The Dargah of Qamar Ali Darvesh Baba:

An analytical study of its socio-economic and religious impact on the people of Pune

Folk religion is a part of every religious tradition. Folk religion paves way for innumerable
people to express their longing towards particular gods, goddesses, favourite heroes, saints and
so on, in ways in which they feel comfortable, but which depart from the path that orthodoxy
prescribes. Followers of folk religion are large in number and so it is always difficult, if not
impossible for those who adhere to orthodox doctrines to check effectively such heterodox
groups. That is true with both monotheistic as well as polytheistic religions.

The focus of this study is to discuss the folk religious practise of shrine veneration (dargah-
parastish) within the Sufi mystical tradition of South Asian Islam. Specifically, we will look at
one particular shrine (dargah) in the city of Pune – the tomb of Qamar Ali Darvesh – and its
socio-religious and economic impact on the people there, based on interviews with devotees
from various social strata.

METHODOLOGY: - Survey Questionnaire Methodology-The Methods Researchers have

available to them include qualitative and quantities methodologies, in the broader sense.
Specifically, these methodologies may exhibit themselves as focus group research method,
written questionnaires, executive interviews, and one-to-one interviews and so on.

This research is based on a questionnaire and interview based-survey of 125 devotees of

varying social and economic status, gender and age to test the hypothesis that dissonance exists
in the informants’ experience. The interviewees were Hindus as well as Muslims and both
men and women. Two separate questionnaires were formed for Muslims and non-Muslims.

Shrine Veneration

One method of reaching God for Muslims has been the practise of shrine veneration. While
visiting the graves of Muslims and reciting surah from the Quran there to transfer merit to the
dead have always been considered meritorious acts, 1 many Muslims attach a greater
significance to visiting the tombs of Sufi saints. Sufis showed such intense love for God that
their lives became an inspiration to many, who, in order show their love for such Sufis began
to honour and remember them by venerating their tombs. Many believe that because the Sufi
saints are holy persons and closely associated with God, the places where they are buried
become holy ground. So visitors approach the shrines with reverence and respect, removing
their footwear while entering a shrine compound, and when they want to convey something to
others, they talk in hushed voices. Today we find such tomb shrines (dargahs) all over India.

Saint veneration is generally performed by all social classes of South Asian Muslims, but more
so among the lower classes. According to Troll, the shrines have played a vital role in society
by transcending the boundaries of class and caste structures and have helped to integrate local
culture with the Muslim environment. The shrines receive income in the form of donations,

1
P. Lewis, The Shrine Cult in Historical Perspective, Al-Mushir 26.2 (1984), pp. 59-60.

1
land, and endowments from merchants and others. 2 Over time, the shrines became symbols of
power, both spiritual and secular: spiritual in the sense of association with God and fulfilment
of earthly desires through acceptance of prayer (du‘a), and secular in the sense of serving as
channels for the offering of wealth and social status to their custodians.3

Each shrine has custodians known as mujawirs.4 They assist the devotees by providing tawidh
(amulets), as was provided by a saint during his lifetime. Mujawirs guide devotees and assist
them in making offerings, and they thus act as intermediaries between the devotees and the
saints. Mujawirs also deal with psychiatric illnesses like madness and mental depression and
social problems related to domestic matters such as difficulties in the workplace, marital
disputes, financial distress, loss of relatives, etc. 5 The devotees who come to the shrine with
various requests and petitions often tie a thread on the pillars of the mausoleum as a mark of
their vows. It seems that this practice is a result of the influence of pre-Islamic and Hindu
traditions.6 An annual celebration of the death anniversary of a saint (urs)7 is generally held at
the shrines.

Muslims in South India

In order to understand the life and works of Qamar Ali Darvesh, a brief presentation of the
historical background of Islam and Sufism in this part of India is in order. Islam’s first contact
with India was through Arabs during the 8th century, who spread in the western coast of India
as traders and sailors. They intermarried with local Hindu women and gradually gave rise to
flourishing Muslim communities long before any Muslim armies entered the Deccan. 8 The first
Muslim invasion of the Deccan took place in AD 1294 under Alaud-din Khilji, during the
Yadava period and then in AD 1340 Muhammad Tughlaq, the sultan of Delhi, attacked
Nagnak, a Koli chief, who held the strong fort of Kondhana, now Sinhgad, and twelve miles
southwest of Pune, which was reduced only after a siege that lasted eight months. The Deccan
remained subject to the sultan of Delhi till 1345 AD,9 followed by independent Muslim rule
under the Bahmanis and later dynasties.

