Georgism

Georgism, also called geoism[2] and single tax (archaic), is an economic philosophy
holding that, while people should own the value they produce themselves, economic
value derived from land (often including natural resources and natural opportunities)
.[3][4][5] Developed from the writings
should belong equally to all members of society
of the economist and social reformer Henry George, the Georgist paradigm seeks
solutions to social and ecological problems, based on principles of land rights and
public finance which attempt to integrate economic efficiency with social
justice.[6][7]

Georgism is concerned with the distribution of economic rent caused by natural

monopolies, pollution, and the control of commons, including title of ownership for
natural resources and other contrived privileges (e.g., intellectual property). Any
natural resource which is inherently limited in supply can generate economic rent,
but the classical and most significant example of 'land monopoly' involves the
extraction of common ground rent from valuable urban locations. Georgists argue Georgist Single Tax poster published
that taxing economic rent is efficient, fair, and equitable. The main Georgist policy in The Public, a Chicago newspaper
recommendation is a tax assessed on land value. Georgists argue that revenues from (circa 1910–1914)
a land value tax (LVT) can be used to reduce or eliminate existing taxes (for
example, on income, trade, or purchases) that are unfair and inefficient. Some
Georgists also advocate for the return of surplus public revenue to the people
by means of a basic income or citizen's dividend.

Economists since Adam Smith and David Ricardo have observed that, unlike
other taxes, a public levy on land value does not cause economic
inefficiency.[8][9] A land value tax also has progressive tax effects, in that it is
paid primarily by the wealthy (the landowners), and it cannot be passed on to
tenants, workers, or users of land.[10][11] Advocates of land value taxes argue
that they would reduce economic inequality, increase economic efficiency,
remove incentives to under-utilize urban land, and reduce property
speculation.[12] The philosophical basis of Georgism dates back to several
early thinkers such as John Locke,[13] Baruch Spinoza,[14] and Thomas
Paine,[15] but the concept of gaining public revenues mainly from land and
Georgist campaign button from the 1890s.
natural resource privileges was widely popularized by Henry George and his The cat on the badge refers to a slogan
first book, Progress and Poverty (1879). "Do you see the cat?" to draw analogy to
the land question.[1]
Georgist ideas were popular and influential during the late 19th and early 20th
century.[16] Political parties, institutions and communities were founded based
on Georgist principles during that time. Early devotees of Henry George's economic philosophy were often termed Single Taxers for
their political goal of raising public revenue mainly from a land value tax, although Georgists endorsed multiple forms of rent capture
(e.g., seigniorage) as legitimate.[17] The term Georgism was invented later, and some prefer the term geoism to distinguish their
beliefs from those of Henry George.[18][19]

Contents
Main tenets
 Economic properties
Sources of economic rent and related policy interventions
Georgism and environmental economics
Revenue uses
Synonyms and variants
Influence
Communities
Institutes and organizations
Reception
Notable Georgists
Economists
Heads of government
Other political figures
Activists
Authors
Journalists
Artists
Philosophers
Other
See also
References

Main tenets
Henry George is best known for popularizing the argument that government
should be funded by a tax on land rent rather than taxes on labor. George
believed that although scientific experiments could not be performed in
political economy, theories could be tested by comparing different societies
with different conditions and by thought experiments about the effects of
various factors.[20] Applying this method, he concluded that many of the
problems that beset society, such as poverty, inequality, and economic booms
and busts, could be attributed to the private ownership of the necessary
resource, land. In his most celebrated book, Progress and Poverty, George
argues that the appropriation of land for private use contributes to persistent
poverty in spite of technological progress, and causes economies to exhibit a
tendency toward boom and bust cycles. According to George, people justly
own what they create, but that natural opportunities and land belong equally
to all.[4] A supply and demand diagram showing the
effects of land value taxation. Note that the
The tax upon land values is, therefore, the most just and burden of the tax is entirely on the land
owner, the rental price of land does not
equal of all taxes. It falls only upon those who receive from
change, and there is nodeadweight loss.
society a peculiar and valuable benefit, and upon them in
proportion to the benefit they receive. It is the taking by the
community, for the use of the community, of that value
which is the creation of the community. It is the application
of the common property to common uses. When all rent is
taken by taxation for the needs of the community, then will
the equality ordained by Nature be attained. No citizen will
have an advantage over any other citizen save as is given by
 his industry, skill, and intelligence; and each will obtain what
he fairly earns. Then, but not till then, will labor get its full
reward, and capital its natural return.

— Henry George, Progress and Poverty,

Book VIII, Chapter 3

George believed there was an important distinction between common and collective property.[21] Although equal rights to land might
be achieved by nationalizing land and then leasing it to private users, George preferred taxing unimproved land value and leaving the
control of land mostly in private hands. George's reasoning for leaving land in private control and slowly shifting to land value tax
was that it would not penalize existing owners who had improved land and would also be less disruptive and controversial in a
country where land titles have already been granted.

Georgists have observed that privately created wealth is socialized via the tax system (e.g., through income and sales tax), while
socially created wealth in land values are privatized in the price of land titles and bank mortgages. The opposite would be the case if
land rents replaced taxes on labor as the main source of public revenue; socially created wealth would become available for use by
the community, while the fruits of labor would remain private.[22] According to Georgists, a land value tax can be considered a user
fee instead of a tax, since it is related to the market value of socially created locational advantage, the privilege to exclude others from
locations. Assets consisting of commodified privilege can be considered as wealth since they have exchange value, similar to taxi
medallions.[23] A land value tax, charging fees for exclusive use of land, as a means of raising public revenue is also a progressive
tax tending to reduce economic inequality,[10][11] since it applies entirely to ownership of valuable land, which is correlated with
income,[24] and there is generally no means by which landlords can shift thetax burden onto tenants or laborers.

