10.1007@978 3 030 27173 2
10.1007@978 3 030 27173 2
10.1007@978 3 030 27173 2
Meaning
Edited by
l ode l au wa e rt
l au r a k at h e r i n e sm i t h
christi a n sterna d
Violence and Meaning
Lode Lauwaert • Laura Katherine Smith
Christian Sternad
Editors
Violence and
Meaning
Editors
Lode Lauwaert Laura Katherine Smith
Hoger Instituut voor Wijsbegeerte KU Leuven
KU Leuven Leuven, Belgium
Leuven, Belgium
Christian Sternad
Husserl Archives
KU Leuven
Leuven, Belgium
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Contents
1 Violence As Metaphor 3
Vasti Roodt
v
vi Contents
Index267
Notes on Contributors
vii
viii Notes on Contributors
xi
Introduction: The Many Layers of Violence
The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, marked a turning point not
only in the scale and scope of violent actions but in the manner in which
images of violence are communicated and absorbed. These terrorist
attacks, as well as those that have followed throughout the world since,
may give the impression that instances of violence are on the rise. This
impression could be due in large part to the fact that the specific violence
of terrorism is not isolated but threatens to echo beyond its particular
location and event in its production of fear and its puncturing (or attempt
thereof ) of the collective social fabric. Moreover, the impression that vio-
lence is on the rise can be reinforced if we look at the last 100 years. The
two world wars, the genocide in Rwanda, the Vietnam War, the Spanish
Civil War, and, for example, the violence in former Yugoslavia may sug-
gest that violence has increased, rather than decreased, in the course of
history. The conclusion could be that, contrary to what Leibniz thought,
we do not live in the best of all possible worlds.
However, according to some optimists including Steven Pinker, the
impression that violence is on the rise is erroneous. Despite what seems
to be a growing feeling of unease, many statistics show that violence is
actually on the decline, Pinker argues.1 The world is improving not only
because poverty and illness are decreasing, but also because there is a
downward trend in the curve of violence. Moreover, one of the reasons
why we have the impression that violence is on the rise, according to
xiii
xiv Introduction: The Many Layers of Violence
Notes
1. See Pinker, S. (2011). The Better Angels of Our Nature. New York, NY:
Viking.
2. However, one exception is the volume The Meanings of Violence, edited by
Gavin Rae and Emma Ingala, published in 2018 by Routledge.
Part I
The Concept of Violence
1
Violence As Metaphor
Vasti Roodt
Introduction
Describing an action, event or a state of affairs as a form of violence is
often shorthand for condemning whatever falls under that description.
To use the term in this way is to assume that violence is wrong by defini-
tion. Under the spell of this assumption, the meaning of violence has
expanded to include a whole range of abstract categories: language and
silence; knowledge, truth, reason and power; law-making and the destruc-
tion of law; science and symbols; family, class, race and gender; politics
and economics; structures, institutions and nearly every other aspect of
the social order.
For some, this semantic extension merely reflects the “protean” trans-
formations of violence (Bernstein 2013, p. 177). For others, it is way of
focusing our attention on a persistent but unacknowledged feature of the
world. Either way, “violence” is a term of “scandalization” (Winter 2012,
p. 197). However, we must distinguish between the motivation for
V. Roodt (*)
Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa
e-mail: [email protected]
© The Author(s) 2019 3
L. Lauwaert et al. (eds.), Violence and Meaning,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27173-2_1
4 V. Roodt
are that arguments that employ such extended definitions either are cir-
cular or generate conclusions that have no semantic content or contradict
other beliefs to which the reasoner is committed. In the final section of
the chapter, I consider how we might sensibly think about violence with-
out falling prey to the fallacious reasoning as explained in the earlier parts
of the chapter.
Conceptual Metaphor
Earlier I referred to the semantic extension of violence as a metaphorical
extension. This in itself is not a criticism. “Metaphor” here does not mean
a linguistic add-on to the “real,” literal meaning of violence. The semantic
extension of violence to various abstract concepts is a means of cognition
and not merely decoration. To understand this point, we need to under-
stand something about conceptual metaphor.
What is a conceptual metaphor? It is a set of conceptual correspon-
dences between two different conceptual domains. These correspon-
dences are not linguistic expressions, but a way of thinking (e.g. Lakoff
and Johnson 1980; Lakoff 1993; Gibbs 2011; Thibodeau and Boroditsky
2011).1 We think metaphorically when we understand one conceptual
domain—in whole or in part—in terms of another. A “domain” in this
sense is the background knowledge structure against which a concept is
understood in a given language (Evans and Green 2006, p. 230). The
conceptual domain from which we draw lexical terms to reason about
another domain is the source domain, while the domain we are trying to
understand is the target domain.
A conceptual metaphor, then, is a “cross-domain mapping” (Lakoff
1993, p. 203) between a source domain and a target domain. To think
metaphorically is to map our knowledge about a source domain—the
elements that constitute it, its salient features, and the relations between
them—onto a target domain. While a conceptual metaphor is such a cross-
domain mapping, a metaphorical expression is a particular linguistic real-
ization of a cognitive metaphor (ibid.). Metaphorical expressions use
words that are drawn from the terminology of the source domain to
speak about the target domain. For example, we can think about the
6 V. Roodt
target domain “life” in terms of the source domain “journey.” This cross-
domain mapping can then be realized in a variety of metaphorical expres-
sions involving obstacles overcome, forks in the road, dead-ends, new
directions, starting over, reaching one’s goals, losing one’s way, and so
forth. The cognitive metaphor is the cross-domain mapping that under-
lies these different linguistic expressions.
We can further distinguish between basic or concrete domains and
abstract domains. Concrete domains are still mental representations, but
they are representations of embodied experiences: “our bodily move-
ments through space, our manipulation of objects, and our perceptual
interactions” (Johnson 1987, p. 29; see also Lakoff 1987, p. 267). These
embodied experiences can be represented as images, while abstract
domains do not have this kind of experiential grounding and cannot be
represented as images (Lakoff and Turner 1989, p. 94; Clausner and
Croft 1999, p. 14).
We do not engage in such a cross-domain mappings every time we
think about a concept. In many cases, what starts out as a conceptual
metaphor—that is, a deliberate mapping—becomes conventionalized, so
that we are no longer aware of it as a metaphor. The cross-domain map-
ping then simply becomes part of the lexical meaning of a word. This is
the so-called career of metaphor hypothesis (Bowdle and Gentner 2005;
Gentner and Bowdle 2008).
Moreover, not all concepts are metaphorical. The sentence you have
just read can be understood without any recourse to cognitive metaphor.
Much of our everyday reasoning is conducted in terms of non-
metaphorical concepts. However, when it comes to abstract—that is,
non-imagistic—concepts, metaphor is the norm rather than the excep-
tion (Lakoff 1993, p. 205). Abstract reasoning nearly always involves a
mapping of elements and relations from a concrete source domain onto
the abstract target domain. In particular, our reasoning about abstract
concepts frequently involves inferences about causes, forces, objects, and
relations between objects that belong to the domain of spatial reasoning.
Spatial concepts can be said to have “universal donor” status (Gentner
et al. 2001, p. 242) in that they are the primary source domain for nearly
all abstract target domains. In addition, a large part of our mental vocab-
1 Violence As Metaphor 7
Analogical Reasoning
The ability to understand the unfamiliar in light of situations, experiences
and mental representations with which we are already familiar is a key
feature of human cognition (Gentner 1983; Holyoak and Thagard 1989;
Holyoak 2012; Bartha 2013). In so far as conceptual metaphor involves a
structural comparison between different mental representations and
draws inferences about the target domain based on knowledge about the
source domain, it involves a form of analogical reasoning. There is a kind
of cognitive bootstrapping at work here, in which simple analogical rea-
soning gives rise to conceptual metaphors. This in turn enables us to
engage in more complex, abstract reasoning. One analogy thus becomes
the source for another and so on. It is by this process that whole sets of
terms that are initially applied to the concrete and publicly visible are
gradually applied to the less public and observable (Fischer 2009, p. 80).
