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Psychological Profile of Pedophiles

and Child Molesters
a
John B. Murray
a
Department of Psychology , St. John's University
Published online: 01 Apr 2010.

To cite this article: John B. Murray (2000) Psychological Profile of Pedophiles and Child
Molesters, The Journal of Psychology: Interdisciplinary and Applied, 134:2, 211-224, DOI:
10.1080/00223980009600863

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 The Journal of Psychology, 2000, I34(2), 21 1-224

Psychological Profile of Pedophiles

and Child Molesters
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JOHN B. MURRAY
Department of Psychology
St. John ’s University

ABSTRACT. Pedophiles and child molesters share some characteristics. Most are male,
and they can be heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual. Some prefer adult sex partners but
choose children because they are available and vulnerable. The sexual abuse perpetrated
may be a I-time incident and may consist only of fondling. Penetration is unlikely with
young children. Perpetrators’ ages range from teens to midlife. Most victims are girls, and
the perpetrator usually is a relative, friend, or neighbor. The home of the victim is often
the setting for the incident. When boys are victims, sexual abuse may take place outside
the home, and perpetrators may be strangers. Perpetrators of sexual abuse of children
often claim that they themselves were victims of childhood sexual abuse. Psychological
profiles are helpful but are compromised partly because many perpetrators are prisoners
and control groups are lacking for this research.

THIS REPORT contains a profile of the characteristics of pedophiles and child

molesters. Ambiguities in the validity and reliability of measurement, however,
make it difficult to obtain a delineation clear enough for clinicians to use. The
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III-R;American
Psychiatric Association, 1987) lists the essential features of pedophilia as “recur-
rent, intense, sexual urges and sexually arousing fantasies, of at least six months
duration, involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child” (p. 284). The pre-
pubescent child generally is 13 years old or younger. The perpetrator is 16 years
old or older, at least 5 years older than the victim, and has an enduring and exclu-
sive sexual interest in children. The majority of pedophiles and child molesters
are men, according to the DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
Most often pedophiles are relatives, friends, or neighbors of the child victims.
Pedophiles’ actions vary, according to the DSM-IV. Some pedophiles only
look at and do not touch the child. Others want to touch or undress the child.
Some expose themselves, but usually exhibitionists do not approach the child

Address correspondence to John B. Murray, Department of Psychology, St. Johns Uni-

versity, 8ooO Utopia Parkway, Jamaica, NY 11439.

21 I
 212 The Journal of Pqchology

sexually. Some want to fondle the child. When sexual activity occurs, it often
involves oral sex or touching the genitals of the child or of the perpetrator. In
most cases (except incest), pedophiles do not require penetration. When the
pedophile demands penetration, he may use threats or force. The victims in these
cases are usually older children. Most pedophiles do not force their attentions on
the child; they depend on persuasion, guile, and friendship.
Pedophilic behavior usually begins in the late teenage years, but some
pedophiles do not start until midlife. The latter would come closer to the "dirty
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old man" stereotype of pedophile and child molester. Pedophilia and child
molestation may be more common among those who have been sexually abused
in their childhood (Freund, Watson, & Dickey, 1990). Pedophilia tends to run a
chronic course. Those who prefer young children of their own sex may be more
likely to repeat their sexual abuse of children. Some pedophiles and child moles-
ters have specific preferences for children of one sex or the other-usually girls,
and children in specific age ranges. Those attracted to girls usually prefer 8- to
10-year-olds; those attracted to boys usually prefer children a little older. Many
pedophiles report that they are sexually aroused by children of both sexes (Arnes
& Hovston, 1990).
In this article, research on pedophiles is reviewed first, followed by the
research on child molesters, concluding with theories of pedophilia and child
molestation.

Pedophiles

Araji and Finkelhor (1985) reviewed the empirical research on pedophilia.