There is evidence for Muslims in Pune as early as the Bahmani period (1347-1490) and
subsequently under the Nizamshahi (1490-1636) and Bijapur (1636-1686) dynasties, as well as
during the rule of the Peshwas. Many Muslims settled in the city and cantonment of Pune with
the onset of British rule. Among them were Memons and Bohras from Kutch and Gujarat,
2
The dargah becomes a source of income for the mujawirs as well as those who have set up various shops
beside the dargah for the large number of pilgrims.
3
C. W. Troll, ed., Muslim Shrines in India. Their Character, History and Significance, (New Delhi: Oxford
University, 1989), pp. 169-170.
4
Mujawars are usually the family descendents of the buried saint (pir), or family descendents of disciples
(murids) of the saint.
5
Imtiyaz Ahmad, ed., Ritual and Religion Among Muslims in India, (New Delhi: Manohar, 1981), p. 203.
6
Ahmad, Ritual, p. 143.
7
The word Urs, literally means marriage festivities, for in Sufi understanding death is the mystical union of
Soul, considered as a woman, with Allah, who is her beloved.
8
M.P. Srivastava, Social and Cultural Trends in Islamic India, (Allahabad: Vohra, 1989), p. 5; H.K. Sherwani
(ed.), History of Medieval Deccan (1295-1724), Vol. II, (Hyderabad: Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, 1974), p. 175.
9
W.W. Loch, Dakhan History, Musalman and Maratha [A.D. 1300-1818], (New Delhi: Asian Education
Services, 1989), p. 587.

2
Gaikasabs from Mysore, and Attars, Gaundis, Kaishgars and Momins from Ahmadnagar,
Hyderabad and Sholapur.10

As elsewhere in India, Sufism has historically been strong among the Muslims of Pune. The
most popular Sufi order in the Pune area, as is true for the rest of India as well, was the Chishti
order, introduced into India by Shaykh Muinuddin Chishti, who died in 1235-36 in Ajmer. 11
Prominent saints who settled in Pune, include Hazrat Shamshad Hussain Madni ( 617/1239). 12
Hazrat Hisamud-Din Janjani,13 and Shaykh Salah-ud-din (born in 1236 A.D), who came from
Madinah around 1300 AD and became a disciple of Hazrat Nizamud-Din Auliya of Delhi
(1244-1325).14 Their tombs quickly developed into major shrines.

Qamar Ali Darvesh

Qamar Ali Darwesh (d. 632/1254) was a Sunni Muslim. His father, Hazrat Shaykh Bahauddin
(d. 616/1238), and mother, Nazir Begum, were very pious Muslims. Hazrat Shaykh Bahauddin
was a close friend of Hazrat Shamshad Hussain Madni and appointed him as the spiritual
preceptor (murshid) of his son, Qamar Ali. Shamshad Hussain Madni (also known as Gar Pir)
originally lived in Medina and was a khalifa of Khwaja Nizamuddin and came to Pune with
Shaykh Salahauddin Chishti from Delhi. The date of his death is recorded as 617/1239. 15

Hazrat Shaykh Bahauddin’s eldest son, Abbas Ali, died at a young age. Qamar Ali loved his
older brother very much and so he was greatly distressed at his early death and decided to live
an ascetic life. While wandering he reached a village called Khed in Pune, which four brothers
who belonged to the Hindu Deshmukh caste had established. 16 Qamar Ali settled there and
lived there for the rest of his life and was buried there. Earlier the name of the village where
the dargah is located was Rasulabad. Later on, it became known as Khed.17 The total area of
the village is 901.43 hectares. The total population is 3011, 1532 men and 1479 women. 18
Khed is surrounded by two villages Shivapur and Bandewadi (Shri Ram Nagar). Previously,
visitors had problems travelling to the village but since 1992, a local bus service from
Swargate (Pune) to Khed Shivapur has been in operation.

Qamar Ali’s pious and disciplined life attracted people who began to call him a darvesh.
Hence he became known as Qamar Ali Darvesh. He often fasted and lived as an ascetic, often
keeping awake during the night meditating on God. He fasted during the whole of the month
of Ramadan without taking a drop of water and abstaining from food (sahri), the early
10
Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. 18, Part I (Bombay: Govt. Central Press, 1885), pp. 481-482.
11
Mohammad N. Nabi, Development of Muslim Religious Thought in India. (from 1200 A.D. to 1450 A.D.),
(Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1962), p. 9.
12
He was the master of Qamar Ali Darwesh. His tomb is near the collectorate office, Pune.
13
His tomb is near the Municipal Corporation of Pune. The dates of his birth and death are not known.
14
N.A G. Khan. A Socio-economic survey of the Muslims of Pune, Thesis submitted to the Gokhale Institute of
Politics and Economics, Pune 1952, pp. 11 and 539-540.
15
This shrine is situated near the collectorate office, Pune. This information is available at the shrine on a stone
inscription.
16
An oral tradition, however, it is accepted by all the villagers.
17
An unpublished pamphlet on Qamar Ali Darwesh prepared by S. A. Shaikh.
18
Census of India (Pune) series 14, District Census Handbook Pune, (Mumbai: The Director, Govt. Printing and
Stationary, 1995), pp. 92-93.