While it has long been held that analogical reasoning is something we do
consciously and deliberately, more recent evidence from different branches
of cognitive science shows that a great deal of analogical reasoning is spon-
taneous, unconscious and automatic (Fischer 2014, p. 580; see also Day
and Gentner 2007; Thibodeau and Boroditsky 2011). This doesn’t mean
that we cannot logically and experimentally reconstruct the reasoning pro-
cess after the fact; merely that it is not a matter of conscious deliberation
before the fact. We are most likely to engage in such spontaneous analogical
reasoning in the context of problem-solving. When we encounter an unfa-
miliar experience, phenomenon or knowledge terrain, we are predisposed
to draw on our knowledge about similar situations in order to make infer-
ences about the nature of the current problem and possible solutions. We
are even more likely to do so when we are trying to solve a problem at a
high level of abstraction, with little knowledge about the target domain and
low confidence in what we do know (Fischer 2018, p. 212).
It is this kind of unconscious, spontaneous analogical reasoning that is
the most likely to lead us astray. For one thing, spontaneous associative
processes that establish a structural analogy between two different
conceptual domains can sometimes “duplicate the achievements of com-
plex reasoning” (Fischer 2014, p. 7). Thus, what looks like the outcome
1 Violence As Metaphor 9
names the undecidable” (La Capra 1990, p. 1069). True, this strategy
avoids the fallacious reasoning from concrete source domain to abstract
target domain. However, as it renders a conception of violence without
semantic content, it comes at the cost of not telling us anything about
violence at all.
Those who want to save the extended definition might argue that while
the causal structure of the abstract concept is derived from the concrete
source domain of objects and force dynamics, the wrongfulness of vio-
lence is not. In other words, they could argue that we ought to apply the
concept violence to things we already consider to be wrong on other
grounds. The idea here is that there are invisible or unspectacular wrongs
that we are unable to recognize as such unless they are presented to us in
the more dramatic guise of violence. The word violence would therefore
be a mere rhetorical device to raise awareness about a particular moral
concern and place it front and centre of our consciousness in a way that
generic terms such as “wrong,” “harm,” “badness” or even “injus-
tice” do not.5
I agree that there are many intimate and unspectacular wrongs that go
unrecognized, and I think that many theories of violence employ the
term as a way of mobilizing us to resist these wrongs. However, this
doesn’t get us much further. For one thing, the claim that we are only able
to recognize a particular type of wrong once we have described it as vio-
lence is self-defeating. To say this is already to acknowledge that we can
recognize the very phenomenon that must be included in the definition
of violence.
For another, when we ask after the specific type of wrong that deserves
to be called violence, the answer usually comes down to harm—to per-
sons, animals, bodies, communities, nature and so on. However, as soon
as this harm is specified, it turns out to mean the violation of integrity, or
being subjected to force, oppression, exclusion and marginalization.6 It is
therefore not a matter of using the term “violence” as a rhetorical device
to call our attention to a specific type of wrong, but rather that the latter
is inferred to be wrong on the basis of a normative definition of violence.
The reasoning is circular.
To be clear: I am not suggesting that philosophers are mistaken in
claiming some things to be harmful when in actual fact they are not. The
1 Violence As Metaphor 17
point is that calling these kinds of wrong violence does not add anything
to our understanding of the actions, phenomena, events or states of affairs
to which we are meant to be paying attention. This amounts to
“persuasion-by-naming” (Honderich 1976, pp. 30–31), as opposed to
demonstrating their wrongfulness by argument. It is one thing to raise
awareness and mobilize people for action; it is another thing to explain
what it is that we must be made aware of, and yet another to justify such
mobilization. If both explanation and justification come to naught, what
could be the grounds for wielding the concept violence as a rhetorical
weapon in the first place?
Contradiction
stand what we mean by this term. We are motivated to expand the seman-
tic range of the concept in this way because we assume that violence is an
evaluative term, and we want to use this term to point to some aspect of
reality that is not as it ought to be. However, this is only possible so far as
we are able to think what violence is not. If there is no outside to violence,
conceptually speaking, then it ceases to be a term of “scandalization” and
becomes an empty label.
The argument for expanding the meaning of violence to encompass a
range of abstract domains therefore runs up against a reconciliation prob-
lem. On this argument’s own terms, it is impossible to reconcile the moral
end that is being pursued—recognizing, resisting, overcoming a pre-
sumed wrong or harm—with the means for identifying and resisting
these wrongs or harms. The argument is thus self-defeating.
Proponents of an expanded definition of violence undermine their
own moral opposition to violence in other ways as well. For one thing,
the indiscriminate extension of violence to encompass more and more
phenomena induces the false belief that all problems are variations of a
single problem (Coady 1986, p. 12). But in that case, what could possi-
bly count as criteria for progress? We cannot merely assert as a matter of
faith that the world is as violent now as it has ever been and cite as proof
our preferred definition of violence.7 There is an instructive analogy with
slavery here. If we eliminated physical slavery, it would not mean that we
have eliminated poverty, unequal power relations, unequal life chances
and the many other wrongs that exist due to our social and political
arrangements. But equally, it would be a mistake to think that the world
is in no way better for having done away with physical slavery. The same
goes for violence. To cite Coady once more:
Suppose, what is hard enough, that we have vastly reduced wars, revolu-
tions, assassinations, riots, military coups, police and criminal violence, is
it really conceivable that, other things being equal, the lot of mankind
could remain unimproved with respect to death, injury and suffering?
(Coady 1986, p. 18)
I find the claim that the reduction of overt, physical violence would leave
the world unchanged unconvincing. This is to dismiss human experience
1 Violence As Metaphor 19
in its starkest aspects of life and death and physical injury in favour of an
a priori theoretical framework that equates these experiences with every
possible form of harm, whether severe or trivial. Such a framework is
likely to blind us to the different types of wrong that would have to be
addressed by different means, and does not offer us any criteria for judg-
ing their success or failure.
Finally, wide definitions of violence may result in bad arguments in
defence of physical violence (Govier 2008, p. 75). These are particularly
prevalent when it comes to claims of “structural violence” and derivatives
such as systemic violence, institutional violence and the like. These
abstract conceptions of violence can be used as a way of rationalizing the
killing and physical harm to persons on the grounds of defence, rather
than regarding them as acts of aggression in their own right: the “victim
of structural violence throws the first stone, not in a glasshouse but to get
out of the iron cage” (Galtung 1990, p. 295). Let me add immediately
that violent resistance against an oppressive regime might very well be
justified, and in some cases even morally required. The point is not that
violent resistance is wrong by definition—that would simply repeat the
error of assuming that violence is a normative concept—but that such
resistance requires moral justification, and justification is a feature of a
normative argument, not definition.
What Is the Alternative?
Having laid out the epistemic and moral grounds for rejecting the meta-
phorical extension of violence, it remains for me to propose an alterna-
tive. The criticisms of the expanded definition are a helpful guide to what
should not be included in such an alternative.
To begin with, reasoning about violence should not collapse into
“persuasion-by-naming.” Definitions are not arguments, and the aim of
making sense of violence is not advanced by merely proposing one defini-
tion in the place of another.8 We have also seen that the proclivity to have
the definitions stand in for reasoned argument is due to the assumption
that violence is a normative concept—that is, that it is wrong by defini-
tion—but this assumption is false. I therefore propose that we start by
20 V. Roodt
assuming that violence is not wrong by definition, and that it would have
to be shown to be wrong—or right, as the case might be—by argument.9
In the second place, we would have to test both our definitions of vio-
lence against out other moral commitments. As we have seen, it is self-
defeating to develop an argument about violence that contradicts the
very reason for being concerned with violence in the first place. It does
not follow that we are obliged to adopt a definition of violence that is in
line with our existing moral beliefs. After all, it might turn out that these
are mistaken. However, testing our background beliefs and our concep-
tion of violence against one another would give some initial indication of
their viability.
