem.
In a similar vein, because avoidantly attached people expect rejection, they generally
approach relationships with hesitation and maintain psychological and physical distance
from their romantic partners. In essence, they expect their relationships to fail and attempt
to shield themselves from what they perceive as the inevitable. When it comes to jealousy
and betrayal, it is not surprising that this strategy almost guarantees failure. Jealousy epi-
sodes of the avoidantly attached were dominated by self-doubt and sadness. These indi-
viduals directed their anger and blame at their rival and were not likely to make attempts
at “rescuing” their relationship. Instead, their energies were channeled into repairing and
maintaining their own self-esteem.
Finally, securely attached lovers, who have confidence in their relationships and expect
them to endure, did not experience feelings of inferiority or self-doubt when confronted
with jealousy situations. They reported the least amount of sadness but instead displayed
high levels of anger and betrayal directed toward their partner. Yet despite feeling angry,
securely attached individuals, consistent with their confidence in the relationship, worked
hard to maintain and improve it.
The transactional model of jealousy (Rydell & Bringle, 2007) makes similar predictions.
Lovers who experience reactive (i.e., the emotional component of) jealousy experience
lower levels of chronic jealousy and exhibit higher levels of dependency and trust in their
partners. These reactions are suggestive of a secure attachment style. Conversely, lovers
who are prone to suspicious (i.e., the cognitive and behavioral manifestations of) jealousy
are more likely to have lowered levels of self-esteem and higher levels of chronic jealousy.
Suspicious jealousy is more typical of anxiously and avoidantly attached individuals.
In sum, Sharpsteen and Kirkpatrick’s (1997) attachment approach to jealousy provides
a way of predicting the intensity and frequency of jealous reactions. Attachment style is
consistent with different patterns of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral reactions to
jealousy. Although based largely on correlational data, these findings are theoretically
exciting and may also provide a powerful clinical tool.

• Social psychological models emphasize the role of self-esteem, while evolutionary
theory proposes the threat to inclusive fitness posed by infidelity as the likely under-
lying causes for jealousy. Can you think of a way to reconcile the two approaches?
• Both infidelity and the demand for fidelity (with its resultant jealousy) are
thought to be evolved mechanisms. Why do you think evolution would create
this demand?
• Suspicious jealousy and fait accompli jealousy occur when one focuses either
on the betrayal, or on the loss, respectively. Research shows that men are more
prone to the first kind, and women to the second kind of jealousy. What do you
think makes one focus on one aspect or the other?
• Research shows that often, thoughts and feelings we try to suppress tend to
become even stronger. What does this imply for our current cultural trend to
regard jealousy as negative, embarrassing, and undesirable?
Summary
Issues • How are jealousy and fidelity linked?

• Do our experiences of them change over time and across cultures?
• How do we define jealousy—types of jealousy, jealousy versus envy?
• Are there sex differences in jealousy and infidelity?
• How can we cope with jealousy?
Theories • Prototype model defines jealousy as a subtype of anger
• Cognitive appraisal approaches contend that jealousy is a bona fide
emotion
• Bringle’s (1991) transactional theory of jealousy proposes that it arises
from the interplay between the individual and the situation
• Cognitive motivational approaches emphasize attributions and how we
think about jealousy-provoking situations
• The SEM approach focuses on the interaction between rival character-
istics and the jealous person’s self-evaluation
• Attachment model of jealousy predicts the intensity and frequency of
jealous reactions based on attachment type
Research • Salovey and Rodin (1985) surveyed 25,000 readers of a national maga-
zine to canvas the prevalence of jealousy
• Sharpsteen (1995) asked participants to imagine different jealousy-
provoking scenarios and found that jealousy stemmed from threats to
self-esteem and to the relationship
• DeSteno and Salovey (1996b) found that rival characteristics evoked
jealousy when those characteristics were on self-relevant dimensions
• Schmitt and colleagues found sex differences for jealousy based on evo-
lutionary predictions
• Women have different jealous reactions than do men
• Sharpsteen and Kirkpatrick (1997) showed how different attachment
styles lead to differences in how we react to jealousy
Key Terms
Suspicious jealousy: a form of jealousy that occurs when one suspects a betrayal. It is
characterized by feelings of anxiety and insecurity.
Fait accompli jealousy: a form of jealousy that occurs when betrayal is a certainty. It is
characterized by feelings of sadness, anxiety, or anger.
Formative attention: attention from others that sustains part of our self-concept.
Transactional model of jealousy: a theoretical model that examines how commitment,
insecurity, and arousability interact to predict the occurrence and intensity of jealousy
at three levels: the individual, the relationship, and the situation.
Commitment: the degree of involvement a person has in a relationship.
Insecurity: the perceived level of commitment of one’s partner.
Mate guarding: a set of responses to relationship threats that can take the form of mate
concealment, vigilance, and monopolization of time.
In-pair copulation (IPC): sexual intercourse with the primary partner
12 Relationship Violence and Abuse
The World Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna, Austria, in 1993, and the Dec-
laration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women in the same year, concluded that
civil society and governments have acknowledged that domestic violence is a public health
policy and human rights concern. In the United States, according to the National Intimate
Partner Sexual Violence Survey of 2010, 1 in 6 women suffered some kind of sexual violence
induced by their intimate partner during the course of their lives.
—https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Violence_Against_Women_Act
When we think of violence and victimization, many of us believe it is something that hap-
pens among strangers or acquaintances in faraway places. In fact, The mugging in a dark
alley, the high school massacre, terrorist attacks, and the gang-related drive-by shooting
have become the prototypes of violence in our culture. However, there is mounting evi-
dence that, for women at least, the most dangerous place is the home, and her most likely
assailant is her domestic partner. In 2005, the World Health Organization (WHO) released
a summary of a 10-country study of domestic violence. Interviews with over 24,000 women
revealed that between 15 to 71 percent of the respondents had experienced either sexual
or physical abuse by their intimate partners. Moreover, 24 percent of the women surveyed
in rural Peru, 30 percent of women in Bangladesh, and 40 percent of women in South
Africa said their first sexual experience was nonconsensual. Annually, about 5,000 women
in Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, Japan, Namibia, Peru, Samoa, Serbia and Montenegro,
Thailand, and Tanzania are murdered by their families in the name of honor. Closer to
home, a National Violence Against Women Survey (2000) conducted by the U.S. Depart-
ment of Justice found that 17.6 percent of the women reported they had been sexually
assaulted. In addition, 22.1 percent of women (compared to 7.4 percent of men) reported
that they had been abused or assaulted by an intimate partner. Estimates put the number of
women assaulted by an intimate partner annually in the U.S. at 1.3 million as compared to
835,000 men. Sexual violence has been an especially vexing problem on college campuses
where, by some estimates, 1 in 5 women are the victims of sexual assault. College presi-
dents and politicians alike are grappling with how to solve this problem.
These prevalence numbers are startling, and, if anything, they may underestimate the
scope of the problem. Although many studies conducted in the United States derive their
estimates from probability samples, others rely on convenience samples in which women
of color, the very poor, the homeless, and those who do not speak English are under-
represented. But even true probability samples ultimately gather their data from those
who are home when the interviewers call, who are willing to talk to them, and, perhaps
most importantly, who are willing to report having been assaulted. Regardless of what
the actual numbers may be, physical assault against women perpetrated by their partners
represents the most dramatic and perhaps most dangerous form of relationship violence.
It is one type of abuse that also includes neglect, verbal put-downs, intense criticism,
intimidation, restraint of normal activities and freedoms, and denial of access to resources
(e.g., Pagelow, 1984; Walker, 1979). And although it can be directed at anyone in the
relationship, including children and the elderly, domestic partners are its most common
victims. Of course, any discussion of domestic violence should necessarily include sexual
aggression, as well, including sexual harassment, along with date rape and marital rape.
Relationship Violence: Its Definition and Measurement

At first glance, to define relationship violence seems like a silly endeavor. After all, physi-
cal acts like punching, shoving, kicking, and so on seem like obvious signs of violence and
abuse. However, if we chose a number of women or children at random and asked them
if they had been subjected to violent behavior from their partners or parents, few would
probably say yes, even though several of them may have been subjected to some form of
physical abuse.
The problem is that violent behavior can be interpreted in many ways. Those on the
giving end may believe that a slap in the face is a form of disciplining, and those on the
receiving end may interpret a shove as an expression of nothing more than temporary
frustration. The presence or absence of physical injury is fraught with a set of different
problems. Some victims may be subjected to consistent and prolonged violence at levels
that never result in bruises or visits to emergency rooms. Others may be subjected to occa-
sional yet extremely violent behavior resulting in severe physical injury. The bottom line is
that we cannot define domestic violence through intent to harm, frequency, or severity of
injury. Instead, whether or not it occurs in a relationship is a matter of what actual physi-
cal acts are or have been committed.
Regardless of the specific physical acts that are committed, it is possible to distinguish
relationship violence by looking at how both partners use it as a means of control over
the other (Johnson, 2006). In intimate terrorism, the individual is violent and controlling
while the partner is neither. In violent resistance, the individual is violent but not control-
ling while the partner is both violent and controlling. In situational couple violence, the
individual is violent, but neither the individual nor the partner are controlling. Finally, in
mutual violent control both partners are violent and controlling.
Analyzing data from a survey of 330 married couples in which wives had reported vio-
lence, Johnson (2006) found that situational couple violence was the most common form
of violence while mutual violent control was the least. Moreover, while both husbands and
wives were equally guilty of committing situational couple violence and mutual violent
control, a very different picture emerged for intimate terrorism and violent resistance.
As one might expect, men overwhelmingly commit acts of intimate terrorism in the
service of controlling their wives. As one might also expect, violent resistance is almost
entirely a woman’s type of violence. This is not surprising because in these kinds of rela-
tionships almost all the intimate terrorism is perpetrated by men. Violent resistance repre-
sents cases in which women do respond with violence in order to defend themselves rather
than gaining control.
The most frequently used measures to assess relationship violence are primarily designed
to tap into situational couple violence. The Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) (Straus,
Relationship Violence and Abuse 197
Hamby, McCoy, & Sugarman, 1996) includes a subscale for physical violence. Several
items (throwing something, pushing or shoving, grabbing, slapping, and twisting a part-
ner’s arm) are considered indications of minor violence. Other items (kicking, biting or
hitting with a fist, hitting with an object, beating up, threatening with a weapon, using
a weapon, choking, slamming a partner against the wall, and burning or scalding) figure
prominently in the severe violence subscale.
In general, the CTS2 does a good job of determining whether violence has occurred
in a relationship; however, it also has a number of shortcomings. Because it was initially
designed to be a measure of how people respond to conflict, it asks respondents to indicate
the extent to which the behaviors occurred as a result of a conflictual situation. Conse-
quently, it may do a less-than-adequate job measuring violence that is not a result of con-
flict, such as patriarchal terrorism. Conflict is a sufficient cause for violence, but it is by no
means a necessary one. In other words, violence can come about for many reasons. Thus,
by tying the measure to conflict, instances of violence caused by something other than
conflict may go unreported. Furthermore, the CTS2 gives little consideration to the seem-
ingly obvious fact that violent acts committed by men against women often have different
implications than acts of violence committed by women against men. On average, men
tend to be larger and stronger than women, and consequently the same violent act may be
more or less severe. In other words, a man’s shove may be just as severe as a woman’s kick.
Regardless of how one measures relationship violence and abuse, their prevalence gives
rise to at least three important questions: What are the consequences of relationship vio-
lence on its victims, perpetrators, and the relationship itself? What causes violence in
relationships? What, if anything, can be done to reduce the level of relationship violence?
Consequences of Relationship Violence

Violent victimization has numerous and often grave physical and psychological conse-
quences. Obviously, being subjected to even mild forms of violence can result in direct
physical injury. Typical injuries range from bruises, cuts, black eyes, concussions, and
broken bones, to permanent injuries such as damage to joints, scars, and loss of hear-
ing or vision. In some cases, the injuries sustained may not be limited to the victimized
woman. The 1985 National Family Violence Survey revealed that one-third of victim-
ized women had been physically assaulted while they were pregnant (Gelles, 1988). In
addition, there are indications that violent victimization may also have indirect physical
consequences. Extrapolating from rape victims, those subjected to violence report more
symptoms of illness and visit their physicians twice as often as women who were not
victimized (Browne & Williams, 1989). Furthermore, victims of relationship violence are
likely to engage in a number of negative health behaviors, such as smoking, alcohol use,
and failure to use seat belts (Koss, 1993).
Not surprisingly, physical violence causes a great deal of psychological harm to its vic-
tims. Growing evidence shows that victims of violence suffer from posttraumatic stress
disorder (PTSD), a clinical diagnosis initially reserved for survivors of military combat
and natural disasters (Browne, 1993; Koss, 1993). Like combat veterans, survivors of
relationship violence often suffer from any or all of the following: fear and terror, flash-
backs of the traumatic event, denial and avoidance, loss of memory for the traumatic
episode, constricted affect, chronic anxiety and hypervigilance, insomnia, and nightmares
(Browne, 1993; Dutton, 1992). Despite these similarities, there is one important differ-
ence between combat veterans and battered women. In the case of combat veterans, the
traumatic event leading up to PTSD is generally known, thus facilitating the appropriate
diagnosis. However, battered women do not receive a Purple Heart, and mental health
professionals rarely screen for relationship violence. As a result, symptoms are often
treated without considering the underlying cause. And although prescribing tranquilizers
for a woman who complains about sleeplessness may take care of the immediate symp-
toms of insomnia, tranquilizers do little in terms of alleviating the conditions that brought
on the sleeplessness in the first place (Browne, 1993; Herman, 1992).
Causes of Relationship Violence

The extraordinarily high prevalence of relationship violence and the realization of the
grave consequences for its victims have resulted in several important initiatives. In the
early 1990s, the American Psychological Association established a task force to conduct
research on possible intervention strategies aimed at decreasing relationship violence of
any kind. In 1993, the U.S. Senate passed legislation that treats violence against women
as civil rights violations, thus rendering it equivalent to a hate crime based on gender. Of
course, any attempts to resolve the problem of relationship violence ultimately hinge on
finding its underlying cause. In other words, if we are to find ways to get men to abstain
from subjecting women to violence, we have to understand what compels them to do this
in the first place.
Common Beliefs and Realities

Speculations about the underlying causes of violence against women have been around
for some time. They can be found in the psychological literature as well as in advice
columns, daytime talk shows, and made-for-TV movies. Depictions of relationship
violence in these media revolve around a number of more or less interrelated themes.
Many people believe that violence is something that happens to other people, mostly
those with a lower socioeconomic standing. Very little evidence supports such a claim,
however. In fact, one study that looked at relationship violence in families of varying
incomes (Makepeace, 1987) found that violence occurred just as frequently in high-
income families as it did in low-income families. According to Marshall and Vitanza
(1994), one reason for our perception that relationship violence is more likely to occur
in low-income families has to do with differences in the living conditions between those
with and without wealth. A neighbor is more likely to respond to violence when it
occurs on the other side of an apartment wall than when it occurs in a home that is
several hundred feet away. Thus, rather than reflecting true population differences, any
variations in relationship violence among families of diverse income levels is likely the
result of a reporting bias.
A related belief about relationship violence holds that its victims enable their abusers
by not telling anyone about the violence. However, several studies of dating relationships
among undergraduate students (e.g., Olday & Wesley, 1988; Pirog-Good & Stets, 1989)
indicate that they tell others about dating violence quite openly. Nationally, the picture
looks a little bleaker. One study indicates that women, not surprisingly, tell others (friend,
family member, police) about being victimized at a higher rate than men, but the percent-
ages were only 13.4 and 9.4, respectively.
Conventional wisdom holds that relationship violence is something committed primar-
ily by men. But the results of several studies corroborate the suspicion that both men and
women inflict and sustain violence (e.g., Johnson, 2006; Kimmel, 2002; Stuart, Meehan,
Moore, Morean, Hellmuth, & Follansbee, 2005). In a national sample of married couples
(Straus and Gelles, 1986), 11 percent of respondents reported at least one act of husband-
to-wife violence, whereas 12 percent reported at least one act of wife-to-husband violence.
Similar results were obtained in studies looking at violence in dating relationships (Mar-
shall & Rose, 1987; Pipes & LeBov-Keeler, 1997). Even though the frequency estimates
vary widely depending on the question that is asked (e.g., threatened violence versus actual
violence), men and women generally inflict violence at a similar rate. Of course, in light
of such data, one might ask why there are few, if any, shelters for battered men. One of
the reasons has to do with the different ways in which men and women express violence.
With the exception of lethal violence, men generally cause more harm to their victims than
women. As a result, female victims of relationship violence are generally in more need for
places that allow them to avoid violence from their partner.
Much has been made of the role of violence in the family of origin to account for why
people would become both physically abusive and endure abuse. Social learning theory
(e.g., Bandura, 1965) teaches us that we learn our own behavior from observing relevant
models. When it comes to modeling close relationship behavior, our own parents can play
an important role. Assuming they stay together, they are the most prevalent and enduring
relationship models available to us. Accordingly, watching Dad physically abusing Mom
might give little boys the idea that the infliction of violence is part of the male relationship
role. By the same token, little girls might come to believe that enduring violence from one’s
partner is part of their role.
There is some evidence for the intergenerational transmission of violence. Children with
violent parents have difficulty relating to peers. They struggle with cooperative play and
with managing their emotions (Katz & Low, 2004). They are also more blaming and have
more pessimistic expectations for conflict resolution. As such, they are prone to perpetuate
the conflict escalation patterns modeled by their parents and are more likely to commit
partner violence in adulthood (Duggan, O’Brien, & Kennedy, 2001; O’Hearn & Margo-
lin, 2000). Sadly, these effects are not limited to watching Dad hit Mom and getting away
with it. Instead, being subjected to corporal punishment similarly models violence and
results in adult domestic violence (Smith & Mosby, 2003).
Another popular conception related to violence in relationships is that the occurrence
of violence is somewhat cyclical. Walker (1984) described this cycle as consisting of
several components. During a period of rising tension, the woman withdraws to avoid
any behavior that could anger her partner. This generally does not lead to the desired
outcome, but instead to an acute incident of battery in which the batterer unleashes a
barrage of physical and verbal violence. Then, after the dust settles, the batterer engages
in loving contrition, complete with profuse apologies, affirmations of remorse, acts of
kindness, and gifts and compliments. Even though the idea of a cycle of violence seems
to have some face validity, it may not be a good description of what actually happens.
One problem is that Walker’s (1984) hypothesis is based on a small sample of women
in therapy. Another problem has to do with the interpretation of the seeming cyclical
events. Even in the most abusive relationship, violence does not occur on a constant
basis. Instead, abusive episodes may be interspersed with periods marked by relative
normalcy and even signs of kindness and affection. Consequently, the perceived cycle
of violence may simply be a result of such fluctuations in the interactions between the
abuser and the abused. See Table 12.1 for a summary about the myths and facts of vio-
lence in relationships.
Table 12.1 Myths and Facts about Intimate Partner Violence
Myth or Fact? Research Shows . . .
Violence is tied to poverty. Violence occurs across income levels.

Victims enable abusers through silence. Not all are silent: 13.4% of women tell others
about the abuse.
Men are the primary abusers. Surveys reveal a comparable rate of wife-to-
husband violence, but men are more likely to use
lethal violence.
Children learn by observing parental abuse. Some evidence supports the intergenerational
transmission of violence.
Violence is cyclical: Tension leads to Perceived circular nature of violence might be due
violence, which yields to apologies and to the misinterpretation of the fact that violence
reaffirmations, which lead to tension . . . cannot occur constantly.
Alcohol and Relationship Violence

The use of alcohol is often implicated as a contributor to relationship violence, partly
because there is overwhelming evidence that alcohol can increase all forms of human
aggression (Bushman & Cooper, 1990; Ito, Miller, & Pollock, 1996). Alcohol has disin-
hibiting effects, and thus its consumption by an already hostile partner may loosen any
existing constraints on exerting violence. Additionally, alcohol has been shown to lead
to myopia (Critchlow, 1983; 1985), a condition in which the range of behaviors deemed
appropriate in a given situation is narrowed. During periods marked by tension, resent-
ment, and anger, alcohol myopia may restrict the perception of means of resolution other
than inflicting violence. Interestingly, little evidence exists for such a straightforward link
between alcohol use and relationship violence. Several studies of batterers (Eberle, 1982;
Fagan, Barnett, & Patton, 1988) report that alcohol is involved in only about one-third
of battering incidents. Although alcohol does not account for all instances of battering, its
impact on relationships occurs on many levels. See Table 12.2 for a list of alcohol’s physi-
cal and cognitive effects.
Just how is alcohol related to relationship violence? There is growing empirical evi-
dence that high levels of alcohol often precede intimate partner violence (Murphy, Win-
ters, O’Farrell, Fals-Stewart, & Murphy, 2005). Relative to men who don’t drink, partner
assault is three times higher in those who are frequent binge drinkers (Kantor & Straus,
1987). Looking at chronic alcohol use contributes an added layer of complexity to the rela-
tionship between alcohol and violence. Specifically, it appears that alcoholics prone to rela-
tionship violence differ from their nonviolent counterparts in several important respects.
First, violent alcoholics tend to become alcoholics at an earlier age than nonviolent
alcoholics. They also tend to have a history of antisocial behavior, are more likely to have
been arrested, and generally experience a variety of problems associated with drinking.
Second, it appears that this type of alcoholism, known as Type II Alcoholism Syndrome, is
inherited primarily by males (Gondolf & Foster, 1991). Thus, relationship violence is most
common among male alcoholics who fit this particular profile (Murphy & O’Farrell, 1994,
1996). Furthermore, unstable drinking patterns rather than drinking per se are causally
related to relationship violence. Specifically, binge-drinking alcoholics have higher rates
of relationship violence than steady-drinking alcoholics, even though steady drinkers may
consume more alcohol in the long run (Murphy & O’Farrell, 1994).
Table 12.2 The Problem With Alcohol
Problem Problem for Men Problem for Women
Alcohol reduces inhibitions, • Decreased penile • Reduced vaginal blood flow.

but it also reduces engorgement.
physiological performance. • Higher incidence of • Decreased intensity of orgasm.
erectile dysfunction.
• Lack of sexual desire.
Alcohol damages liver and • Chronic heavy drinking • Can result in fetal alcohol syndrome
heart tissue, leads to weight causes imbalances in for a woman’s developing fetus if
gain around midsection, and hormone levels. she is pregnant.
hurts sexual performance. • Leads to feminization: • Toxic effects on the ovaries and
breasts enlarge, testicles pituitary.
shrink, body hair thins.
Alcohol impairs judgment. • Increases likelihood • Increases the risk for sexual
to assault by reducing assault by reducing alertness,
sexual inhibitions, judgment about high-risk
social concerns, and partners, and ability to resist
responsibility. attack.
Alcohol is a psychoactive • Both men and women who drink have heightened beliefs that
depressant and can alter sex will occur.
mood and perceptions. It • Less likely to engage in safe-sex practices such as having
can make a person feel more protected sex.
relaxed and also lead to • More likely to engage in risky behaviors such as sex with
impaired judgment. multiple partners.
• Makes it difficult to achieve truly satisfying relationships by
clouding true feelings.
• Binge drinking is associated with high mortality rates and poor
performance at school and work.
Source: The Effects of Alcohol (2009). Retrieved October 20, 2009, from: www.soc.ucsb.edu/sexinfo/category/
the-effects-of-alcohol.
In addition to differences in the nature of the alcohol problem and the pattern of alcohol
consumption, violent and nonviolent alcoholics also differ in their beliefs about the effects
of alcohol. Violent alcoholics and their partners tend to believe that alcohol causes marital
problems. At the same time, violent alcoholics believe they cannot weather interpersonal
conflict without drinking (Murphy & O’Farrell, 1994). Interestingly, when alcoholics who
are prone to relationship violence are asked to discuss problems under sober conditions
with their spouses, they tend to display higher levels of hostility and defensiveness than
their nonviolent counterparts.
The bottom line about alcohol and relationship violence is that alcoholics who abuse
their partners differ in important ways from alcoholics who are not violent. See Table 12.3
for a list of characteristics of violent alcoholics. The pattern of risk for relationship vio-
lence appears to hinge on the nature of the alcohol problem, consumption patterns, beliefs
about alcohol’s ability to cause harm to a relationship, and relationship-specific commu-
nication patterns. Furthermore, the findings discussed thus far suggest that relationship
violence is multicausal. No single set of factors can explain why violence occurs in rela-
tionships, and consequently it is difficult to come up with a magic wand that would make
the problem go away.
Table 12.3 Characteristics of a Violent Alcoholic
• Predominantly male; commonly associated with binge drinking; the binge drinker believes that
alcohol is at the root of relationship problems.
• High in novelty seeking, high in harm avoidance, and low in reward dependence.
• Violent alcoholics have more violent childhoods than do nonviolent alcoholics.
• More likely to have fathers who were alcoholics.
• Violent alcoholics start drinking at a younger age.
• Twice as likely to have a history of engaging in violent behavior—especially toward women.
• More likely than nonviolent alcoholics to have attempted suicide.
• Drug addiction more common in violent alcoholics.
Source: Bergman and Brismar (1994); Tikkanen, Holi, Lindberg, and Virkkunen (1994).
Looking at the issue more broadly, it appears that whether violence and abuse find
their way into a relationship may depend on three sets of variables. There are person
and relationship variables of the kind just discussed. Also, since relationships do not
exist in a vacuum, how people conduct themselves is to some extent influenced by the
macrocontext in which their relationships exist (Levinger, 1994). Additionally, broad
individual dispositions also influence people’s behavior in a variety of situations. We
consider these next.