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morning meal. He advised his disciples to do the same so that they might gain control over
themselves.19

When Qamar Ali Darvesh settled in Khed, the people faced an acute shortage of water.
Because of Qamar Ali’s prayers and by God’s grace, a fountain of water sprung up there. 20
That water still flows, continuously. People of the area, as well as the present custodians of the
shrine (mujawirs), declare that several researchers from outside India have come to investigate
the source of the water but they have been unable to detect it. This is one of the great miracles
(karamat) of Qamar Ali Darvesh. Those who take a bath or wash themselves with that water
are healed of their ailments.21 Also in his time a cruel custom of human sacrifice was prevalent
in the village. Qamar Ali opposed it and asked the people to refrain from it, advising them that
human misery and problems such as sickness could be solved by various other methods and
not by sacrificing human life. Hence that practice was stopped.22

Several other miracles are associated with Qamar Ali. The principal one concerns a heavy
stone present in the dargah. The custodians and faqirs of the shrine declare that a round stone
weighing some 90 kilograms lying in the porch in front of the shrine used to be lifted by
Qamar Ali by just one finger. 23 The present stone, which weighs 90 kg, is new, since the older
one was worn out due to constant use.24 When eleven men stand around the stone and place
their right foot in front and the index finger of their right hands at the base of the stone, and,
with one breath, say loudly in unison, “Qamar Ali Darvesh”, the stone can be lifted up easily.
The breath and voice of the lifters should go together and then only can the stone be lifted up.
If their breath breaks or their cry is not loud enough the stone does not move from the ground.
The stone turns and falls towards the person who does not cry out loud enough.25

On the north side of a wall of the mausoleum is a lamp that is continuously kept burning. It is
believed that any person who is bitten by a poisonous snake will be cured if he is brought there
immediately and made to stare at the flame.26

The Dargah

The dargah complex has a total constructed area of 4961 square feet, which is a square in
geometrical term. At the centre of it is another square made out of marble, and right at the
centre of this marble structure is situated a tomb of Qamar Ali Darvesh. Male devotees are
allowed to enter the inner chamber of the mausoleum with flowers, while women are not
allowed inside. Women sit at the door of the mausoleum (the shrine has four doors, one in
each cardinal direction) for a while and pray and, after receiving blessings, move away.
The endowed land surrounding the shrine measures some 47 acres and 2 gunthas. Four
branches of descendants of the four murids of Qamar Ali Darvesh equally share the ownership
19
This information is taken from the notice board at the shrine of Qamar Ali Darwesh.
20
Oral tradition.
21
Oral tradition based on personal experience of devotees.
22
Due to this work, Qamar Ali became more famous.
23
Oral tradition.
24
As per information from the supervisor of the shrine.
25
I have personally seen this happen.
26
Information from supervisor, mujawirs of the shrine and others but not seen personally.

4
and control of that land and pay an annual tax (khand) of around Rs. 1,000 to the trustees. 27
The tomb itself is made up of marble brought from Rajasthan. It is striking to note that a large
sum was spent on the construction of the shrine by a Hindu devotee of Qamar Ali Darvesh, the
rest of the expenses having been met by the shrine’s endowment.

Inside the dargah complex is an open space where devotees sit and meditate and also eat their
food. The office of the trustees is located at the southern side, beside which is a drinking water
cooler and a vessel provided for burning incense sticks. Along the same line is an area for
pilgrims to sit down, and close to it is a place that is reserved for women to offer prayers
(namaz). In the northeast corner of the square is a tall pole with a weighing pan fixed to it,
where babies are weighed in jaggery by those pilgrims who believe that they owe the birth of
their child to a vow (mannat) made at the shrine. The jaggery is given to the mujawir, who
calls down Qamar Ali Darvesh’s blessing on it. He keeps half of the offerings for himself and
returns the other half to the devotee. The devotee distributes some of it among the visitors.

Near the front door of the shrine is a small square where the round stone weighing some 90
kilograms is placed, which is major attraction for devotees. 28 The square is kept clean by the
faqirs, who sweep it twice a day. There are two entrances to this area, one at the front and one
at the back of the shrine. At both entrances faqirs29 sit and look after the footwear of the
devotees. Although they do not generally ask for money, it is customary to offer them a small
payment for their service. Close by are a series of water taps for wuzu (ablutions), where all
devotees wash their feet, hands and face before entering the shrine complex.