Given the criticisms of the semantic extension of violence, we can take
it that a non-normative definition would be a narrow definition. I think
we can do a lot worse than thinking of violence as “positive acts of inter-
personal force usually involving infliction of physical injury” (Coady
1986, p. 4). This restricted meaning does not rely on faulty analogical
reasoning from a concrete source domain to an abstract target domain. It
is also compatible with our moral intuition that violence is prima facie
wrong, without committing us to the belief that it is wrong by definition.
Opting for such a restricted definition of violence does not prohibit us
from speaking of violence in a metaphorical sense. It does commit us, I
think, to making it explicit when we are doing so. Much of the faulty
reasoning about violence is not due to our using metaphors and analogi-
cal reasoning as such, but to our doing so unwittingly and under the sway
of associative patterns. This can be avoided, at least to a large extent, by
being alert to the danger of “illusions of sense” and cognitive fluency that
are due to the attractiveness of the pattern and not to the content of
the argument.
I further propose that, when it comes to the wrongs that inhere in our
social, political and economic structures rather than in the actions of indi-
vidual agents, we are better off understanding these in terms of injustice
rather than violence. While we can coherently make an argument for when
violence is not wrong—say, an act of resistance against oppression, or
knocking someone out to save them from drowning (Degenaar 1990,
p. 72)—we cannot coherently claim this with regard to injustice. While we
might sometimes claim that it was necessary to commit one injustice in
1 Violence As Metaphor 21
Notes
1. Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) is not without its critics (e.g.
Pinker 2007, Murphy 1996). As Gibbs (2009, 2011) shows, many of the
criticism fall short of the mark in that they are based on isolated examples,
target their criticisms at Lakoff and Johnsons’s early work, and ignore the
overwhelming empirical evidence from the different cognitive sciences of
the ways in which metaphor shapes language and thought. Nevertheless,
my argument does not rest on the wholesale acceptance of CMT. My
claim here is simply that, when it comes to reasoning about violence,
many philosophers (a) use the concept in a metaphorical sense and (b)
this involves reasoning by analogy from our knowledge about concrete
experience to a variety of abstract domains.
2. This does not only hold for philosophy, of course. Analogical reasoning
plays an equally important role in everyday problem-solving, in scientific
and legal reasoning and in artistic creation.
3. The paradigmatic argument that violence is violation is Newton Garver’s
“What is violence?” (1977).
4. The conception of violence as force is a common feature in many, of not
most, expanded definitions of violence. For paradigmatic examples, see
Benjamin (1978), Fanon (1963) and Sorel (1999).
5. The same criticisms would hold for claims that the term “violence” points
to injustice. Once we ask about the specific feature of the injustice that
warrant it being called violence rather than injustice, the answer would
again have to appeal to the definition of violence as violation, oppression,
and so forth. I take up the question of injustice again in the fifth section.
6. A case in point is the definition of “epistemic violence” as “a refusal, inten-
tional or unintentional, of an audience to communicatively reciprocate a
linguistic exchange owing to pernicious ignorance. Pernicious ignorance
should be understood to refer to any reliable ignorance that, in a given
context, harms another person (or set of persons)” (Dotson 2011, p. 238).
7. This point is nicely illustrated in the disagreement between John Gray and
Stephen Pinker about the latter’s claim in The Better Angels of Our Nature
(2011) that violence has precipitously declined since the eighteenth cen-
tury. What Pinker means is that death in war and internecine conflict has
declined. Gray counters this by arguing that Pinker leaves out of account
the long-term effects of harm and the threat of harm, and that when these
are taken into account, “advanced societies have become terrains of vio-
1 Violence As Metaphor 23
lent conflict. Rather than war declining, the difference between peace and
war has been fatally blurred” (The Guardian, 13 March 2015). Gray thus
opposes Pinker’s argument by redefining violence and then claiming that
violence has not declined—based on this redefinition of the term. Pinker
responds in turn that “Gray is not just wrong but howlingly, flat-earth,
couldn’t-be-more-wrong wrong” (The Guardian, 20 March 2015).
8. Incidentally, this is why Arendt’s famed distinctions between power, force
and violence is not a viable strategy. While she rightly criticizes the expan-
sion of violence to cover both power to act in concert and unjustified
coercion, she largely does so by way of definitions rather than argument.
See On Violence (1970).
9. For further arguments against a normative conception of violence, see
Audi (2009), Wyckoff (2013).
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2
Violence and Essentialism?
Lode Lauwaert
This is a more extensive version of a Dutch article that has been published in Karakter. Tijdschrift
voor wetenschap.
L. Lauwaert (*)
Hoger Instituut voor Wijsbegeerte, KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: [email protected]
© The Author(s) 2019 27
L. Lauwaert et al. (eds.), Violence and Meaning,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27173-2_2
28 L. Lauwaert
that each gold atom has 79 protons and that only a gold atom has this
amount of protons. In other words, if you count 79 protons then you can
conclude that you are dealing with gold and gold atoms. The same also
applies to entities from the non-natural world. All and only Mercedes
cars, for example, have an emblem consisting of a circle with three stripes.
Secondly: those who believe in the essence of violence will also find sup-
port in the both continental and analytic tradition of philosophy. For,
example, well-known philosophers such as Georges Bataille and Hannah
Arendt wrote about violence in an essentialist sense. But what are the
arguments of these philosophers? Or is it just an assumption? If so, is this
assumption justified?
One reason to doubt that violence has an essence is that when we think
of violence, we spontaneously think of many other phenomena: aggres-
sion, coercion, cruelty, sadism, masochism, brutality, roughness, wild-
ness, hatred, anger, rage, ferocity, hostility, war, psychopathy, anger, evil
and so forth. Certainly, ‘violence’ is clearly not synonymous with, say,
‘war’ nor with ‘fury’ and ‘brutality’. Moreover, violence evokes these asso-
ciations because these other phenomena are de facto often accompanied
by violence: some sadists use violence, just as it is not surprising that
those who are hateful invoke violence. However, based on the extensive
web of concepts to which ‘violence’ belongs, can we not expect that it
cannot always be clearly separated from other concepts? Can we not
expect, precisely because ‘violence’ is related to many other concepts, that
there is an overlap between ‘violence’ on the one hand and, for example,
‘aggression’ on the other, in such a way that you cannot draw sharp
boundaries between the two?
This last expectation is reinforced by the following example: When
Tom pulls a hair from the head of his friend Peter, the chance is rather
small that this will be considered an act of violence by others (even if it is
undesirable or, at least, a peculiar thing for Tom to have done). This is
also true when Tom pulls two or three head-hairs. However, when he
pulls a handful of hairs out of Peter’s head, there is no doubt that this is a
form of violence. Removing a few hairs is not violent but removing a
bunch of hairs is. Although it is clear in this context that something is
violence and something else is not, it is by no means possible to infer
from this that there is a clear and easily identifiable boundary between
2 Violence and Essentialism? 31
what is and what is not violence. Does violence require you to pull out 15
hairs? Or are 13 or 14 hairs enough? Or should we do more to be a vio-
lent agent, and pull out about 40 or 41 hairs? These questions feed the
suspicion that the concept of violence has no essence. Indeed, if you
determine that a concept lies on a continuum, this does not seem to be
consistent with the idea that there is a characteristic that draws a clear line
between that concept and other concepts.
However, a presumption is insufficient to reject an essentialist concept
of violence. Let us therefore focus on the notion of violence, to see
whether one should be more than only a little bit suspicious regarding the
essence of violence.2
The first candidate who qualifies for the definition is obviously ‘physi-
cal or material damage’, that is, damage caused to (living) organisms or
artifacts. Why is this an obvious candidate? When we recall cases that
everyone thinks are a form of violence (the suicide attacks in Brussels, the
reaction of the Chinese army to Tiananmen protest, etc.), it turns out
that they are characterized by the fact that they include material or physi-
cal damage. All violence, so the provisional conclusion seems to be,
implies damage in at least one of the two senses.