They noted serious methodological flaws limiting generalizations. They found
evidence that some pedophiles are strongly attracted sexually to children, but it
was not clear whether all pedophiles have sexual preferences for children exclu-
sive of adults. Differences in definitions of pedophilia, which were pointed out
by Araji and Finkelhor and by Ames and Hovston (l990), have been settled with
the DSM-Ill-R and DSM-IV
In a recent study of pedophilia, Bogaert. Bezeau, Kuban, and Blanchard
(1997) reviewed the charts of 388 pedophiles, covering the period 1980 to 1994
(thus, the later cases may have met the DSM-111-Rrequirements). This study was
part of research conducted at the Department of Behavioral Sexology at the
Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto, Canada. The majority of those studied
had been accused of or charged with sexual offenses against children; a few came
voluntarily for psychiatric assessment. Some of the pedophiles were heterosexu-
al, some were homosexual, and some were bisexual. Pedophilic sexual offenses
against girls were twice as frequent as offenses against boys; some of the
researchers who participated in this Canadian study (Bogaert et al.) think the
ratio is actually higher than 2: 1. Their findings suggested discontinuity between
pedophilia and adult-age sexual orientation.The factors that determined whether
 Murray 213

a man was oriented toward children (preferring boys or girls) differed from the
factors that determined whether a man oriented toward adults preferred men or
women. Homosexual pedophiles tended to not report cross-gender sex role
behavior in their childhood and adolescence (Bogaert et al.).
In the study by Bogaert et al. (1997) and in many others, those studied were
prisoners-a fact that must limit the generalizability of the data from the sample
of pedophiles studied (Kalichman, 1991; Quinsey, Arnold. & Pruesse, 1980).The
willingness or unwillingness of those individuals to admit pedophilia, as well as
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their ability to feign responses, could inhibit or enhance phallometric responses

in determining sexual orientation (Freund & Kuban, 1993; Freund et al., 1990;
Freund, Watson, & Rienzo, 1988; Hall, 1989; Hall, Proctor, dk Nelson, 1988;
Laws & Holmen, 1978).
The phallometric testing used by Bogaert et al. (1997) involved measure-
ment of penile tumescence-a continuous recording of penile volume changes in
response to erotic stimuli (Freund, Watson, Dickey, & Rienzo, 1991; Quinsey,
Sternman, Bergersen, & Holmes, 1975). Phallometric testing has been the most
frequent means of determining male preferences for sex partners of different ages
and sexes (Freund & Watson, 1991). Marshall, Barbaree, and Butt (1988) used
the sex of the victim to identify the perpetrator’s sexual orientation. With the
phallometric test, it is assumed that changes in penile blood volume occurring at
presentation of erotic stimuli are reliable. Controversy about the validity of phal-
iometric measurement and its importance has continued (Conte, 1985; Earls,
Quinsey, & Castonguay, 1987; Freund & Blanchard. 1989; Hall et al., 1988;
Laws, 1984; McAnulty & Adams, 1990; Quinsey & Laws, 1990). Physiological
changes are easier to measure than to interpret (Hams, Rice, Quinsey, Chaplin,
& Earls, 1992). Sexual arousal also may be a function of general arousability
variables more than of specific stimuli (Hall, 1989; Hall et a]., 1988).
Several studies of pedophilia were conducted by Greenberg, Bradford, and
Curry (1993) in the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Ottawa, Cana-
da. They studied 135 pedophiles and 43 hebephiles who admitted to their offens-
es. Hebephiles preferred children who were between 13 and 16 years of age,
whereas pedophiles chose children 12 years old or younger as their victims.
Among the perpetrators, 33% chose only boys, 44% chose only girls, and 23%
had sexually abused both boys and girls. In response to questioning, 42% of the
pedophiles and 44% of the hebephiles claimed to have been sexually abused in
their own childhood. Members of both groups appeared to choose victims in
accordance with their own ages at the time of their experience as sexual victims.
Greenberg, Bradford, and Curry (1995) later studied pedophiles who chose
infants (less than 5 years old in their definition) as victims. Pedophiles, who met
the DSM-III-R definition of pedophilia, had been referred for psychiatric assess-
ment by the courts, lawyers, medical doctors, and/or themselves. Those who pre-
ferred infants were significantly younger than the pedophiles whose victims were
under 12 years of age. In their final study, Greenberg, Bradford, and Curry
 2 I4 The Journal of Psychology

(1996) reported that, in the sexual actions of 263 pedophiles, no significant rela-
tion appeared between aggressive tendencies in comprehensive test results and
the degree of violence in their sex acts, as described in police reports.
How do pedophiles see themselves? Ames and Hovston (1990) reported that,
in a study conducted in England, 77 members of a pedophilia self-help club pre-
sented themselves on the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire as introverted, shy,
sensitive, and depressed. Personality test results tended to confirm these traits
and added emotional immaturity, fear of being able to function in adult hetero-
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sexual relations, and social introversion (Levin & Stava, 1987).