The Activities at the Dargah

The daily number of visitors varies from 1,000 to 2,000. Early in the morning at around 5 a.m.
the mujawir, after taking a bath, comes to the shrine and opens the door. He cleans the inner
chamber, removing all waste paper and flowers and replaces the sheet of cloth (chaddar)30.
Then he beats a drum (nagara), and reads Surah Fatihah and some other Quranic verses (such
as Surahs Yasin, Ikhlas, Ayat al-Qursi) or the Darud-e-Taj. Then, the daily activities begin. At
5.30 p.m. the mujawir repeats the prayer, as it was done in the morning. At 10 p.m., he closes
the door of the shrine. On Thursdays and Sundays visitors visit the dargah in large numbers.
Hence the doors are closed later at around 2 a.m. Throughout the day one mujawir always
stays at the shrine to help the devotees. He has a peacock feather broom, which he places on
the shrine and then touches the shoulders and heads of the devotees with it. As a mark of
blessing, he offers tabarruk, consisting of a sweet made of sugar and the ash of incense sticks
packed in small paper packets, to the devotees.
Some devotees come with coconuts, which they place in the hands of the mujawir, who asks a
helper to clean them and then break them. The coconuts are then returned to the mujawir, who
keeps half of each broken coconut and returns the other half to the devotees after blessing it.
Male devotees place flowers on the shrine, some kiss it, while others prostrate or bow down
before it. Male devotees sit for a while in the inner chamber surrounding the shrine, while non-

27
Shafique A. Shaikh, Pamphlete written on Qamar Ali Darwesh, Pune n.d.
28
See above p. 5
29
People who have devoted their lives to Qamar Ali Darwesh
30
A green colour cloth made of satin fibre as well as a sheet of fresh flowers woven by silver thread

5
Muslim devotees also sit here for a while, some offering flowers and prayers. Muslim devotees
read portions of the Quran, copies of which are placed in a cupboard in the mausoleum. From
a tap, the mujawir offers a little water in a cup to the devotees. There is a donation box inside
the mausoleum for male devotees to place their offerings, while there is another box outside
for women. There is a place for women to sit and offer prayers, and small booklets containing
verses from the Quran are made available to them.

The urs celebrations are held at the shrine every year, which last for about four days. These
days are full of activities, including a procession with drums and lazims 31 and qawwali
programmes. The number of participants in this gathering ranges between 3,000 and 5,000.

Apart from being at the shrine to help the devotees, the mujawir mediates for the blessings of
Qamar Ali Darwesh on devotees who approach him with various kinds of illnesses, devil
possessions, marital problems and family and economic crises. The mujawir generally treats
them by handing them a ta’widh (an amulet on which Qur’anic verses are written), reading
some surahs, especially Surah Yasin (Q. 36); Surah al-Muzzammil (Q. 73), and blowing over a
glass of water and giving it to the devotees to drink.

The trustees look after the property and buildings of the dargah and are responsible for general
maintenance. The shrine has a madrasah attached to it where around 100 local Muslim
children come daily to recite the Qur’an. They also read and write Urdu texts with the help of
a mulla or hafiz.

The Devotees

Now we will look at the information from the devotees as to how this particular shrine plays
an important role in their lives. The Muslim devotees mostly belong to the Sunni sect. The
non-Muslim devotees interviewed are all Hindus who flock to the shrine in large numbers. The
interviewees represent various professions, such as imams of various mosques in the city of
Pune, principals, professors, the custodians of shrines, physicians, engineers, mechanics, etc.
Their ages vary from 16 to 80 years. We shall examine their views under the themes of saint
veneration, intercession (wasilah); and miracles (karamat).

1. Imams of Pune

I interviewed twelve imams of various mosques in Pune. Their ages range from 23 to 44. Two
belong to the Deobandi school of thought, whereas the other ten belong to the Barelwi school
(Ahl-e Sunnah al-Jama‘at).

Saint Veneration

All of the imams interviewed visit shrines, including the shrine of Qamar Ali Darvesh. The
two Deobandi imams felt sad about the way people venerate the shrine and certain practices
associated with it. “There is no direct reference to the practice of shrine veneration in the
31
A wooden road of about 1 inch width and 1 foot length, containing many holes in which rings with round thin
iron discs are fixed, which, when shaken, gives a sweet sound.

6
Quran or in the Hadith,” one imam claimed. “Shrines of Sufis”, two imams claimed, “can be
found only in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia etc. and not in other parts of the
world wherever Muslims are found.” Thus the shrine cult is due entirely to local cultural
influences.

The other ten Barelwi imams are very much in favour of saint veneration and practices
associated with shrines, but there are some differences among them on certain practices. All of
them declare that they do not worship a saint (pir). All such practices as bowing, prostration,
or kissing a shrine are a mark of respect, honour and love, they say. They stressed that the
awliya are alive in their tombs and are given nourishment (rizq) by God, citing Qq. 2:154 to
prove that the body of a wali never perishes. Six imams assert that making vows at the shrine
is permissible. Another four imams assert that it is not permitted.