Although this proposal seems plausible at first sight, that first descrip-
tion does imply, however, that anyone who intentionally causes psycho-
logical damage (without physical consequences) is not violent. The daily
humiliation of a person, in such a way that the person suffers from anxi-
ety disorders or feels the effects on their self-esteem, would not be an act
of violence according to the definition we have identified until now. Of
course, this goes directly against our intuition, which says that violence
also exists on a mental level. In other words, the first description of vio-
lence is too limited, because violence can include physical and material as
well as psychological damage. However, we can easily amend that short-
coming. Suffice it to say that all violence includes damage, leaving open
what kind of damage is involved.
If we assume that this is true, it remains to be seen whether it is clear
what ‘damage’ means in the case of violence. Does it mean that function-
ing is made impossible? Or is that too strong an interpretation, and is it
sufficient that functioning is merely hindered? However, both descrip-
tions do not seem satisfactory. If I pull a handful of hairs from a person’s
32 L. Lauwaert
tradition of the Just War Theory, which goes back to Augustine, is mean-
ingless. The purpose of the Just War Theory is precisely to detect the
conditions that justify a war (jus ad bellum) and that determine what is
morally just warfare (jus in bello). The conditions that justify a war include
that a matter being fought for must itself be just, that the fighting parties
must have the right intentions, that there must be a reasonable chance of
success and so on. The jus in bello includes the principle of discrimination
and proportionality. Thirdly, the determination of violence as morally
incorrect, a determination that some describe as ‘right-wing’ or ‘conser-
vative’, clashes with our intuition. We consider it morally justified to
arrest a person in a violent way if it turns out that he or she is about to
cause much suffering or damage.
The third candidate to be included in the definition of violence is
‘intention’. All violence, so the description would be, is characterized by
the fact that it is intended. If you commit an act of violence, it would
mean that it is also your goal to commit such an act. In this sense, vio-
lence would be like making a pizza or repairing a dishwasher, but would
be radically different from the blowing of the wind or losing hair. Please
note, if it is true that all violence is intended, it does not necessarily fol-
low that a psychological disorder is at the basis of violence. An act of
violence can be committed deliberately, simply because there are good
compelling reasons for it. The legitimization of violence does not have to
result in its pathologization. Is it true, however, that all violence is the
expression of an intention?
In the second half of the last century, peace scholar Johan Galtung
coined the term ‘structural violence’, also known as ‘systemic violence’,
two terms that are still used today by numerous thinkers, mainly left-
wing inspired. Both refer to negative matters that are allegedly connected
with capitalism, and that are, as it were, part of the system. More specifi-
cally, ‘structural violence’ refers to death, illness, poverty and so on. The
reason why it is relevant to cite this form of violence is that so-called
systemic violence is not necessarily intended. Of course, the structure of
capitalism is at least partially intended, and presumably certain negative
things related to capitalism are actually intended in this way. However,
those who believe that poverty, illness and death are structural violence
do not necessarily mean that they are intended. With ‘structural violence’
34 L. Lauwaert
one can also refer to undesirable things that, although they are an effect
of capitalism, are nonetheless unintended.4
The thesis I put forward on the basis of the analysis in the previous
paragraphs is that violence has no essence. Just as visual illusions exist, so
do conceptual illusions. It is a misconception to suppose that there is a
common denominator between everything we call ‘violence’, and that
there is a clear boundary between all violence and everything that is
not violence.
Anyone who regrets this should be aware of three things. One: vio-
lence is no exception. It is also extremely difficult, if not impossible, to
find an essence of, for example, the concepts of religion, sport, art or
philosophy. And what, for example, would be the essence of illness? In
the latter case, suffering is an obvious candidate. Our intuition says that
whoever is ill suffers in all cases, hence the expression ‘suffering from a
disease’. Nevertheless, it is doubtful that the following two questions can
be answered in the affirmative. Is every paraphilia accompanied by suffer-
ing? Is everyone who suffers ill? Two: the absence of an essence in no way
implies that everything can be called ‘violence’. Although it is abundantly
clear that for a number of decades the concept of violence—just like
other ‘negative’ concepts such as ‘aggression’ and ‘illness’—has gained
popularity as a subject of research, we can still say with great probability
that many phenomena will never fall under the heading of violence.5
Three: despite the strong suspicion that violence has no essence, some
phenomena are without any doubt a form of violence. Moreover, there
are also prototypes of violence. These are forms of violence that possess all
the characteristics that are shared by many but not all of the members of
the set ‘violence’. A prototype of violence, for example, is suicide terror-
ism. Although it is (perhaps) true that not all violence is harmful, morally
wrong or intended, suicide terrorism is a prototype of violence because it
involves not only causing damage but also breaking a moral boundary
and expressing the intention of an offender. The suicide bomber therefore
formally corresponds to, say, Ann, a prototype of the Collins family. The
reason is that Ann is both funny and social, two characteristics that are
shared by most members of that Collins family, but not by all.
Furthermore, the above also implies, and with this we are back to the
recent study Virtuous Violence, that we cannot criticize the authors of that
2 Violence and Essentialism? 35
study because they did not first explain in detail what we generally mean
by violence. Indeed, if it is true that violence has no common denomina-
tor and clear boundary, then you cannot require Fiske and Shakti Rai to
first offer a general definition of violence.
However, what we do expect from scientific research on violence, an
expectation that the authors of Virtuous Violence meet, is that they should
make clear from the outset what they understand by violence. This also
stems directly from what we have shown above. The observation that
there is no general definition of violence means that the word ‘violence’,
unlike the example of gold, can mean different things. A broad interpre-
tation may mean that ‘violence’ refers to the negative consequences of
capitalist society or to undesirable aggressive behavior during a public
demonstration. ‘Violence’, in a narrow sense, can refer to the intentional
infliction of material damage. It is precisely this semantic plurality that
obliges researchers to make explicit what they do and do not mean by
‘violence’. Suppose you did not do so, there is a kind of danger that is not
unique to research on violence but still does not threaten all forms of
research. Indeed, the danger is that others (fellow researchers, journalists,
etc.) may use your research to say something about sexual violence, for
example, while your research actually addressed much broader concept
of violence.
Although the above makes clear that my analysis of the concept of
violence has both philosophical and non-philosophical relevance, some
may find the scope of such an analysis limited. It seems to have conse-
quences only for other academics. At first sight, the relevance of that
insight to the non-academic world seems minimal or even non-existent.
Is this impression justified? Can the analysis of the concept of violence
also be, say, morally relevant?
Imagine a care institution where one can observe undesirable behav-
ior.6 Although little or no damage is done, there is a patient who strikes,
pulls and pushes. Healthcare provider A has a narrow view of violence,
and therefore does not report on that incident in terms of violence.
Caregiver B, on the other hand, believes that hitting, pulling and pushing
are a clear case of violence, and notes this as such. Both reports are given
to the team leader, who does not know that both reports concern the
same person. Based on the report of caretaker B, the team leader decides
36 L. Lauwaert
to punish the patient, while reading the other report is not followed by a
sanction. This is, of course, morally problematic, because it is unfair.
Some argue on the basis of the unequal treatment of the care receiver
that it would be better to remove the word ‘violence’ from our vocabu-
lary. Although such an intervention is the result of good intentions, it
nevertheless seems unrealistic. ‘Violence’ is an old word so deeply rooted
in our language that it will not soon disappear, perhaps not even if we
collectively decide not to use it anymore. What is realistic, however, is
that you explain well what you understand by violence when you write,
or that you ask for an explanation if the concept has not been made
explicit. In a sense, this is not only desirable, but even a duty. After all,
the consequences of not making it explicit or not checking what is meant
by ‘violence’ can also be felt at a level other than the scientific. As the
example of the care institution suggests, it is possible that careless han-
dling of words and concepts also has undesirable moral consequences.
Notes
1. Note that the purpose of the following paragraphs is explicitly not to
define once and for all what the definition of violence should be, a defini-
tion against which the already-existing concept of violence can be mea-
sured and on the basis of which that concept can be judged on its value.