• Relationship abuse includes physical assault, as well as less physical behaviors,
such as neglect, verbal put-downs, and severe criticism. Do you think these behav-
iors can be legitimately put together in the same category? Why or why not?
• Being a victim of relationship violence is correlated with negative health behav-
iors, such as smoking, drinking alcohol, and not using seat belts. As you know,
correlation does not imply causation. Make a case for different causal directions
between relationship violence and negative health behaviors. Which one seems
more likely to you?
• Various intervention programs aim to reduce the incidence of relationship vio-
lence. In the case of alcohol-related violence, its occurrence seems to be at least
partially due to genetically inherited causes. Do you think this limits the effec-
tiveness of intervention programs?
The Macrocontext of Relationship Violence

In 1999, a judge in Fort Worth, Texas, sentenced Jimmy Dean Watkins to 4 months in
prison for murdering his wife. Not to give the impression that Watkins’ jury was soft on
crime, he was also sentenced to 15 years in prison for wounding his deceased wife’s boy-
friend, Keith Fontenot, in the same attack. Watkins’ case illustrates a legal double stan-
dard for violence among strangers and violence among intimates. Instead of treating them
the same, intimate partner violence is often considered a “domestic” issue to be dealt with
by the parties involved. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why the United States has far
more shelters for animals than shelters for abused women (Biden, 1993).
This view of domestic violence is further exacerbated in cultures that preserve tradi-
tional gender roles and place a premium on the maintenance of male honor (Vandello,
Cohen, & Ransom, 2008; Vandello & Cohen, 2003). Honor cultures include Mediter-
ranean societies (e.g., Greece, Italy, Spain), Arab cultures, Latin and South American cul-
tures, and the American South and West (Vandello & Cohen, 2003). In such cultures, a
man’s honor and status are linked to a wife’s fidelity. And, in the case of a wife’s infidelity,
members of honor cultures condone and even encourage the use of violence to restore
honor. Wives, on the other hand, are expected to remain loyal (and silent) in the face of
their husbands’ infidelity (Vandello & Cohen, 2003). In addition to internalizing these
values, men in honor cultures are more likely to believe that others in their culture endorse
their views and use of aggression (Vandello et al., 2008). Although non-honor cultures
may not endorse aggression as a way to restore honor, there is reason to believe that many
take a “hands off” approach to domestic violence.
Law enforcement has traditionally been reluctant to make arrests for domestic vio-
lence unless the victim demands it or the suspect insults or assaults the officer (Sherman,
1980). To be sure, this reluctance is not borne out of callousness. Rather, it represents
the response of police officers to the different options demanded by different groups. For
instance, women’s advocacy groups might recommend that the officer protect the victim,
whereas colleagues and trainers might recommend forced separation or mediation as a
short-term solution to the problem at hand.
Considering that relationship violence continues to be a problem, one might ask what
would happen if violent offenders were to be arrested rather than talked to or forcibly
separated from their victims. This question was first addressed in a field study conducted
with the help of the Minneapolis Police Department (Sherman & Berk, 1984). Some 33
police officers stationed in the two precincts with the highest rate of domestic violence
agreed to respond to calls of misdemeanor domestic assault by (1) arresting the offender,
(2) separating the offender and victim for at least 8 hours, or (3) dispensing advice,
including mediation. In order for the experiment to have the highest possible internal
validity, how officers responded to calls was not left within their control. Rather, their
responses were designated by a prearranged random assignment plan. Over a 17-month
period, this plan of action produced 98 cases in which an offender was arrested, 114
cases in which officers separated the offender and the victim, and 108 cases in which
officers responded by dispensing advice. To check for the effectiveness of the different
responses (i.e., the likelihood that the offender refrained from violence), additional data
were collected in the form of police reports as well as interviews of the victims within 6
months of the initial incident.
The results strongly suggested that arrest, compared to separation and advice, acted
as a deterrent to further relationship violence, at least over a period of 6 months. Of all
three experimental groups, offenders who had been arrested were least likely to commit
another domestic assault. Those who had been separated were most likely to assault
their partners again, and those who had received advice or mediation fell somewhere
in between. Based on these findings, 15 states passed laws that made arrest mandatory
for all cases of domestic violence. However, the results of several subsequent replica-
tions of the original Minneapolis experiment suggest that such legislation may have
been premature and further call into question the generalizability of the Minneapolis
findings (Sherman et al., 1992). Although replications in Colorado Springs and Dade
County found a deterrent effect of arrest in line with what the Minneapolis study
had found, replications in Omaha, Charlotte, and Milwaukee not only failed to find
a deterrent effect, but they found an escalating effect of arrest. In other words, rather
than reducing future domestic violence, getting arrested made an offender more likely
to become violent again.
If nothing else, this example should teach us not to devise public policy on the basis
of the outcome of one single study. An important question remains, however: Why did
what seemed to have worked in Minneapolis fail so miserably in other places? The
answer seems not to have anything to do with geography at all. Rather, it appears
that punishment, such as being arrested for domestic assault, affects different people
in different ways. Specifically, arrest works best as a deterrent for those who have a lot
to lose. For people who have a job or are married, the stakes are particularly high, as
repeated arrests could adversely affect their occupational and marital status. Together,
these stakes constitute important forms of informal control to work in conjunction with
the formal control of the law. From this perspective, it is not surprising to learn that
those individuals with jobs and marriages were deterred from future violence by being
arrested, compared to their counterparts who received advice or were separated from
their victims.
Quite a different picture emerges for those people for whom the stakes are relatively
low. Offenders who were unemployed or unmarried and who were arrested for domestic
assault became more likely to become violent again in the future. Several reasons are pos-
sible for why this may have happened. The initial arrest may instill in the offenders the
belief that they are deviant, and thus they change their identities accordingly. Repeated
punishment may have further led to the discovery that the legal threat is overstated and
relatively tolerable. In support of this point, in the Milwaukee experiment, only 1 percent
of arrested offenders were eventually convicted. Finally, repeated punishment may have
led to anger and resentment against the victim, the law, or society, resulting in future
aggression and violence.
Thus, to some extent, the prevalence of relationship violence may be due to the vestiges
of a system that has traditionally considered women to be possessions of their male part-
ners. Changes in laws governing relationship conduct can contribute to a decrease in the
prevalence of relationship violence, but only within limits. For one thing, as we have seen,
laws and their enforcement affect different people in different ways. Consider further the
draconian laws against drugs enacted during the 1980s and 1990s. They did little, if any-
thing, to decrease drug-related violence. To make laws against domestic violence work, it
will ultimately take a collective reorientation in terms of how society looks at the nature
of domestic relationships.
Finally, the macrocontext of our relationships provides us with myriad stressors that
can lead to acute and chronic stress. Acute stress results from distressing events that have
a clear-cut beginning and end. This might be something like failing a class or trying to
complete your income tax returns on April 14. Chronic stress, such as living in poverty, is
long-term and has no clear onset or termination.
How do acute and chronic stress impact relationship violence? Looking at self-reports
from 82 newlyweds, Frye and Karney (2006) found that levels of stress fluctuated over
time, perhaps contributing to the perception of the cyclical nature of relational violence.
However, physical aggression did not result from acute stress alone, but instead resulted
from an interaction between acute and chronic stress. Only husbands for whom acute
stress occurred against the backdrop of high levels of chronic stress responded with
physical aggression (Frye & Karney, 2006). Thus, the effects of stress are not straight-
forward. We will see that stress interacts with other individual characteristics as well to
produce interpersonal aggression.
The Microcontext of Relationship Violence: Individual Dispositions

Any union between two people ultimately involves two individuals who bring a multitude
of characteristics, traits, and dispositions that uniquely affect the nature and quality of
their relationship. For example, we have already seen how love styles and attachment
styles of individuals can affect their relationships with others. What individual disposition
could lead people to become violent and abusive? Many lay theories hold that violence
and abuse are somehow related to power. Power has been defined by some as the ability
to elicit compliance from others (Weber, 1976). Others have defined it as a general concern
for (1) having an impact on others, (2) arousing strong emotions in others, and (3) main-
taining a reputation and sense of prestige (Winter, 1988). However one looks at power,
force can be a means of establishing, maintaining, or restoring the balance of power in a
relationship.
The Need for Power

The balance of power in a relationship can be based on many things, including differ-
ences in socioeconomic resources. An alternative way of understanding power is to look
at it as a social motive. In other words, just as people have needs for affiliation, belong-
ing, achievement, and so forth, they also have needs for power. And, as is the case with
all social motives, there is considerable variation among people in their need for power.
In the majority of cases, relationship violence in heterosexual couples is initiated by the
male partner; therefore, one might suspect to find the root cause of the problem in men’s
higher need for power. However, as intuitive as this idea may be, research has shown it to
be wrong, at least in this simple form.
In a now classic study, Winter (1988) measured the need for power (referred to
as n(pow)) in a sample of college women and men by having them create stories to
describe what was happening in drawings of ambiguous situations. This projective test,
known as the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), is predicated on the assumption that
people’s needs will manifest themselves in their fantasies. A research participant who
responds to a series of pictures with power-related themes (“He is telling her what to
do,” “He is demanding an explanation”) would be considered to be high in n(pow),
compared to someone who responds to the same pictures without reference to power-
related themes (“He’s telling her about a movie he just saw,” “He’s asking how her kids
are doing”).
Not surprisingly, the study found that people varied greatly in terms of their need for
power. However, men and women did not differ in the nature and level of n(pow). In
other words, n(pow) is equally present (or absent) in both sexes. What differed between
the sexes were the actions associated with a high need for power. On the extreme
end, men high in n(pow) had proclivities for alcohol and drug use, physical and ver-
bal aggression, gambling, and precocious and exploitative sex (including a liking for
magazines such as Hustler). In addition, or perhaps because of these proclivities, men
high in n(pow) were found to have difficult and less stable intimate relationships, and
they tended to oppress women in general, both economically and psychologically. Such
psychological oppression can manifest itself in a variety of ways, such as cutting a
woman off during a conversation or touching her in nonsexual yet nonetheless inap-
propriate ways.
This pattern of profligate impulsivity was not obtained for the women who were
high in need for power. Instead, it appeared that they expressed their need for power
primarily in socially responsible ways. Women high in n(pow) tended to hold office in
student government or attained high visibility by other means, such as writing letters
to the editor of the student newspaper. In addition, they had a proclivity to acquire
possessions associated with high prestige, such as televisions, stereos, and framed pic-
tures (remember, this is a study of college students). Finally, women high in n(pow)
indicated that they were planning to have careers, especially power-related careers,
in such fields as teaching, therapy, journalism, business management, and the clergy.
For those readers who are wondering how owning framed pictures and wanting to be
a teacher or a minister is related to a need for power, remember that the definition of
power emphasizes concerns with having an impact on others as well as maintaining a
sense of prestige. Because teachers, journalists, therapists, and clergy have the ability
to affect the lives of others in substantial ways (for better and worse), aspiring to these
types of careers is considered related to a need for power. Similarly, posters of Monet’s
water lilies or Michael Jordan dunking a basketball are just that; however, in a frame,
they become pieces of art.
It is one thing to demonstrate meaningful and reliable gender differences; explaining
their origins is an altogether different matter. One might argue that gender differences,
including those in the expression of need for power, are innate. But such an attempt
would still fall short of pinpointing the origins of such differences, unless one could find
something akin to a genetic marker. However, the observation that gender differences
related to power are not so much a matter of differences in the need for power, but
instead in the ways in which this need is expressed, suggests their origins may be social
in nature.
In several studies, Winter (1988) managed to trace the differences in how men and
women express their need for power to differences in how males and females are social-
ized. Specifically, women are socialized to express their need for power in socially
responsible ways because throughout their upbringing they receive more responsibility
training than their male counterparts. For example, girls are more likely to be asked to
help in the care of younger siblings than are boys. Consistent with this speculation, the
highest level of responsible nurturance was observed among women who had grown up
with younger siblings. Moreover, more profligate impulsivity was found among women
who did not have younger siblings and thus had been deprived of relevant opportuni-
ties toward social responsibility training. Put a slightly different way, women express a
high need for power in socially responsible ways to the extent that they had opportuni-
ties for social responsibility training during childhood and adolescence. In the absence
of such opportunities, they are very much like their male counterparts who are high in
need for power.
Does this mean that men high in n(pow), especially those without younger siblings, are
condemned to a life of substance use and gambling? Not necessarily. When all our rowdy
friends are settling down, it is often because they have children of their own. It appears
that being a parent can provide the social responsibility training that may have been miss-
ing from one’s earlier years. Although parenthood may do little to change one’s need for
power, it can substantially alter the way it is expressed.
Power and Abuse
How is need for power tied to relationship violence and abuse? One might suspect that
profligate impulsivity could be at the core of the problem. From this perspective, both
men and women who are high in need for power and who lacked opportunities for social
responsibility training might be predisposed toward violence. However, not every person
who fits this pattern will become violent. Thus, we need to look at other variables that
might play a role in the connection of power and abuse.
One such attempt was made in a study that looked at a number of personality charac-
teristics to predict the occurrence of relationship violence (Mason & Blankenship, 1987).
Along with the need for power, the researchers measured the need for affiliation, activity
inhibition, and stress, through appropriate tests. In addition, the researchers kept track
of the length of relationships. The general idea was that the occurrence of relationship
violence could be predicted by unique combinations of these variables. For example,
it might be the case that violence will be inflicted primarily by those high in need for
power, low in need for affiliation, and low in their ability to resist their violent impulses.
Moreover, it might be that different combinations predict whether men and women will
become violent.
The results suggest that relationship violence does in fact have multiple causes and that
the nature of the causes is somewhat different for men and women. High need for power
was significantly correlated with the infliction of abuse among men but not women, sug-
gesting that profligate impulsivity stemming from a high need for power is the major
reason men become violent. For women, the story is considerably more complex. Need
for power did not predict the infliction of violence, as one might suspect. Instead, need
for affiliation and level of activity inhibition moderated the effects that stress had on the
infliction of abuse. In other words, women who were under a lot of stress, high in need for
affiliation, and low in activity inhibition were most likely to inflict abuse. Of course, given
the correlational nature of the study, the opposite is also true. Women who were under
a lot of stress but were low in need for affiliation or high in activity inhibition were not
particularly likely to inflict abuse.
Individual Differences and Interaction Variables

An individual’s attachment orientation can also mediate domestic aggression (Rogers,
Bidwell, & Wilson, 2005). As discussed in Chapter 8, adult attachment has implications
for how we initiate, approach, and manage our intimate relationships. Current research
suggests it can also predict who is likely to engage in relational abuse and when it will
occur (Allison, Bartholomew, Mayseless, & Dutton, 2008). Specifically, women in abu-
sive relationships had higher levels of preoccupation and were high in attachment anxiety
(Allison et al., 2008). Men in abusive relationships, while also high in preoccupation, were
more dismissing. Moreover, attachment orientation can also predict responses to abuse.
Preoccupation, for instance, is associated with approach and pursuit, such as clinginess,
nagging, and even abuse. A dismissing style is associated with distancing behaviors such
as compliance, avoidance, and even physical abuse (Allison et al., 2008).
Another study on the link between attachment and aggression compared violent to non-
violent couples (Babcock, Jacobson, Gottman, & Yerington, 2000) and found that 74 per-
cent of violent husbands were marked by insecure attachment orientations. Although
secure husbands in this sample were more defensive in conflicts, dismissing men were more
controlling and distancing. Moreover, their violence was triggered by their wife’s defen-
siveness, and their aggression was used to reassert their control. On the other hand, pre-
occupied batterers were more violent in response to their wife’s withdrawal or avoidance,
and their aggression stemmed from their fears of abandonment (Babcock et al., 2000).
Attachment orientation also interacted with need for power to predict abuse. Rogers,
Bidwell, and Wilson (2005) found that individuals with an avoidant-fearful orientation
resorted to physical aggression when their relationship power was threatened. Conversely,
individuals with a preoccupied orientation resorted to physical abuse only when they felt
themselves in positions of relational power.
Negative emotionality, that is, being prone to experiencing sadness, anxiety, and
anger, also contributes to relationship violence and abuse. Although there appears to be
no direct link, a study of 169 newlyweds (Hellmuth & McNulty, 2008) found that indi-
viduals high in negative emotionality aggressed against their partners only when they
lacked good problem solving skills and experienced high levels of stress (Hellmuth &
McNulty, 2008).
Other individual differences in intimate partner violence cleave to sex and gender dif-
ferences (Fitzpatrick, Salgado, Suvak, King, & King, 2004). For example, women who
had been abused are more likely to prefer domineering, possessive men. Male abusers are
more likely to prefer and seek out highly anxious women—i.e., women they could abuse
(Zayas & Shoda, 2007). Further, male aggression has been reliably linked to relationship
dissolution, but not female aggression (DeMaris, 2000). In terms of severe violent aggres-
sion, male batterers often have a history of violent aggression or criminal histories that
could serve as warning signs of partner abuse (Busch & Rosenberg, 2004; Henning &
Feder, 2004). Conversely, female batterers generally react in self-defense (Busch & Rosen-
berg, 2004), exemplifying Johnson’s (2006) violent resistance.
Clearly, inflicting violence on one’s partner has different consequences for the sexes.
Men, by and large, get away with it; women who strike their partners get struck back.
Interestingly, relationship violence most often occurs in mature, committed relationships.
This finding is of some interest, as it begs two questions: Why do committed members of
a couple resort to violence and abuse? Why do the victims of such violence remain in the
abusive relationship? Psychologists have traditionally tried to address the second question
yet have paid scant attention to the first. Cynics might argue that this is due to a bias that
puts the onus on women for a pattern of behavior for which men are behaviorally and
morally responsible. A more benevolent interpretation would suggest that any bias may
be the result of a primary concern with the victims of relationship violence rather than the
perpetrators.
If we look at the issue from a couple perspective we can identify several reasons why
committed people, in particular, might be mired in abusive and violent relationships. As
a relationship matures over time, the investment individuals have in it increases, as well.
Thus, abused partners may find themselves engaged in some calculus that balances the
costs of staying against the costs of leaving. Furthermore, over time, the number of alter-
natives may decrease, as well. This may ultimately lead to a lowered comparison level for
alternatives (CLAlt) (Thibaut & Kelley, 1959), thus increasing one’s dependency on the
relationship. Finally, as relationships mature, the number of material and psychological
barriers in general increases to the point where leaving even an abusive relationship may
be difficult (see Table 12.4 for a list of signs you might be in an abusive relationship). We
will address these and other issues in the next chapter. For now, let us turn our attention
to sexual violence and its relationship to power.
Table 12.4 Signs You Are in an Abusive Relationship
You are in an abusive relationship if your partner . . .
• Withholds affection or approval as punishment.