While there are crucial differences between the imams of the two schools on various issues
related to the shrine cult, on certain basic principles they are all agreed. Both admit that the
Sufi saints were far more influential than the official ulama in spreading the message of Islam
in India. All twelve imams declare that they do not worship a saint (wali) and they admit that
there is no direct reference to the shrine-cult in the Quran and Hadith.

Intercession (wasilah)

Four out of the twelve imams interviewed declare that wasilah is not necessary and that people
can directly approach God. God being so close to us, He himself takes the initiative. Eight of
the imams state that wasilah is required, as we cannot meet God directly. If we go through His
wali, then our wishes are fulfilled quickly. They quote Surah Fatihah and Surah 5:35, in this
regard. They point to Surah Fatihah, verses 5 and 6, which plead with God to “show us the
straight path, the path of those on whom Thou has favoured.” This path is that of awliya
(friends of God), anbiya (Prophets), shuhada (martyrs) and siddiqin (the righteous); (Cf.
Q.4:69). In order to seek the favour of God, one needs to follow the path pursued by one of the
above-mentioned people. The eight imams who approve intercession of a wali also quote Q.
2:153: “O ye who believe; seek help in prayer with steadfastness”. Those verses, however, do
not explicitly refer to awliya. The imams assert that we need guides to properly understand the
Quran and hadith. The awliya and their literature are the best and perfect guides after their
physical departure from this world.

Miracles (karamat)

The two Deobandi imams do not believe in the performance of miracles by the awliya, while
the other ten Barelwi imams believe in manifestations of karamat by a wali before as well as
after his death that are bestowed by God on His beloved friends. They quote a Hadith-e-Qudsi
that says: “Once God becomes the friend of His servant, then He becomes the eye with which
the wali sees, the ear with which the wali hears ...” The two Deobandi imams who deny the
possibility of the karamat believe that this is strictly against their understanding of the
Shari‘ah. The Quran is itself believed to be the mu‘jizah for human beings. On the other hand,
the other ten Barelwi imams lend legitimacy to the popular belief in the miracles of the saints.

7
2. Muslim Women

I interviewed forty-three women belonging to various social strata. All were from the city of
Pune, except for three from Mumbai. Thirty-seven were between the ages of 17 and 40,
whereas six were between 40 and 60 years old. Five had never been to school; twenty-seven
were below matriculate; six were SSC; three were HSC; one was B. Com.; and one was
M.Com. Twenty were Shaikh; seven were Sayyed and sixteen were members of other groups
(Tablighi Jama‘at, Nadaf, Bhagwat, Akram, Hamid, Tamboli, Khan and Qureshi). Almost all
were housewives. Twenty-four read the Quran in Arabic; five in Urdu; three in Hindi. While
eleven did not read it at all.

Saint Veneration

Nineteen women visited the shrine often, especially on Thursdays and Fridays. Fourteen had
been coming regularly to the dargah since childhood, while ten seldom visited the shrine. The
reasons for their visiting the shrine are faith, to ask for favours and happiness, to search for
peace of mind, to pay for vows already made, etc. From the collected data it is clear that the
majority of the women (37) visited the shrine just because they have faith in the wali.

When asked what the Quran or Hadith say about tomb or saint-veneration, only six women
were able to say that there are references to ziyarat of tombs in the hadith. Others (37) simply
said that they are not sure about this.

It seems that most of the women (26) were sure about their doctrine of tawhid or the worship
of one God alone. There can be many reasons for those who replied that they worship a pir,
such as ignorance of the scriptures, illiteracy or inability to distinguish clearly between
worship of God and respect to a wali. These 37 women do not seem to be very familiar with
the doctrinal injunctions of their religion. Six, while actually aware, to an extent, of the
doctrines, still repose faith in the awliya. The majority of women (26) do not pray to a wali,
whereas seventeen do so.

Intercession

All the women respondents said that the awliya are mediators and that although ordinary
people could petition God directly it is always good to go through a wali, since he is definitely
closer to God than others. Only two asserted that it is not necessary to go through a wali.
Almost all women believe that a wali never dies, and he listens to our requests and intercedes
with God on our behalf.

Compared to men, Muslim women seem to have stronger faith in the wali to intercede on their
behalf. This may be because of lower levels of education of Muslim women compared to their
men-folk and to their lesser exposure to the outside world. That suggests that in this case
Muslim women are the bastion of popular Islamic traditions.

Miracles

8
Thirty-seven women believe that karamat do exist and that the lifting of the stone at the shrine
of Qamar Ali Darwesh in his name is an example of one; they expect some miracles to take
place in their lives. Here it seems that even if they know the scriptures, to them personal needs
are more important than doctrines.

3. Muslim Men

I interviewed fifty-one men. Their age ranged between 19 and 80. Three had never been to
school; 13 were below matriculate; 12 SSC; 5 HSC; 8 Graduate; 2 Post-graduate; 3 BE; 2
MBBS and 3 PhD.