Pedophilia involves inappropriate sexual behavior in response to certain
stimuli or situations. However, questions remain (Wulfert, Greenway, &
Dougher, 1996).Do pedophiles abuse children in the family, outside the family,
or both (Russell, 1983)?Are pedophiles guilty of incest (Phelan, 1986)?Are they
affected by the suffering of their victims (Chaplin, Rice, & Harris, 1995)? Do
they have age-appropriate sexual relationships? Do they use force? Unfortunate-
ly, studies of pedophilia have involved few subjects and a small number of tests.
Thus, they do not provide a broad base for generalizations.

Child Molesters

Sexual abuse of children has occurred in the past, in other cultures, and still
occurs today (Ames & Hovton, 1990). However, there has been no generally
accepted definition of sexual abuse of children (Abright, 1986; Bard et al.. 1987;
Burton & Myers, 1992). Some reports on child molesters actually may include
pedophiles, but the definitions in the DSM-Ill-R and DSM-IVrequire more infor-
mation about the victims’ ages, perpetrator’s age, and his or her psychiatric his-
tory than the studies usually provide.
The American Medical Association (AMA) recommended the following as
a definition of sexual abuse of children: “exploitation of a child for gratification
or profit of an adult” (AMA, 1985, p. 798). Sexual abuse can range from exhibi-
tion and fondling to intercourse or use of a child in production of pornographic
material. Burton and Myers (1992) included the following among acts of sexual
abuse: demanding or requesting nudity, disrobing, exposing genitals, observing a
child dressing or bathing, kissing, and digitally or penilely penetrating the rec-
tum or vagina. Perpetrators are usually male, ranging in age from the teens to
midlife. Often they are family members, friends, or neighbors. Except in the sex-
ual dimension, they are often attentive to the child’s needs. They use friendship,
persuasion, and deceit; force and threats are used more often with older children.
Alcohol is associated with sexual encounters in almost 50% of the cases of child
molestation (Rada, 1976).
A national investigation of sexual abuse in day-care facilities was conduct-
ed in 1983-1985 by Finkelhor, Williams, and Bums (1989). Designation of sex-
ual abuse by local investigators was accepted by the authors. Sexual activity usu-
 Murray 215

ally consisted of touching a child's genitals for the purpose of sexual gratifica-
tion. The perpetrator was, on average, 5 years older than the victim. Of 229,000
day-care facilities in the United States, 500 reported a total of 2,500 child vic-
tims. A director or administrator was the guilty party in 25% of the cases, and
20% were the work of nonprofessional, non-child-care staff. But in 30% of the
cases, teachers or other child-care professionals were perpetrators.
Finkelhor et al. (1989) reported that men often were the perpetrators,
although they usually make up a small part of day-care staffs. Women make up
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most of the day-care staffand generally are much less likely than men to sexual-
ly abuse children. However, in a sample of 270 child abuse cases, teachers and
professional child-care personnel were perpetrators in 30%; 50% of the girls and
59% of the boys who had been abused were abused by women. Most of the
women were married, and 68% had children of their own. The women's ages
ranged from 16 to 77 years, with a median of 35 years. They were more educat-
ed and less socially isolated than the men, church-going, and less likely than the
men (16% to 53%) to have a history of deviant behavior.
According to Finkelhor et al. (l989), women's sexual abuse of the children
was more serious than men's abuse of children. Because they were likely to have
sexually abused more children and for a longer time, they were more likely to fit
the DSM-III-R requirement that pedophilia be a recurrent pattern over 6 months.
Their sexually abusive actions consisted of a single case 8% of the time, com-
pared with 33% of the cases involving male perpetrators. Both men and women
were more likely to sexually abuse girls than boys. Women were more likely to
sexually abuse younger children. They were more likely to commit multiple acts
of sexual abuse and to use force and threats. Some of the sexual abuse by both
women and men seemed to be opportunistic and more general and diffuse in
motivation-a key factor being the availability and vulnerability of children
rather than a particular sexual attraction or recurrent persistent urge, as pedophil-
ia is defined in DSM-Ill-R.
In a telephone survey of 2,626 randomly selected respondents, Finkelhor,
Hotaling, Lewis, and Smith (1990) found that 26%of the women and 16% of the
men reported that they had been victims of sexual child abuse. Men were perpe-
trators in 83% of the sexual abuse cases involving boys and in 90% of the sexu-
al abuse cases involving girls. Most were one-time cases, so they would nor fir
pedophilia criteria. Forty-two percent of the boys and 33% of the girls had never
reported the incident.
Dube and Hebert (1988) reviewed 511 cases of sexual abuse of children
ranging from 2 months to 12 years of age in Montreal; mean age was 7.4 years
for boys and 6.8 for girls. Most of the sexually abused children in their study
were girls (85.5%). In 78%of the cases, the perpetrator was known to the child
and the sexual abuse occurred only once. School-age children were more likely
to be abused by a stranger, someone outside the family. Older victims were more
likely to be involved in several forms of sexual abuse. Male victims were more
 216 The Journul of Psychology