• Criticizes you, shouts at you, or calls you names.
• Ignores your feelings or insults your beliefs, ideas, or values.
• Lies to you or manipulates you.
• Insists you look a certain way to please him or her.
• Humiliates you in public.
• Keeps you from seeing friends or family.
• Takes away resources such as money or the car.
• Puts you in a dangerous situation (e.g., reckless or drunk driving, abandoning you).
• Locks you out of the house.
• Throws things at you, hits or punches you.
• Rapes you.
• Threatens to commit suicide if you leave or to kill you if you leave.
Source: University of California, Santa Barbara, Characteristics of an abusive relationship (2007). Retrieved
June 29, 2009 from: www.soc.ucsb.edu/sexinfo/article/characteristics-of-an-abusive-relationship

• The need for affiliation represents our desire to establish ties with others and
to have positive, pleasant interactions with them. In view of this, the positive
correlation between women’s need for affiliation and inflicting abuse is rather
counterintuitive. How would you explain the relationship between the two?
• It is easy to see how preoccupation can lead to abuse. But how would you
account for the link between the dismissing orientation (involving distancing
behaviors such as compliance and avoidance) and physical abuse?
• It would seem reasonable to expect that women who had been abused would
avoid domineering, possessive men. However, research shows the exact opposite
tendency. How could you explain this finding?
Sexual Violence
We can think of sexual violence as manifested in two ways. Sexual harassment refers to
unwanted sexual advances between strangers or acquaintances, often in such settings as
the workplace and school. Although sexual harassment does not generally occur between
intimates, the harasser often desires some sort of intimacy with the victim, and thus it is
included in this discussion. Coercive sex refers to sexual encounters without the consent
of one partner. It can occur between strangers, acquaintances (date rape), or intimates.
Sexual harassment and coercive sex have profound implications for their victims. The
psychological and physical scars they leave are often just as severe as the scars resulting
from the type of abuse we have discussed.
Sexual Harassment
Although the earliest published accounts of sexual harassment go as far back as the 1730s
(Foner, 1947), it was not illegal until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. And a
legal definition of what constitutes sexual harassment was not issued until 1980, when the
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission outlined two broad categories of prohib-
ited behavior. Quid pro quo harassment refers to attempts to extort sexual cooperation
by means of subtle or explicit threats of job-related consequences. Hostile environment
harassment refers to pervasive sex-related verbal or physical conduct that is unwelcome
or offensive, even when not accompanied by threats of job-related consequences. In light
of these guidelines, sexual harassment is now generally understood as “any deliberate or
repeated sexual behavior that is unwelcome to its recipients, as well as other behaviors
that are hostile, offensive, or degrading” (Fitzgerald, 1993, p. 1070).
That sexual harassment can be quite severe and even hostile has been documented in
a number of high-profile court cases. For example, in Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson
(1986), Michele Vinson, an employee at Meritor Savings Bank, testified that her boss
had repeatedly raped and fondled her and followed her into the restroom at her place
of employment. In Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards (1991), Lois Robinson went to
court after company officials repeatedly ignored her complaints regarding the widespread
display of pornographic pictures and sexually degrading graffiti in her workplace. How-
ever, the vast majority of sexual harassment is not quite so dramatic but instead consists
of intrusive and unwanted sexual attention from superiors and coworkers. In one study
of several thousand female government employees (U.S. Merit System Protection Board,
1981), 33 percent of the respondents reported having been subjected to repeated sexual
remarks, 26 percent had been subjected to physical touching, and 15 percent had been
pressured for dates.
Although many workplaces have strict prohibitions against sexual harassment, it is
nonetheless important to find out why it occurs. Because most cases involve the sexual
harassment of women by men, several accounts are plausible. According to one hypothe-
sis, sexual harassment of women at work is the result of sex-role spillover, which is defined
as the carryover of gender-based expectations for behavior into the workplace (Gutek &
Morasch, 1982). Sexual harassment due to sex-role spillover is most likely to occur when
the sex ratio at work is skewed toward males. In these settings, women take on the status
of “role deviates” and are treated differently from male workers. In other words, in male-
dominated settings, men tend to treat women based on gender-based expectations that
are largely irrelevant to the work setting but might be appropriate in other settings. From
this perspective, whether a behavior is considered sexually harassing depends in large part
on the context. For example, a request for a date may be perfectly reasonable when it is
issued at a party, but it becomes an issue of harassment when it is issued in the workplace.
The sex-role spillover hypothesis is not without empirical support (Gutek & Morasch,
1982; Sheffey & Tindale, 1992), and it helps explain why it often occurs in work settings
that are dominated by males, such as the military (Pryor, 1995), medical training (Koma-
romy, Bindman, Haber, & Sand, 1993), and firefighting (Rosell, Miller, & Barber, 1995).
On the other hand, although some forms of sexual harassment, such as asking for a date
or complimenting a woman about her appearance, might be the result of applying behav-
iors based on gender expectations in the wrong setting, the sexual spillover hypothesis has
a harder time accounting for a number of phenomena related to sexual harassment.
For one thing, not all men are equally likely to sexually harass women in the workplace.
Instead, it appears that men vary in their proclivity to sexually harass. But even those
with a high proclivity may not display harassing behaviors. Whether sexual harassment
occurs depends additionally on cues in the situation that either permit or prohibit harass-
ing behavior. To test this idea, Pryor, Giedd, and Williams (1995) recruited males, who
had previously completed a measure indicating their likelihood to sexually harass, to par-
ticipate in a study on employee training. The participants’ job ostensibly was to instruct
female participants in some basic office skills. Prior to conducting the training session,
participants saw one of two short videos in which a model demonstrated how this was
to be done. In one video, the male model complimented the female model on her appear-
ance and touched her frequently while describing the task. In the other video, any sexually
harassing behaviors were omitted.
Consistent with the hypothesis, male participants who scored high in the likelihood to
sexually harass and who had seen a model get away with sexually harassing behaviors
were most likely to sexually harass the woman they were supposed to train. Interestingly,
men with a high likelihood to sexually harass who were exposed to a nonharassing model
were just as likely (or unlikely) to harass their “trainee” as men who were low in the likeli-
hood to sexually harass.
From a practical point of view, Pryor et al.’s (1995) study suggests that the incidence
of sexual harassment, even from the most determined harassers, might be lowered by
workplace policies that do not permit or even punish sexual harassment. From a theoreti-
cal point of view, the study prompts a more complete account of the kinds of things that
make some men more likely to sexually harass than others. At this point, it appears that
the behavior of men who sexually harass is strongly motivated by a need for power and
dominance, particularly when it comes to interacting with women (Bargh & Raymond,
1995). Moreover, men who are likely to sexually harass appear to have a mental associa-
tion that links power with sex. Thus, when the power end of this association is activated
(e.g., by virtue of someone’s position in the workplace), the sex end will be automatically
activated, as well (Pryor & Stoller, 1994). As a consequence of the activation of this
power-sex association, female coworkers are often perceived as more attractive, which
can then bring about sexually harassing behaviors (Bargh, Raymond, Pryor, & Strack,
1995). Of course, whether sexually harassing behavior will ultimately ensue may in part
depend on additional signals indicating that the setting will either permit or prohibit it, as
indicated by the Pryor and colleagues (1995) study.
Sexual harassment necessarily involves a perpetrator and a victim. So far, we have con-
centrated on illuminating the reasons why some men sexually harass women at work.
But how does sexual harassment affect its victims? Obviously, severe and violent sexual
harassment (e.g., Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards) is
likely to have devastating consequences for its victims. But even harassment that does not
include an overt form of sexual coercion affects women profoundly. One study of 10,000
working military women found that those who had been subjected to sexual harassment
(59 percent) displayed lower productivity, negative attitudes about their workplace, and
negative emotional reactions and problems with relationships in the family (Pryor, 1995).
Yet only a small minority of women who experience sexual harassment report it (Koma-
romy et al., 1993).
The underreporting of sexual harassment may occur for several reasons. Quid pro quo
sexual harassment is likely to increase the possibility of losing one’s job; thus, women sub-
jected to this form of harassment may fail to take action primarily out of fear. But this is not
the whole story. Sexual harassment is often surrounded by a great deal of ambiguity due
to differences in men’s and women’s lay definitions of what constitutes sexual harassment
in the first place. In general, men’s definitions tend to be narrower and less inclusive than
those of women (Fitzgerald, 1993). In other words, whereas a woman may think of a touch
or a verbal comment as a form of sexual harassment, men often interpret such actions as
an expression of mere friendliness. In light of these divergent perceptions, the legal system
has supplemented the burden of proof on the part of the victim with a “reasonable woman
standard,” which holds the victim responsible for responding appropriately (Fitzgerald,
Swan, & Fisher, 1995; Gutek & O’Connor, 1995). Although these legal hurdles protect the
accused (as intended by the legal system), they make many women wonder if they would
find justice as a result of filing a complaint (Rudman, Borgida, & Robertson, 1995). Con-
sequently, women are often compelled to suffer in silence, especially when the harassment
is not severe, when it does not come from a supervisor, and when the workplace lacks
adequate policies on sexual harassment (Gruber & Smith, 1995).
Stranger Harassment
Although policies can help women from being sexually harassed at school and in the
workplace, they do little to prevent women from being harassed by strangers. Sexual
harassment of this kind includes verbal behaviors such as catcalls and sexual remarks as
well as nonverbal behavior such as leering and fondling. In the U.S., 31 percent of college
women and 29 percent of non-college women report experiencing some form of stranger
harassment every few days (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fairchild, 2010). This has a
host of adverse consequences. There is evidence that victims perceive being harassed by a
stranger as more severe and emotionally devastating than being harassed by a coworker
or fellow student (McCarty, Iannone, & Kelly, 2014). Moreover, women often internalize
the objectification inherent in stranger harassment, which can lead them to increasingly
objectify both other women and men (Davidson, Gervais, & Sherd, 2015). Women lower
in self-esteem are more likely to make benign attributions for stranger harassment and
engage in self-blame (Saunders et al., 2016).
What about men who think harassing strangers is appropriate? Results from a sample
of college men suggest that they score high in the Likelihood to Sexually Harass (LSH)
scale, as one might expect. In addition, they are most likely to engage in stranger harass-
ment when they are in a group because it affords them anonymity along with opportuni-
ties for group bonding (Wesselmann & Kelly, 2010).
Coercive Sex
Rape has been legally defined as the nonconsensual oral, anal, or vaginal penetration,
obtained by force, by threat of bodily harm, or when the victim is incapable of giving
consent (Searles & Berger, 1987). Researchers have looked at characteristics of rapists
in order to try to gain a better understanding of how to prevent such violent acts. In
terms of who rapes, researchers have found that rapists lack empathy for their victim
(Bushman, Bonacci, van Dijk, & Baumeister, 2003) and have poor empathic accuracy
for their victims (Clements, Holtzworth-Munroe, Schweinle, & Ickes, 2007). Men’s
attitudes toward women also influence their proclivity to commit rape and shape their
views of rape victims. For example, men were more likely to commit rape if they had
first made insulting, derogating comments to their partners (Starratt, Goetz, Shackel-
ford, & McKibbin, 2008). Moreover, men who were “benevolent sexists” (i.e., men
with sexist views but positive feelings toward women) were more likely to blame the
victim in an acquaintance-rape scenario. Hostile sexists (i.e., men with sexist views
and negative, antagonistic feelings toward women), though, indicated that they had a
greater inclination to perpetrate acquaintance, but not stranger, rape (Abrams, Viki,
Masser, & Bohner, 2003). Rape, it seems, is more widespread than this personality
profile might suggest. Situational and context factors may also influence with who and
when sexual coercion occurs.
Contrary to popular belief, rape is not something that happens between strangers in
a dark alley. Instead, as WHO and U.S. Justice Department statistics confirm, most inci-
dences of rape occur between people who know each other. Quite simply, a woman is far
more likely to be raped by her husband than by a stranger (Greeley, 1991; Russell, 1982).
Coercive sex may be most common among acquaintances and dating couples. In one study
of over 3,000 female college students, 54 percent reported that they had been subjected to
some form of coerced sexual contact, and roughly half of those cases occurred on dates
(Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987).
In some ways, it is not surprising that a woman would be more likely to be raped by a
close acquaintance other than a stranger. After all, husbands, cohabitors, and dating part-
ners have frequent contact with their partners, and the rape can be committed in relative
privacy (Browne, 1993). At the same time, sexual coercion among intimates appears to
be incompatible with the characteristics of a close relationship and thus requires explana-
tions for its occurrence. One way to account for this phenomenon is to attribute rape to
sexual communication gone awry. In line with data from Abbey and Melby (1986), a man
may be compelled to rape because he interprets a woman’s flirtatious behavior as indicat-
ing sexual intent. However, rape frequently occurs and continues even after a woman has
clearly indicated she does not wish to have sex. Thus, overperception of sexual intent tells
only part of the story. Additionally, men who commit rape approach women with the
general notion that women’s communications about sex and romance cannot be trusted,
and these men fail to recognize negative reactions from others appropriately (Malamuth
& Brown, 1994). These characteristics themselves appear to be part of a larger problem.
Sexually aggressive men tend to subscribe to the myth that deep down women like to be
handled roughly (Burt, 1980). Furthermore, these men tend to endorse interpersonal vio-
lence and generally hold adversarial sexual beliefs, often thinking of sex as a conquest or
a battle (Malamuth & Brown, 1994).
A more controversial account for the occurrence of coercive sex proposes that men’s
proclivity to rape is an outcome of an evolutionary adaptation to procreation (Thornhill
& Palmer, 2000). In other words, men are biologically predisposed toward rape because
it has been adaptive to the different mating strategies employed by men and women.
As we discussed at length in Chapter 3, in most mammalian species, a male’s primary
reproductive goal is to mate early and often so as to ensure the survival of his genes in
future generations. Females, on the other hand, are primarily interested in ascertaining
this genetic survival once conception has occurred, and thus they restrict sexual interac-
tions to males whom they perceive to be maximally capable of providing resources neces-
sary for childrearing. From this perspective, rape is adaptive to males across many species
(Crawford & Galdikas, 1986) because it helps subvert females’ gate-keeping tendencies,
thus increasing the chances of meeting their reproductive goals.
In partial support of this general hypothesis, Goetz, Shackelford, and Camilleri (2008)
identified five different contexts of rape that produce different motivations for rape. Dis-
advantaged men are low in attractiveness and rape because they have no other access
to women. Specialized rapists commit rape because they are aroused by violent sex.
Opportunistic rapists commit rape when women reject their advances and the costs are
low. An example of this is rape that occurs during wartime. High-mating-effort rapists
are sexually experienced, aggressive, domineering, and psychopathic. They are not par-
ticularly sensitive to contextual and situational cues and therefore are likely to commit
rape regardless of the context. Finally, partner rapists commit rape in long-term, commit-
ted relationships. They are motivated by concerns with sperm competition and displace-
ment. If they believe their partner has had extra-relational copulation, they will rape in
an attempt to displace the interloper’s sperm (Goetz & Shackelford, 2006; Goetz et al.,
2008). However, not all men who suspect infidelity are sexually coercive (Starratt, Popp,
& Shackelford, 2008). Only men who perceive themselves as more desirable a mate than
their wives are prone to meet doubts about fidelity with sexual coercion.
The evolutionary approach to rape is controversial for several reasons. With regard to its
implications, many object that explaining rape in terms of its adaptive value merely justifies
the status quo and absolves men from any responsibility (e.g., Travis, 2003). But even if
a case could be made that these implications were unintended or even false, it is not clear
how rape is an adaptive mechanism on the level of the species as a whole. Rape may have
reproductive benefits for men, but it has substantial costs for women. Specifically, women
who are in the prime of their childbearing years are most traumatized by rape and therefore
are most likely to develop strategies to reduce the likelihood of being raped. During the
fertile period of their menstrual cycle, women have been found to behave more cautiously
and to take fewer risks. They also become more vigilant in detecting sexual coerciveness in
strange (but not familiar) males. Perhaps the most helpful adaptation is one that compels
women to seek out the protection of strong and domineering male relatives or to seek the
company of a band of female friends (Starratt, Popp, & Shackelford, 2008).
Why men feel compelled to rape is likely to be subject to continued theoretical debate
among behavioral scientists. This debate is important because in order to generate pre-
scriptions aimed at the prevention of rape, we need to have a clear theoretical understand-
ing of why it occurs in the first place. Approaches that treat rape as an adaptation to
evolutionary pressures provide insights into its ultimate causes and, in combination with
considerations of its proximate (or immediate) causes, may help us better understand why
rape occurs (Goetz et al., 2008).

• Sexual harassment has been linked to the need for power that is expressed differ-
ently by men and women. Does this necessarily mean that female-to-male sexual
harassment will never occur?
• Everyday communication is possible only under the assumption that people
mean what they say. It is an implicit expectation we have for all our social
interactions. What do you think gave rise to the idea that when it comes to sex,
women’s communication cannot be trusted?
• In addition to its ultimate causes, what proximate causes may need to be con-
sidered for a comprehensive account of why rape occurs?
Summary
Issues • How can intimate partners—whose relationship is based on love,

trust, and caring—inflict harm on each other?
• What is the frequency of intimate partner violence worldwide?
• How can defining and measuring domestic violence complicate our
understanding of it?
• What are the origins of intimate relationship violence? How do we
separate the “myth” from the reality?
• How can a multicausal approach help us understand relationship
violence?
• What role do dispositions, context—the macrocontext—play in rela-
tionship violence?
• What is the role of stress in relationship violence?
• What effects do sexual harassment and other forms of sexual coer-
cion have on their victims?
Theory • Popular theories about the causes of relationship violence erroneously
suggest that violence is:
• Found mainly in low-income families
• Hidden by the abuser and his or her victim
• Committed mostly by men
• Related to familial patterns of abuse
• Cyclical in nature
• Alcohol abuse contributes to relationship violence
• Macrolevel theories: Relationship violence is promoted by a cul-
ture of honor and the lack of social and legal consequences for its
perpetrators
• Individual difference theories focus on the need for power, lack of
empathy, and sexism as sources of domestic violence
• Sexual harassment is explained in terms of sex-role spillover and the
mental association between power and sex for the harasser
• Evolutionary explanations suggest that rape is an adaptive mecha-
nism and define different contexts for rape
Research • Descriptive research suggests relationship violence is universal
• Relationship violence takes four forms (Johnson, 2006)
• Intimate terrorism: The individual is violent and controlling while
his or her partner is not
• Violent resistance: One partner is violent and not controlling,
while their partner is both violent and controlling
• Situational couple violence: The individual is violent, but neither
the individual nor the partner are controlling
• Mutual violence: Both are violent and controlling
• Little support for popular theories of relationship violence
• Community-based interventions—e.g., increasing penalties—work
primarily for perpetrators who have a lot to lose (Sherman et al.,
1992)
• Acute stress interacts with chronic stress to predict violence in men
but not in women (Frye & Karney, 2006)
• Need for power is a fairly straightforward predictor of relationship
violence in men
• Violence in women, however, depends on a complex interaction
among needs for affiliation, impulse control, and stress
• Spillover theory in sexual harassment supported by research that
looks at sexually harassing behaviors in settings with varied gender
ratios (Gutek & Morasch, 1982)
• Studies that surreptitiously prime power in men who then rate the
attractiveness of female coworkers support the association between
power and sex (Bargh et al., 1995)
• Evolutionary explanations are supported in part by the pervasive
nature of coercive sex among all mammalian species (Goetz et al.,
2008)
• Rape is likely to be committed by men who subscribe to the rape
myth, endorse interpersonal violence, and hold adversarial sexual
beliefs
Key Terms
Intimate terrorism: a situation in which an individual is violent and controlling, while the
partner is neither.
Violent resistance: a situation in which the individual is violent but not controlling, while
the partner is both violent and controlling.
Situational couple violence: a situation in which the individual is violent, but neither the
individual nor the partner is controlling.
Mutual violent control: situation in which both partners are violent and controlling.
Myopia: a condition in which the range of behaviors deemed appropriate in a given situ-
ation is narrowed.
Acute stress: results from distressing events that have a clear-cut beginning and end.
Chronic stress: long-term and has no clear onset or termination.
Need for power: a general concern for (1) having an impact on others, (2) arousing strong
emotions in others, and (3) maintaining a reputation and a sense of prestige.
Quid pro quo harassment: attempts to extort sexual cooperation by means of threats of
job-related consequences.
Hostile environment harassment: pervasive sex-related verbal conduct that is unwelcome
or offensive.
Sex-role spillover: theoretical position that proposes that sexual harassment of women
at work is the result of a spillover of gender-based expectations for behavior into the
workplace.
Rape: nonconsensual oral, anal, or vaginal penetration, obtained by force, by threat of
bodily harm, or when the victim is incapable of giving consent.
13 Conflict
Causes and Consequences
All conflict can be traced back to someone’s feelings getting hurt, don’t you think?
—Liane Moriarty, Big Little Lies1
Conflict is part and parcel of all close relationships. Even the most loving couple is not
immune to the occasional spat and the resulting hurt feelings. And in some cases it can
lead to the end of a relationship. Whether it does depends on how you and your partner
handle it.
The question of why we disagree even though we are in love is just one of the many
exquisite mysteries of intimate relationships. And not surprisingly, it is just one of the
challenging questions that relationship research has attempted to address. Although it is
fairly easy to spot an argument and identify conflicts, it is less clear how conflicts arise,
what their sources are, how we solve them, and why we engage in them in the first place.
Conflict Between Lovers and Strangers

What are the differences among conflicts between romantic couples, coworkers, and
strangers? At the purely physical level, it is much easier to retreat from conflicts with
strangers than it is to escape conflict in close relationships. Further, our reaction to conflict
with close others feels different from conflict with strangers or peers (e.g., Dunn, Slom-
kowski, Donelan, & Herrera, 1995; Maccoby, 1996). Even children exert more affective
and behavioral control and temper the tone of the confrontations when they argue with
peers than when they engage in a conflict with family members.
Affective and verbal restraint in a confrontation is important because nothing hurts
quite like a barbed comment that exposes our most private vulnerabilities for public
ridicule. Unfortunately, close relationships can lend themselves to a lack of restraint as
communication patterns change in predictable ways both as intimacy increases as well
as when it deteriorates (Altman & Taylor, 1973). As relationships wither, the breadth
of conversation topics becomes constricted while the depth of intimacy deepens. Dis-
cussions about politics, philosophy, and movies dwindle while hurtful exchanges about
each other’s supposed weaknesses, shortcomings, and wrongdoings increase. Conversa-
tions become centered on issues of contention—real, imagined, or exaggerated. Altman
and Taylor (1973) aptly characterized this communication pattern as a social dagger.
In essence, the intimacy developed throughout the course of a close interpersonal rela-
tionship turns conflict into a deeper, more hurtful affair than would, say, an argument
between coworkers or strangers.
218 Conflict: Causes and Consequences
Thus, there are some obvious reasons (e.g., negative feelings, partner violence, relation-
ship dissolution) why we should strive to understand the nature of discord in romantic
relationships and some less obvious but even more compelling reasons to do so (e.g.,
building a stronger relationship, avoiding legal action). Let us begin our examination of
conflict by looking at some theoretical perspectives on the very nature of conflict itself.
The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly:

Conflict in Intimate Relationships
The courtship and inexorable path toward Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie’s divorce played
out before a national audience. In addition to bearing witness to their courtship, we
watched from the sidelines as their marriage became increasingly marked by conflict amid
accusations of child abuse and finally ended in divorce.
The demise of the “Brangelina” union fits well with early approaches that viewed con-
flicts as predominantly negative, destructive events (Coser, 1956). News accounts of abu-
sive relationships, deadly stalking incidents, and murder-for-hire horror stories fit this
view equally well. Thus, according to the conflicts-as-destructive perspective, conflicts are
signs of problems or weaknesses in the relationship. Consequently, people should strive as
much as possible to avoid conflicts at all cost.
More recently, however, researchers have begun to view conflicts as more than bother-
some negative events and have instead taken a transformational view that looks at conflict
as essential for relationship growth (e.g., Gottman, 1993; Peterson, 1983; Rausch, Barry,
Hertel, & Swain, 1974; Rubin, Pruitt, & Kim, 1994). According to this view, conflict can
be characterized as either constructive or destructive (e.g., Coser, 1967; Deutsch, 1969;
Simmel, 1955).
Constructive conflict is a main force for change and growth in a relationship. It is
through conflict that we achieve group and dyadic unity. Moreover, constructive con-
flict may be the creative impetus underlying all social change (e.g., Gottman, 1993) and
growth (Rubin, Pruitt, & Kim, 1994). Gottman and Krokoff (1989) have even found that
expressions of disagreement and anger predict long-term satisfaction and improvement in
marital relationships. Destructive conflict, on the other hand, leads to the termination of
relationships. It is painful, harmful, and damaging and can include hurtful communica-
tions and escalation.
The notion that conflict can be transformational is encouraging news, especially for
those of us who have thought about conflict mainly in terms of how to avoid it. Currently,
researchers view it as one of the mechanisms key to achieving balance among partners’
occasionally divergent needs. In other words, conflict reveals the “seams” in relationships
that come about because of the competing needs of being both an individual and a part
of a couple. Successful resolution of such competing needs provides growth opportunities
and adds to relationship satisfaction and happiness (Gottman, 1993).
Recent research (Gordon & Chen, 2016) suggests that these outcomes are more likely
obtained when individuals feel that their partners “get them.” When they feel that their
thoughts and feelings are not understood, conflict often results in lowered relationship sat-
isfaction. Perceived understanding, on the other hand, is positively associated with conflict
resolution, suggesting that it acts as a buffer against negative conflict outcomes.
In sum, each of the theories regarding the nature of conflicts includes its own unique
set of assumptions, predictions, and implications. According to the conflict-as-undesirable
view, discord is a sign of a serious rift in the system or relationship. On the other hand,
Conflict: Causes and Consequences 219
transformational theorists acknowledge the pervasiveness of conflict. They suggest that
rather than circumventing it, we should embrace constructive conflict and openly express
both positive and negative thoughts. Finally, recent research suggests that perceptions of
being understood by one’s partner may be key to continued relationship satisfaction in the
face of conflicts.
Defining Conflict
Although we may agree that conflict has both positive and negative effects on our rela-
tionships, we may have a more difficult time agreeing on what it is and how to measure
it. Peterson (1983) defines conflict as the “interpersonal process that occurs whenever
the actions of one person interfere with the action of another” (p. 365). This definition
provides a good starting point for characterizing conflicts between any two individuals or
groups. Other typologies attempt to identify the different kinds of conflicts that have been
observed—conflicts that range from orderly debates between strangers to impassioned
and chaotic quarrels between lovers. Let us explore how conflicts can differ in scope and
orderliness.
From Order to Disorder: Types of Conflict