Saint Veneration

Out of the fifty-one respondents thirty-six men visit a shrine often, the day of visiting not
being fixed, while the other fifteen seldom visit shrines. Their purposes for visiting the shrine
include paying respect to the wali, peace of mind, a casual visit (picnic), etc. Some of them
declare that ‘When his call comes we go’. This call can take the form of a vision of the wali in
a dream. Some of them visit the shrine to make vows seeking a solution for certain personal
problems, or to fulfil vows earlier made that have been answered. As far as knowledge about
this issue from the Quran or the hadith is concerned, twenty-one men declare that the hadith
does talk about visitation (ziyarat) of shrines but that there is no particular reference to it in the
Quran. Twenty-six men have no idea of this, however, and simply practise it because it is
customary to do so. The few respondents who are well educated reply that many practices,
such as kissing the tomb and bowing down and prostrating before it, are un-Islamic. These
well-educated men assert that since not only Muslims, but many non-Muslims as well, are
devotees of the awliya, it is a complex issue.

Most of the men have read the Quran in Arabic but they admit that they do not have a deep
understanding of the scripture. The majority of them, while visiting the shrine, read portions
from some Quranic chapters, especially Surah Fatihah, Surah Yasin, Darud Sharif etc., and
offer prayers. Eleven of them pray in order to offer blessings to the wali whereas forty offer
prayers for their individual needs, such as to gain peace of mind, family well-being etc. All,
except eight, offer flowers at the shrine as a token of love, paying of vows earlier made that
are fulfilled, or making new vows.

Forty-one men declare that they do not worship a wali. Rather, they simply offer their respects
and honour to a wali and affirm that God alone is worthy to be worshipped. They justify this
using the analogy of people offering their respects to ministers, priests, elderly persons,
parents, etc. Ten men said that they do worship a wali and that they do not find any
contradiction between worship of God and worship of a saint. Some of them, however, did
object to prostration and bowing down before a shrine and kissing it. They assert that this
practice is un-Islamic.

Intercession

9
Concerning whether the wali is a mediator, 38 replied in the affirmative while 13 replied in the
negative. On being questioned about the status of life of a wali after his departure from this
worldly life, 35 replied that the wali is living but invisible to the naked eye, 8 of them were not
sure and 8 replied that the wali is no longer alive. When asked if the wali listens from his
grave, 33 replied in the affirmative, 6 replied in the negative, while 12 were not sure.

On being questioned if ordinary people can also achieve the status of wali, 26 replied in the
affirmative, 22 replied in the negative, while 3 were not sure. Those who believe that ordinary
people can achieve the status of a wali justify this by saying that God offers everything by His
grace, although we also need to follow the path of Islam in a very perfect manner. Some of
them said that there are categories of awliya; some are born awliya, and others become so by
their pietistic, disciplined life and by God’s grace. Those who reply that they cannot achieve
the status of a wali, assert that it was possible in the past, when people were pious, but now the
world is changing and evil is rampant. Hence, it is impossible to achieve the status of a wali
today.

Almost all of the interviewees, including the well-educated ones, were not aware of the
scriptural injunctions on the issue of intercession.

Miracles

Thirty-one respondents had heard about the marvels and miracles of Qamar Ali Darvesh, while
20 had not. Thirteen interviewees believe that the Quran and Hadith mention the existence of
miracles, 32 replied that they do not know, and 6 of them replied that after the departure of a
wali from this world karamat does not occur at his grave. Those who believe that miracles
occur say that this is mentioned in the hadith, but admit that there is no particular mention of it
in the Quran. Six believe that while the wali is alive karamat can take place through him by
the power of Allah, but not after his physical departure from this worldly life.

To the question if they expect some karamat to happen in their life after visiting a shrine, 27
replied in the affirmative while 24 in the negative. As for lifting up a stone of some 90
kilograms at the shrine of Qamar Ali Darwesh, when asked if this is a karamat, 37 replied in
the affirmative, 7 replied in the negative, while 10 were not sure. Those who did not believe
this to be a karamat declared that it might be due to an evil power or a hidden technique.

There is a tension between those who see a wali as still being able to perform miracles even
after his death and those who believe that this was possible only when the wali was alive. The
belief in karamat in one’s life stems from a deep-rooted desire for instant changes in fortune
and material prosperity.