Economic properties
Standard economic theory suggests that a land value tax would be extremely efficient – unlike other taxes, it does not reduce
economic productivity.[12] Milton Friedman described Henry George's tax on unimproved value of land as the "least bad tax", since
unlike other taxes, it would not impose an excess burden on economic activity (leading to zero or even negative "deadweight loss");
hence, a replacement of other more distortionary taxes with a land value tax would improve economic welfare.[25] As land value tax
can improve the use of land and redirect investment toward productive, non-rentseeking activities, it could even have a negative
deadweight loss that boosts productivity.[26] Because land value tax would apply to foreign land speculators, the Australian Treasury
estimated that land value tax was unique in having a negative marginal excess burden, meaning that it would increase long-run living
standards.[27]

It was Adam Smith who first noted the efficiency and distributional properties of a land value tax in his book, The Wealth of
Nations:[8]

Ground-rents are a still more proper subject of taxation than the rent of houses. A tax upon ground-rents would not
raise the rents of houses. It would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent, who acts always as a monopolist,
and exacts the greatest rent which can be got for the use of his ground. More or less can be got for it according as the
competitors happen to be richer or poorer, or can afford to gratify their fancy for a particular spot of ground at a
greater or smaller expense. In every country the greatest number of rich competitors is in the capital, and it is there
accordingly that the highest ground-rents are always to be found. As the wealth of those competitors would in no
respect be increased by a tax upon ground-rents, they would not probably be disposed to pay more for the use of the
ground. Whether the tax was to be advanced by the inhabitant, or by the owner of the ground, would be of little
importance. The more the inhabitant was obliged to pay for the tax, the less he would incline to pay for the ground; so
that the final payment of the tax would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent.

Both ground-rents and the ordinary rent of land are a species of revenue which the owner, in many cases, enjoys
without any care or attention of his own. Though a part of this revenue should be taken from him in order to defray
the expenses of the state, no discouragement will thereby be given to any sort of industry. The annual produce of the
 land and labour of the society, the real wealth and revenue of the great body of the people, might be the same after
such a tax as before. Ground-rents and the ordinary rent of land are, therefore, perhaps, the species of revenue which
can best bear to have a peculiar tax imposed upon them. ... Nothing can be more reasonable than that a fund which
owes its existence to the good government of the state should be taxed peculiarly, or should contribute something
more than the greater part of other funds, towards the support of that government.

Benjamin Franklin and Winston Churchill made similar distributional and efficient arguments for taxing land rents. They noted that
the costs of taxes and the benefits of public spending always eventually apply to and enrich, respectively, the owners of land.
Therefore, they believed it would be best to defray public costs and recapture value of public spending by applying public charges
directly to owners of land titles, rather than harming public welfare with taxes assessed against beneficial activities such as trade and
labor.[28][29]

Henry George wrote that his plan for a high land value tax would cause people "to contribute to the public, not in proportion to what
they produce ... but in proportion to the value of natural [common] opportunities that they hold [monopolize]". He went on to explain
that "by taking for public use that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and improvement of the community", it
would, "make the holding of land unprofitable to the mere owner
, and profitable only to the user".

A high land value tax would discourage speculators from holding valuable natural opportunities (like urban real estate) unused or
only partially used. Henry George claimed this would have many benefits, including the reduction or elimination of tax burdens from
poorer neighborhoods and agricultural districts; the elimination of a multiplicity of taxes and expensive obsolete government
institutions; the elimination of corruption, fraud, and evasion with respect to the collection of taxes; the enablement of true free trade;
the destruction of monopolies; the elevation of wages to the full value of labor; the transformation of labor saving inventions into
blessings for all; and the equitable distribution of comfort, leisure, and other advantages that are made possible by an advancing
civilization.[30] In this way, the vulnerability that market economies have to credit bubbles and property manias would be
reduced.[12]

Sources of economic rent and related policy interventions

Income flow resulting from payments for restricted access to natural opportunities or for contrived privileges over geographic regions
is termed economic rent. Georgists argue that economic rent of land, legal privileges, and natural monopolies should accrue to the
community, rather than private owners. In economics, "land" is everything that exists in nature independent of human activity.
George explicitly included climate, soil, waterways, mineral deposits, laws/forces of nature, public ways, forests, oceans, air, and
solar energy in the category of land.[31] While the philosophy of Georgism does not say anything definitive about specific policy
interventions needed to address problems posed by various sources of economic rent, the common goal among modern Geor
gists is to
[32][33]
capture and share (or reduce) rent from all sources of natural monopoly and legal privilege.