One way to distinguish between different types of conflict is by the degree to which they
are predictable and adhere to “rules of engagement” (Brickman, 1974). Accordingly, there
are four different types of conflicts: fully structured (e.g., debates), partially structured
(e.g., games, intense competitions, and bargaining), unstructured (e.g., fights), and revolu-
tionary (e.g., metaconflicts that include conflicts over the very rules of engagement).
Sillars and Weisberg (1987) suggested that minor conflicts follow a predictable pattern
of communication, whereas severe conflicts are more likely to occur outside of ratio-
nal, rule-bound communications. Hence, instead of being orderly and predictable, these
exchanges often defy any sense of logic. Self-interest motives take precedence over the
common good. Disputants disregard established rules of communication such as norms
to be relevant, clear, complete, and truthful. Not surprisingly, severe conflicts tend to be
intense, chaotic, less controllable, and highly confusing (Sillars & Weisberg, 1987).
These conflict typologies clearly depict the progression of the structure of conflict from
orderly disagreements all the way to the ambiguity, confusion, disorder, and even chaos of
fights and severe conflicts (Brickman, 1974; Sillars & Weisberg, 1987). However, in addi-
tion to an “orderliness continuum,” these typologies also provide a way to capture the
differences in disputes between strangers and lovers. Because of the emotional investment
in romantic relationships, disagreements between lovers can quickly feel more intense and
can become less rule-bound and more disorderly.
In addition to self-interest motives and an inattention to the rules of normal commu-
nication, another source of ambiguity in serious conflicts stems from both the breadth of
topics over which a couple can disagree and the fact that problems can exist at various
levels of abstraction (Sillars & Weisberg, 1987). The number and variety of disputable
issues can lead to confusion because each person can focus on a different issue. For her, it’s
his displeasure with her posture, but for him, it’s her indifference to his concern for their
joint health and physical fitness.
Similar to Freud’s notion of manifest or overt content (e.g., a cigar is a source of smoking
pleasure) and latent or unconscious content (e.g., cigar as a representation of a phallus),
conflicts may involve straightforward sources visible at the surface as well as those that
go deeper to the core of the relationship. The difficulty, however, is in identifying which
argument stems from which source. For example, seemingly superficial spats surrounding
things like, “She doesn’t wear enough makeup” or “His raincoat looks like an undertak-
er’s overcoat” may reflect deeper misgivings and may have their origins in more profound,
basic issues of compatibility. Other disagreements over seemingly minor events might also
be a veiled attempt on the part of one partner to disengage from the relationship! Thus,
arguments over what appear to be trivial matters may actually reflect deeper and more
fundamental problems.
Conflicts range from the predictable to the catastrophic, and a majority of serious con-
flicts in romantic relationships are comprised of the latter. This is not surprising since con-
flicts, especially intense ones, are “hot” and imbued with chaos, ambiguity, and disorder.
But how do conflicts start?

• Gottman and Krokoff’s (1989) research produced the counterintuitive conclu-
sion that expression of anger and disagreement predicts long-term satisfaction
in marital relationships. How do you think the two variables are linked?
• In your opinion, what distinguishes a major conflict from a minor one? Is it the
magnitude of the divergence in needs or the way conflict plays out (i.e. orderly
vs. chaotic)?
• Arguments can stem from relatively unimportant issues. However, sometimes
these seemingly trivial matters can indicate more serious issues of compatibility.
In view of this, evaluate both the conflict-as-destructive and the conflict-as-
transformative positions.
Sources of Conflict: “I Said . . . You Said . . .”

We all know that anything can potentially start a fight—from the little, “It’s the way you
said it” and “Why don’t you put the seat down on the toilet?” to the more serious, “Your
family/friends/football games come before our relationship” and “You don’t love me any-
more.” So far, we have discussed some of the more general sources of conflict; however,
let us look more closely at its specific origins and antecedents. At the broadest level, we
see that conflict can arise from within the relationship (i.e., individual qualities or qualities
of the pair) and from sources external to it (i.e., children, family, friends, jobs, economics,
war, etc.).
One important internal source of conflict is the allocation and sharing of resources
(Brickman, 1974). That is, the seemingly simple act of sharing and distributing resources
can increase the likelihood of producing interference with individual and mutual goals
and can thus lead to conflict. Other internal sources of conflict and threats to relation-
ship stability are the amount of time spent together, racial dissimilarity, quality of com-
munication, and length of the relationship. Additionally, Rausch and colleagues (1974)
proposed that internal sources of conflict might also include issues stemming from
friction between the needs of the one and those of the couple. That is, conflicts arise
from the divergence and conflict between the most basic needs of the individual and
the needs of the couple: isolation versus intimacy, individuality versus unity, separate-
ness versus connectedness, and privacy versus openness. Finally, some external source
of conflict might be the availability of social support and alternative relationships as
well as low income and employment (Thibaut & Kelley, 1959; Levinger, 1976; Felmlee,
Sprecher, & Bassin, 1990).
In a similar vein, Fincham and Bradbury (1987, 1988) suggest that an absolute
understanding of relationships—conflict included—is difficult to achieve because rela-
tionships are necessarily complex (Bradbury & Fincham, 1990, 1992). They achieve
their complexity, in part, because they take place at several levels: the individual level,
the dyadic level, and within a larger social context. Correspondingly, each level gives
rise to its own source of conflict: the self, the partner, the relationship, the external
environment, and fate. Dimensions of the “self,” for example, include gender, whereas
“age” might be considered both a component of the self as well as of the relation-
ship (i.e., life stage and the length of the relationship). Although much of this is self-
explanatory, let us take a closer look at several individual level sources of conflict
including gender and age.
Gender and Conflict: “He Said . . . She Said . . .”

By and large, research has found that women approach conflicts more constructively than
men (Levenson & Gottman, 1985; Rusbult et al., 1991; Tannen, 1990). At first blush, this
seems to fly in the face of the stereotype of women as more emotional (and less rational)
than men. However, this finding is consistent with women’s greater preference to engage
in activities that strengthen and maintain relationships (Surra & Longstreth, 1990) and
men’s relative difficulty in discussing their feelings (Levenson & Gottman, 1985).
Perhaps this same preference contributes to the sex differences observed in the demand/
withdraw pattern of conflict (Christensen & Heavey, 1990). This pattern of conflict pits
one partner’s willingness to be emotionally and verbally expressive against the other’s
reluctance to engage and their simultaneous preference for avoidance. The fact that men
are generally less expressive and more withdrawn than women explains why the most
commonly observed communication pattern is one in which a demanding wife tackles a
problem by complaining, criticizing, and pleading to a husband who withdraws in self-
defense. In addition to being the most common communication pattern, it was also the one
most likely to escalate into conflict when the “problem” had to do with change favored
by the wife. The opposite pattern of a demanding husband and a withdrawing wife was
observed far less frequently and was less likely to lead to conflict or escalation.
Thus, conflict erupting from biological gender might sometimes be difficult to avoid.
Rusbult and colleagues (1991; Rusbult, Zembrodt, & Iwaniszek, 1986) suggest that what
might be even more important than biological sex is the person’s psychological orienta-
tion. Rusbult’s team found that psychological femininity was related to attempts toward
improving or eliminating relationship problems or waiting for improvement. Psychologi-
cal masculinity was related to passively allowing the problem to worsen. These effects
were independent of biological gender.
These findings may have important implications for conflict in gay and lesbian couples.
On the surface, it seems that couples of the same gender should avoid conflicts that arise
from the friction caused by gender differences in priorities and communication styles.
However, Rusbult et al.’s (1991) research suggests that although such problems might be
reduced, gay and lesbian couples generally experience similar difficulties in conflict resolu-
tion. Further, because psychological orientation is only loosely correlated with biological
gender, gay and lesbian couples are likely to encounter the same differences in constructive
versus avoidance reactions to conflict.
Age and Conflict

Cursory consideration might lead one to expect conflict to increase as our relationships
lengthen. Indeed, stereotypes of the elderly contribute to this notion of disinterested,
distant, or bickering couples. Empirically, some researchers have suggested that as cou-
ples age, the good fit that brought them together decreases, opening the door to greater
conflict.
Time mediates the occurrence of conflict in several ways. The aging of a relationship
naturally leads to an evolution of “hot” issues. “Older” couples have had ample oppor-
tunity to deal with and resolve many of the issues that were once central to their relation-
ship. Research on long-term marriages supports this (Levenson, Carstensen, & Gottman,
1993, 1994). Thus, while conflicts still occur, mature couples, relative to their young coun-
terparts, have fewer disagreements.
Another effect of time is the result of developmental changes that occur with the pro-
gression of age. Different issues are important to us at different stages of our lives, regard-
less of the intimacy or tenure of our relationship. For example, achieving satisfying levels
of intimacy in our relationship might be replaced by concerns over career accomplish-
ments. Selecting the hippest restaurant or movie is replaced with finding a good school for
the children.
Further, as we age, we experience fewer emotional extremes in all aspects of our lives
(Costa et al., 1987). Attenuation of all emotions means less negative affect and lower
levels of distress and anger. In fact, research on conflict supports the idea that we “cool
down” with age: Older couples experience lower levels of physiological arousal during
marital interactions than do middle-aged couples (Levenson et al., 1994). Thus, although
the goodness of the fit between romantic partners may deteriorate over time, perhaps the
concurrent decrease in emotional extremes may take the edge off the increasing number
of differences.
This attenuation of affect also has direct implications for how we experience conflict.
For example, as affective reactions to problems become more modulated, interactions
similarly become less negative and more patterned. However, not only are older couples
less likely to experience volatile and destructive conflicts and more likely to resolve them
with less negativity, they are also more likely to demonstrate greater affection toward
one another while resolving their grievances (Carstensen, Gottman, & Levenson, 1995).
It seems that, with age, we do learn something about ourselves and gain conflict resolu-
tion skills!
In addition to achieving greater success at resolving conflicts, long-term couples, relative
to those in middle-aged relationships, actually find greater common sources of enjoyment.
The reduction of gender differences with age may be one of the contributing factors to the
greater correspondence in pleasurable activities (Levenson et al., 1993). It is noteworthy,
however, that another effect of time may be that the sample of older couples is some-
what biased. Unhappy couples with poor conflict resolution strategies are unlikely to be
included in this group because they may have separated or divorced long ago. All in all,
although not intensely investigated, research on older marriages supports a positive pic-
ture of love in the twilight years. The causes of conflict change with age and the affective
reactions to them diminish—for the good of the couple.
Attribution and Conflict: Partner-Level Sources of Conflict

Soap operas succeed on the communication skills (or the lack thereof) of their charac-
ters. Angst, intrigue, and torment are perpetuated because of a lack of key facts, misin-
formation, and misattribution of causes. Conflicts rest not so much in what our partners
have or haven’t done, but on our perceptions of why they did what they did. Because we
continually strive to determine the motives and reasons for others’ behaviors, attribu-
tion is common in close relationships and increases during conflicts and disagreements
(Harvey, 1987).
Exactly what types of attributions do we make? Generally, attributions can be internal
or external, stable or unstable. When we make internal attributions for behaviors, we
attempt to explain the behavior by referring to internal, personal attributes, such as abili-
ties, skills, and traits inherent in the individual (e.g., “Scott got upset when I got home late
because he’s jealous, controlling, and unreasonable”). External attributions, on the other
hand, locate the cause of behavior in elements in the person’s environment, such as the
weather, other people, fate, luck, and so on (e.g., “Scott got upset when I got home late
because he’s under a lot of pressure at work and has had to put in a lot of overtime”). Fur-
ther, these attributions can be stable or unstable. Stable attributions are fixed and constant
(e.g., IQ, traits, ability, some aspects of the environment), whereas unstable attributions
are more variable and changeable (e.g., mood, fate, luck).
In close relationships, the types of attributions we make are influenced in large part by
how happy we are with our relationship. These attributions can have profound effects.
For example, spouses who make negative attributions for problems in their marriage
have been found to react more destructively to conflict than those making positive, more
benevolent attributions (Bradbury & Fincham, 1992). Moreover, the relationship between
attributions and behaviors is more strongly correlated in unhappy than in happy mar-
riages. For example, reciprocity of negative interactions was more easily and reliably pre-
dicted in the cases of distressed wives than in nondistressed wives. It seems that negative,
malevolent attributions foster reciprocity of negativity. We will talk about this more in the
following section.
Precisely how do we get from attributions to conflict? The entailment model (Fin-
cham & Jaspers, 1980; Davey, Fincham, Beach, & Brody, 2001) suggests that conflicts
are preceded by a chain reaction of events starting at causal judgments that cascade to
responsibility judgments and finally to the assignment of blame or conflict (Fincham &
Bradbury, 1987, 1988; Bradbury & Fincham, 1990, 1992). That is, both source attri-
butions (i.e., internal, external, stable, unstable) and responsibility decisions are key in
determining conflict outcomes. We discussed source attributions in the section prior.
According to Fincham and Bradbury (1987, 1988), responsibility judgments are based
on whether we believe that an action was freely chosen and our assessment of the actor’s
motivation and intent. Once responsibility is determined, blame is assessed, and the rest,
as they say, is history.
Suppose, for example, that Ray forgets to pick Ellis up from work. Ellis attributes Ray’s
forgetfulness to the combined effects of stress and fatigue stemming from work and family
problems (positive and external attribution). She knows things are tough for Ray (action
not freely chosen), and so it is easy for her to quickly forgive him once she has conveyed
her hurt feelings (conflict avoided). Now, take the case of Nino, who also fails to fetch
Teresa from work. Teresa, though, attributes her abandonment to Nino’s lack of caring
and general thoughtlessness (negative and internal attribution). Teresa believes that Nino
should do more to demonstrate his love for her (negative motivation and intent), and she
blames him for forgetting her. They go to bed angry. This, in effect, is what studies of mar-
ried couples found: Conflict was preceded by both causal attributions and determinations
of responsibility (Lussier, Sabourin, & Wright, 1993; Davey et al., 2001).
Thus, although just about anything can lead to a disagreement or fight, researchers have
identified different classes of causal factors. However, current thinking suggests that it is
not so much the topic of discord that matters, but our attributions for our partner’s acts
and judgments of blame that lie at the heart of most conflicts.

• One interesting finding about conflict is that low income can be an external
source of conflict. Does this predict more frequent/severe conflict among the
poor? How do you think income is related to conflict?
• Gender differences in conflict patterns can either be the result of gender stereo-
types or psychological orientation. Which theory do you think does a better job
explaining the demand/withdrawal pattern of marital conflict?
• Some research found that with age the good fit between partners decreases,
bringing the potential for more conflict. Yet other research shows a decrease
in frequency and severity of argument in older couples. One explanation that
would reconcile the two findings is based on the decreased general arousal char-
acteristic of older age. Can you think of other ways to reconcile them?
Reactions to Conflict
Sheila, her husband, Alexi, and their two young sons are in Chicago for President
Obama’s farewell address and decide to do some sightseeing. They visit Millennium
Park, and, after waiting for the crowds to subside, Sheila attempts to capture the Cloud-
gate sculpture on camera. “Stand over there!” directs Alexi. “Now, Sheila, zoom in on
our faces . . . you don’t want us to look like pinheads! OK, now don’t shoot the picture
into the sun . . . OK . . .” Sheila, tired from the cold and frustrated by the crowds, finally
snaps, “Don’t tell me what to do!” Her rebuke echoes loudly and adds a sour note to
their relationship. How should Sheila and Alexi react to their newfound unhappiness?
Should they express themselves openly, freely, and loudly? Or should they bite their
tongues, grind their teeth, and hope things will somehow “right” themselves? Should
they get angry at each other or head straight for divorce court instead? As it happens,
whether partners engage in or avoid conflicts, how they respond to them emotionally,
and what attributions they make for their disputes all impact how conflicts unfold and
how they are solved.
Expression Versus Avoidance
Peterson’s (1983) model includes, in its beginning stage, the issues of engagement and
avoidance. The uses of expression (as a specific form of engagement) and avoidance have
been widely investigated as two general reactions to conflict (Deutsch, 1969). An underly-
ing assumption of this research area is that conflict, unless dispelled, will lead to the end
of a relationship. Similar to a hydraulic model, the analogy is that the steam in the engine
(the conflict) must be released at regular intervals in order to prevent a dangerous buildup
or backlog of negativity (emotion). If release of these negative forces is not accomplished,
an explosion or breakdown will occur. Thus, expression is viewed as positive and con-
structive while avoidance is considered dysfunctional.
In addition to releasing steam, expression may also serve to increase intimacy. That
is, expression leads to openness and sharing, which in turn are important to the devel-
opment of intimacy. Furthermore, transformational perspectives (i.e., conflict is posi-
tive) also view conflict as a social skill that can be learned and an event that can be
managed successfully (cf. Rubin, Pruitt, & Kim, 1994; Sillars & Weisberg, 1987). Most
Americans and Westerners in general are comfortable with these assumptions. Many
of us tend to agree that keeping our feelings to ourselves, guarding secrets, and hid-
ing our emotions are generally counterproductive to the development of intimacy and
closeness.
That said, the simple dichotomy of expression/engagement versus avoidance/escape
may be an oversimplification. Expression might be good for our soul, but depending
on what we’re saying, it may not be as good for our partner’s. (Recall the precarious
couples in which the man was more inhibited that we discussed in Chapter 4.) Thus,
Rusbult and colleagues suggest that in addition to expression and avoidance (or activ-
ity/passivity in their model), we should include the motives of the partners (Drigotas,
Whitney, & Rusbult, 1995; Rusbult & Zembrodt, 1983; Rusbult, Zembrodt, & Gunn,
1982). That is, conflicts can be pursued with either positive or negative intentions.
This is depicted in the constructiveness-destructiveness dimension of Rusbult’s model.
Finally, these two dimensions, active/passive and constructive/destructive, can be com-
bined to yield four distinct responses to conflict: Exit, voice, loyalty, and neglect (see
Table 13.1).
In addition to identifying these four types of reactions, Rusbult et al. (1982) also pre-
dict when each will be used. Not surprisingly, satisfied couples are more likely to use
constructive strategies, whereas dissatisfied couples are more likely to enact destructive
ones. Consistent with these findings, Ptacek and Dodge (1995) find that couples who use
similar types of constructive coping strategies experience greater relationship satisfaction.
Thus, our motives, as guided by how satisfied we are in our relationships, factor into how
we choose to resolve our conflicts. Together, these elements dictate whether we pursue the
improvement or dissolution of the relationship.
Table 13.1 Reactions to Conflict
Constructive Destructive
Passive Loyalty Neglect

Active Voice Exit
Source: Rusbult, Zembrodt, and Gunn (1982). Reprinted by permission.

Affect Reciprocity and Attribution
Conflict is stressful (Powers et al., 2006; Swann, McClarty, & Rentfrow, 2007). Yet it’s
not just the fighting that makes us upset. Our reactions depend on the strength and state
of our relationship. Levenson and Gottman (1983) found that our response to conflict
depends more on how satisfied we are with our relationship and less on the specific topic
of disagreement or the way in which we argue. In their study distressed couples experi-
enced more physiological arousal and negative affect and were also more likely to recip-
rocate negative affect.
Moreover, results revealed sex difference in negative affect reciprocity: Relationship
satisfaction decreased most when husbands reciprocated their wives’ negative affect and
wives did not reciprocate their husbands’ negativity (Levenson & Gottman, 1985).
Indeed, negative affect reciprocity is one of the main warning signs that a relation-
ship is headed for the rocks. Dissatisfied couples, more than satisfied couples, experi-
ence higher levels of negative affect and physiological arousal (Levenson & Gottman,
1983, 1985). Predictably, they are also more likely to reciprocate negative affect. That
is, couples who use “expression” to return hurtful, angry accusations with even more
harmful words are taking a dangerous path toward relationship dissolution. Addition-
ally, a longitudinal study involving 73 married couples found that dissatisfied couples
evaluated their problems as being more negative and severe, had poorer health, experi-
enced more negative and fewer positive emotional exchanges, had greater defensiveness,
and demonstrated more stubbornness and withdrawal from the relationship (Gottman
& Levenson, 1992).
In light of what we know about negative affect reciprocity and relationship satisfaction,
asking whether expression is necessarily superior to avoidance may be the wrong ques-
tion. Instead, we should be asking what we think of our relationship and what and how
are we saying it. That is, relationship satisfaction, attributions, and what we say all com-
bine to determine how we settle disagreements. Angry, bitter, hostile, and hurtful expres-
sions can surely be worse than silence and avoidance. In fact, researchers have found links
between adult attachment styles and reactions to conflict (e.g., Powers et al., 2006; Shi,
2003; Simpson, Winterheld et al., 2007).
Attachment Style and Conflict Resolution

How we respond to conflict may be influenced by our attachment style. Physiological
measures of stress, such as salivary cortisol levels, indicate that insecurely attached
individuals experience greater physiological reactivity to conflict and higher levels
of physical stress reactions than securely attached individuals (Powers et al., 2006).
Further, this reaction is not limited to the insecurely attached person. Partners of
insecurely attached individuals also experience greater stress in conflicts. Avoidant
women show a different stress reaction pattern than anxious men. Specifically, avoid-
antly attached women are anxious upon entering a conflict or strange situation but
experience relief quickly upon leaving or escaping from the uncomfortable situation.
Anxious men, however, are both faster to become stressed and take much longer to
recover from it.
In terms of conflict resolution preferences, securely attached individuals are con-
structive and take a problem solving approach. Insecure individuals, on the other
hand, generally follow avoidance strategies as they attempt to protect themselves and
hide their vulnerabilities (Shi, 2003). Finally, in terms of coping with conflict, secure
individuals are calmed when their partners offer them emotional support and comfort
(Simpson, Winterheld et al., 2007). However, insecure partners are better served by
instrumental caregiving in which their partners gave them advice rather than emo-
tional comfort.
Attachment style differences in the experience, reaction, and resolution of conflict are
consistent with attribution findings. Because securely attached partners have positive
models of self and others, they are more likely to make more sympathetic and perhaps
forgiving attributions of responsibility and blame. Insecures, who have negative models
of self and others, are likely to form negative attributions of their partners, particularly in
stressful situations.
Thus, we react to conflict in a number of ways depending on our attachment style and
how satisfied we are with the relationship. Some strategies and relationship factors natu-
rally predispose us to be more successful at resolving conflicts. What are they? How do
couples manage conflicts and turn disagreements, transgressions, and betrayals into the
foundation for constructive, transformational change?