4. Hindu Women

Eight Hindu women were interviewed. The ages of these women fall between 22 and 60. They
belong to different castes, such as Deshmukh, Teli, etc. Some of them are local villagers and
others are from the city of Pune. Local women visit the shrine daily, while others visit the
shrine on only certain occasions, especially on Thursdays. Their purpose for coming is more or

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less similar to that of Muslim devotees. That is, they come for peace of mind, happiness,
satisfaction, release of tension and so on. Most of them do expect that their wishes will be
fulfilled as a result of visiting the shrine. From their responses it is clear that they know that
the shrine is a grave of a saint who was a Muslim. However, this does not deter them from
visiting the shrine, for they assert that they have faith in him. “All gods are the same”, they
say. They treat a wali as a god or a form of God. They, like the Muslims, also offer flowers at
the shrine, as well as coconuts, which is customary in Hindu traditions. Most of them declare
that they keep coming to the shrine because their wishes have been fulfilled. These wishes
include getting a job, giving birth to a child, cementing a marriage, receiving protection and so
on.

All the Hindu women respondents believe in their own gods, Shankar or Shiva being the most
popular of them all. They go to temples regularly and ask or petition their gods in the same
manner as at the shrine of Qamar Ali Darvesh. However, it is interesting that their wishes, or
so they believe, were fulfilled at the shrine and not at the temples. They treat the saint as alive
and believe that he does listen to them. Many of them believe that there is no radical
distinction between God and human beings, and hence have no difficulty whatsoever in
declaring a Muslim saint as a form of God.

Hindu religious traditions down the centuries have adopted and assimilated different ideas and
concepts from other faith traditions. Hindu women devotees of Qamar Ali Darvesh do not see
any tension or dissonance between their faith and their practice. For them God is power and
He takes different forms (avatara) to come to the aid of people. This is evident from the fact
that these women report that they receive what they wish for from Qamar Ali Darvesh.

5. Hindu Men

Eleven Hindu men were interviewed. The ages of these respondents range between 23 and 58.
They belong to different castes, such as Wadar, Mang, Matang, Maratha, Brahman, Teli,
Rajput, Mallah, etc. Most of them are drivers, while some are engaged in business, service etc.
The educational background of the Hindu male respondents varies between below matriculate
to BE (Electrical) and MA (Marathi).

They are more regular at attending the shrine than the Muslims. Sometimes they come alone
and at other times with their family. Three of them declare themselves to be servants of the
wali and they are ready to do anything for him. One well-educated Hindu male respondent,
who has been regularly visiting the shrine for the last six years, is so devoted to Qamar Ali
Darwesh that he has spent two months continuously at the dargah in the hope of having his
wishes fulfilled. Such affectionate devotion to the wali is not seen among Muslim devotees.

The purpose of their coming to the shrine varies. Some come for peace of mind, others for a
casual trip or picnic or on the recommendation of a friend. Yet others come to seek help, to
make vows, etc. They, too, offer flowers and coconuts and pray for their individual needs. All
these Hindu men have their personal gods, such as Mandhra Devi, Bharadwaj, Durga Mata,
Khodiyal and so on. Interestingly, most of them do not visit their temples as often as they visit

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the shrine of Qamar Ali Darvesh. They believe that this saint is alive and listens to their pleas
and that their personal experience corroborates this claim.

From the above discussion one can view the devotion of people to the shrines of saints. Most
of them come to get certain wishes (mannat) met, and offer flowers on the tomb of Qamar Ali
Darvesh. It is their belief that their prayers will be heard by the wali and he will mediate to
God on their behalf. Most of them have feeling that awliya are close to God and that they
themselves are not pure in the sight of God. Hence it is appropriate to petition God through a
wali.

Many Hindu men experienced some changes in their lives while visiting the dargah. The
dargah welcomes them and helps them to feel at ease. Here it is interesting to note that, rarely,
if ever, do Hindus enter mosques, where local cultural practices are not to be found.

The Impact of the Shrine

As we have seen people belonging to all strata of society flock to the shrine, leaving behind the
dogmas and doctrines of their various faith traditions. They include many Hindus who, without
any sense of guilt, offer devotion to a person belonging to a different religious tradition than
their own. Here a fusion of various religious traditions takes place in a peaceful and
harmonious manner.

Dargahs in general play a variety of roles in the lives of its various devotees. The faqirs have
made the shrines their home, and it is here that their daily bread (money which they receive
from visitors as well as often times food served by devotees while paying their vows made at
the dargah) is taken care of. In addition, they receive alms from the shrines, which relieve
them of the necessity to work. Moreover, they receive added respect because of their
association with the shrines.

The custodians of the shrines control all the property, including land that was given to the
saints in their lifetimes. The shrines thus play a central economic role in their lives. Because of
their control of the shrines, they receive honour and social status. People approach them with
various needs, believing that they may possess some special powers because of their ancestral
lineage and also because they act as mediators between the wali and devotees. Hence, devotees
can seek solutions to various problems from them.