likely to have been assaulted by a stranger and to have suffered more severe
forms of sexual abuse than girls were. When the sexual abuse was committed by
someone outside the family, it was more likely to have been a single episode and
to have involved force.
Oberholser and Beck (1986) compared five male groups consisting of 12
rapists, 12 child molesters, 12 perpetrators of nonsexual crimes, 12 men of low
socioeconomic level, and 12 college men. The child molesters were over 18 years
of age and had sexually abused girls under 17 years of age. The subjects in the
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first three groups were prisoners. Hostility, impulsivity, and attitudinal variables
were measured with paper-and-pencil tests-several tests in each area, where
possible. Hostility and impulsivity measures were not useful in distinguishing
rapists or child molesters from the control groups. Behavioral tests of heterosex-
ual skills and social anxiety were videotaped. The subjects were observed inter-
acting with a female confederate who knew the purpose of the study but not the
status of the subject. The child molesters and rapists appeared to be deficient in
heterosexual skills compared with those in the three control groups. Compared
with members of the others groups, the child molesters were more fearful of neg-
ative evaluations, and they were unassertive, socially inept, and overly sensitive.
Three studies have addressed college students’ perceptions of child sexual
abusers. Maynard and Wiederman (1997) administered a questionnaire to 404
undergraduates, approximately equal numbers of men and women, at several
midwestern U.S. state universities. The students responded to eight vignettes
depicting sexual interaction between a child (male or female, either 7 or 15 years
old) and an adult (35 years old, either male or female). The variables studied
were the age and sex of child and the sex of the adult as well as the students’ per-
ceptions of the abusiveness of the incident and the attribution of responsibility
and blame to the adult. Touching genitals, kissing, and undressing the child by
the adult (but not having intercourse) were the sexual activities described in the
vignettes. Adult (male or female) interactions with a child (7 or 15 years old,
male or female) were also studied. College students judged the actions of adults
with the 15-year-oldchild as less blameworthy than the same actions when they
occurred with the 7-year-old, whether the adult was male or female. Actions of
the adult with the 15-year-old child were rated as significantly less abusive than
actions in the vignettes with the 7-year-old.
When an adolescent was involved in an unwanted sexual interaction with an
adult, the adult was seen as less responsible than when a child was interacting
with the adult. Opposite-sex interaction regardless of the age of the child was
rated as less abusive than interaction with an adult of the same sex. Lack of resis-
tance by children 7 or 15 years old did not influence students’ responses to the
vignettes. When an adolescent was depicted in sexual interaction with an adult of
the opposite sex, the adult was judged less blameworthy than when an adolescent
was interacting with an adult of the same sex.
In Finkelhor’s (1980) survey of 796 undergraduates, women and men in
 Murray 217