• There are at least two positions about expression and avoidance in conflicts.
One is based on an analogy with a hydraulic system and predicts that avoid-
ance is dangerous for a relationship and therefore that expression is not only
good but also necessary. The other position claims that expression is not
always the best approach. Taking into consideration such factors as man-
ner, content, and timing, which of the two approaches do you think is more
productive?
• Satisfaction with a relationship influences attributions, which in turn deter-
mine the type of conflict and the strategy adopted to resolve it. What do you
think determines satisfaction in the first place? Is the relationship between
satisfaction and conflict necessarily unidirectional? How would you support
your position?
• Attachment styles are related to the way we resolve conflict. On the other hand,
there is research showing that conflict management is an acquired skill. How
would you integrate the two perspectives?
Transforming Relationships—From Conflict to Growth

Conflicts can terminate in one of several ways, ranging from constructive to adequate to
downright destructive (Peterson, 1983). The destructive consequences of conflict engage-
ment include stress, poor health, loneliness, anger, property damage, physical and emo-
tional abuse, psychological harm, and even murder. We will deal with outcomes associated
with dissolution later in this chapter. Let’s first examine some paths toward constructive
resolution and relationship transformation.
The Social Skill of Conflict Resolution
A fair number of researchers and a large part of commonsense advice portray reactions to
conflict in terms such as conflict management, making strategic choices, or having proper
communication skills. Can we learn how to manage conflicts with proper know-how and
skill? Is achieving constructive outcomes to conflict largely the result of being skilled at
conflict resolution? Several approaches address these questions.
Deutsch (1969) found that the type of conflict strategy used in a dispute determines
whether the conflict is constructive or destructive. Couples involved in constructive
conflict processes concentrate on the issue at hand and use mutual problem solving
approaches, such as persuasion, openness to each other’s views, mutual enhancement,
and minimization of both threat and deception. These arguments tend to be orderly and
predictable. Rusbult and colleagues, as you may recall, found similar patterns in their
research.
Couples involved in destructive conflicts, on the other hand, use escalating conflict
processes such as threat, coercion, and deception. Further, participants in these interac-
tions, as we discussed earlier, were found to reciprocate negative with negative, deploying
destructive strategies in response to receiving them. Not surprisingly, these disputes can
best be described as disorderly and unpredictable, often expanding beyond the bounds
and scope of the original problem.
As we saw in our previous discussion of expression versus avoidance of conflict,
a “let’s talk it out” approach should not be the default approach to conflict resolu-
tion. Simply talking is not always enough to solve problems: What you say, how you
say it, and when you express disagreement all matter. For example, being critical
and complaining, while definitely encompassing expression, lead to withdrawal (e.g.,
Carrére & Gottman, 1999), stress (Swann et al., 2007), and even divorce (Carrére &
Gottman, 1999)!
The demand/withdraw pattern of marital conflict (Christensen & Heavey, 1990) sug-
gests as much. Complaining and criticizing are likely to lead to withdrawal and defensive-
ness. Gottman and colleagues call this withdrawal “stonewalling,” where (usually) men
protect themselves from being flooded with negativity by withdrawing emotionally and
shutting out their partners’ complaining criticisms. Knowing all this, we should be able to
see the warning signs and constructively combat negative conflict styles.
Cross-cultural research also supports the notion that expression should not be
advanced as the default panacea to conflict. For example, differences in communica-
tion styles have been found between Israeli and U.S. couples. Israeli couples are more
emotional, more verbally aggressive, and less calm; U.S. couples, on the other hand, are
more likely to use rational approaches to problem solving (Winkler & Doherty, 1983).
These cultural differences in conflict styles translate directly into what types of coping
strategies should be effective for each group. In fact, improving communication skills
was more positively related to increases in relationship satisfaction in the U.S. couples
but not in the Israeli couples.
Likewise, Sillars and Weisberg (1987) proposed that other cultural or group values are
as important as the ideology of intimacy and expression: Values such as harmony main-
tenance (versus confrontation), the need for privacy and mystery, and the notion that we
should “leave well enough alone” also need to be considered in our investigations of con-
flict in intimate relationships. Certainly, many conflicts eventually “go away,” even when
we do not take active steps to solve them. In other cases, we may not use expression and
Table 13.2 Guidelines for Fighting Fairly
• Pick the right time and place. Make sure you have ample time to talk through problems. Pick
an occasion when you both have adequate time to discuss the issues at hand.
• State your feelings honestly without being sarcastic or insulting to the other person. You
need to edit your thoughts and remove anything that might hurt the other person before you
speak.
• Stick to the issues. Don’t bring up things that happened long ago or things that happened with
prior partners. Only discuss what the current problem is.
• Don’t try to figure out who is at fault. It is more important to talk about what you both need to
do to solve the problem than who’s to blame.
• Stick to “I” statements and try to stay away from “you” statements.
• Avoid using words like “always” and “never.” This will help you stay away from criticizing
your partner’s entire personality.
• Don’t mind-read. If you don’t know how your partner feels or what they think, then ask them.
Don’t put words into their mouths or assume you know their motives.
• Incorporate positive statements and compliments along with your complaints.
• This will soften the blow of any complaints and make your partner less defensive.
Source: University of California, Santa Barbara, www.soc.ucsb.edu/sexinfo/?article=1L88.
rational problem solving to deal with conflict, but may instead employ subtler methods,
such as joking or gentle hints (Sillars & Weisberg, 1987).
Take a look at Table 13.2 for a list of suggestions to help you build constructive con-
flict resolution skills. This list is posted on the University of California, Santa Barbara’s
relationship website and clearly reflects the research reviewed in this chapter. While these
guidelines can be supremely helpful, perhaps the real challenge in resolving conflicts suc-
cessfully is knowing what to say and how and when to say it. Managing the inevitable
negative affect is equally important. One way to reduce it may be by changing the way we
think and feel about our partner.
Conflict in Context
The consequences of conflicts extend beyond the couple and their relationship and touch
parents, children, and friends. Researchers find that the harmful effects of destructive
conflict can be seen in children living in these households long before the ink is dry on the
divorce papers (Gottman & Katz, 1989). Not all disagreements are harmful, and in fact
the specific type of conflict engagement strategy used by parents in their disputes affects
children’s ability to regulate their own emotional reactions to conflict. Children who wit-
ness their parents engage in chaotic, destructive conflicts develop problems with their abil-
ity to regulate their own emotions (Gottman & Katz, 1989). They tend to either engage
in excessive internalization or externalization of behaviors. For example, these children’s
experience of positive emotions tends to be in excess of the event, and they are unable to
“rein in” their emotions. We probably think it charming when, upon receiving a small
gift, this type of child is inordinately happy and remains so for a longer period of time
than seems usual. In addition to being a grateful child, the excessive response indicates
difficulty with emotional or affective self-regulation and an inability to “pull out” of the
emotion of the moment.
Researchers suggest that we examine conflict in context (Fincham, 2003). One way to
broaden our look at conflict is to examine not just a single event, but to include a compre-
hensive examination of the whole array of conflict and happiness across time.
The Gospel According to John Gottman

Gottman (1993) did just this in a longitudinal study using both observational and self-
report data. This comprehensive analysis enabled him to distinguish between conflicts
that lead to dissolution and those that are part of a healthy relationship. Accordingly, the
best predictor of relationship stability is the ratio of positive to negative affective experi-
ences. Specifically, stable couples demonstrated a five-to-one ratio of positive to negative
affective experiences. In other words, what matters is not necessarily what is said or done,
but the number of positive and negative exchanges that take place. As long as positive
relationship elements outweigh the negative by a factor of five, the relationship remains
intact. This model is satisfying for many reasons. Intuitively, it encompasses our personal
experiences of different types of couples and relationships. Many couples are happy and
happy to argue with each other, retaining romance and passionate attraction in spite of
their interaction styles.
Another notable element of Gottman’s (1993) research was his identification of five dif-
ferent types of couples based on their communication patterns and their conflict engage-
ment styles. From this, Gottman developed a “balance theory” of relationship. In his
couple typology, Gottman identifies couples first as being stable—i.e., those whose rela-
tionships remained intact—and those who are unstable, or whose relationships ended in
termination.
Gottman (1993) labeled the three types of stable couples validators, volatiles, and
avoiders. He found that validators reacted to problems with a “let’s talk it out” approach
and were generally positive and constructive. They were supportive listeners and consider-
ate speakers. Emotional expression, not surprisingly, was moderate. These couples were
calm and comfortable in their discussions.
Volatiles, while also stable, had communication patterns that might be called loud,
heated, and sometimes combative. Like Scarlett O’Hara and Rhett Butler of Gone With
the Wind fame, volatiles expressed a high degree of both positive and negative affect. They
actually embraced disagreements and conflict; however, in addition to vocalizing negative
affect, there was an abundance of humor and affection as well.
Avoiders used the passage of time as a conflict resolution strategy. Seldom did these
couples delve into their problems; rather, each person might state his or her position and
then let the conversation come to an end. Moreover, avoiders seemed to feel that no matter
the problem or differences they experienced, what they had in common was greater than
what they did not. This attitude allowed them to let issues and problems simply unfold
on their own.
The two types of unstable couples, hostile and hostile/detached, were extremely com-
bative in their interactions. Hostile couples engaged in a great deal of direct conflict,
were highly defensive, and concerned themselves with mind reading tinged with a judg-
mental or blaming overtone. Hostile/detached couples had similar communication pat-
terns but were generally more emotionally detached and uninvolved. See Table 13.3 for
a summary.
In sum, the balance theory and research on conflict in families suggest that conflict
takes place in a broader temporal, dyadic, and social context. In this regard, support
Table 13.3 Categories of Couples Based on Their Communication Patterns and Conflict Engage-
ment Styles
Couple Type
Stable Unstable
Validators: Use expression and Hostile: High levels of conflict engagement.

constructive conflict resolution strategies. Tend to be defensive, judgmental, blaming.
Volatiles: Expressive and emotional. Hostile/Detached: High levels of conflict
Express both positive and negative affect. but emotionally detached.
Avoiders: Avoid discussing problems, use
passage of time to reduce conflict.
Source: Based on Gottman (1993).
from friends and families may impact how a couple manages and solves their conflicts
(Fincham, 2003).
Dissolution of Intimate Relationships: The End of Romance

Destructive conflict is a frequent precursor to the dissolution of an intimate relationship,
as we have seen. But intimate relationships can come to an untimely end for a host of
other reasons as well and can tear away at our unshakeable belief that we will all find
that “happily ever after” relationship. And we often find ourselves endlessly disappointed,
dismayed, and perhaps even surprised by the dissolution of those same romantic relation-
ships. Must all relationships end? Let us look more closely at some theories on the break-
down of relationships.
Causes of Dissolution
Breakups rarely occur out of the blue. Instead, they frequently result from three condi-
tions: preexisting doom, mechanical failure, and sudden death (Duck, 1982)
In preexisting doom, the partners are so ill-matched that breakup is inevitable. We can
think of certain celebrity couples—such as Rapper Drake and Jennifer Lopez or Chris
Brown and Rhianna—as cases of doomed couples. In these cases, the shock generated by
the fact that the couple had formed a liaison in the first place far outstrips any reaction
created by the relationship’s demise. In other words, the seeds of dissolution or longevity
are planted when Romeo first proposes to Juliet. The odds for success or failure lie in the
unique characteristics of the romantic duo and the chemistry that results from the combi-
nation of their dispositions, expectations, and interactions.
Not all couples who break up are ill-matched. For example, in 2016, after 12 seemingly
glorious years and six children, “Brangelina” unceremoniously began divorce procedures.
In many cases, boredom or a sense that the relationship has grown stale and is lacking in
excitement precedes its dissolution. Such mechanical failure describes couples who just
do not seem able to work things out. Like couples in soap operas, their relationships
are undermined by miscommunication, suspicion, and power struggles. These types of
breakups are caused by poor social skills, an inability to experience intimacy, and perhaps
difficulties arising from problems adjusting to changes in the relationship (e.g., moving,
employment changes, changes in family composition, etc.).
Sudden death is Duck’s (1982) graphic description of the third condition leading to
relationship termination. Here, one partner betrays the other by breaking the cardinal
rules of the relationship, such as engaging in behaviors that culminate in the betrayal of
trust, committing adultery, or abusing the partner. As anyone who has experienced sexual
infidelity can attest to, deception and rule breaking can destroy trust and thus render a
relationship beyond repair.
Barriers to Dissolution
Whereas Duck (1982) pinpoints internal relationship dynamics as sources of dissolu-
tion, barrier models of dissolution consider both internal and external factors, including
attraction to the relationship, alternative attractions, and barriers. Social exchange theory
(Thibaut & Kelley, 1959) offers a good example of a barrier explanation of dissolution.
As we discussed in Chapter 6, our comparison level for alternatives helps us predict how
dependent we are on our current relationship. In the absence of attractive alternatives, we
are more likely to stay in the relationship even if we are unhappy. Although we become
more likely to leave a relationship when attractive alternatives are present, if the material
and psychological costs of leaving are high, we may be compelled to stay put (Levinger,
1976). Jointly owning property and having children are prime examples of material and
psychological barriers.
Of all barriers, commitment may be one of the strongest. Ironically, it is both a force
that pulls us closer as well as one that prevents departure. Like other barriers, it holds us
secure in great relationships and prevents us from leaving unhappy ones. In two longitu-
dinal studies of dating couples, Arriaga and Agnew (2001) looked at how three specific
commitment components—psychological attachment, long-term orientation, and inten-
tion to persist in the relationship—related to relationship stability and duration. Couples
in successful relationships had higher levels of all three components. Further, long-term
orientation was an especially potent predictor of staying power. But individuals who left
the dating relationship had markedly lower levels of “persistence” relative to the other
two components (Arriaga & Agnew, 2001).
Finally, even mere perceptions of commitment are important. Doubt about a romantic
partner’s commitment can spell trouble! For example, another set of studies found that
fluctuations in levels of perceived commitment were correlated with termination, while
perceived stability in partner commitment was tied to relationship duration (Arriaga
et al., 2006). Thus as folk wisdom suggests, love alone is not enough to keep us together.
The level of commitment to our partners and our perceptions of their commitment to us
are clearly important!
Alternatives to Dissolution
Barriers may keep us from leaving a relationship, but that doesn’t mean we have stay together
unhappily ever after. In fact, couples have a number of tools at their disposal to get their
relationships back on track. They can try to sort things out themselves or seek outside help
via therapy when they feel they lack the efficacy to accomplish it on their own. And in some
cases, they may simply decide to forgive each other when transgressions have occurred.
Relationship Maintenance and Repair
Some (Dindia & Baxter, 1987) have argued that couples in long-term relationships devote
a great deal of time on their maintenance and repair. Dindia and Baxter (1987) asked
50 married couples to list 10 strategies they used to maintain their relationships and 10
they used to repair it when necessary. Results indicated that the couples used more main-
tenance strategies than repair strategies. They were equally likely to use talking, sharing
their feelings, being nice to each other, and expressing affection for each other in the
service of both relationship maintenance and repair. Not unexpectedly, they used talking
about a problem more frequently when the goal was repairing the relationship than when
it was maintaining it. At the same time, they reported spending time together and engaging
in shared activities more frequently when the goal was maintaining the relationship than
when it was repairing it.
Clearly, intimate partners can “fix” many problems that may arise in their relationships
on their own and with the tools in their toolbox. And many of those same tools can also
help them avoid the onset of problems in the first place. At times, however, couples may
feel they lack the skills to use these tools effectively and may seek help from outside the
relationship. There are a number of therapeutic interventions designed to support couples
whose relationships are in distress.
Therapy Approaches: How Well Do They Work?

Although assisting a couple to terminate a relationship that is beyond repair might
seem an appropriate intervention, most therapeutic approaches aim to help couples
become more satisfied with their relationship. To that end, Behavioral Marital Therapy
(BMT) aims to teach couples ways to communicate better and solve problems more
effectively. It is focused on altering behavior. In contrast, Cognitive Marital Therapy
(CMT) aims to teach couples to consider alternative explanations for why their part-
ners might behave in a negative manner and to reevaluate any unrealistic expectations
about relationships in general. It is focused on altering how people think. Because
much relationship distress likely results from a combination of sub-optimal behavior
and faulty thinking, Cognitive-Behavioral Marital Therapy combines behavioral and
cognitive interventions.
Note that all three approaches focus on teaching couples specific skills to aid them in
improving relationship satisfaction. As such, they contrast with Emotion-Focused Ther-
apy (EFT) and Insight-Oriented Marital Therapy (IOMT), which ask partners to explore
the thoughts, feelings, and needs they believe to underlie their current distress. They are
insight-oriented interventions.
The answer to the question of how well these interventions work comes down to com-
paring couples’ relationship outcomes following any of these therapies to the relation-
ship outcomes of couples who experienced distress but were on a waiting list to receive
therapy. When Baucom, Shoham, Mueser, and Daiuto (1998) did just that, they found
that all of the therapeutic interventions were superior to not getting treatment. When they
compared the different approaches with one another, BMT and EFT appeared as winners,
suggesting that when it comes to couples therapy no one size fits all. Improving distressed
relationships may be a matter of sharpening skills and gaining insight into what makes us
feel the way we do.
The therapies compared by Baucom et al. (1998) represent interventions for couples
already in distress. Other therapeutic approaches aim to prevent the onset of distress
by teaching couples skills and strategies to deal with conflict more optimally early in
their marriage. Worthington et al. (2015) compared the outcomes of two enrichment
programs—(1) HOPE (Handling Our Problems Effectively), which emphasizes com-
munication and conflict resolution, and (2) FREE (Forgiveness and Reconciliation
through Experiencing Empathy). Although quite different in their focus, both enrich-
ment programs produced positive outcomes for the couples, compared to non-treated
controls.
Couples therapy is not for everyone as it requires a hefty commitment in time and
money. But couples not willing or able to make these commitments are by no means
doomed. In fact, they can prevent a decline in their (marital) happiness by investing just a
few minutes a year. Finkel, Slotter, Luchies, Walton, and Gross (2013) recruited 120 mar-
ried couples for a 2-year intensive study. All participants responded to a number of ques-
tions at different points in time, including questions about the quality of their marriage. At
the end of the first year, half the participants were randomly assigned to engage in a con-
flict reappraisal task. It asked them to take the perspective of a neutral third party about
a disagreement they had with their partner and write about it for 7 minutes. Participants
repeated the exercise at 16 and 20 months into the study. By the end of Year 2, investing
21 minutes into reappraising disagreements payed big dividends! Whereas couples in the
control condition perceived a decline in the quality of their marriage, couples who had
engaged in the conflict reappraisal were as happy as ever.
Forgiveness—Love Means You Should Say You’re Sorry

Although couples can resolve many conflicts borne through communication or with the
help of therapeutic interventions, conflicts borne out of transgressions and betrayals are
often best solved through forgiveness.
The healing power of forgiveness has long been known to clinicians and religious
followers but only recently has been studied by social scientists (Fincham, Hall, &
Beach, 2006). Researchers define forgiveness as the willingness to forgive wrongdo-
ings over time (Berry, Worthington, Parrott, O’Connor, & Wade, 2001). And they
suggest that forgiveness is comprised of three factors: benevolence, retaliation, and
avoidance (Fincham, Beach, & Davila, 2004). Resisting the urge to retaliate against a
transgressor is key (Burnette et al., 2014; Finkel & Campbell, 2001). Moreover, for-
giveness involves a transformation of motivation that replaces the destructive conflict
strategies with constructive feelings, thoughts, and behavior (McCullough, Worthing-
ton, & Rachal, 1997). In forgiving the perpetrator, the victim cancels the interpersonal
debt created by the perpetrator’s act of betrayal (Finkel, Rusbult, Kumashiro, & Han-
non, 2002).
How, though, can we forgive a betrayal of our trust and love? One way to initiate for-
giveness is for the transgressor to start with a profound apology that includes an admis-
sion of guilt (Darby & Schlenker, 1982; Weiner, Graham, Peter, & Zmuidinas, 1991).
Apologies are important because they help transform relationship-destructive motivation
by eliciting empathy for the transgressor. Empathy—taking another’s perspective—lies
at the heart of altruistic behavior. Putting one’s own bad feelings and destructive incli-
nations aside for the greater good of the relationship requires altruism. Thus, apologies
prompt forgiveness by eliciting empathy for the perpetrator. Forgiveness, in turn, brings
opportunities for conciliatory behavior, allowing the relationship to get back on track
(McCullough, Worthington, & Rachal, 1997):
Apology  Empathy  Forgiveness  Conciliatory Behavior
Although apologies are important, forgiving can occur for other reasons, as well.
For example, people are generally willing to forgive when the transgression was low
in severity or when they feel capable of committing the same transgression themselves
(Exline, Baumeister, Zell, Kraft, & Witvliet, 2008). Moreover, your level of commitment
influences your willingness to forgive someone in the absence of an apology. Commit-
ment is related to forgiveness and positive relationship behaviors in a couple of ways.
First, commitment is linked to interdependence. Because highly committed couples
depend on one another for many different outcomes, their interdependence may compel
them to take a broader view of each other’s transgressions. Second, commitment inspires
behavior that is directed toward the other’s welfare, which is antithetical to holding a
grudge. Finkel and his colleagues (2002) have shown that commitment is indeed pre-
dictive of participants’ willingness to forgive acts of betrayal. Finkel et al.’s study also
provides evidence that commitment may influence willingness to forgive outside of con-
scious awareness. Rather than measuring how committed participants were to their
relationships, these researchers primed different levels of commitment. Participants in
whom high commitment had been primed were more likely than others to indicate that
they would respond to acts of betrayal by discussing them with their partners. Those in
whom low commitment had been primed were more likely than others to indicate that
they would terminate the relationship. Moreover, the psychological well-being asso-
ciated with forgiveness was strongest in committed couples (Karremans, Van Lange,
Ouwerkerk, & Kluwer, 2000)
Forgiveness has also been associated with better conflict resolution, repairing dam-
age to relationships, and restoring interpersonal harmony (Fincham et al., 2004; Rus-
bult et al., 2005). For victims, forgiving has tangible benefits in the form of lessened
negative feelings (Worthington & Scherer, 2004), as well as improved physical health
(Toussaint, Williams, Musick, & Everson, 2001) and psychological functioning (Wit-
vliet, Ludwig, & Vander Laan, 2001). However, victims are most likely to derive the
benefits of their forgiveness when the perpetrator acts in a way that signals that the
victim will be safe and valued in a continued relationship (Luchies, Finkel, McNulty, &
Kumashiro, 2010)
But who is more likely to forgive? Individuals high in the Big Five personality dimen-
sion of Agreeableness (McCullough, 2000), those high in religiosity (McCullough &
Worthington, 1999), and those with positive models of self and others find it easier to
forgive (Kachadourian, Fincham, & Davila, 2004). Their positive views of self and others
probably contribute to attributions that facilitate forgiveness.
Those less likely to spontaneously forgive their partners are narcissists (Baumeister,
Exline, & Sommer, 1998) and couples in which men high in retaliation and avoid-
ance motivation are paired with women low in benevolence (Fincham et al., 2004).
Moreover, forgiveness is especially difficult for those with attachment anxiety (Fin-
kel, Burnette, & Scissors, 2007) and those whose anger fuels prolonged rumination
(McCullough, Bono, & Root, 2007).
Thinking Critically About Relationship Issues, Theory, and Research

• The balance theory of marriage and conflict focuses on the ratio of positive to
negative encounters as the predictor of conflict outcome. How would you inte-
grate this theory with research that shows that conflict type and resolution are
determined by such factors as attributions, motivations, and attachment style?
• Forgiveness is considered a positive resolution to certain types of conflicts.
Under what circumstances is it more or less appropriate and effective?
• Commitment plays a role in conflict strategy and resolution. What do you think
about the other two elements in Sternberg’s love typology, passion and intimacy?
Do they have an influence on conflict? What might their influence be?
Summary
Issues • What is conflict?