Henry George shared the goal of modern Georgists to socialize or dismantle rent from all forms ofland monopoly and legal privilege.
However, George emphasized mainly his preferred policy known as land value tax, which targeted a particular form of unearned
income known as ground rent. George emphasized ground-rent because basic locations were more valuable than other monopolies
and everybody needed locations to survive, which he contrasted with the less significant streetcar and telegraph monopolies, which
George also criticized. George likened the problem to a laborer traveling home who is waylaid by a series of highway robbers along
the way, each who demand a small portion of the traveler's wages, and finally at the very end of the road waits a robber who demands
all that the traveler has left. George reasoned that it made little difference to challenge the series of small robbers when the final
robber remained to demand all that the common laborer had left.[34] George predicted that over time technological advancements
would increase the frequency and importance of lesser monopolies, yet he expected that ground rent would remain dominant.[35]
George even predicted that ground-rents would rise faster than wages and income to capital, a prediction that modern analysis has
[36]
shown to be plausible, since the supply of land is fixed.
Common ground rent is still the primary emphasis of Georgists because of its large value and the known diseconomies of misused
land. However, there are other sources of rent that are theoretically analogous to ground-rent and are debated topics of Georgists. The
following are some sources of economic rent.[37][38][39]

[40][41]
Extractable resources (minerals and hydrocarbons)
Severables (forests and stocks of fish)[33][42][43]
Extraterrestrial domains (geosynchronous orbits and airway corridor use) [38][39]

Legal privileges that apply to specific location (taxi medallions, billboard and development permits, or the monopoly
of electromagnetic frequencies)[38][39]
Restrictions/taxes of pollution orseverance (tradable emission permitsand fishing quotas)[32][38][39]
[44][45][46]
Right-of-way (transportation)used by railroads, utilities, and internet service providers
Issuance of legal tender (see seigniorage)[32][47]
Privileges that are less location dependent but that still exclude others from natural opportunitiespatents)
( [48][49]

Where free competition is impossible, such as telegraphs, water, gas, and transportation, George wrote, "[S]uch business becomes a
proper social function, which should be controlled and managed by and for the whole people concerned." Georgists were divided by
this question of natural monopolies and often favored public ownership only of the rents from common rights-of-way, rather than
public ownership of utility companies themselves.[30]

Georgism and environmental economics

The early conservationism of the Progressive Era was inspired partly by Henry George and his influence extended for decades
afterward.[50] Some ecological economists still support the Georgist policy of land value tax as a means of freeing or rewilding
unused land and conserving nature by reducingurban sprawl.[51][52][53]

Pollution degrades the value of what Georgists consider to be commons. Because pollution is a negative contribution, a taking from
the commons or a cost imposed on others, its value is economic rent, even when the polluter is not receiving an explicit income.
Therefore, to the extent that society determines pollution to be harmful, most Georgists propose to limit pollution with taxation or
quotas that capture the resulting rents for public use, restoration, or acitizen's dividend.[32][54][55]

Georgism is related to the school of ecological economics, since both propose market based restrictions for pollution.[51][56] The
schools are compatible in that they advocate using similar tools as part of a conservation strategy, but they emphasize different
aspects. Conservation is the central issue of ecology, whereas economic rent is the central issue of geoism. Ecological economists
might price pollution fines more conservatively to prevent inherently unquantifiable damage to the environment, whereas Georgists
might emphasize mediation between conflicting interests and human rights.[33][57] Geolibertarianism, a market oriented branch of
geoism, tends to take a direct stance against what it perceives as burdensome regulation and would like to see auctioned pollution
quotas or taxes replace mostcommand and control regulation.[58]

Since ecologists are primarily concerned with conservation, they tend to emphasize less the issue of equitably distributing
scarcity/pollution rents, whereas Georgists insist that unearned income not accrue to those who hold title to natural assets and
pollution privilege. To the extent that geoists recognize the effect of pollution or share conservationist values, they will agree with
ecological economists about the need to limit pollution, but geoists will also insist that pollution rents generated from those
conservation efforts do not accrue to polluters and are instead used for public purposes or to compensate those who suffer the
negative effects of pollution. Ecological economists advocate similar pollution restrictions but, emphasizing conservation first, might
be willing to grant private polluters the privilege to capture pollution rents. To the extent that ecological economists share the geoist
view of social justice, they would advocate auctioning pollution quotas instead of giving them away for free.[51] This distinction can
be seen in the difference between basic cap and trade and the geoist variation, cap and share, a proposal to auction temporary
pollution permits, with rents going to the public, instead of giving pollution privilege away for free to existing polluters or selling
perpetual permits.[59][60]

Revenue uses
The revenue can allow the reduction or elimination of taxes, greater public investment/spending, or the direct distribution of funds to
citizens as a pension orbasic income/citizen's dividend.[33][61][62]

In practice, the elimination of all other taxes implies a very great land value tax, greater than any currently existing land tax.
Introducing a land value tax greater than the value of existing taxes would, at an uncertain point, inevitably cause the price of all land
titles to decrease. George did not believe landowners should be compensated, and described the issue as being analogous to
compensation for former slave owners. Other geoists disagree on the question of compensation; some advocate complete
compensation while others endorse only enough compensation required to achieve Georgist reforms. Geoists have also long differed
from George as to the degree of rent capture needed. Historically, those who advocated for public rent tax only great enough to
replace other taxes were known as endorsers ofsingle tax limited.

Synonyms and variants

Most early advocacy groups described themselves as Single Taxers, and George reluctantly accepted "single tax" as an accurate name
for his main political goal—the repeal of all unjust or inef
ficient taxes, to be replaced with aland value tax (LVT).