When reading the following pages, one should rather keep the word ‘vio-
lence’ in mind, as it is used, for example, in the media, political discourse
or everyday life. The aim is, in fact, to see whether there is a characteristic
shared by everything we call ‘violence’ in these different contexts, and
which only characterizes those things that we consider to be violence.
2. My analysis was inspired by Vittorio Bufacchi (2005), ‘Two Concepts of
Violence’, Political Studies Review 2 (3), 193–204 and Allan Bäck (2004),
‘Thinking Clearly About Violence’, Philosophical Studies 117, 219–230.
3. For a more detailed analysis, see Jason Wyckoff (2013), ‘Is the Concept of
Violence Normative?’, Revue internationale de philosophie 3 (265),
337–352.
4. See also Giuliano Pontara (1978), ‘The Concept of Violence’, Journal of
Peace Research 1 (15), 19–32.
2 Violence and Essentialism? 37
Bibliography
Akerström, M. (2002). Slaps, Punched, Pinches – But Not Violence: Boundary-
Work in Nursing Homes for the Elderly. Symbolic Interaction, 25(4), 515–536.
Alan Page Fiske en Tage Shakti Rai. (2015). Virtuous Violence: Hurting and
Killing to Create, Sustain, End, and Honor Social Relationship. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Bäck, A. (2004). Thinking Clearly About Violence. Philosophical Studies,
117, 219–230.
Bufacchi, V. (2005). Two Concepts of Violence. Political Studies Review,
3(2), 193–204.
Haslam, N. (2016). Concept Creep: Psychology’s Expanding Concepts of Harm
and Pathology. Psychological Inquiry, 27(1), 1–17.
Pinker, S. (2011). The Better Angels of Our Selves: Why Violence Has Declined.
New York: Viking.
Pontara, G. (1978). The Concept of Violence. Journal of Peace Research,
15(1), 19–32.
Wyckoff, J. (2013). Is the Concept of Violence Normative? Revue Internationale
de Philosophie, 3(265), 337–352.
Part II
Transcendental Violence
3
The Temporality of Violence:
Destruction, Dissolution
and the Construction of Sense
Felix Ó Murchadha
F. Ó Murchadha (*)
NUI Galway, Galway, Ireland
e-mail: [email protected]
© The Author(s) 2019 41
L. Lauwaert et al. (eds.), Violence and Meaning,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27173-2_3
42 F. Ó Murchadha
recognize the gap between two moments, the moment of the event and
the moment of my response to the event. The unexpected by challenging
my mapped out anticipations allows this gap, this interval, to emerge.
The traumatic is locatable precisely in this interval, such that the moment
of the emergence of the overwhelming threat remains incommensurate
with my recognition of it (Caruth 1996, p. 64). But this, which trauma
discloses, is inherent to the responsive structure of experience itself, where
the knowing-seeing that marks the passage of time overlooks the very
intervals which constitute time and the temporal structure of experience
itself. The nature of experience is that it fails to experience, that it comes
too late to be ready for that which has already occurred. In this sense the
truest experience is the experience of that which remains absolutely other
to it (see Levinas 1969, p. 25). When Blanchot says of disaster, it is ‘always
already past’ (Blanchot 2015, p. 2), the disaster is disclosing something
essential to the phenomenon itself.
But if there is a violence in the unexpected, the annihilating tendency
of that violence is that which threatens the possibility of experience, by
destroying its conditions. What we have here is a fundamental ambiva-
lence with regard to experience itself: experience responds to that which
escapes from it and remains beyond the experiencing self, but such dis-
tance tends to negate that which can appear as formed within any par-
ticular locus of experience, thus tending towards the destruction of the
conditions of experience. Experience is temporal, is at once the encounter
with the new and the incorporation of the new into the old, the already
having-been. The new is only in relation to what has been and that differ-
ence finds a unity in the manner of temporal gathering of past and into
the newly opened future. In that sense the new builds upon the old, can
synthesize like a melody with what went before. But the unexpectedly
new cannot only break with the content of the past, but can also under-
mine the viewpoint from which those events were perceived and sensed.
In doing this, the violently unexpected event tends towards the setting up
of a barrier to the past, and does so by undermining its reality. The
traumatic makes the past unreal, allows it to disappear (see Brison 2011,
p. 53; Amery 2009, pp. 58–9). This indicates something essential: for the
past to seem real, it must be commensurable with the present. If some-
thing occurs which radically changes the real, then there is no point of
3 The Temporality of Violence: Destruction, Dissolution… 45
coherence between past and present, making the remembered past seem
more like an imagined world: the traumatized self may well admit that
the past events really happened, but the world of those events, her famil-
iarity with that world and her life within it, appears as a dream state, an
imagined world, which cannot be imagined to be real. The irony is, how-
ever, that this splitting off from the past is itself a continual possibility of
time itself, as the continual self-differentiation of past and present which
is both the condition of experience and the abyss at its core.
(Merleau-Ponty 1968, pp. 110–1; see also Dastur 2000, p. 185). The
shocking event is one for which my past orientations give me no prepa-
ration because these past sedimented practices belong in a world from
which the shocking event is precluded—and my trust or faith in that
world precludes such possibilities from having any reality in the world of
my possible experience. What is characteristic of shock is that it discloses
the habitual in a kind of zombified manner: in shock I ‘go through the
motions’ as we say, but do so without any clear sense of the present. The
initial response to the death of a loved one is like this. The world in
which that person was a constitutive part is no more, and this event of
disruption within the world disrupts the world itself (Ratcliffe 2017,
pp. 162–3). My habits both sustain me and betray me: they sustain me
by allowing me to function despite my disorientation, but they betray
me too because they imprison me in a past that maintains possibilities
which are no longer those of my present. In that way the past of a lost
limb or a lost relative can remain within the horizon of the present (see
Merleau-Ponty 2013, p. 83).
In both surprise and shock, the self or community is exposed in its
vulnerability but is still able to help itself. The shocking event disrupts the
world, undoes many of its possibilities, but not all of them. This means
that the capacities inherent in that world and many of its habitual prac-
tices remain. Indeed, it is not by accident that in most cultures it is pre-
cisely at moments of shock that people respond in the most openly
habitual manner: particular phrases are used, certain ritualized actions are
engaged in, reaffirming the world in the face of its interruption. These
liminal moments, though shocking, do not undermine the capacity for
response of the experiencing self or community. When, however, an event
or an entity evokes horror, the response is one of repulsion, helplessness,
the inability to articulate in speech. The bodily shivering in horror
responds not to that in relation to which the self can act or respond, but
rather to that which has withdrawn from that self all capacity for response
or reaction (Cavarero 2009, pp. 4–5). This is the traumatic in horror. The
moment of horror is one in which the world no longer relates or corre-
sponds to the self ’s capacities for action—either in actual or conceptual
terms—and its sedimented past is left without any relevance to the pres-
ent. In horror we are faced with that loss as that which negates all possible
3 The Temporality of Violence: Destruction, Dissolution… 49
tain a way of being in the world into the future. The violence in question,
however, is not that of ruination itself, but rather the suffering of that
ruination endured or witnessed in selves subject to ruin. The violence
that threatens to unleash ruination is that which disrupts temporal con-
tinuity, forces an interruption of time, whereby the very condition that
habit both assumes and aims to maintain are undermined. In this sudden
happening, in this exaiphnes, is revealed an apeiron, a loss or breakdown
of boundaries or borders, a loss of form, the release of brute materiality.