• What are the outcomes of conflict?
• When do relations end (termination)?
• When are they transformed?
• What is the role of attributions in determining the sources of conflict?
• When is expression beneficial?
• How important are context and location?
• How is avoidance related to dissatisfaction and withdrawal?
• How do attachment styles mediate conflict reactions?
• What can couples do to prevent breaking up?
• Role of forgiveness in relationship repair
Theories • Entailment model of relationships
• Balance model
Research • Research on dating couples found that gender differences in preference
for activities were a source of many conflicts
• Longitudinal study of married couples identified five different types of
couples and found links among relationship satisfaction and conflict
engagement styles (Gottman, 1993)
• Improving communication, cognitive reappraisal, and various forms of
couples therapy help with conflict resolution
Key Terms
Transformational view of conflicts: theoretical position according to which conflict is
essential for relationship growth.
Constructive conflict: results in positive change and growth in a relationship.
Destructive conflict: results in termination of relationship.
Conflict: the interpersonal process that occurs whenever the actions of one person interfere
with the action of another.
Demand/withdrawal pattern of conflict: a conflict situation where one partner is willing to
engage emotionally and verbally while the other prefers to avoid engagement.
Entailment model: suggests that conflicts are preceded by a chain of events starting with
causal attributions, continue with responsibility judgments, and result in assignment
of blame.
Preexisting doom: a condition that leads to relationship dissolution because the partners
were ill matched from the beginning.
Mechanical failure: a condition that leads to dissolution because the partners seem unable
to work things out.
Sudden death: a condition that leads to dissolution because one partner betrays the other
by breaking the cardinal rules of the relationship.
Forgiveness: the forgiving of transgressions over time; it requires the transformation of
relationship-destructive motivation into strategies that promote the relationship.
Note
1 Excerpt from Big Little Lies by Liane Moriarty, copyright © 2014 by Liane Moriarty. Used by
permission of Berkley, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random
House LLC. All rights reserved.
14 Intimate Relationships in the
21st Century
How One Woman Gamed Online Dating—and Found

Her Future Husband
“Smart. Funny. Must not smoke. Must insist that I stop smoking. Must weigh at least 20
pounds more than me at all times! Must be willing to listen to George Michael. Attend con-
certs. Be totally devoted to me.”
Just like the Mary Poppins children advertising for a wart-free nanny who plays “games, all
sorts,” journalist Amy Webb drafted her own “husband list”—72 traits for an ideal partner.
She used her list—and other tricks—to narrow the field on JDate, an online dating site for
Jewish users. Only one man, Brian, scored above her minimum threshold of 700 points:
He was her first and last date on the site. Webb describes her success in the new book,
Data, A Love Story: How I Gamed Online Dating to Meet My Match, a shamelessly nerdy,
algorithm-loaded tome in which she argues that anyone can stack the romantic odds in their
favour using the Internet.
—Zosia Bielski, Globe and Mail, January 31, 2013
Dating and Mating in the Internet Age

We suspect that for most of our readers the Internet has always been around. In fact, it
was “born” on August 30, 1969, as the ARPANET (Advanced Research Projects Agency
Network), was funded by the U.S. Department of Defense, and was based on an interface
message processor (IMP) built from a Honeywell computer that sported a whopping 12k
of memory!
The Internet has certainly come a long way since these humble beginnings, having
morphed into a tool for person-to-person communication (e.g., e-mail, text messaging),
a mass medium (e.g. YouTube), and a giant global library (e.g., Google). Early research
on the Internet was specifically concerned with the effects of computer-mediated commu-
nication (CMC) on individuals and their relationships. For example, Sproull and Kiesler
(1986) contended that CMC limits the “bandwidth” of social communication relative to
face-to-face communication because it does not unfold in real time and lacks essential
nonverbal features of speech, including tone of voice and facial expression. The lack of
such social cues promotes a greater sense of anonymity, which in turn has deindividuating
effects that promote more self-centered and less socially regulated behavior. For example,
e-mail and text messaging may tempt us to say things to others that we might not tell them
face-to-face.
However, there is very little evidence to support the idea that CMC leads to more hostile
and aggressive communications (Straus, 1997; Walther, Anderson, & Park, 1994). In fact,
Relationships in the 21st Century 239
rather than producing deindividuation, CMC produces depersonalization that reduces
personal accountability and increases compliance with local norms. From this perspec-
tive, whether CMC has positive or negative effects depends on the specific goals pursued
by the people who are interacting and the context in which their interaction takes place
(Bargh & McKenna, 2004).
How does the Internet affect our relationships with friends and family? Do we dis-
connect from them when we are connected? In reviewing the available literature at the
time, Bargh and McKenna (2004) concluded that there was no support for the idea
that heavy Internet use resulted in less time spent face-to-face with friends and family.
Instead, it came at the expense of watching television and reading the newspaper. One
survey (Kraut et al., 2002) indicated that the more hours the average respondent spent
on the Internet, the more time they also spent face-to-face with family and friends.
And rather than being a substitute for face-to-face contact, e-mail, for example, helps
increase communication with friends and family. It is reasonable to suspect that more
recent Internet tools, like Facebook, Instagram, and SnapChat, similarly extend rather
than curb social contact.
The beneficial effects of the Internet on relationships are not limited to providing novel
ways to maintain them. It can also be a powerful tool to bring people together. When
McKenna, Green, and Gleason (2002) surveyed close to 600 Internet users who had sub-
scribed to various newsgroups, they found that a substantial proportion of their respon-
dents reported having formed a close relationship with someone they initially met on the
Internet. Moreover, more than half had moved their virtual relationship into an actual,
real-life relationship. Nearly a quarter reported to have married, had become engaged to,
or were living with the person they originally met on the Internet.
Why and how the Internet facilitated these relationships became clear when M cKenna
et al. (2002) followed up the survey with a laboratory experiment in which previously
unacquainted participants met each other for the first time either in an Internet chat
room or face-to-face. Participants who met first on the Internet liked each other more
than participants who initially met face-to-face. Digging a little deeper, Bargh, McK-
enna, and Fitzsimons (2002) found that participants felt the Internet helped them over-
come any discomfort associated with expressing their “true” selves (i.e., those aspects
of the self that might be difficult to share publicly). Internet partners who liked each
other also tended to project qualities of their ideal friends onto each other more than
the face-to-face group. It seems that the relative anonymity of the Internet contributes
to the formation of close relationships by reducing the perceived risks that come with
self-disclosure.
Online Dating
Computer-mediated communication is also an essential component of online dating—an
increasingly popular and accepted way for singles to meet others for the ultimate purpose
of coupling. People interested in starting the search for a date from their laptop or smart-
phone can do so with the help of an increasing number of online dating sites and apps
that vary in terms of the services they offer. General self-selection sites like Match, OkCu-
pid, and Plenty of Fish let users browse profiles of a wide range of potential partners.
Niche self-selection sites like JDate, Grindr, Darwin Dating, and SugarDaddie allow users
to browse potential partners from a specific population. Matching sites like eHarmony,
PerfectMatch, and Chemistry use algorithms to create matches based on information sup-
plied by the users.
240 Relationships in the 21st Century
Although online dating was at one point considered for the desperate and creepy, public
attitudes have become more positive. An increasing number of Internet users date online,
and the percentage of Americans who met their partner online has been on the rise as well
(Finkel, Eastwick, Karney, Reis, & Sprecher, 2012): Online dating has become a pervasive
strategy for meeting potential romantic partners!
How has online dating changed the way we become acquainted with our romantic
partners? The models of self-disclosure discussed in Chapter 5 suggest that we learn about
each other in a gradual, give-and-take fashion when we interact with one another face-
to-face. When we do this online, we can glean a lot of information about many potential
partners from their online profiles ahead of time. This can help narrow down the number
of potential dates for subsequent mutual computer-mediated communication. What we
learn as a result of browsing profiles and engaging in CMC can make finding suitable
partners more efficient and less time-consuming than what we could accomplish through
more traditional offline dating. There is one important caveat, however. When it comes
to CMC, less may be more. Prolonged periods of CMC with potential dates may be det-
rimental to one’s romantic prospects. Specifically, people tend to overinterpret the social
cues available from CMC, and because CMC falls short of the experiential richness of a
face-to-face meeting, some information about potential dates is difficult to ascertain in this
way. Thus, it is important to meet potential partners in person sooner rather than later for
a reality check and “to integrate their CMC and face-to-face impressions into a coherent
whole” (Finkel et al., 2012, p. 3).
How well do online dating sites that promise to use science or math to optimally match
potential partners fare? Do the matching algorithms really produce more well-matched
couples, or at least narrow the number of choices to the very few who would make a great
relationship partner, as advertised by eHarmony?
On the face of it, it seems difficult to argue against “scientific principles” and math. They
have allowed us to send humans into space, and it is not clear why they wouldn’t apply to
the seemingly simpler job of creating romantic human matches. Moreover, online match-
ing sites collect prodigious amounts of information from their clients. eHarmony’s survey
has about 300 items designed to measure the 29 dimensions claimed to predict long-term
relationship success. Specific items are designed to assess members’ personality, interests,
and emotions to reveal “core traits” (i.e., aspects of the self not likely to change) and “vital
attributes” (i.e., aspects of the self that are more mutable as a result of experience). eHar-
mony’s algorithm aims to establish compatibility based on how similar two people are.
PerfectMatch’s survey contains more than 100 items that focus on measuring eight
personality characteristics considered to be important for successful relationships: roman-
tic impulsivity, personal energy, predictability, flexibility, outlook, decision-making style,
emotionality, and self-nurturing. To establish compatibility, PerfectMatch takes into
account both similarity and complementarity.
We discussed the importance of similarity and complementarity on attraction at
length in Chapter 4. As you may recall, the similarity-attraction hypothesis has received
ample empirical support since it was first advanced more than 50 years ago. To the
extent that the two matching sites seem to apply this principle with the help of data
collected from its members that are then crunched with an algorithm, one would sus-
pect they do very well at what they claim to do, namely at creating lasting, compatible
romantic relationships.
But do they? Finkel et al. (2012) are skeptical for several reasons. First, and as we saw
in Chapter 4, similarity matters for attraction primarily when it comes to attitudes. The
role of similarity in personality is far more complicated. Moreover, it is people’s percep-
tions of similarity that attract them to each other. For obvious reasons, this does not exist
between two people who have not met yet. As we also saw in Chapter 4, the evidence for
complementarity leading to attraction is equivocal. If nothing else, online matchmaking
needs to take into account the specific dimensions of complementarity that might produce
compatible matches. That, too, is no small task.
Complicating matters further, the algorithms that drive the matchmaking are propri-
etary. Although that makes sense from a business point of view, it makes it difficult to
ascertain just how they crunch the numbers and to what effect. Finally, although eHar-
mony proudly advertises that it has created thousands of matches, it is not quite as forth-
coming about the number of failed matches it creates. The proportion of unsuccessful to
successful matches would be an important indication of eHarmony’s ability to serve as
a matchmaker. And as Finkel et al. (2012) also point out, so would the results of a con-
trolled experiment that compared the romantic outcomes of people randomly assigned to
an online matchmaking service to those dating in other ways both online and off.
In conclusion, access to potential partners for people who might otherwise lack it along
with the ability to engage in brief computer-mediated communication with potential dates
before meeting face-to-face are the clearest benefits of online dating. Whether algorithms
using members’ self-reports produce better matches than Hater, an app that takes into
account people’s mutual dislikes to create matches, is less clear.
The Evolution of Marriage

Regardless of whether they were the result of dating online, offline, or some combination
of the two, many long-term relationships result in marriage. Although it has been around
for thousands of years, marriage did not always serve the primary purpose of benefitting
the needs and desires of its members (Coontz, 2004). Until the late 18th century, marriage
had everything to do with transferring property, status, money, tools, and livestock across
generations for those who owned property. A wife’s dowry provided an infusion of cash,
goods, or real estate; finding a husband was the most important investment a woman
could make (Coontz, 2004; Hunt, 1996).
Marriage was also an economic and political transaction among the lower classes, albeit
on a different scale. Regardless of one’s socioeconomic status, marriage marked entry into
adulthood and respectability. Love was considered a poor reason to get married, although
it was desirable for it to develop after marriage (Coontz, 2004).
This characterization overlaps with the institutional era of marriage in the U.S. that
lasted from the late 1700s to the mid-1800s. Marriage was considered a formal institu-
tion, strictly regulated by law and religion and designed around practicality. Stable and
strong marriages were considered essential to the welfare of the family, and survival
more generally, giving society standing in regulating the behavior of spouses (Amato,
2012). As the influence of the Protestant church began to wane, a worldview that
emphasized natural passions—including love and romantic desire—reduced practicality
concerns and provided individuals with more freedom in selecting a spouse (D’Emilio
& Freedman, 2012).
These trends accelerated rapidly around the middle of the 19th century and ushered
in the companionate era of marriage. The home ceased to serve as the primary place of
(agricultural) production. Instead, industrialization created urban settings in which hus-
bands became wage earners and breadwinners while wives focused on childrearing and
homemaking. In this environment, ties of affection and companionship became a more
important foundation for marriage than obligations to religion and society had been in
the institutional era (Amato, 2012).
In the mid-1960s, the companionate era was replaced by the self-expressive era of mar-
riage, which continues to characterize marriages in the 21st century. It was the result of
a number of forces. The civil rights and feminist movements along with the embrace of
humanistic psychology converged to create a climate that emphasized self-discovery and
self-expression and put marriage in charge of fulfilling needs related to self-esteem and
personal growth (Finkel et al., 2014).
Although some (e.g., DePaulo & Morris, 2005) have argued that Americans are expect-
ing more from their marriage than in the past, others (Finkel et al., 2014, 2015) have
taken the view that it is the nature of our expectations that has changed. Whereas mar-
riages in the institutional and companionate era focused on meeting more basic survival
needs, contemporary marriages are more about helping meet each other’s self-esteem and
self-actualization needs.
Finkel et al. (2015) have argued that building a marriage focused on helping spouses
meet these higher-order needs can be difficult. It requires insight into a spouse’s idio-
syncratic needs along with the ability to provide tailor-made support. All this, in turn,
requires an investment in both time and energy, or “bandwidth,” that is often in short
supply because the average American spends more time at work than in the past. Similarly,
parenting has become more time intensive, further reducing bandwidth (see Finkel et al.,
2015). To the extent that spouses find ways to reallocate time and energy, their marriage is
likely to flourish. For example, scheduling regular date nights can make a marriage more
fulfilling (Wilcox & Dew, 2012) because it provides spouses with means to focus on meet-
ing intimacy and other emotional needs. And maintaining ties with family and friends can
relieve pressure on spouses to the extent that they allow us to share our emotional expe-
riences. Marriages in which spouses fail to deploy the resources necessary to meet each
other’s self-esteem and self-actualization needs are likely to decline. In the worst case, they
may be headed for divorce court.
The Problem With Divorce

For marriages that are beyond repair for whatever reason, divorce is certainly an option.
However, the relief one may experience as a result of escaping an unpleasant and unten-
able situation comes at a price. Because “Equal pay for equal work” is still not a reality
in the U.S., women are, by and large, worse off financially as a result of getting divorced
even when they are employed or pursuing a career.
Divorce has a ripple effect that extends to children, extended family members, friends,
coworkers, and even neighbors. However, children are probably the most vulnerable to
its effects. For example, although marital partners can look forward to new lives and new
beginnings, children’s prospects are generally much bleaker. From their perspective, all
they see is the destruction of their family. What happens to the children of divorce?
Some of the unintended effects of divorce are manifested in the behavior and rela-
tionships of the children of divorce. Many studies find that children of divorce engage
in more high-risk behaviors and are themselves much more likely to get divorced as
adults (White, 1990; Amato, 2007). Other researchers have found that, in regions
and cultures where divorce stigma is still high (e.g., traditional cultures), the effects of
divorce on children are proportionately worse. For example, in traditional and highly
religious cultures (e.g., Iran), studies find that children of divorce exhibit higher rates
of emotional problems and delinquency (Aghajanian & Moghadas, 1998). And even
more dramatic, researchers in Canada found that along with economic factors, divorce
and other family disruptions were the best predictors of youth suicide (Leenaars &
Lester, 1995).
Perhaps some of the more distressing revelations of the ill effects of divorce on chil-
dren come from a recent set of longitudinal studies. Children of divorce are more likely
than their peers to experience a higher mortality risk: i.e., they die younger (Stattin &
Romelsjoe, 1995; Tucker et al., 1997). This may, in part, be due to another finding, and
that is that the adult children of divorce have great difficulty maintaining long-term rela-
tionships. Both male and female children of divorce were more likely to get divorced
themselves. And divorce, as research has found, puts one at risk for premature mortality
(Friedman et al., 1995; Schwartz et al., 1995).
Additionally, sons had difficulty with social relationships, having higher levels of impul-
sivity, antisocial, and reckless behaviors. These factors, in turn, resulted in lower levels of
education—also a correlate of divorce. Stressors for female children of divorce included
getting divorced themselves and engaging in high-risk behaviors such as smoking. Tucker
and colleagues (1997) have suggested that the antecedents of these problems may be that
children of divorce not only engage in high-risk behaviors but also generally have poorer
social skills, which leads to a greater likelihood that they will experience more failures in
their intimate relationships. Without the protective benefits of marriage, these children
can flounder as adults. Finally, the deleterious effects of divorce have been tracked across
three generations (Amato & Cheadle, 2005).
Divorce in the first generation resulted in lower education and poorer relationship
adjustment (including divorce) in the second generation. In addition to higher levels of
divorce, the children of first generation divorce also manifested poorer parent-child rela-
tionships (Amato & Cheadle, 2005). In fact, Amato and Booth (2001) found that adult
children’s recollection of their parents’ turbulent marriage mediated about half of the
second generation’s accounts of their own marital problems. Finally, divorce in the first
generation was statistically linked to lower education in the third generation, more mari-
tal problems, and weaker bonds between third generation children and their own parents
(Amato & Cheadle, 2005).
Thus, current research entreats us to examine more closely our motives for divorce,
especially when children are involved. Couples and counselors alike should carefully
consider our commonsense ideas of the benefits of divorce. The optimistic hopes that
our children will benefit from exiting a conflict-ridden family should be balanced against
the potentially harmful effects to parents’ health and the health and well-being of their
children.
In sum, although the data suggest that children of divorce are simply going to have
a difficult time, we can learn several important things from them (Amato, 2007). First,
we might consider developing better interventions for children of divorce. For example,
research suggests that higher levels of inter-parental conflict surrounding the divorce can
worsen children’s adjustment and well-being. Interventions should therefore include an
assessment of the custodial parent’s psychological adjustment and parenting skills. Addi-
tionally, maintaining contact with the noncustodial parent is equally important to buffer-
ing the negative impact of divorce. More generally, parents need to more carefully weigh
their responsibilities to themselves, their spouses, and their children when they make deci-
sions about separating.
Fortunately, as we discussed in Chapter 1, divorce rates in the U.S. have been declining
steadily since they hit their highest levels around 1980. Assuming a continued decline, the
number of those who experience the ripple effects of divorce should go down further as
we move through the 21st century.
Diversity of Marriage
Recall that during the institutional era, marriage was highly regulated by law, religion,
and social norms. It allowed people very limited choice over whom they could marry.
Although subsequent marriage eras eased these regulations, some limitations persisted
throughout much of the past century. In the U.S., anti-miscegenation laws created to
enforce racial segregation at the level of marriage and intimate relationships criminalized
interracial marriages and, in some cases, sex between members of different races. Enacted
in the late 1700s, they were widely adopted by many states and territories and remained in
effect in many places until 1967 when the U.S. Supreme Court declared them unconstitu-
tional (Loving v. Virginia).
According to a 2015 report by the Pew Research Center, a record-high 12 percent of
newlyweds married someone of a different race. Across all marriages, the percentage of
interracial marriages has increased from a paltry 1 percent in 1970 to 6.3 percent in 2013.
These percentages do not include marriages between Hispanic and non-Hispanic spouses
as they are considered “interethnic” for census purposes.
Some races are more likely to intermarry than others. Of the 3.6 million adults who
married in 2013, 58 percent of American Indians, 28 percent of Asians, 19 percent of
African-Americans, and 7 percent of Whites had a spouse from a different race. The data
also show that race interacted with gender in interesting ways. African-American men are
twice as likely to marry someone from a different race than African-American women.
The pattern goes in the opposite direction for Asians. Women are 2.5 times more likely to
marry someone who is not Asian than their male counterparts.
These numbers appear to reflect changing social norms. In 2014, 37 percent of Ameri-
cans felt that more people of different races marrying each other was “a good thing for
society,” up from 24 percent in 2010. Only 9 percent thought it was a bad thing. However,
although acceptance is on the rise, many Americans continue to disapprove of cross-race
relationships (Herman & Campbell, 2012). And it’s not just a “White thing.” Rejection
of interracial dating has been found to be higher among African-Americans than Whites
(Field, Kimuna, & Straus, 2013; Harris & Kalbfleisch, 2000). Further, the continuing
stigma attached to interracial relationships puts pressure on those who enter them. For
example, although individuals in interracial unions have been found, objectively, to be
more physically attractive than their monoracial counterparts (Wu, Chen, & Greenberger,
2015), interracial couples continue to experience the damaging effects of parental disap-
proval (Field, Kimuna, & Straus, 2013) and social exclusion. Not surprisingly, the divorce
rate among interracial couples is consistently higher (average of 33.7 percent) than it is for
monoracial couples (average of 28.2 percent) (Bratter & King, 2008).
Marriage Equality
It took quite a bit longer for another prohibition that limited who could marry whom to
disappear. In 1996—29 years after the Loving v. Virginia decision—President Bill Clinton
signed into law the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) that made marriage the exclusive
domain of a man and a woman. It followed decades of legal wrangling over the issue
of whether states had the right to ban same-sex marriage. Under one key provision of
DOMA, states in which same-sex marriage was illegal could refuse to recognize a same-
sex marriage from a state in which it was legal. This provision was finally overturned
in 2015 when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that same-sex married couples were to be
constitutionally accorded the same recognition as opposite-sex couples at the state as well
as federal level. Same-sex marriage bans were struck down, and with it marriage equality
was born!
At the time of the Supreme Court’s decision, public sentiment was already in favor of
same-sex marriage. Polls conducted by various media outlets put it consistently at 60 per-
cent or higher. And President Obama declared his support for marriage equality in 2012.
In Billy Wilder’s classic comedy Some Like It Hot, one of the protagonists asks: “Why
would a man marry a man?” The answer is: “Financial security.” It is not that far off. The
federal government confers more than 1,110 rights and protections on couples who are
legally married, including Social Security and veterans’ benefits. Gay or straight, married
couples can file joint tax returns and make medical decisions for each other. Importantly,
marriage equality gives same-sex couples the right to adopt children, providing an impor-
tant path to raising families in which both partners are parents in the eyes of the law.
Considering the relative novelty of same-sex marriage, it is perhaps not surprising that
research on how families with two dads or two moms fare is lagging. But studies reviewed
by Biblarz and Savci (2010) suggest that, by and large, lesbian couples are highly satisfied
with their relationship, with each other, and with their parenting. They have compara-
tively high levels of shared labor and parental investment, spending more time with their
children than their straight counterparts. White, middle-class lesbian couples in particular
seem to adhere to egalitarian standards with regard to childrearing. By and large, the
children of lesbian couples are indistinguishable from children of straight couples on most
measures of adjustment and achievement. A cross-national study comparing Dutch and
American children from lesbian families (Bos, Gartrell, Balen, Peyser, & Sandfort, 2008)
indicated that American children were significantly more likely to be treated unkindly
because of their parents than the children in the Dutch sample. What may account for the
difference between the two countries? The Netherlands was the first country to establish
marriage equality and has a 15-year head start on the U.S. By Biblarz and Savci’s (2010)
account, research on gay families is lagging a little behind the academic work conducted
on lesbians. It seems primarily concerned with gay men’s pathways to parenthood and
how they negotiate issues of masculinity. We can look to the future for more exciting
research on the outcomes of marriage equality for its spouses and their children.
Being and Remaining Single