Some modern proponents are dissatisfied with the name Georgist. While Henry George was well known throughout his life, he has
been largely forgotten by the public and the idea of a single tax of land predates him. Some now prefer the term geoism,[19][63] with
the meaning of geo (from Greek γῆ gē "earth, land", as incidentally is in Greek the first compound of the name George (whence
Georgism) < (Gr.) Geōrgios < geōrgos "farmer" or geōrgia "agriculture, farming" < gē + ergon "work")[64][65] deliberately
ambiguous. The terms Earth Sharing,[66] geonomics,[67] and geolibertarianism[68] (see Libertarianism) are also used by some
Georgists. These terms represent a difference of emphasis, and sometimes real differences about how land rent should be spent
(citizen's dividend or just replacing other taxes); but all agree that land rent should be recovered from its private recipients.

Compulsory fines and fees related to land rents are the most common Georgist policies, but some geoists prefer voluntary value
capture systems that rely on methods such as non-compulsory or self-assessed location value fees, community land trusts,[69] and
purchasing land value covenants.[70][71][72][73][74]

Some geoists believe that partially compensating landowners is a politically expedient compromise necessary for achieving
reform.[75][76] For similar reasons, others propose capturing only future land value increases, instead of all land rent.
[77]

Though Georgism has historically been considered as a radically progressive or socialist ideology, some libertarians and minarchists
take the position that limited social spending should be financed using Georgist concepts of rent value capture, but that not all land
rent should be captured. Today, this relatively conservative adaptation is usually considered incompatible with true geolibertarianism,
which requires that excess rents be gathered and then distributed back to residents. During Henry George's time, this restrained
Georgist philosophy was known as "single tax limited", as opposed to "single tax unlimited". Henry George disagreed with the
limited interpretation but accepted its adherents (e.g., Thomas Shearman) as legitimate "single-taxers" [Georgists].[78] (See Milton
Friedman in "Critical reception")

Influence
Georgist ideas heavily influenced the politics of the early 20th century. Political parties that were formed based on Georgist ideas
include the United States Commonwealth Land Party, the Henry George Justice Party, the Single Tax League, and Denmark's Justice
Party.

In the UK during 1909, the Liberal Government included a land tax as part of several taxes in the People's Budget intended to
redistribute wealth (including a progressively graded income tax and an increase of inheritance tax). This caused a crisis which
resulted indirectly in reform of the House of Lords. The budget was passed eventually—but without the land tax. In 1931, the
minority Labour Government passed a land value tax as part III of the 1931 Finance act. However, this was repealed in 1934 by the
National Government before it could be implemented.
In Denmark, the Georgist Justice Party has previously been represented in Folketinget. It
formed part of a centre-left government 1957–60 and was also represented in the European
Parliament 1978–79. The influence of Henry George has waned over time, but Georgist ideas
still occasionally emerge in politics. In the United States 2004 Presidential campaign, Ralph
Nader mentioned Henry George in his policy statements.[79]

Economists still generally favor a land value tax.[80] Milton Friedman publicly endorsed the
Georgist land value tax as the "least bad tax".[9] Joseph Stiglitz stated that: "Not only was
Henry George correct that a tax on land is non-distortionary, but in an equilibrium society …
tax on land raises just enough revenue to finance the (optimally chosen) level of government
expenditure."[81] He dubbed this proposition theHenry George theorem.[82]

Communities Henry George, whose

writings and advocacy form
Several communities were also initiated with Georgist principles during the height of the
the basis for Georgism.
philosophy's popularity. Two such communities that still exist are Arden, Delaware, which
was founded in 1900 by Frank Stephens and Will Price, and Fairhope, Alabama, which was
founded in 1894 by the auspices of the Fairhope Single Tax Corporation.[83] Some established communities in the United States also
adopted Georgist tax policies. A Georgist in Houston, Texas, Joseph Jay "J.J." Pastoriza, promoted a Georgist club in that city
established in 1890. Years later, in his capacity as a city alderman, he was selected to serve as Houston Tax Commissioner, and
promulgated a "Houston Plan of Taxation" in 1912. Improvements to land and merchants' inventories were taxed at 25 percent of
appraised value, unimproved land was taxed at 70 percent of appraisal, and personal property was exempt. This Georgist tax
continued until 1915, when two courts struck it down as violating the Texas Constitution in 1915. This quashed efforts in several
other Texas cities which took steps towards implementing the Houston Plan in 1915: Beaumont, Corpus Christi, Galveston, San
Antonio, and Waco.[84]

The German protectorate of theKiautschou Bay concessionin Jiaozhou Bay, China fully implemented Georgist policy. Its sole source
of government revenue was the land value tax of six percent which it levied in its territory. The German government had previously
had economic problems with its African colonies caused by land speculation. One of the main reasons for using the land value tax in
Jiaozhou Bay was to eliminate such speculation, which the policy achieved.[85] The colony existed as a German protectorate from
1898 until 1914, when seized by Japanese and British troops. In 1922 the territory was returned to China.

Georgist ideas were also adopted to some degree in Australia, Hong Kong,
Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, and Taiwan. In these countries, governments
still levy some type of land value tax, albeit with exemptions.[86] Many municipal
governments of the US depend on real property tax as their main source of revenue,
although such taxes are not Georgist as they generally include the value of buildings
and other improvements. One exception is the town ofAltoona, Pennsylvania, which
for a time in the 21st century only taxed land value, phasing in the tax in 2002,
relying on it entirely for tax revenue from 2011, and ending it 2017; the Financial
Times noted that "Altoona is using LVT in a city where neither land nor buildings
Henry George School of Social
have much value".[87][88]
Science in New York

Institutes and organizations

Various organizations still exist that continue to promote the ideas of Henry George. According to The American Journal of
Economics and Sociology, the periodical Land&Liberty, established in 1894, is "the longest-lived Georgist project in history".[89]
Founded during the Great Depression in 1932, the Henry George School of Social Science in New York offers courses, sponsors
seminars, and publishes research in the Georgist paradigm.[90] Also in the US, the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy was established in
1974 based on the writings of Henry George. It "seeks to improve the dialogue about urban development, the built environment, and
tax policy in the United States and abroad".[91]
The Henry George Foundation continues to promote the ideas of Henry George in the UK.[92] The IU is an international umbrella
[93]
organisation that brings together organizations worldwide that seek land value tax reform.