Apeiron
The relation here of habit and form is crucial and has ontological signifi-
cance. The habitual is that which allows the contingent, whether in phys-
ical motion, conceptual thought or mode of behaviour, to take on a
concrete reality through repetition such that the taking on of a gesture
towards things in the world becomes a mode of being of that self. It is this
that gives form to the self in the manner of its expressing of itself in the
world. But this taking on of form, this unifying of present and past in the
concrete reality of the self, requires that past gestures now habitual are
confirmed by things in the world as being relevant to them. When that
confirmation is not forthcoming, the habitual gesture, far from affirming
that trust in the promise of things, becomes empty, like a ghost of a lost
world, seeming both unreal in the present and the provenance of a past
without reality. The violence of suffering such a loss is traumatic in the
sense of its dissolving effect, which incapacitates the synthesizing func-
tion of the self also at the level of habit: the traumatic event divides the
present from the past, it does so as a lacuna, an interval that is precisely
not remembered, but is re-enacted, repeated, but unlike habit such rep-
etitions cannot synthesize or integrate into life because they do not reach
confirmation in a world which allows that self to dwell, but rather the
opposite. The helplessness of the traumatic, rupturing moment is pre-
cisely that which cannot be given form, rather that which threatens with
formlessness, the loss of boundaries and limits and the disclosure of lim-
itlessness, what Richir calls the ‘phenomenological apeiron’ (quoted in
Tengelyi 2004, pp. 80–81).
52 F. Ó Murchadha
that the temporal is constituted through the new, that the temporal rela-
tion is one of belatedness and that the self as a temporal being is in a
continual process of catching up with an future that has already been in
the phenomenon to which it responds. Understood in this way, the tem-
poral structure of consciousness or indeed the narrative structure of tem-
poral constitution (see Ricoeur 1994, pp. 52–90) does not so much give
a temporal unity to the world as it belatedly responds to protentional
tendencies already manifest in those phenomena to which the self must
belatedly respond.
Violence, though destructive in its inner tendency, through that
destruction discloses a temporal structuring of sense. For sense to appear
is for it to appear as already having-been, but as such in relation to an
already incorporated having-been. In other words, the appearing of sense
refers in a doubled manner to the past: the past that has just been and to
which we respond too late and the already incorporated past which is
more present than the past moment which has just occurred. This past,
which is not represented but lived, habituated (see Bergson 1991,
pp. 80–1), is the past as present foreign to the unexpected past future.
The unexpectedness of that new moment with its own protended future
is hidden to various degrees in the normality of the everyday where it is
more or less covered over by the incorporated past through the habitua-
tion of the body, that anonymous body that retains the past into the
present (Merleau-Ponty 2013, p. 86) to which the perceiving self remains
subject. That hiddenness of the newly encountered past is normally itself
hidden. But the violent event through its disclosure of the traumatic
interval between present and past and the failure to incorporate that
interval into the already occurred past threatens to render the latter unreal
and in so doing undermine the futures already contained within the
incorporated past. In so doing, it breaks asunder the surface of past
appearance and discloses therein the vulnerability of past form, of all
form, showing therefore the apeiron.
The setting of meaning is a setting of form and as such a production of
boundaries, of limits, of surfaces between and amongst the phenomenal
things and their eventual unities in a world of sense. That setting of
boundaries is forever endangered, however, by the wiping out of form,
the collapse into formlessness. In thinking this collapse, two texts and
54 F. Ó Murchadha
two thinkers who may seem very far apart can perhaps help us, namely
the Parmenides of Plato and the ‘On the Critique of Violence’ of Benjamin.
Both of these texts are concerned with the manner in which meaning is
formed and making intelligible that formation in the light of the poten-
tial fragility of all unity. The contexts of these discussions differ and can-
not be brought together without some violence. Nevertheless, this
violence is a kind of ‘tiger leap into the past’ (Benjamin 1968, p. 261) to
rekindle a particular problematic of how meaning can be produced in the
face of the traumatic.
Through the mouth of Parmenides Plato is posing the hypothesis, if
‘the one’ is (Plato 1961a, 137c3). The question here is whether there is
anything that is the same as itself, that is, has identity, and if so what the
consequences are with respect to the same, the identical, the one. His
discussion ends in aporia where the one is both one and many and nei-
ther one nor many, and furthermore the one comes into and goes out of
being (Plato 1961a, 155e). The concern here is with transition, indeed
transformation between oppositions—one and many, being and non-
being, stationary and in motion. To explain how such transitions and
transformations occur, Plato approaches the theme a third way, by
recourse to the traumatic—the sudden instant (exaiphnes), this ‘queer
thing’ as he puts it (Plato 1961a, 156d1), which allows for an identifi-
able thing to emerge or for a multitude of identifiable things to emerge.
This time beyond chronology is between motion and rest, is that which
interrupts the thing and changes its ontological nature. What makes the
one susceptible to this transformation is the fragility of its own form,
which Plato expresses as ‘apeiron’ without limits or boundaries. If iden-
tity is to be understood as without parts, as a oneness without any mul-
tiplicity, then it would be without beginning or end, without shape, not
taking up space in the sense of delimiting its own identical space (Plato
1961a, 137d). Yet, it is oneness that gives limits, such that the many are
limited only by partaking in the one, by being a multiplicity of identical
things, a multiplicity of ones (Plato 1961a, 158e). As such the multi-
tude is unlimited, such that whenever it seems to have a limit, to be
one, ‘in an instant (exaiphnes), just as in a dream, instead of seeming to
be one, it appears to be many’ (Plato 1961a, 164d). The setting of form,
the limiting of something to this thing, encounters the trauma of the
3 The Temporality of Violence: Destruction, Dissolution… 55
Conclusion
Violence in its very destructiveness opens up that groundless space in
which meaning first becomes possible. As Arendt makes clear, however,
violence alone cannot be creative of sense (Arendt 1970, p. 51). What we
find in violence is the apeiron, the contingency of boundaries and hence
all identities, and in that contingency is the limitless domain of possible
futures liberated in the traumatic moment from the habituated past.
Such a ‘liberation’ may give space for no possible meaning, leave the self
without selfhood, a being without world, at the very margins of human
existence. Yet, the exaiphnes, the sudden, shocking perhaps horrific
moment, that lacuna which remains inaccessible to the self who attempts
to respond to it discloses that hinge of time, for the most part hidden,
without which nothing new, no expression of sense is at all possible.
Without it the human would be like Plato’s heavenly bodies ‘ever abiding
and revolving after the same manner and on the same spot’ (Plato 1961b,
40b7). The violent disrupts such tranquillity in revealing the relation of
dependence, vulnerability and helplessness of the human in relation to
the world. In so doing, it demonstrates the contingent origins of sense for
both the individual and the community in ‘thrownness’ (Heidegger). The
‘recovery’ from such violence is never a regaining of a past world, a past
world which in the case of extreme violence—in the case of the annihilat-
ing force which threatens any worldly sense—has been shattered. The
lacuna, the interval, is not without sense, however. It demonstrates a fun-
damental contingency of meaning rooted in the manner in which tempo-
ral constitution of sense always leaves a gap, an interval, that which in the
rhythm of time remains unheard until it is violently brought to the fore
in the unexpected. Falling into the unexpected, the catastrophic, the
individual or the community finds itself responding to an a lready-suddenly
unleashed future and a temporal initiation before all deliberation and
projection of meaning.
3 The Temporality of Violence: Destruction, Dissolution… 57
Notes
1. Dastur (2000) gives a powerful phenomenology of the surprising, but
understands the surprising as a general term for what I am here distin-
guishing as the surprising, shocking and horrific. But the shocking and
the horrific are themselves partly constituted by the surprising.
2. Husserl notes himself that continuity is a paradigm here. See Husserl
(2001, p. 48).
3. The relation between this discussion and the later account of the chora in
the Timaeus cannot be pursued here.
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New York: Zone Books.
Blanchot, M. (2015). The Writing the Disaster (A. Smock, Trans.). London:
University of Nebraska Press.
Brison, S. (2011). Aftermath: Violence and the Remaking of the Self. Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
Caruth, C. (1996). Unclaimed Experience: Trauma, Narrative, and History.
Baltimore: John Hopkins Press.
Cavarero, A. (2009). Horrorism: Naming Contemporary Violence (W. McCuaig,
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Dastur, F. (2000). Phenomenology of the Event: Waiting and Surprise. Hypatia,
15(4), 178–189.