In Chapter 1, we talked about the rising tide of singles having increased to the point where
singles now surpass the percentage of married people in the U.S. Millennials seem to
disproportionately contribute to this surge. According to data from the Gallup Institute,
the percentage of Millennials between the ages of 18 and 29 who are single is 64 percent
compared to 50.2 percent for the general population. To be sure, many of them are single
because they put off marriage for a number of (good) reasons. Their wages are often low,
and many of them are unemployed or underemployed. Millennials are also more inter-
ested in pursuing college degrees than past generations. Yet it seems clear that being single
isn’t always a matter of necessity. Although in years past it may have been considered a
temporary, not entirely desired, and occasionally unpleasant state, more and more Ameri-
cans now eschew the trappings of serious coupling altogether (marriage included) and
chose the single life instead (DePaulo, 2006).
Staying single by choice has several drawbacks, however. Singles can be targets of
stereotyping, interpersonal rejection, economic disadvantage, and outright discrim-
ination. This singlism (DePaulo & Morris, 2005) manifests itself in several ways.
First, although the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the U.S. Civil
Rights Commission are charged with assuring legal protection under the law, civil
(marital) status is not included among the protected categories. Among other things,
this deprives single people of the many federal rights and protections afforded to
people who are married. For example, although single and married people contribute
to Social Security at the same rate, their contributions are treated differently when
they die. A surviving spouse is generally eligible to receive a portion of the deceased
spouse’s benefits, but a single person’s contributions go back into the system when he
or she dies. Second, there is evidence that, compared to married men, single men earn
lower salaries and are less likely to receive promotions in a broad range of professions
(Bellas, 1992; Budig & England, 2001). Third, participants in a laboratory experiment
who were asked to act as landlords (Morris, Sinclair, & DePaulo, 2007) overwhelm-
ingly chose to rent their property to married rather than unmarried couples. This
observation prompted DePaulo and Morris (2006a) to conclude that singlism was
rooted in a pervasive ideology of marriage and the family that served as justification
for discriminatory behavior.
Admittedly, the picture of singles as a disadvantaged and oppressed group in society
is a bit overdrawn. As DePaulo (2006) pointed out, most singles are quite happy with
their civic status and their lives. Improved relationships with one’s parents are among the
many tangible benefits of singlehood, especially for those between the ages of 25 and 34
(DePaulo, 2015). There is also growing evidence that being married does not confer any
health advantages over being single, as was once thought (DePaulo, 2014).
At any rate, whenever new forms of relating materialize or when previously prohibited
relationships achieve increased acceptance, it is always tempting to declare that “the tra-
ditional family” is becoming a thing of the past (e.g. Coontz, 2004). However, it may be
more productive to think about them as dotting the 21st-century landscape of relationship
with more diversity. With that come new challenges and new opportunities for how we
live our lives.
Summary
Issues • Impact of CMC on face-to-face relationships

• Online dating sites and apps are gaining in popularity and use, but their
success rates are not known
• Shift of marriage from a contract based on practicality to relationship
based on romance and love
• Same-sex marriage becomes the law of the land
• Increase in interracial relationships occurs in spite of continuing societal
disapproval
• Singlism and choosing singlehood
• Same-sex relationships
Research • McKenna et al. (2002) find that the Internet is increasingly a place where
people initiate what become face-to-face relationships and that people who
meet online like each other more
• Anonymity of the Internet helps people express their “true” selves
• Time spent getting acquainted via CMC is negatively related to relation-
ship success
• Marriage as a means to meeting self-esteem and personal growth generates
added stress for modern couples
• Research suggests that, in cultures where divorce is stigmatized, the impact
of divorce on children is deleterious
• Research reveals that a percentage of both African-Americans and Whites
disapprove of interracial relationships
• Lesbian couples are satisfied, and their children well-adjusted
• Favoritism toward married couples results in bias against house-hunting
singles
Key Terms
Depersonalization: a state that reduces personal accountability and increases compliance
with local norms.
Online dating: an increasingly popular and accepted way for singles to meet others.
Institutional era of marriage: a period that lasted from the late 1700s to the mid-1800s
during which marriage was a formal institution, strictly regulated by law and religion,
and designed around practicality.
Companionate era of marriage: a period that began in the mid-19th century during which
ties of affection and companionship became an increasingly more important foundation
for marriage.
Self-expressive era of marriage: a period that began in the mid-1960s. It emphasizes self-
discovery and self-expression and puts marriage in charge of fulfilling needs related to
self-esteem and personal growth.
Anti-miscegenation laws: a set of laws first enacted in the 1700s that made it illegal for
members of different races to intermarry. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled them to be
unconstitutional in 1967.
Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA): a 1996 federal law that made marriage the inclusive
domain of men and women and left recognition of same-sex marriage up to individual
states. The U.S. Supreme Court declared key provisions of the law unconstitutional in
2015.
Singlism: Prejudice and discrimination against people who are single.
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Index
Page numbers in italic indicate a figure and page numbers in bold indicate a table.
abandonment 125, 132–133, 135, 208 anxiety 65, 79–80, 116