Reception
The economist Alfred Marshall believed that George's views in Progress and Poverty were dangerous, even predicting wars, terror,
and economic destruction. Specifically, Marshall was upset about the idea of rapid change and the unfairness of not compensating
existing landowners. In his lectures on Progress and Poverty, Marshall opposed George's position on compensation while fully
endorsing his ultimate remedy. So far as land value tax moderately replaced other taxes and did not cause the price of land to fall,
Marshall supported land value taxation on economic and moral grounds, suggesting that a three or four percent tax on land values
would fit this condition. After implementing land taxes, governments would purchase future land values at discounted prices and take
ownership after 100 years. Marshall asserted that this plan, which he strongly supported, would end the need for a tax collection
department of government. For newly formed countries where land was not already private, Marshall advocated implementing
George's economic proposal immediately.[94][95]

Karl Marx considered the Single Tax platform as a regression from the transition to communism and referred to Georgism as
"Capitalism’s last ditch".[96] Marx argued that, "The whole thing is ... simply an attempt, decked out with socialism, to save capitalist
domination and indeed to establish it afresh on an even wider basis than its present one."[97] Marx also criticized the way land value
tax theory emphasizes the value of land, arguing that, "His fundamental dogma is that everything would be all right if ground rent
were paid to the state."[97] Georgists such as Fred Harrison (2003) replied to these Marxist objections.[98]

Richard T. Ely, known as the "Father of Land Economics", agreed with the economic arguments for Georgism but believed that
correcting the problem the way Henry George wanted (without compensation) was unjust to existing landowners. In explaining his
position, Ely wrote that "If we have all made a mistake, should one party to the transaction alone bear the cost of the common
blunder?"[99]

John R. Commons supported Georgist economics, but opposed what he perceived as an environmentally and politically reckless
tendency for advocates to rely on a one-size-fits-all approach to tax reform, specifically, the "single tax" framing. Commons
concluded The Distribution of Wealth, with an estimate that "perhaps 95% of the total values represented by these millionnaire [sic]
fortunes is due to those investments classed as land values and natural monopolies and to competitive industries aided by such
monopolies", and that "tax reform should seek to remove all burdens from capital and labour and impose them on monopolies".
However, he criticized Georgists for failing to see that Henry George's anti-monopoly ideas must be implemented with a variety of
policy tools. He wrote, "Trees do not grow into the sky—they would perish in a high wind; and a single truth, like a single tax, ends
in its own destruction." Commons uses the natural soil fertility and value of forests as an example of this destruction, arguing that a
tax on the in situ value of those depletable natural resources can result in overuse or over-extraction. Instead, Commons recommends
gist severance tax.[100][101]
an income tax based approach to forests similar to a modern Geor

Other contemporaries such as Austrian economist Frank Fetter and neoclassical economist John Bates Clark argued that it was
impractical to maintain the traditional distinction between land and capital, and used this as a basis to attack Geor
gism. Mark Blaug, a
specialist in the history of economic thought, credits Fetter and Clark with influencing mainstream economists to abandon the idea
"that land is a unique factor of production and hence that there is any special need for a special theory of ground rent" claiming that
"this is in fact the basis of all the attacks on Henry George by contemporary economists and certainly the fundamental reason why
[102]
professional economists increasingly ignored him".

Robert Solow endorsed the theory of Georgism, but is wary of the perceived injustice of expropriation. Solow stated that taxing away
expected land rents "would have no semblance of fairness"; however, Georgism would be good to introduce where location values
.[103]
were not already privatized or if the transition could be phased in slowly

Milton Friedman agreed that "the Henry George argument" is "the least bad" means of raising needed public revenue.[104] However,
Friedman viewed Georgism as partially immoral, due to a difference of opinion about the validity of vested property rights in land.
Georgists agree with Friedman that land titles should remain private, however they believe that the private capture of unimproved
.[105]
land-rents is inherently unjust, drawing comparisons to slavery
George has also been accused of exaggerating the importance of his "all-devouring rent thesis" in claiming that it is the primary cause
of poverty and injustice in society.[106] George argued that the rent of land increased faster than wages for labor because the supply
of land is fixed. Modern economists, including Ottmar Edenhofer have demonstrated that George's assertion is plausible but was
more likely to be true during George's time than now.[36]

An early criticism of Georgism was that it would generate too much public revenue and result in unwanted growth of government,
but later critics argued that it would not generate enough income to cover government spending. Joseph Schumpeter concluded his
analysis of Georgism by stating that, "It is not economically unsound, except that it involves an unwarranted optimism concerning the
yield of such a tax." Economists who study land conclude that Schumpeter's criticism is unwarranted because the rental yield from
land is likely much greater than what modern critics such as Paul Krugman suppose.[107] Krugman agrees that land value taxation is
the best means of raising public revenue but asserts that increased spending has rendered land rent insufficient to fully fund
government.[108] Georgists have responded by citing studies and analyses implying that land values of nations like the US, UK, and
Australia are more than sufficient to fund all levels of government.[109][110][111][112][113][114][115]