58 F. Ó Murchadha
M. Staudigl (*)
University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria
e-mail: [email protected]
that any “phenomenology of religion” has to reflect upon is the basic fact
that religion needs “to be explained from out of our own historical situa-
tion and facticity” (Heidegger 2004, p. 89). Put in other words, it is only
against the background of our “lived pre-understanding of religion” and
the always already-functioning “hermeneutic circles” that it entails that a
phenomenological analysis may proceed. This insight involves, first and
foremost, indeed far reaching implications for the eidetic status of the
phenomenological enterprise we wish to undertake.
As for the phenomena we are interested in, this insight implies that
we need to consider at least two unprecedented qualities that our con-
temporary pre-understanding necessarily implies. On the one hand, this
relates to the unsettling situation of globalization and its discontents.
Given the proliferating fact of inter-religious encounters taking place
all across (and “beyond”) the globe and the closely related challenge of
“global religions” struggling for recognition, we must not anymore pre-
tend that we may approach “religion” in the singular or in terms of
some “singular eidetic structure.” The insight that any presupposed
“idea of religion” would be able to cover this “continent” (Ricœur 2000,
p. 130) has been unveiled either as an imperialist gesture or as self-
righteous scientific hubris. Ricœur accordingly rather came to compare
the religious with a “detached archipelago, where one cannot locate
anywhere the universality of the religious phenomenon.” In the con-
temporary context, this difficulty seems to be further aggravated since
in the wake of the so-called return of religion it is, as Derrida has clearly
demonstrated, absolutely not clear what it is that returns. As a conse-
quence we need not only take care to avoid any “hyper-imperialist
appropriation” (Derrida 2002, p. 66) of religion in the singular; we
need not only expose ourselves to the indeed risky dialogue between the
religions, as many have reminded us (Bernasconi 2009; Moyaert 2014).
On the other hand, we moreover need to reflect the most disconcerting
fact that faith and reason today appear to be inextricably intertwined.
This is a fact that is epitomized most clearly in the joint uses of global-
ized tele-technology by the very practices of both reason and religion.
Or as Derrida had put this: “No faith, therefore, nor future without
everything technical, automatic, machine-like supposed by iterability.
4 Reflections on the Meanings of Religious Violence… 61
In this sense, the technical is the possibility of faith, indeed its very
chance that entails the greatest risk, even the menace of radical evil”
(Derrida 2002, p. 83). For Derrida, in a nutshell, religion figures but
the “ellipse” of “two distinct sources or foci,” namely “the experience of
belief (trust, trustworthiness, confidence, faith, the credit accorded the
good faith of the utterly other in the experience of witnessing)” and “the
experience of sacredness, even of holiness, of the unscathed that is safe
and sound (heilig, holy)” (Derrida 2002, p. 82).
As to my hypothesis, we need to philosophically confront and explore
this elliptical constitution of religion in order to get a better grip on the
disconcerting forms of the very return of something unprecedented in
the guise of “religion.” This confrontation definitely is a daring undertak-
ing since it exposes the truly cardinal but generally disavowed dichoto-
mies that are so dear to our traditional philosophical attempts at coming
to terms with the very phenomenon of religion—and its assumed irratio-
nality, opacity, and heterology. Confronting it indeed calls upon us to
escape the undercurrents of our beloved modernist waters that have tac-
itly lured us to sharply oppose reason and faith in terms of rationality and
irrationality. Finally it calls upon us, as I do hypothesize, to bear witness
to the very fact that reason obliquely constitutes religion as its relevant
other, thus at once camouflaging and disavowing it as its most “originary
supplement.” If this, however, proves to be the case and reason in some
sense is truly parasitic upon its very “other,” we need not only take care to
avoid any “hyper-imperialist appropriation” of religion, be it in terms of
its conceptual explication, discursive integration, or any other form of
totalizing assimilation. Still more basically, we also need to avoid our
contemporary forms of some hyper-rationalist expulsion of “religious
truth.” This kind of expulsion in fact refers to the most basic problem that
we see mirrored in the political “solution” that has been substituted for
the philosophical problem of religion: relegating religion to the “private
realm,” thus substituting the categories of discursivized reason to the exis-
tential problem of the “truth of religion,”1 indeed amounts to miscon-
ceive or rather “duck” the question of such truth. Most convincingly, this
argument has been propelled by John Caputo’s radical hermeneuti-
cal account:
62 M. Staudigl
The wager accordingly is to confront this very zone head on—a zone that
opens up beyond our beloved modernist dichotomies of rationality and
the irrational, beyond theism and atheism, beyond myth and
Enlightenment. This refers to a zone that is mirrored quite explicitly in
our contemporary social imaginaries and their discontents; it becomes
palpable most clearly in how they propose to re-incorporate the “truth of
religion”—what Habermas has called its “unexhausted force” (das
Unabgegoltene) (Habermas 2010, p. 18)—in the context of an all too
soberly “disenchanted” world. In the reflections to follow, I will embark
firstly on a discussion of these novel social imaginaries and their ambiva-
lent stance toward the very question of religion. In a second part, I will
proceed to argue for a revised phenomenological account of religion and
will attempt to delineate its major contours; this will, thirdly and finally,
allow me to delineate the potential of this account for rethinking the
vexed meanings of “religious violence” beyond the extremes of blank irra-
tionality and functional instrumentality. Whereas this issue is all too big
and cannot be treated here adequately, I wish to at least sketch the general
framework in which a phenomenology of “religious violence” might sys-
tematically be developed.
4 Reflections on the Meanings of Religious Violence… 63
ing dance with her. This dependency is something we may realize clearly,
for example, in the “Song of Songs” and the exemplary way it depicts a
theo-erotic dimension of mutual openness and indeed radical hospitality
to the wholly other (Kearney 2001, pp. 53–8). On the other hand, how-
ever, this conception also needs to mediate the primordial violence that it
nolens volens has to retain; such violence indeed is, as I argue, a constitu-
tive part of the very experience of “transcendence,” the “sacred,” “revela-
tion,” and so on. Put otherwise, it is constitutive of the ways such
experience comes to the fore, which is evidenced in a most phenomenal
way in the contemporary context and its “spectacles of violence” (de Vries
2013). And indeed one might rightly wonder whether “violence” isn’t in
fact part and parcel of so many contemporary attempts at “recovering the
sacred” in a time that is all too obviously marked by a “pervasive sense
that something has been lost” (Taylor 2011, p. 115)? On a still more pro-
found level, one may even proceed further and ask whether the related
appeal to something “unconditional,” which is arguably part and parcel
of the narrative semantics of the vast variety of religious systems of knowl-
edge, isn’t in fact motivating violence (or at least testifies to some “violent
potential”)? Yet raising this very suspicion does not amount to univocally
blame all talk about religion being a potential vessel of peace as simply a
self-righteous and inauthentic disavowal of a much more disconcerting
truth of religion/s. Neither, however, does it entail the issuing of some
charter for disengaged, secular reason to alone hold the potential to iden-
tify social pathology, irrationality, and opacity, which it all too quickly
identifies as “markers of religious violence” (cf. Appleby 1999). It rather
calls on us to more deeply confront the deep cutting intersections between
“the religious” and “the secular,” faith and reason, (secular) reason and
(religious) violence, and so on.
still remains how to confront “religion” beyond this apparently bad alter-
native of either integrating its assumedly infinite otherness into a unified
vision of reason and its basic claim for autonomy, or projecting onto it
the qualities of some ineffable irrationality, opaque alterity, or uncom-
municable heterology.