Abbey, A. 213 anxious attachment 122, 125–126, 132, 235
abstinence 154 Apicella, C. L. 34
abuse 209; see also violence and abuse apologies 234–235
acquaintance-rape 213 approval 16, 53–55
acute stress 204 Archer, R. L. 75–77
Advanced Research Projects Agency Network Archibald Beachcroft (Twilight Zone character)
(ARPANET) 238 1–2
adversity 50, 172 archival research 13
affect 103, 165, 222, 226 Aries, E. 161
affection 6, 12, 138, 145, 153–154, 222 Aristotle 1
affiliation 50, 144, 205, 207 Aron, A. 52–53, 116–117
Agape 111 Aronson, E. 54
age 115–117, 222–223 arousal 50–53, 107, 116, 186
Agnew, C. R. 94, 232 ARPANET (Advanced Research Projects
agreement 55–56, 58 Agency Network) 238
Ainsworth, M. 122 arrests 200, 203–204
alcohol consumption 81, 150, 200–202, Arriaga, X. B. 232
201, 202 Asexual Visibility and Education Network 149
algorithms 240–241 assault 195–196
alienation 61 assertiveness 8, 39–40, 160–161
alignment, bodily 160 assessments, health 35
alleles 147 assistance, need for 3
Altemus, M. 142 associations, social 69–70
alternative relationships 9, 93, 222 attachment 121–137; adult 122–135; background
Altman, I. 77, 217 121–122; and the brain 106–107; in infancy
altruism 111, 234 118, 121–124; insecurity 132; orientation 127,
Amato, P. R. 243 207–208; style 226–227; theories of 130, 135;
ambiguities 51–52, 107, 111, 211 transition 128
American Psychological Association 22, 198 attitudes 58, 68–69, 103, 240–241
Amodio, D. M. 59 attraction 12, 14; see also physical attraction;
analysis of analyses 25 psychological attraction
androcentric bias 28 attractiveness 12, 17, 25; see also physical
androgens 106, 152 attraction
anecdotes 19 attributions 54, 69, 172–173, 223, 226
anger 69, 90, 130, 181–182, 190–193 autonomy 8–9
anonymity 15, 22, 212, 238–239 avatars 25, 63–64
anti-attractiveness bias 41 averageness, facial 31, 33–35
anticipation 99 aversive conditioning paradigm 50
anti-miscegenation laws 244 avoidance 146, 230
antisocial behavior 200 avoidance/escape 225
294 Index
avoidant attachment 122–123, 125–126, 133 brains 106–107, 123, 152
avoidant-fearful orientation 208 Brangelina 218
Brenton, C. 116
baby boomers 6 Brumbaugh, C. C. 129
back-channeling, communication 164–165 Bryson, J. B, 190
Bailey, J. M. 31, 151–153 Burleson, B. R. 167
balance theory 55–56, 230 Burris, C. T. 108
bandwidth 238, 242 Buss, D. M. 35, 186, 189
bargaining stage 9 Buunk, B. P. 91, 184, 189
Bargh, J. A. 239 Byrne, D. 57
Barnard College 9
barrier models of dissolution 232 Camilleri, J. A. 213
Bartholomew, K. 126 Campbell, N. 30
battering 199–200, 208 Campos, B. 142
Baucom, D. H. 233–234 Canale, D. 107
Baumeister, R. F. 2, 70–71, 112, 114, 118–119, caregivers 2, 118, 121–123, 126, 128–129
140, 148, 212, 235 Carnegie, D. 54
Baxter, L. A. 233 causal relationships 17–20
Beall, A. T. 34 Cecil-Pigo, E. F. 89
beauty 29–30, 41 Centers for Disease Control 7
behavior: of avatars 25; consequences of change, perceptions of 117
49–50, 52–53; high-risk 243; idealizations Charlie’s Angels (TV show) 42
172; learning from 49; matching norms cherishing 143
71; monitoring 77–78; nonverbal 72, 212; children: attachment in 121–124; divorce effect
predicting 4; ratings 14; sexual 139–141; on 242–243; and parental disputes 229;
verbal 212 partially gender atypical 153; passionate love
Behavioral Marital Therapy (BMT) 233 in 115–116; rearing 174; stereotypes about
behaviorists 102–103 37–38
belonging, need for 2–3 Chrisman, K. 89
benefits, giving and receiving 96–97 Christensen, P. N. 34
benevolence 235 chronic stress 204–205
benevolent sexists 212–213 Civil Rights Act of 1964 210
Berg, J. H. 75–77 CL (comparison levels) 92–93
Berger, C. R. 16 CLAlt (comparison level for alternatives) 93,
Berscheid, E. 45, 116–117 208
bias 15, 16–17, 28, 37–38, 41, 151, 198 Clark, M. S. 89, 96–98, 97
Biblarz, T. J. 245 classical conditioning 49–50
Bidwell, J. 208 Clements, K. 212
binge-drinking 200 Clifford, M. M. 37
biobehavioral model 153–154 Clinton, B, 244
biology 147, 151–152 Clore, G. L. 16
birth control 154 close relationships: communal 95–100;
birth-order influence 152–153 emotions in 116–117; guilt in 117–118;
blame 190, 212–213, 223 and physical attractiveness 28; social forces
Blanchard, R. 152–153 contributions to 8–9; transactive memory in
Blankenship, K. L. 164 170–171; see also conflict
blended families 7 CMC (computer-mediated communication)
BMT (Behavioral Marital Therapy) 233 238–240
boastfulness 71 CNM (consensual non-monogamy) 147–149
bodies 30–32 coercive sex 209, 212–214
Bogaert, A. 149, 152–153 cognition 35–36, 65, 71, 93, 103, 172
bogus strangers 50 Cognitive-Behavioral Marital Therapy 233
bonds, social 2–3 Cognitive Marital Therapy (CMT) 233
Booth, A. 243 cohabitation 9, 145–146
boredom potential 17 collectivistic cultures 39
Bowlby, J. 121–122, 135 college students 149–150
Bradbury, T. N. 221, 223 colors of love 109–110
Index 295
Columbia College 9 Cornelius, J. 116
comforting preferences 168–170 corporal punishment 198
commitment: component of love 112; and correlational analysis 17–18
dissolution 232, 235; and jealousy 187; cortisol levels 134
to relationship 58, 89, 93–94, 187; sexual costs 85–86, 88
142–143, 145, 154; stage 9; violence and couples 5, 7, 12–14, 17, 21–25, 146
208; worthiness 43 couples therapy 234
communal relationships 95–100 Cousins, A. J. 34
communication 151–152; back-channeling covert needs 61
164–165; computer mediated 73, 79; gender- Craig, T. Y. 164
based 158; nonverbal 72; patterns of 219, credibility 163–164
221, 231; self-disclosure 74; sexual 143–146; cross-gender perceptions 28
technologies for 63 cross-sectional research 18–19
communication and relationship management Crouter, A. C. 75
158–178; background 158; different cultures CTS2 (Revised Conflict Tactics Scale) 196–197
and 166–170; and long-distances 174–176; cuckolds 191
managing 170–174; sex differences and cultural attractiveness stereotypes 39–40
158–166 cultural differences 166–170
companionship 3, 113–114, 241–242 Cunningham, M. R. 31–32, 80
comparison level for alternatives (CLAlt) Curtis, J. T. 189
93, 208 cycle of violence 199
comparison levels (CL) 92–93
comparisons 20, 43 Daiuto, A. D. 233
compatibility 48, 220, 240 data collection 12–27; archival research
competence, social 41 13; couples 21–25; cross-sectional and
complementarity 59–62, 240 longitudinal research 18–19; experimentation
compliance with social norms 69 19–21; interpretation 17–18, 21; interviews
computer-assisted research 24–25, 31 and surveys 15–17
Computer Dance experiment 29, 44–45 date nights 242
computer-mediated communication (CMC) 73, dating 7–8; advice 52–53; attractiveness and
238–240 44–45; choices 29–30; online 73, 239–241;
conative component 103 services 48, 73
concepts, defining 12 deceit, detecting 72–73
conditioning 49–50, 52 decision/commitment pattern 112
confessions 81–82 decorum 70
confirmation interruptions 161 Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) 244–245
conflict 55, 216–237; background 217; degree of attraction 57
in context 229–231; and dissolution demand/withdraw pattern of conflict 221, 228
of relationships 231–235; in intimate DePaulo, B. M. 7, 72, 242, 246
relationships 218–220; between lovers and depenetration 75
strangers 217–218; reactions to 224–227; depersonalization 239
sources of 220–224; transformative Dermer, M. 41
227–229; and violence 196–197 descriptive intimacy 76
consensual non-monogamy (CNM) 147–149 desirability 42–43, 64
constructive conflict 218, 228 DeSteno, D.A. 188
consummate love 112 destructive conflicts 218, 222–223, 225,
content 13, 219–220 227–229, 231
context 16, 42–43, 80–82 deterrent effect 204
contrast effects 16, 42 Deutsch, M. 228
control: emotional 129–131; of impressions 68; Diamond, L. M. 153
of laboratory settings 42; of nonverbal cues diaries 23–24
72–73; personal 8, 19; of relationship 58, 77, DiCaprio, L. 171
80–81, 110, 135; of research 13–15, 19–20; differences, individual 77
through interruptions 160–161; violence and different cultures hypothesis 166–170
196, 207 Dijkstra, P. 189
conversation 14, 20, 24, 160–165, 168 Dindia, K. 169–170, 233
coping techniques 135, 175, 191, 225, 228 Dion, K. K. 37, 38, 41
296 Index
disagreements 55 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
disconfirmation interruptions 161 210, 246
discrimination 37 equality 8, 244–245
dislike 56 equity, fairness and 85–102; background
dismissing style 126, 127, 207 85–86; in relationships 95–100; resources
dispositional: attributions 72; dimensions exchanged for 86–87; theory of 87–91;
similarity 58; influences 43–44, 54–55; Thibaut and Kelley model of 92–95
jealousy 187 Erber, R. 45
dissimilarity 58 erogenous zones 30, 102
dissolution 9, 231–235 Eros 110, 111
dissonance theory 64 erotic plasticity 140, 153
distress 190 escalating effect 204
division of labor 35, 174 escape conditioning 50
divorce 7–8, 242–244 estrogens 106
Dodge, K. L. 225 ethics 21–22
DOMA (Defense of Marriage Act) 244–245 Ethics, The (Spinoza) 54
dominance 60, 61, 160–161 evaluative intimacy 76
doom, preexisting 231–232 event-contingent recording 23
dopamine 106–107 evolution: and attractiveness 32–36;
dowries 241 perspectives on 147; and rape 213–214;
Drigotas, S. M. 3 theories of 122
Dryer, D. C. 61 evolved characteristics 189
dual mating strategy 146–147 exchange relationships 95–100
Duck, S. 16, 24, 231–232 exchange theory 85–86
Duncan, S. 164 exclusivity 93–94
Durante, K. M. 34 exemplary experience 22, 24
Dutton, D. G. 52–53 expectations 113, 174
dyads 5, 7, 12–14, 17, 21–25, 71, 218 experimental realism 20–21
explorer couples 59
Eagly, A. H. 35 exposure hypothesis 63
earning potential 33 expression: facial 31, 63, 72
Eastwick, P. W. 33 expression 70, 110, 144, 164, 181–183;
economic changes 8 attitude 69, 225, 228; engagement 225
ecstasy 114 expressions: and avoidance 225; conversational
education 154, 155 164; of disagreement 218; of dissatisfaction
effect size 25 226; emotional 69–70, 123, 144; of
EFT (Emotion-Focused Therapy) 233 frustration 196; of jealousy 180–181; of
egalitarianism 143 love 110
eHarmony (dating service) 48, 240–241 external attributions 223
Ein-Dor, T. 189 extradyadic relationships 146–147
elation 114 extramarital affairs 140, 146–147
Elliot, A. J. 34
embarrassment 22 Facebook 29, 49, 72, 131
emotional expressiveness 167 faces 30–32, 35, 38, 181
emotional investment 143 face-to-face research 15
emotional involvement needs 3 fairness see equity, fairness and
emotional responsiveness 169 fait accompli jealousy 182, 190
Emotion-Focused Therapy (EFT) 233 familiarity 35
emotions 51, 69, 129–131, 181–183, 182, 222, families 5–7
229; see also love and emotion fearful orientation 126, 127
empathy 131, 212, 234–235 feedback 55
empty nest 117 Feeney, B. C. 130
enabeling 198 Fehr, B. 104–105
entailment model 223 Feinberg, D. R. 34
environment 70, 152–153 females see women
envy 183–184, 186 fertility 30, 32, 34, 36
Index 297
fighting fairly guidelines 229 Griffit, W. B 50
financial security 245 Gross, J. J. 234
Fincham, F. D. 221, 223 GSSAB (Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and
findings 20 Behaviors) 141–142
Finkel, E. J. 24, 33, 234–235, 240–242 guilt 114, 117–118, 148, 234
Fishman, P. M. 165 Guta, F. E. 189
fitness 32–34, 43, 145, 147 Guttmacher Institute Fact Sheet 154
Fitzsimons, G. M. 239
flirtation 143–144 habituation 112, 114
forgiveness 234–235 Hackel, L. S. 174
Forgiveness and Reconciliation through Hadid, G. 30
Experiencing Empathy (FREE) 234 halo effect 16–17
formative attention 186 Hamilton, L. D. 189
Fraley, R. C. 123, 126, 129–130 Handling Our Problems Effectively (HOPE)
Franco, J. N. 78 234
fraternal birth-order effect 152–153 Hanson, K. N. 34
FREE (Forgiveness and Reconciliation through happiness 51, 58, 81, 89–91, 142, 223
Experiencing Empathy) 234 harassment 209–212
free choice 56 hard to get theory 64
Freud, S. 102, 219–220 Harrell, A. 37–38
friendship 48, 50, 54, 63, 80, 149–150 Haselton, M. G. 34
friends with benefits 149–150 hate crimes 198
Hater (app) 241
Gangestad, S. W. 34 Hatfield, E. 45, 113–116
Garver-Apgar, C. E. 34, 189 hatred 54
gay men 31, 145, 151–152 Hazan, C. 126, 132–134
gender: and conflict 221–222; differences 77, health: advantages 246; appearance and 30–35;
115, 160–162, 165–166, 188–194, 206; of children 121–122; loneliness and 2;
equality 8, 142; and relationship satisfaction positive illusions and 172; poverty and 18;
134; role nonconformity 151 violence and 197
generalizations 20–21 hedges, communication 164
general orientations 126 Heider, F. 55
General Social Survey 138 Hendrick, C. 111
genes 32–33, 35, 151–152, 186 Hendrick, S. S. 111
Giedd, J. L. 211 Henkemeyer, L. 116–117
gift-giving 85–86 heterozygosity (protein diversity) 33
Gillath, O. 131 high-mating-effort rapists 214
Gleason, M. E. 239 high self-monitors 77–78
Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors Hirschberger, G. 131
(GSSAB) 141–142 HIV education 154
goals: attainment of 145; dating 31, 64; Holmes, J. G. 164
friendship 128; investment 94; relationship Holtzworth-Munroe, A. 212
187, 233; reproductive 32, 213; research 11, Homans, G. C. 4–5
21; self-presentation 68, 71, 73 Homans’ principles of exchange 4–5
Goetz, A. T. 189, 213 homosexuality 9, 31, 145, 151–154
Goffman, E. 68 honor cultures 180, 203
Golden Fleece award 118 hookups 149–150
Gomez, P. 45 HOPE (Handling Our Problems Effectively)
Gonzaga, G. C. 142 234
Goodfriend, W. 94 hormones 107, 152
Gottman, J. M. 218, 226, 228, 230–231 Horowitz, L. M. 61
Gray, J.: Men Are From Mars, Women Are hostile/detached couples 230
From Venus 158 hostile environment harassment 210
Graziano, W. G. 43 hostile sexists 213
Green, A. S. 239 Hume, D. 181, 191
Green, M. C. 190 hurt feelings 190
298 Index
Huston, T. L. 75 sexual satisfaction and 142–143; and
hypervigilance 132 trust 135
hypothesis testing 12 intimate partner violence 200
intimate relationships: conflict in 218–220;
Ickes, W. 14, 212 dissolution of 231–235; historic overview of
ICR (Iowa Communication Record) 24 5–9; science of 11–12
idealization 172 intimate relations in the 21st century 238–247;
identity affirmation 174 Internet dating and 238–241; marriage and
Iervolino, A. C. 153 241–245; singles and 245–246
illusions, positive 172 intimate terrorism 196
IM (instant messaging) 165–166 investment model 94–95
imbalance 55–56 IOMT (Insight-Oriented Marital Therapy) 233
IMP (interface message processor) 238 Iowa Communication Record (ICR) 24
implicit egotism 48–49 IPC (in-pair copulation) 191
impression management 68–73, 172 IQ testing 19
inclusive fitness 32–34, 145, 147 irritation 51
incomplete rejection 146 isolation 1–2, 187
independent variables. 19–20 item ordering 17
Indiana University 139
individualistic cultures 39 jealousy 12, 179–194; attachment approach to
indoleamine 106 192–193; background 179–180; coping with
industrial revolution 6 191–192; history of 180–181; reactions to
inequities 86, 88–91 188–191; sources of 184–188
infants 38, 122–124 Johnson, M. P. 208
infidelity 140, 146–147; see also jealousy Jolie, A. 218
influences 42–44 Jones, J. T. 48–49, 133
information as resource 87 Jordan, M. 70
informed consent 22 judgments 42, 223
inhibitions 61, 79, 207, 225 Juvenile Love Scales 115–116
inner working models 125
in-pair copulation (IPC) 191 Kalick, S. M. 34–35
inputs 88–89 Kashy, D. A. 21
insecurity 76, 130–131, 187 Kelley, H. H. 92–95, 133
insensitivity 123 Keltner, D. 142
Insight-Oriented Marital Therapy (IOMT) 233 Kenny, D. A. 21
instability 33, 93, 126, 175 Kenrick, D. T. 42–43, 50, 52
Instagram 49 Kerns, K. A. 128
instant messaging (IM) 63–64, 165–166 Kiesler, S. 238
institutional era of marriage 241 Kinsey, A. 139; Sexual Behavior in the Human
instrumental orientation 165 Female 139–140; Sexual Behavior in the
intangible investment 94 Human Male 139
intelligence 18, 34–35 Kinsey Report 140
interaction 4–5, 71–72, 174 Kirkpatrick, L. A. 130
interdependence 21, 97 Knafo, A. 153–154
interface message processor (IMP) 238 Koudenburg, N. 162
internal attributions 223 Krokoff, L. J. 218
internal validity 19 Kunkel, A. W. 165–166, 168, 176
Internet 24–25, 238–241
interpersonal preferences 49 Lakoff, R. 163–165
interracial relationships 9, 244 Langlois, J. H. 31
inter-rater reliability 13 language use 162
interruptions 116, 160–162 LAS (Love Attitude Scale) 111
interval-contingent recordings 23 learning principles 49–50
interventions 233, 243 Leave It to Beaver (TV show) 5–6, 7
interviews 15–17 Lee, J. 109–112, 111
intimacy: as love component 112; needs for Lehmiller, J. J. 65, 150
3, 4; self-disclosure and 75–81, 166–167; Lemay, E. P., Jr. 37, 76, 97, 100
Index 299
lesbians 31, 145, 151–152, 245 mate-choice copying 43
Levenson, R. W. 226 maternal immune response 152–153
Levinger, G. 8 mate selection 59–60
Li, N. P. 34 mates guarding and poaching 180, 186, 191
life outcomes 39 mating: androgens and 152; attractiveness
Likelihood to Sexually Harass (LSH) 212 and 39; dating and 32–33; evolution and
liking: balance theory and 55–56; conditioning 106–107; in the Internet age 238–241;
and 49–50; in exchange relationships 96–97; strategies 142, 146–148, 213–214
familiarity and 35; and loving 103–105; and maturity 81–82, 116–117
self-disclosure 76; similarity and 58–59 McCullough, M. E. 234–5
Linder, D. 54 McHale, S. M. 75
linguistic styles 169 McKenna, K. Y. 239
Lloyd, S. 89 mechanical failure 231–232
logs 23–24 Melby, C. 213
loneliness 2, 80 memory assignments 171
long-distance relationships 174–176 men: and alcohol consumption 81;
longitudinal research 18–19, 34–35, 91, attractiveness preferences of 30–31, 33,
126, 243 34, 35; communication styles of 160–165;
love and emotions 102–120; background disadvantaged 213; gay 133; initiating sex
102–103; causal theories of 105–109; 144–146; liking and loving differences in
defining 12, 102–103; and guilt 117–118; 104; and loneliness 80; parental investment
individual differences in 115–117; of 32; and rape 212–213; self-disclosure by
interpretations of 52–53; and liking 77; sexual harassment by 210–211; sexual
distinction 103–104; mature 117; prototype motivation of 140–142; skills deficit in 168;
of 104–105; and sex 142; Spinoza on social interactions of 39
54; stages of 9; styles of 111; theories of Men Are From Mars, Women Are From Venus
109–115; types of 108, 109–114 (Gray) 158
love at first sight 51, 75 mental illness 39–41
Love Attitude Scale (LAS) 111 mere exposure 63
love scales 104–105, 111, 115 mere exposure hypothesis 63
Loving v. Virginia 244–245 Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson 210
Luchies, L. B. 234 meta-analysis 25
Ludus 110 MHC (major histocompatibility complex) 186
Ludwig, D. 78 Michael, R. T. 145
lust 106, 153 Mikulincer, M. 131
lying 72 Milgram, S. 22
millennials 179, 245
Machiavellianism 79–80 Mills, J. 96, 97, 98
macrocontext, changes in 9 Minneapolis Police Department 203–204
Maestripieri, D. 34 misattribution of arousal 51–53, 107
major histocompatibility complex (MHC) 186 miscegenation laws 9
maladaptive processes 32 modesty 70–71
male-centeredness 142 money 87, 94
male-female relationships 8 Monin, B. 35
Malloy, T. E. 78 monitoring relationships 8–9
Mandler, G. 116 monogamy 147–149, 179–180
Mania 110 Monroe, M. 30
Marazzita, D. 107 Monsour, M. 167
Marlow, F. W. 34 moods 43, 80
marriage: alternatives to 9; crises in 147; morality 114, 118, 140, 181
decline of 7; equality in 151; evolution of Morris, W. L. 246
241–245; heterosexual 5; median age for 6; motivation 54–55, 108, 140
satisfaction 81 motives 223
Marshall, L. L. 198 Mueser, K. T. 233
mass communications 13 Mulac, A. 164
Match.com (dating service) 73 Multidimensional Jealousy Scale 185
matchmaking 44, 48, 76, 239–241 mundane realism 20–21
300 Index
Murray, H. A. 54, 59 operational definitions 12–13
Musselman, L. 31 opportunistic rapists 214
mutually transformative development 75 opposites, attraction of 59–62
mutual violent control 196 order effects 16
myopia 200 orderliness continuum 219
ostracism 3
Nachmias, O. 131 others, characteristics of 53–57
name-letter effects 49 outcomes 88–89
narcissists 235 owner-property relationship 8
National Family Violence Survey 197 oxytocin 106–107, 154
National Opinion Research Center (NORC) 13
National Science Foundation 118 pair bonding 106, 107
National Survey of Family Growth 149 Pam, A 192
National Violence Against Women Survey 195 parasitic infection, resistance to 33
naturalistic observation 14–15 parental investment 32, 106, 245
needs 2–5; affiliation 50; close relationships parents 37–38, 52–53, 106–107, 174, 206
3–4; conflicting 221; consumer 8; covert and Park, J. H. 189
overt 61; distinct relationship 3–4; human Parrott, W. G. 190
behavior 54; of long-distance couples 175; partner rapists 214
for power 205–208; psychogenic 59–60; partners 131–132, 147, 185–186
tracking 98 passion 112–114, 117, 181
negative correlation 17 pathways, sexual 146–150
negativity 226, 228 patterns of attachment 122–124
neuroanatomical differences 152 patterns of conflict 221, 231
neurobiology 107 Pavlov, I. P. 49
neurological substrates 106 Pazda, A. D. 34
neurotransmitters 106 Pearson, J. 192
Newcomb, T. M. 55 penetrative hookups 150
Newman, M. L. 165–166 Pennebaker, J. W. 44
newsgroups 239 perceived equity 89–90
Nezlek, J. 23 perceptual contrast effects 42, 43–44
Niesta, D. 34 PerfectMatch 240
nonmanipulable phenomena 13 permissiveness 138–139
non-marital sex 138–139 personal accounts 13
non-monogamy 147 personal equity theory 64
nonverbal communication 63, 72, 144 personality dimensions 60
NORC (National Opinion Research Center) 13 Peterson, D. R. 219, 225
norepinephrine 106 Pew Research Center 244
norm: self-presentation 70–71 phenotypic quality 33
norms: compliance with social 69; giving and Philadelphia 63
receiving 97–98 physical attraction 28–47; background 28–29;
Northwestern University 60 and dating 29–30, 44–45; evolution and
n(pow) 205–206 32–36; perceptions of 34, 42–44; similarity
nuclear family 5, 7 and 58; standards 30–32; stereotypes 36–40;
nurturance 3, 60 truths about 40–41
physical environment 70
Obama, B. 245 physiological arousal 51
objectivity 11–13, 117 Pilliavin, J. 64
object relations 128 Pitt, B. 218
observation, systematic 13–15 plasticity of attachment 128–129
obsessive thinking 108 playfulness 144
ochūgen (gift-giving) 85–86 Plomin, R. 153
ongoing social interactions 22, 24 poaching 146, 180, 186
online dating 239–341 politeness 144, 162–163
online profiles 29, 36, 72–73 polyamory 147–148
openness 58, 225 pornography 19–20
operant conditioning 49–50, 52–53 positive correlation 17
Index 301
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) relationships 11–27; background 11–12; close
197–198 3, 95–100; disruptions in 147; duration of
poverty 18, 77, 124, 204 115–117; fitness 43; initiation of 29, 48;
power 118, 205–208, 211 interpersonal 16; intimate 5–9; long-distance
Pragma 110–111 174–176; managing 170–174; mature 81–82;
praise 41, 53–55 mental models of 92–93; methodologies for
preexisting doom 231–232 studying 11–12; polyamorous 148; reunited
pregnancy 197 175; romantic 24, 49, 52, 76, 106, 116,
premarital sex 138–139 125, 154; social 4–5; stages of 9; styles 59;
preoccupation 108, 126, 127, 132, 207 transforming 227–229; see also satisfaction;
Presser, S. 16 violence and abuse
primary love styles 110 religion 52
privacy 22, 79 Rempel, J. K. 108
profligate impulsivity 206–207 replication 12
projection 37, 100 reproduction 32, 106, 107, 212
protein diversity 33 repulsion 59
prototypes 31, 35, 126 research 11–27; data collection for 21–25;
proximity 63–64, 108, 130 on love styles 111; methodology 12–21;
Proxmire, W. 12, 19, 118 objectivity of 11–12; sex 139–140
Pryor, J. B. 211 resistance, violent 196, 208
psychogenic needs 59–60 resources 86–87, 220–221
psychological attraction 48–67; background responsibility training 206
48; phenomenon-driven approaches to restraint 217
63–65; theory-driven approaches to 48–62 Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) 196–197
psychological disorders 9, 40–41 revisionist model 126
Psychology Today 182 rewards 49, 85–86
Ptacek, J. T. 225 Rhodes, G. 35
PTSD (posttraumatic stress disorder) 197–198 risk 22, 40
public policy 204 rivalry sensitivity hypothesis 189
public self-consciousness 79 rivals 183, 186–187
punishment 204 Robinson, L. 210
Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards 210
qualifiers, communication 164 Rochester Interaction Record (RIR) 23, 39
questionnaires 15–17 Rocky Mountain News 125
quid pro quo harassment 210–212 Rogers, C. R. 208
Roggman, L. A. 31
racial segregation 244 Roisman. G. I. 123
random assignment 19–20 role deviates 210
rape 195, 210, 212 romantic relationships 24, 49, 52, 76, 106,
rapport 15 116, 125, 154
Rausch, H. L. 220–221 Roney, J. R. 34
reactions to conflict 224–225 Rubin, J. Z. 52, 53, 103–105, 108
Reagan, R. 50 Rubin’s Love Scale 108, 115
realism, experimental 20–21 Ruble, D. N. 174
real time 22–24 rules of engagement 219
reason 181 rumination 235
reasonable woman standard 212 Rusbult, C. E. 3, 221–222, 225, 228
reasserting dominance 161 Russell, J. 30
reassurance, need for 3
recall, factors affecting 22 Sabatelli, R. M. 89
receiving a benefit 97 Sabini, J. 190
reciprocity 75–77, 85–86, 98, 226 salivation 49
reconstructed experience 22, 24 Salovey, P. 188
records, accuracy of 13 same-sex relationships 9, 31, 145,
reflected glory 70 151–154, 245
Reis, H.T. 22, 23, 39 sampling stage 9
rejection 3, 79, 146, 161 Sants, H. 16
302 Index
satisfaction 141–143, 226; alienation and Serling, R.: The Twilight Zone 1–2
61; communal orientation and 99–100; serotonin 106
concealment and 65; creating and services as resource 87
maintaining 171; equity effect on 89–92; Seta, J. J. 64
physical attractiveness and 33; pornography Seven Brides for Seven Brothers (film) 152
and 20; and relationship duration 94; sex: definitions of 102–103; education 154,
research 18; similarity and 58, 62; and 155; equity in 91; extramarital 146–147;
stability 112, 114, 132–133 frequency of 133, 141–142; initiating
Savage, D. 147 144–146; needs 3; and violence 209–214
Savci, E. 245 sex-role spillover 210
Savin-Williams, R.C. 153 sexual harassment 209–212
scales 99, 103–105, 108, 111, 115–116, 139, sexuality 138–157; attitudes about 138–
184, 185, 196–197, 212 139; background 138; casual 146–150;
Scheyd, G. J. 34 communication 143–146; history 139–141;
Schmitt, D. P. 189 same-sex 151–154; satisfaction 141–143
Schmitt, L. 64 sexual orientation 151–152
Schwarz, N. 16 Shackelford, T. K. 189, 213
Schwarz, S. 34 Shaffer, D. R. 78
Schweinle, W. 212 shame 118, 148
secondary love styles 110–111 sharing 225
Second Life 25, 63 Shaver, P. R. 126, 130–132, 134
secret relationships 63–65 Sheff, E. 148
secure attachment 122, 125–126, 127 Shettel-Neuber, J. 190
secure base schema 131 Shoham, V. 233
security needs 3 short-term relationships 31
self-actualization 242 Showers, C. J. 59
self-conceptions 55 Shuman, H. 16
self-consciousness 78–79 signal-contingent recordings 23
self-descriptions 68 Sillars, A. L. 219, 228
self-disclosure and self-presentation 68–84; similarity 57–59, 69, 241
background 68; context influences on 80–82; similarity-attraction hypothesis 57–58, 240
differences in 77; and interaction 174; in Simon, H. A. 116
long-distance relationships 175; norms Simpson, J. A. 34
75; online dating and 240; personality sincerity 144
dimensions of 79–80; reciprocity 75–77; and Singer, M. 34
self-consciousness 78–79; self-monitoring singles 7, 245–246
77–78 situational attributions 72
self-esteem 61, 184, 242 situational couple violence 196
self-evaluation maintenance (SEM) 186 skills 168–169
self-expansion 117 Slotter, E. B, 234
self-expressive era of marriage 242 Smith, J. E. 78
self-interest 219 social-cognitive approaches 186
self-monitoring 77–78 social contact 239
self-other model 126 social exchange theory 85–86, 232
self-presentation see self-disclosure and social forces 8–9
self-presentation social integration 3
self-protection 79 socialization 38–39, 206
self-regulation 229 social media 6
self-relevant dimensions 186 social penetration theory 74–75
Self-Report Jealousy Scale 184 Social Security 246
self-reports 14–16, 22 social skills 228–229
self-verification 55 sociocultural view 8, 35–36
SEM (self-evaluation maintenance) 186 sociosexual orientation 148–149
sensitivity 8 solidarity 163
sentiment relationships 55 spatial proximity 63
sequencing of survey questions 16 specialized rapists 213
serial monogamy 147 speech communities 167
Index 303
speed-dating 24, 33, 45 text messaging 63
Spielberger, C. D. 116 Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) 205
Spinoza, B.: The Ethics 54 therapies 233–234
Sprecher, S. 45, 89, 91 Thibaut, J. W. 92–95, 133
Sproull, L. 238 Thibaut and Kelley model 92–95
stability, attractive 93 Thiel, D. L. 41
stable attributions 223 Thornhill, R. 34
stable instability 126 thoughts 192
stakes 204 Thurberian complementarity 61
stalking 195 Tinder (dating service) 44, 73
state-trait anxiety scale 116 Toma, C. L. 73, 83
statistical records 13 Tomarelli, M. 78
status 4–5, 18, 30, 37, 63, 87, 107, 169 topical cohesion 160
St. Augustine 185, 191 topical reciprocity 76, 77
stepfamilies 7 Tracy, J. L. 34
Stepfamily Association of America 7 tradition 144
stereotypes 36–40, 134–135, 158–159, 169 transactional model of jealousy 186–187
Sternberg, R. J. 112–114 transactive memory 62, 116, 170–171
stigma 148 transgressions, moral 118
stimuli 35, 42, 52 triads 55–56
stimulus-response connections 102 triangular theory of love 112–113, 113
stonewalling 228 Trivers, R. L. 32, 106, 189
Storge 110 trust 39, 79–80, 106, 129, 133, 135
stranger harassment 212 Tucker, P. 117, 243
Strange Situation experiment 122 Turner, R. A. 142
stress 81–82, 130, 134, 204–205, 226 Twenge, J. M. 138–141, 146
stressors 124 Twilight Zone, The (Serling) 1–2
submissiveness 61, 144 twins, studies of 151–153
sudden death 231–232 Type II Alcoholism Syndrome, 200
suicide 242–243 typical, discovering the 22–23
support 130–131, 133, 165–166
suppressed thoughts 65, 71 ugliness stereotypes 39
survey archives 13 ulterior motives 54
SurveyGold 24 unattractive stability 93
SurveyMonkey 24 unbalance 56
surveys 15–17, 24–25 uncertainty 163
survival of the species 32 uncommitted relationships 58
suspicious jealousy 182, 190 unconditioned stimulus 49
Swanepoel, C. 30 unfairness 91
Swann, W. B., Jr. 55, 61, 66, 226, 228 United States, sexual behavior in 140–141
swinging 147–148, 180 University of California 229
symbolism 70 University of Michigan 13
symmetry, facial 31, 33–35 University of Minnesota 29
systematic observation 13–15 unrequited love 114
unstable attributions 223
tag questions 163–164 unstructured observations 14
tangible investment 94 U.S. Census Bureau 6
Tannen, D. 160; You Just Don’t Understand: U.S. Civil Rights Commission 246
Women and Men in Conversation 158 U.S. Department of Defense 238
Taylor, D. A. 77, 217 U.S. Department of Justice 195
technologies in research 24–25 U.S. Department of Labor 6
telephone research 15, 16 U.S. Justice Department 213
temperament 123 U.S. Supreme Court 244–245
Terman, L. 19
Terman’s Termites 19 vaginal intercourse 143
Tesser, A. 57, 61–62, 103, 108–109, 186 valence of beliefs 126
testosterone 107, 152 valence of self-disclosure 75–76, 81
304 Index
validators 230 “what is beautiful is good” stereotype
values 5–6, 76–77 36–37
Van Anders, S. M. 189 Wheeler, L. 23
Van Buren, A. 184, 191 WHO (World Health Organization) 121,
Van Yperen, N. W. 91 195, 213
variables 12–15, 17–21, 25 WHR (waist-to-hip ratio) 30
vasopressin 106, 107 Wilder, B.: Some Like It Hot (movie) 245;
Veitch, R. 50 Some Like It Hot (movie) (Wilder) 245
viable offspring 32 Williams, K. D. 3
victims 118, 196–199, 203–204, 211–213 Wilson, L. 208
videotape 14, 190 Winch, R. F. 59–60, 62
Vinson, M. 210 Winter, D. G. 205–206
violence and abuse 195–216; background within-dyad interdependence 21
195–196; causes of 198–209; consequences wives 6
of 197–198; definitions of 196–197; sexual women: and alcohol consumption 81;
209–214 attractiveness preferences of 30–31,
virtual online worlds 25 34; communication styles of 160–165;
Vitanza, S. A. 198 desirability 64; independence of 8–9;
volatiles 230 initiating sex 144–146; liking and loving
V-Structure model 147–148 differences of 104; and loneliness 80; mating
vulnerabilities 76 strategies of 33, 35; parental investment
of 32; passionate love experiences of 114;
waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) 30 self-disclosure by 77; sexuality 140–142,
Walker, L. E. A. 199 153–154; skill specialization in 168; social
Walster, E. 33, 37, 44–45, 64 comparison in 43; social interactions of 39;
Walster, G. W. 64 in workforce 6
Walton, G. M. 234 Wood, W 35
Walum, H. 147 World Health Organization (WHO) 121,
warm glow heuristic 35 195, 218
Watkins, J. D. 202–203 Worthington, E. L. 234
Watson, J. B. 102 written records 13
Watson, N. V. 189
weather effect 16 YouGov.com survey 179–180
websites 24–25 You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men
wedding ring effect 43 in Conversation (Tannen) 158
Wegner, D. M. 192 Young, L. E. 190
Weisberg, J. 219, 228 youth 32, 35
Weiss, R. S. 3
Wesselmann, E. D. 212 Zebrowitz, L. A. 35
West, C. 161 Zimmerman, D. H. 161

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Intimate Relationships

Ralph Erber is professor of psychology at DePaul University. He received his Ph.D. in

Maureen Wang Erber is professor of psychology at Northeastern Illinois University. She

Ralph Erber and Maureen Wang Erber

Visit the companion website: www.routledge.com/cw/erber

1 Strangers, Friends, and Lovers: Why Is Life So Complicated? 1

2 Methods to Study Relationships 11

5 Self-Presentation and Self-Disclosure 68

6 Fairness and Equity 85

7 Love and Emotion 102

10 Communication and Relationship Management 158

12 Relationship Violence and Abuse 195

13 Conflict: Causes and Consequences 217

14 Intimate Relationships in the 21st Century 238

The Need to Belong

Distinct Relationship Needs

Table 1.1 Needs Met by Close Relationships

Weiss (1969) Drigotas and Rusbult (1992)

The Inevitability of Social Relationships

Thinking Critically About Relationship Issues, Theories, and Research