Anarcho-capitalist political philosopher and economist Murray Rothbard criticized Georgism in Man, Economy, and State as being
philosophically incongruent withsubjective value theory, and further stating that land is irrelevant in the factors of production, trade,
and price systems,[116] but this critique is seen by some, including other opponents of Georgism, as relying on false assumptions and
flawed reasoning.[117]

Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek credited early enthusiasm for Henry George with developing his interest in economics. Later,
Hayek said that the theory of Georgism would be very strong if assessment challenges did not result in unfair outcomes, but he
believed that they would.[118]

After studying Progress and Poverty, Tyler Cowen concluded, "George had some good economic arguments, but [. . .] was politically
naive. At the margin we should move in George’s direction, but ultimately landowners have to be part of the building coalitions
rather than pure victims."[119]

Notable Georgists

Economists Heads of government Other political figures

Harry Gunnison Brown[120] John Ballance[152][153] John Peter Altgeld[166][167]
John R. Commons[121][122][123] Winston Churchill[154][155][156][157] Newton D. Baker[168][169]
Raymond Crotty[124][125] Alfred Deakin[158] Willie Brown[170]
Herman Daly[126] Andrew Fisher[159] Clyde Cameron[171]
Paul Douglas[127][128] George Grey[160] George F. Cotterill[172][173][174]
Ottmar Edenhofer[129][130][131] Rutherford B. Hayes[161] William Jay Gaynor[175]
Fred Foldvary[132] William Morris Hughes[162] Keir Hardie[176]
Mason Gaffney[133][134] Robert Stout[163] Frederic C. Howe[177]
Max Hirsch[135] Sun Yat-sen[164][165] Blas Infante[178]
Harold Hotelling[136][137][138][139] Tom L. Johnson[179]
Wolf Ladejinsky[140] Samuel M. Jones[180]
Donald Shoup[141][142][143] Frank de Jong[181]
Herbert A. Simon[144] Franklin Knight Lane[168]
Robert Solow[103] Hazen S. Pingree[182][183][184]
Joseph Stiglitz[145] Philip Snowden[185][186]
Nicolaus Tideman[146] Josiah C. Wedgwood
William Vickrey[147][148][149] William Bauchop Wilson[168]
Léon Walras[150] Jackson Stitt Wilson[187][188]
Philip Wicksteed[151]
Activists Authors Journalists
Jane Addams[189][190] Ernest Howard Crosby[190] William F. Buckley, Jr.[241]
Peter Barnes[191] Charles Eisenstein[220] Timothy Thomas Fortune[242]
Sara Bard Field[192] Hamlin Garland[221][222] Theodor Herzl[243]
Michael Davitt[193] Fred Harrison[223] Michael Kinsley[244][245][246]
Samuel Gompers[194][195] James A. Herne[224] Suzanne La Follette[247][248]
Bolton Hall[196] Ebenezer Howard[225][226][227] Dylan Matthews[249][250]
Hubert Harrison[197][198] Elbert Hubbard[228] Raymond Moley[251]
John Haynes Holmes[199][200] Aldous Huxley[229] Charles Edward Russell[252]
Stewart Headlam[201][202] James Howard Kunstler[230] Jacob Riis[253][254]
Mary Elizabeth Lease[203] Jose Martí[231][232] Reihan Salam[255]
Benjamin C. Marsh[204][205] William D. McCrackan[221] Horace Traubel[256]
James Ferdinand Morton[206][207] Albert Jay Nock[233] Martin Wolf[257]
Thomas Mott Osborne[208][209][210] Kathleen Norris[234] Merryn Somerset Webb[258][259]
Amos Pinchot[211][212] Upton Sinclair[235][236] Brand Whitlock[260][261][262]
Terence V. Powderly[213] Leo Tolstoy[237][238] Tim Worstall[263]
Samuel Seabury[214] Charles Erskine Scott Matthew Yglesias[264][265]
Catherine Helen Spence[215] Wood[239][240]

Helen Taylor[216]
William Simon U'Ren[217]
Ida B. Wells[218]
Frances Willard[219]

Artists Philosophers Other

David Bachrach[266] Ralph Borsodi[290] Roger Babson[307]
John Wilson Bengough[267] Ludwig Büchner[291] Louis Brandeis[308][309]
Daniel Carter Beard[268] Nicholas Murray Butler[292][293] Clarence Darrow[310][311][312]
Matthew Bellamy[269] Frank Chodorov[294][295] Albert Einstein[313][314]
George de Forest Brush[270] John B. Cobb[296] Henry Ford[315]
Walter Burley Griffin[271][272] John Dewey[297] Spencer Heath[316][317]
John Hutchinson[221][273] Silvio Gesell[298] Mumia Abu-Jamal[318]
George Inness[274] Leon MacLaren[299][300] Margrit Kennedy[319]
Emma Lazarus[275][276] Franz Oppenheimer[243] John C. Lincoln[320]
Agnes de Mille[277] Philippe Van Parijs[301][302] Elizabeth Magie[321][322]
Henry Churchill de Mille[278][279] Bertrand Russell[303][304][305] Edward McGlynn[323]
William C. deMille[280][281] Hillel Steiner[306] Buckey O'Neill[324]
Francis Neilson[282][283] George Foster Peabody[209][210]
Eddie Palmieri[284] Louis Freeland Post[325]
Banjo Paterson[285] Walter Rauschenbusch
Louis Prang[286] Raymond A. Spruance[326]
Will Price[287] Silvanus P. Thompson[267]
Frank Stephens[288] Fiske Warren[327][328]
Frank Lloyd Wright[289] Alfred Russel Wallace[329]
Joseph Fels[330]
George Bernard Shaw[331]