The shrines have a particular attraction for many Muslim women. Shrines provide a means for
Muslim women to participate freely in a wider circle, keeping in mind that, in the Indian
context at least, they have no access to mosques. This is particularly interesting, given the
hadith narrated by Abu Dawud, Tirmidhi and Nasai, who report from Ibn ‘Abbas that the
messenger of Allah said: “Allah cursed those women who visited the graves; those who built
mosques over the graves; and those who lighted lamps on the graves”. 32 From this hadith, it is
clear that women are prohibited at graves. How is it then, one may ask, that Muslim men do
not bring up this hadith and that Muslim women who visit the shrines seem to be unaware of
it? This calls for greater empirical research.
32
Ismail Shahid, Taqwiat-ul-Iman, (Delhi: Adam, 1995), p. 245.

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Women are often in trouble due to various family problems and illnesses, which sometimes
they are unable to communicate to anyone. A shrine is the place where they can freely express
themselves and feel psychological satisfaction and release of their burdens. Many women, both
Hindu as well as Muslim, declare that they have received what they wish for at the shrine of
Qamar Ali Darvesh. Hindu women treat the wali as a form of God; for Hindus believe that
there is no sharp distinction between God and human beings. As in the case for women, many
men visit the shrine for the psychological benefits that they receive. They report feeling peace
and comfort while at the shrine complex. They petition for various things from the buried
saint, which they do not practise at mosques. They have respect in their hearts for a wali and
strong faith that the wali intercedes on their behalf with God.

Like Muslims, Hindus who come to the shrine firmly believe that the buried saint does hear
their pleas and answers them. Many of the Hindus are otherwise not very religious and do not
know much about their religion and seldom visit temples. They approach the shrine in the hope
of a miracle to be performed by the saint, who they believe possesses some kind of power.
From the above discussions about the visitors to the shrine, it is apparent that several of them
come there to seek favours and immediate miracles in their lives. They are not much
concerned about their religious dogmas and doctrines, but place their own existential needs
above doctrinal niceties.

Studying this phenomenon of the tombs of Sufi saints and the impact on the lives of the people
shows that this type of devotion is beyond the boundaries of religious doctrines. In the
preceding sections we have seen that the shrine cult is one of the ways in which some Muslims
express their devotion to God. The development of Islamic mysticism and its popularisation
throughout the Muslim world has given rise to popular devotional practices around the tomb of
a saint.

According to the Hindu concept of avatara, whenever sin pervades the world, God takes a
human form and intervenes to solve the existing crisis. This is what the Hindu women and men
experience at the shrine of Qamar Ali Darvesh where they say many of their wishes are met,
that is, god takes the form of Qamar Ali Darwesh to solve their crises.

The visitors to the dargah of Qamar Ali Darvesh defend this custom on the grounds that the
Prophet Muhammad did not object to ta’widh. A tradition says: ‘There is no harm in spells as
long as they involve no polytheism’. 33 Such a practice, it may be noted, is not peculiar only to
Islam but is also found even in popular Christianity. Both religions emerged in an environment
where people lived in fear of evil spirits and illness or any sort of calamities was attributed to
evil powers. In such an environment, popular religion offers healing and exorcism. 34

This study has shown that devotion bordering on veneration or even worship is a spontaneous
popular development, which may not be Quranic. As De Vaux puts it, “Islam had to yield on
this point to the pressure of popular sentiment, which by its traditions, its tendency to the

33
Lewis, Shrine Cult, Al-Mushir 26 or 16.2 (1984), p. 70.
34
Ibid, p. 69.

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marvellous and other psychological factors, is strongly inclined to this way of expressing its
religious feelings”.35

For the most part, the devotees of saints do not admit that they actually worship them. But
despite the efforts of the ‘ulama’ to stamp out the shrine cults, they continue to exist and
attract large members of devotees, both Muslims as well as non-Muslims. The popularity of
the shrines is rooted in the fact that they meet several crucial material as well as spiritual needs
of those who are associated with them. The custodians (mujawirs) of the shrines generally play
important functions, which they derive from their close association with the buried saints.
They enjoy much respect in society and are looked upon as guides in spiritual as well as
mundane affairs. For Hindus, the shrines of the Sufis are places where they can meet God. 36
From early times, Hindus used to flock to the shrines of the Sufis to seek favours from the
buried saints. The Sufis practised the doctrine of Wahdat-al-Wujud (unity of being), which has
parallels in the Hindu Advaita philosophy.

This, in actual fact, helped the Sufis to be tolerant of Hindus and learn from them by way of
assimilating many of their practices. Sufis were less concerned about conversion than the quest
for better society.37 At the dargah, local, popular cultural traditions intermingle with Islamic
ones in harmony.

35
B. Carra, De Vaux, Wali, The Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 4 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1934), p. 1110.
36
Andreas D’Souza, Thursday at the Tomb: Hindu Influence on Muslim Saint-Veneration, The Bulletin of the
Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 10.1 (1991), p. 44.
37
P. Lewis, Sufism: Impact on and Interaction with Wider Society, Al Mushir 26 or 16.2 (1984), p. 113.

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