about equal numbers, in six northeastern colleges, responded in class to a ques-

tionnaire containing many questions about family dynamics and sources of their
sexual education. Fondling and touching the genitals were more likely to be the
sexual activity with younger victims and intercourse the activity with older vic-
tims. Women were more likely to have been victims and to feel badly about their
experience. One third of the episodes occurred only once. Few students had told
anyone about the incidents. Level of sexual self-esteem was affected differently;
those who had experienced sexual abuse before they were 9 years old had more
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sexual self-esteem; sexual abuse after 9 years of age was associated with gener-
ally lower levels of sexual self-esteem.
In a study in England, Hartnett (1997) used a questionnaire to examine the
reactions of 60 randomly selected case workers to narratives that described an
adult with a 9-year-old boy in experiences with varying amounts of force, phys-
ical and sexual. Compared with the men, the women perceived sexual assault as
more serious than physical assault, and they perceived perpetrators of either
physical or sexual assault as more dangerous than the men did.
The relationship between a use of force and child sexual abuse was investi-
gated by Henn, Herjanic, and Vanderpearl (1976), who compared the records of
67 individuals who had been charged by courts as rapists with records of 1 1 1
who had been charged as child molesters. The rapists had used more force than
the child molesters had. Age was the significant difference; 75% of the rapists
were under 30 years of age, whereas the child molesters were of no specific age
group and usually had no history of other criminal behavior.
Harry, Pierson, and Kuznetsov (1993) found, from the records of 800 incar-
cerated sex offenders, that the age of the victim was important in understanding
the crime. Rapists (24%) appeared to be more antisocial and to have committed
acts of impersonal violence against adults, whereas child molesters (33%) were
less antisocial, appeared to be chronic sex offenders, and had been convicted of
more previous sexual offenses. Child molesters more often fondled than sought
penetration. These actions with children can be interpreted in different ways-
for example, as showing affection. Fondling less often leaves physical marks or
injuries. Kuznetsov, Pierson, and Harry (1992) noted from interviews and ques-
tionnaire responses of 800 prisoners that the lower the age of the victim of the
child molester, the more likely it was that the sexual offense involved fondling,
manipulation of breasts and/or touching the vagina, and the more likely it was
that the sexual actions took place in victim’s home.
Finkelhor (1990) reviewed research on the permanency of the impact of
childhood sexual offenses. Children in most instances seemed to have no symp-
toms on current diagnostic measures. No consistent gender differences in impact
were reported. Researchers have not investigated the effects of child abuse in
boys as much as in girls, but the patterns seem to be about the same. Some lon-
gitudinal studies have shown a decline in symptomatology in the months follow-
ing disclosure (Finkelhor, 1990).
 2 18 The Journal of Psychology

Marshall et al. (1988) tested a control group of men and 21 male prisoners
who had sexually abused children. The erotic stimuli were nudes-male and
female-ranging in age from 3 to 24 years, along with a verbal description of
sexual interaction of an adult male with a boy, varying in the amount of force
used. Sex offenders were divided into heterosexuals or homosexuals according to
their penile responses to the adult male or female nudes. Comparison of the sub-
jects’ erectile responses with those of non-sex offenders indicated that child
molesters preferred children of the opposite sex and different ages. Responses to
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the female nude did not differentiate between the two groups of men, and the
non-sex offender group did not respond to the male nude picture. The taped ver-
bal description produced little response from the non-sex offender group; the sex
offenders responded most to the taped descriptions of noncoercive sexual inter-
action and were inhibited by the more coercive situations.
Child molesters may be pedophiles, but sufficient psychiatric history is usu-
ally lacking for a diagnosis of pedophilia. Child molesters are more likely to be
male and are often relatives, friends, or neighbors of child victims (Finkelhor et
al., 1989). In many instances, the child molestation occurs only once. Availabil-
ity and immaturity of victims are explanations offered by perpetrators (McAnul-
ty & Adams, 1990; Kuznetov et al., 1992). Young children are more often vic-
timized by child molesters in their home, whereas older children may be
molested outside the home, in schools, and by strangers (Dube& Hebert, 1998).

Theories of Pedophilia and Child Molesting

Several explanations have been offered for why adults become sexually ori-
ented to and involved with children, but no one theory explains all pedophilia or
child molestation (Ames & Hovston, 1990; Bowman, 1951; Conte, 1985; Finkel-
hor, 1979). Araji and Finkelhor (1985) and Finkelhor et al. (1989) grouped theo-
ries into four basic categories, and some evidence can be found in the literature
for each. However, associations of personality variables with pedophilia cannot
explain the causes of pedophilia (Garber & Hollon, 1991; Kalichman, 1991).
One explanation of pedophilia is inappropriate sexual arousal. Researchers
of physiological responses to erotic stimuli have pursued this approach. In many
instances, pedophiles have shown enduring and exclusive sexual interest in chil-
dren (Araji & Finkelhor, 1985). But in as many as one third of the cases, the sex-
ual abuse of a child is a one-time incident and opportunistic rather than the result
of continuing motivation (Finkelhor, 1980; Finkelhor et al., 1990; Finkelhor et
al., 1989). Because standards of stimuli and methods of measurement are lack-
ing and methods of measurement differ, definitive answers to why pedophiles are
sexually aroused by children are still not available (Avery-Clark & Laws, 1984).
Another theory attributes pedophilia to a lack of sexual and emotional grat-
ification, leading the pedophile to choose children as an outlet (Freund,
Langevin, & Cibiri, 1972). The data of Ames and Hovston (1990) support the
 Murray 219