See also
 Agrarian Justice Land law
Arden, Delaware Land monopoly
Cap and Share Land tenure and registration
Causes of poverty Land value tax
Citizen's dividend Law of rent
Classical economics Lockean proviso
Classical liberalism Manorialism
Community land trust Natural and legal rights
Deadweight loss Optimal tax
Diggers movement Physiocracy
Economic rent Pigovian tax
Enclosure Poverty reduction
Excess burden of taxation Progress and Poverty
Externality Progressive Era
Free-market environmentalism Prosper Australia (formerly "Henry George League")
Freiwirtschaft Radical centrism
Geolibertarianism Tax reform / shift
Green economy Tragedy of the anticommons
Labor economics Universal basic income
Laissez-faire Value capture
Land (economics) Wealth concentration
Landed property YIMBY

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the tenet of georgism, we propose that this insight be called hypergeorgism." "From a historical perspective, our
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144. Quotes from Nobel Prize Winners(http://www.wealthandwant.com/themes/quotable_nobels.htm) Herbert Simon
stated in 1978: "Assuming that a tax increase is necessary , it is clearly preferable to impose the additional cost on
land by increasing the land tax, rather than to increase the wage tax – the two alternatives open to the City (of
Pittsburgh). It is the use and occupancy of property that creates the need for the municipal services that appear as
the largest item in the budget – fire and police protection, waste removal, and public works. The average increase in
tax bills of city residents will be about twice as great with wage tax increase than with a land tax increase. "
145. Stiglitz, Joseph (2 December 2010)."Working Paper No. 6: Principles and Guidelines for Deficit Reduction"(https://w
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marginal social cost of public services rendered to specific activities, and replacing them with taxes on site values,
would substantially improve the economic ef ficiency of the jurisdiction."
150. Cirillo, Renato (Jan 1984). "Léon Walras and Social Justice". The American Journal of Economics and Sociology
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Boydell Press, 2008. Quote: "In the election of 1890 he campaigned for radical land reform, arguing for a tax on the
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154. http://www.cooperative-individualism.org/churchill-winston_mother-of-all-monopolies-1909.html
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the board game that would become Monopoly ."
158. Murdoch, Walter. Alfred Deakin: a sketch. Melbourne, Vic: Bookman, 1999. [1923]
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from the original (http://www.schalkenbach.org/firing_line/Buckly-Star.pdf) (PDF) on 2015-09-24. Retrieved
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276. Peseroff, Joyce (March–April 2007)."Emma Lazarus" (https://www.questia.com/magazine/1P3-1341275061/emma-l
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0.html) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20131004215751/http://www .cooperativeindividualism.org/neilson-fran
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Failed, but the Pioneers Won a National Demonstration. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology , 52(1),
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292. Buttenheim, Harold S. (March 1934). "The Relation of Housing to axation".
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293. Butler, Nicholas. "Progress and Poverty"(https://web.archive.org/web/20141213224031/http://www .cooperativeindivi
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294. "Frank Chodorov" (http://www.wealthandwant.com/themes/Chodorov.html). Retrieved 30 November 2013.
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296. Daly, Herman (1994). For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy o
Tward Community, the Environment, and a
Sustainable Future (https://books.google.com/books?id=TZAIU1yqyRkC&printsec)
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298. Onken, Werner. "The Political Economy of Silvio Gesell: A Century of Activism." American Journal of Economics and
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299. "The Life of Leon MacLaren"(https://web.archive.org/web/20131223055828/http://maclarenfoundation.net/life1.htm)
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301. Van Parijs, Philippe (1992).Introduction to Arguing for Basic Income(http://www.uclouvain.be/cps/ucl/doc/etes/docu
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wer-of-money.html). W. W. Norton & Company.
305. "Archived copy" (https://web.archive.org/web/20131004212820/http://www .cooperativeindividualism.org/russell-bertr
and_admiration-for-henry-george-1960.jpg). Archived from the original (http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/russ
ell-bertrand_admiration-for-henry-george-1960.jpg)on 2013-10-04. Retrieved 2013-04-19. Letter addressed to a Mr.
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306. Vallentyne, Peter. Left-libertarianism: A Primer. In Vallentyne, Peter; Steiner, Hillel (2000). "Left-libertarianism and Its
Critics: The Contemporary Debate(http://klinechair.missouri.edu/docs/ll_primer.pdf)". Houndmills, Basingstoke,
Hampshire: Palgrave Publishers Ltd. G " eorgist libertarians—such as eponymous George (1879, 1892), Steiner
(1977, 1980, 1981, 1992, 1994), and Tideman (1991, 1997, 1998)—hold that agents may appropriate
unappropriated natural resources as long as they pay for the competitive value of the rights they claim."
307. Babson, Roger (Aug 20, 1943)."Roger Babson Sees Many Changes T
o Come After the War Has Ended" (https://ne
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The Evening Independent. Retrieved 22 August 2014.
308. Brandeis, Louis (1971).Letters of Louis D. Brandeis: Vol. 1 (https://books.google.com/books?id=AN5zRPO2OCgC&