picture of pedophiles as shy, passive, and socially isolated. Some pedophiles,

however, many and have children (Finkelhor et al., 1989). Oberholser and Beck
(1986) showed that pedophiles lack social skills, supporting the theory that they
choose children as sexual partners because children are less socially demanding,
more vulnerable and available, and because they also fear adult heterosexual
relations. Birth order differences reported by Bogaert et al. (1997) might fit into
this category of pedophilia theories; a gap of several years between brothers
might deprive the pedophile of companionship in formative years of sexual gen-
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der behavior development.

Disinhibition theory of pedophilia finds support in the association of alcohol
use and pedophilia (Araji & Finkelhor, 1985; Finkelhor et al., 1989). In a study
by Rada (1976), almost 50% of 203 child molesters who were inmates of a state
hospital had been drinking when they committed acts of sexual abuse with chil-
dren, and 30% had been drinking heavily. But why pedophiles are not deterred
by the usual prohibitions of adult-child sexual relationships was not explained.
Many pedophiles and child molesters claim that they were sexually abused
as children (Ames & Hovston, 1990; Finkelhor, 1980; Greenberg et al., 1993).In
a national telephone survey of 2,626 randomly selected respondents (Finkelhor
et al., 1990), 27% of the women and 16% of the men reported that they were vic-
tims of sexual abuse as children. Freund et al. (1990) explored the attribution of
pedophilia to childhood sexual abuse by reviewing the self-reports of 344 men.
Self-reports were compared with phallometric measurements of erotic prefer-
ences for gender and age. The subjects included 77 heterosexual pedophiles, 54
homosexual pedophiles, 57 nonpedophilic sex offenders, 36 offenders against
physically mature women, 51 homosexuals who preferred adult males, and 75
heterosexuals who preferred physically mature women. Analysis of self-reports
confirmed that some pedophiles had experienced sexual abuse by adults in child-
hood. A control group of those not accused or charged with sexual activity with
children also had been abused sexually as children, but the differences in self-
reports were relativeIy small.
The initial impact of the sexual abuse of children led to feelings of fear, anx-
iety, depression, anger, and hostility in some victims (Browne & Finkelhor,
1986). Long-term effects were depression, anxiety , feelings of shame, and poor
self-esteem.The most damaging experiences involved father figures, genital con-
tact, and force. Studies suggested that one fourth or one third as many boys as
girls were sexually abused in childhood, but within the family, boys may be more
likely than girls to be abused (Finkelhor, 1990).The impact of sexual abuse dur-
ing childhood on boys has not been studied as much as the impact on girls.
How do child molesters see themselves; what makes them molest children?
In a clinical interview, child molesters frequently offered some kind of explana-
tion. Pollock and Hashmall (1991) drew 250 justificatory statements from the
interview records of 86 child molesters at the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in
Toronto. Pollock and Hashmall grouped the sample into six thematic categories.
 220 The J o u m l of Psychology

The justification given most often (by 29% of the sample) was that the victim had
consented. Having been deprived of conventional sex was the rationalization of
24%. Intoxication was stated by 23%, and 22% claimed the victim had initiated
the sexual activity.

Discussion

A psychological profile of pedophilia and child molesting must be drawn

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cautiously, partly because the quality of the data is compromised by definitional