pg=PA82&lpg=PA82). p. 82. ISBN 9781438422565.
309. "101+ Famous Thinkers on Owning Earth"(https://web.archive.org/web/20120105024602/http://www .progress.org/g
eonomy/Earth.html). Archived from the original (http://www.progress.org/geonomy/Earth.html) on 5 January 2012.
Retrieved 22 October 2013. Brandeis said, "I find it very difficult to disagree with the principles of Henry George... I
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310. How to Abolish Unfair Taxation: An Address Before a Los Angeles Audience, Delivered March 1913
https://books.google.com/books/about/How_to_Abolish_Unfair_T axation.html?id=rlOFHAAACAAJ
311. Darrow, Clarence. "The Land Belongs To The People" (https://web.archive.org/web/20140808060133/http://darrow
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312. "The Centre for Incentive Taxation". 20 (4). August 1994. "Darrow replied about Georgism, "Well, you either come to
it or go broke.""
313. Two lettrs written in 1934 to Henry George'sdaughter, Anna George De Mille(http://www.cooperativeindividualism.or
g/einstein-albert_letters-to-anna-george-demille-1934.html)Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20110412105846/
http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/einstein-albert_letters-to-anna-george-demille-1934.html)2011-04-12 at the
Wayback Machine.. In one letter Einstein writes, "The spreading of these works is a really deserving cause, for our
generation especially has many and important things to learn from Henry George."
314. Elazar, Daniel (February 4, 1955)."Earth Is the Lord's" (https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/49968352/).
Newspapers.com. The Wisconsin Jewish Chronicle . Retrieved 23 November 2014.
315. Wilhelm, Donald (September 5, 1942)."Henry Ford Talks About War and Your Future" (http://wealthandwant.com/do
cs/unindexed/FordH_1942.htm). Liberty Magazine. Retrieved 23 November 2014. Henry Ford says, "[...] every
American family can have a piece of land. W e ought to tax all idle land the way Henry George said — tax it heavily
,
so that its owners would have to make it productive"
316. MacCallum, Spencer H. (Summer–Fall 1997)."The Alternative Georgist Tradition" (https://web.archive.org/web/2014
1030071512/http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/maccallum-spencer_alternative-georgist-tradition-1997-02.pdf)
(PDF). Fragments. 35. Archived from the original (http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/maccallum-spencer_alter
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317. Foldvary, Fred E. (April 2004). "Heath: Estranged Georgist". American Journal of Economics and Sociology
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411–31. doi:10.1111/j.0002-9246.2004.00295.x(https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.0002-9246.2004.00295.x) .
318. Justice for Mumia Abu-Jamal(http://www.henrygeorge.org/mumia.htm)Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20070
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319. Kennedy, Margrit. "Money & The Land Grab"(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6nSUKPV6BD0). YouTube. Share
the Rents. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
320. Lincoln, John. "Fighting For Fundamentals"(https://web.archive.org/web/20131224111525/http://www .cooperativeind
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dividualism.org/lincoln-john_fighting-for-fundamentals-1928.html)on 24 December 2013. Retrieved 5 December
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321. Magie invented The Landlord's Game, predecessor to Monopoly
322. Dodson, Edward J. "How Henry George's Principles Were Corrupted Into the Game Called Monopoly"(http://www.he
nrygeorge.org/dodson_on_monopoly.htm). Retrieved 1 October 2013.
323. Gaffney, Mason. "Henry George Dr. Edward McGlynn & PopeLeo XIII" (http://www.masongaffney.org/publications/K
18George_McGlynn_and_Leo_XIII.pdf)(PDF). Retrieved 25 January 2014.
324. "Offers $250,000 For a Single Tax Campaign: Joseph Fels Pledges That Sum for Five eYars Here and in England. IF
THERE IS AN EQUAL FUND Commission of Single aTxers Formed to Raise the Fund – Roosevelt, a Tft, and
Hughes Said to be Friendly"(https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9904E3D71738E033A2575BC0A9639
C946897D6CF). New York Times. May 8, 1909. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
325. Post, Louis F. (April 2002). The Prophet of San Francisco: Personal Memories & Interpretations of Henry George
(htt
ps://books.google.com/books?id=fKqUMrsNcbsC) . The Minerva Group. ISBN 9780898758337.
326. Thomas B. Buell (1974).The Quiet Warrior (https://books.google.com/?id=O09FRikxjhMC&printsec=frontcover)
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327. "American Single Taxers Invade Tiny Andorra; Fiske Warren Carries Their Gospel to the Republic Hidden for w
T elve
Centuries in the Pyrenees Between France and Spain"(https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F10B10FF3
85512738FDDAF0994DC405B868DF1D3). New York Times. April 16, 1916. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
328. Sinclair, Upton. "The Consequences of Land Speculation are e Tnantry and Debt on the Farms, and Slums and
Luxury in the Cities" (http://savingcommunities.org/docs/sinclair
.upton/consequences.html). Retrieved 29 July 2014.
329. Stanley, Buder (1990). Visionaries and Planners: The Garden City Movement and the Modern Community(https://bo
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Progress and Poverty as “Undoubtedly the most remarkable and important book of the present century
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330. Dudden, Arthur (1971).Joseph Fels and the single tax movement. Temple University Press.
331. George Bernard Shaw, his life and works (https://books.google.com/books?id=BBZXAAAA
YAAJ&pg=PA96). Stewart
& Kidd Company. 1911.

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