and methodological problems. Limitations begin with the small number of sub-
jects and the fact that very often the subjects are prisoners charged with or con-
victed of sexual crimes. Control groups sometimes also are prisoners. Sometimes
no control groups are included in the studies.
The broad term sex o-ender may include exhibitionism, sodomy, and rape,
as well as pedophilia and child molestation. Definitions of pedophilia in research
differed until the 1987 DSM-111-R, which required that sexual urges and fantasies
last 6 months, thus requiring psychiatric history for a diagnosis. Many researchers
accepted the decision of police or courts that the subject was a pedophile.
Phallometric testing was used in many studies to determine sexual orienta-
tion. This method is probably more reliable than verbal report, but it can be
influenced by subjects’ willingness or unwillingness to admit direction of erotic
preferences and their inhibiting or enhancing responses. General arousability
rather than specific objects or situations can be. a factor in measuring response.
Stimuli for determining subjects’ erotic preferences have varied in the studies of
pedophilia and child molesting. Sometimes stimuli were visual (slides or movies
of nudes), sometimes they were audiotapes of sexual activity, and sometimes
they consisted of videotapes of behavioral interactions between men and chil-
dren, male or female. Standardization of stimuli and measurement is necessary
if a profile of pedophile and child molester is to be more accurate for diagnosis
and treatment.
The most common characteristic in the psychological profile of pedophilia
and child molestation is that the perpetrator is a man. He might be heterosexual,
homosexual, or bisexual. He might prefer an adult or child, male or female, as a
sexual partner. Women rarely have been identified in studies of pedophiles, but
they were accused of child molesting in a study of child-care facilities in the
United States. Some pedophiles and child molesters are married, and some have
children. Incest is not included in the DSM-III-R definition, nor is it in the state-
ment on child molestation made by the American Medical Association (AMA,
1985). The age of the pedophile or child molester can range from the teens to
middle age. Pedophilia and child molesting are thought to begin in late teens. The
“dirty old man” stereotype of pedophile or child molester is a possibility but may
mislead those searching for the perpetrator.
Pedophiles and child molesters choose girls as their victims twice as often
 Murray 221

as they choose boys. If the victim is a girl, the perpetrator will most likely be
someone in the family, and the sexual offense is more likely to take place in the
home of the victim. If a boy is the victim of a pedophile or child molester, he is
likely to be older, to be assaulted by a stranger, and the sexual offense is more
likely to take place away from the victim’s home. Levels of sexual self-esteem
are higher in those children who have experienced sexual offenses before they
were 9 years old than in those who have experienced sexual abuse when they
were older than 9 years of age.
Many acts of child molestation are single acts and are not repeated. Accord-
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ing to the DSM-III-R definition of pedophilia, sexual urges and fantasies must
continue for 6 months. Pedophilia tends to be chronic, and recidivism may be
more likely if the perpetrator is homosexual. Drugs have helped to reduce the
urgency experienced by pedophiles and child molesters, offering them an oppor-
tunity to reconsider their choices and respond to psychotherapy.
Many pedophiles and child molesters claim to have been sexually abused in
childhood. Research indicates that sometimes the choice of age and sex of child
victims reflects the pattern of sexual abuse the perpetrator had experienced. The
short-term impact of sexual abuse in childhood has led to depression, anxiety,
anger, and fear. Long-term effects have not received much study, but symptoms
tend to decrease after disclosure. In many studies, adults who were sexually
abused as children reported that they had never told anyone about the abuse. The
impact of child sexual abuse on boys has not received the same attention in
research as the impact on girls, who are more frequently victimized.
Actions of pedophiles and child molesters vary, including voyeurism (look-
ing at the child, observing bathing or undressing of the child), exhibitionism,
contact with genitalia of the child and perpetrator, oral sex, penetration of rectum
or vagina, and intercourse. Perpetrators frequently use persuasion and deceit with
young children and do not require intercourse.With older children, force may be
used and may involve intercourse.
Theories of pedophilia and child molestation have been grouped in four cat-
egories. There is no single theory that explains all pedophilia or child molesta-
tion. Inappropriate sexual arousal is a factor, as is the unavailability of outlets for
sexual urges. Adult women apparently are preferred by some men charged with
pedophilia, but children were more vulnerable and available. Perhaps a learning
model is involved inasmuch as many pedophiles and child molesters have been
sexually abused during their own childhood and some repeat the pattern of their
own experience with child victims.
Personality traits of pedophiles and child molesters have been studied, but
the subjects were few, as were the personality tests used, rendering it difficult to
produce precise personality profiles. Some evidence indicates that perpetrators
are shy, weak, passive, and nonassertive, with low self-esteem. Studies have
shown differences between pedophiles and rapists in terms of the latter’s greater
aggressiveness. Pedophiles are more likely than rapists to respond to their vic-
 222 The lourno1 of Psychology

tim’s pain and suffering. Pedophiles may be the youngest in families with sever-
al sons (Bogaert et al., 1997).
Limitations of the literature regarding the causes, consequences, and psy-
chotherapeutic treatment of pedophiles hinder clinicians’ ability to treat those
who come for help. Establishing predictive validity and reliability in measure-
ment of sexual response to children and differentiating pedophiles from other
sexual deviants are important if the profile of pedophilia is to become clearer and
treatment more effective.
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Received December 7, 1998