To my hypothesis, an answer to this truly vexed problem calls on us to
consider that the “return of religion” does not refer to some clear-cut and
self-same event. It is not something that simply interrupts our purport-
edly unified contemporary social imaginaries from out of nowhere. As I
have attempted to outline in the very beginning, it rather takes place in a
socio-cultural constellation of shifting images of transcendence. Such a con-
stellation, as I argue, attests to a variety of fault lines that have under-
mined the functional coherence of social order, traditionally conceived,
thus giving rise to new social imaginaries that somehow exploit this rela-
tionship to transcendence. As Stoker (2012) has demonstrated in system-
atic fashion, the experience of transcendence today does not only resonate
across a variety of fields that unfold beyond the narrow domain of reli-
gion, including first and foremost culture, art and politics. It rather has
changed most basically inasmuch as contemporary articulations of tran-
scendence are actively called upon to practically translate a variety of exis-
tential truth claims that appear to be eclipsed more and more in the
context of our contemporary individualist social ontologies and technol-
ogies. Consequently, this concerns first and foremost those claims that
lead us, by opening up (again) a deeper and more interconnected level of
co-existence, beyond the aforementioned traditional dichotomies of
rationality/irrationality, theism/atheism, or myth and Enlightenment. As
has been argued on various accounts, the prevalence of these hetero-
normative dichotomies and narratives has played a most important role
in shaping our modern rationalist frameworks and especially the idea of
some “disengaged reason,” which have both in turn helped Western
societies to keep apart our rigorously disenchanted life-worlds from some
neatly demarcated spaces of the holy whereto “the varieties of religious
experience” have been relegated. Today, however, these demarcations and
separations become more and more porous. They give rise to what has
frequently been termed “re-enchantment,” which is, according to Taylor,
not simply the undoing of our secular “disenchantment”:
72 M. Staudigl
that easily disavows “pure reason’s” own participation in the (not only
symbolic) production of its very “other”—upon which it is, as I do
hypothesize, structurally parasitic.5 Not only the unprecedented alliance
of contemporary religious practices with hyper-rationalist technologies
but also the very tendency of “disengaged reason” to hypostatize itself in
an auto-idolatrous fashion6 testifies to this yet largely unthought intertwin-
ing of religion and reason. This becomes most clear with regard to the “new
wars of religion” that we witness today, as Derrida pointed out:
But inversely, if what is thus happening to us, as we said, often (but not
always) assumes the figures of evil and of the worst in the unprecedented
forms of an atrocious “war of religions,” the latter in turn does not always
speak its name. Because it is not certain that in addition to or in face of the
most spectacular and most barbarous crimes of certain “fundamentalisms”
(of the present or of the past), other over-armed forces are not also leading
“wars of religion,” albeit unavowed. Wars or military “interventions”, led
by the Judaeo-Christian West in the name of the best causes (of interna-
tional law, democracy, the sovereignty of peoples, of nations or of states,
even of humanitarian imperatives), are they not also, from a certain side,
wars of religion? The hypothesis would not necessarily be defamatory, nor
even very original, except in the eyes of those who hasten to believe that all
these just causes are not only secular but pure of all religiosity. (Derrida
2002, p. 63)
But the point is not only, as I have said before, that various wars that are
waged “in the name of reason” become religious since they render reason
sacrosanct; the point is also that the “reasonable transformation” of war
in terms of enhanced technologies in fact creates an atmosphere of being
exposed to “superhuman powers” on the part of the victimized. This
implication is explained convincingly by cultural anthropologist Neil
Whitehead who explicitly underscores the magical undertones of the
military industry in his reflections on the “intertwining of divine or
sacred forms with the exercise of political power”:
longer needs the State […] War becomes an infinite possibility for the
enactment of an Infinite Justice, in response to the infinite threats of terror
and insurgency, criminality or civil disobedience […] In turn war itself
ceases to be a clash of nation states and becomes the profligate consump-
tion of high tech weaponry and resources in pursuit of these intangible and
mystical goals, goals which nonetheless are highly profitable. […] Militaries
world wide have quite literally adopted the notion of the ‘war-machine’
and are consciously employing the nomadic tactics of swarming and chaos
creation which become a means to assert, through violence, sporadic forms
of murderous and destructive control. This ordering and disordering of
social life through violence also invokes, and is a mimesis of, sorcery and
witchcraft. The occult and hidden nature of high-tech military weapons,
such as drones, attack helicopters and black-ops, create a magical military
violence. Sacred empowerment comes not just through human sacrifice
but through the sorcery of military killing […] (Whitehead 2011,
pp. 11–15, cf. 2013, pp. 19–21)
Notes
1. As for this argument, we may refer not only to deconstruction—Caputo
being our spokesperson in this regard—but also to accounts that empha-
size the anthropological-practical irreducibility of “religious truth
claims,” see Rentsch (2001, pp. 113–126); Höhn (2007).
2. In the following, I will use the Greek term poiesis in order to clearly
emphasize a “broad sense of ‘inventive’ making and creating,” esp. the
(unconscious) “creation of everyday existence” (Kearney 2016, p. 366,
179), which is operative in Ricœur’s so-called poetics of the will (see also
Wall 2005).
3. This argument is developed in detail by Kippenberg (2011) who attempts
to decipher the logics of religious violence from the viewpoint of action
theory and, most basically, the so-called Thomas-theorem.
4 Reflections on the Meanings of Religious Violence… 85
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5
The Violence of the Singular
Arthur Cools
A. Cools (*)
University of Antwerp, Antwerp, Belgium
e-mail: [email protected]
© The Author(s) 2019 91
L. Lauwaert et al. (eds.), Violence and Meaning,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27173-2_5
92 A. Cools
lence because the mere opposition between the general and the individual
and/or the experience of that opposition does not necessarily provoke
violent acts and therefore does not necessarily determine the meaning of
their appearance. In addition, it risks being reductive and in that sense
inadequate with regard to manifestations of violence that do not fit in
this model and seem to make no sense, such as aggression of individuals
against teaching, sanitary or medical staff or against bus drivers, aggres-
sion against their own partner or against their own child, suicidal behav-
ior (especially when the life of others are put in danger), the violence of
mobbing and stalking, running amok, random shootings, and others. It
has been observed that these manifestations have gained a partially new
dimension because of their increasing frequency and their apparently
irrational quality.
That the dominant model to understand the social meaning of vio-
lence in modern times is put in question does not mean that it disappears
or loses its validity all together. This is clearly not the case, as the examples
given at the start of this introduction demonstrate. But it raises questions
about the change that is at stake in our understanding of violence. Do we
evaluate the social meaning of violence in a new way or do we face new
manifestations of violence? Does the dominant model privilege a specific
meaning of violence and is it possible to delineate this? Is it thus possible
to differentiate within the condition of modern times another social
meaning of violence, which the dominant model has neglected? As these
questions make clear, our understanding of a modern society is involved
in the change that is at stake in our understanding of the social meaning
of violence. Therefore, it is important to situate this change in a broader
context and to examine in what way it correlates with the ongoing devel-
opment and transformation of modern society.
I intend to undertake this examination starting from the analysis of
contemporary society by Andreas Reckwitz. In his book Die Gesellschaft
der Singularitäten (2017), Reckwitz shows how the social logic of mod-
ern societies—which is primarily a logic of the general—has been inter-
woven with processes and practices of singularization, drawing
particular attention to the social effects of these processes and practices.
According to his analysis, the main feature of the late modern society is
that a logic of singularization has taken over the dominance of the logic
94 A. Cools
of the general: “The late modern society, this is the kind of modernity
developed since the seventies and eighties of last century, is a society of
singularities to the extent that in this society the social logic of the par-
ticular has priority.”1
I will first summarize the central thesis of Andreas Reckwitz’s analysis
of late modern society and examine how the social meaning of violence is
concerned by the change in modern society that the author is articulat-
ing. Following his terminology, I will call the social meaning of violence,
as it appears in the condition of a late modern society, the violence of the
singular. The second part of this chapter intends to further clarify the
social meaning of the violence of the singular and to examine whether,
and in what way, it can be differentiated from the social meaning of vio-
lence as defined by the logic of the general. For that purpose, I will situate
Reckwitz’s analysis of late modern society in a broader anthropological
framework, relating it to the appearance of an ethics of authenticity
which, according to Charles Taylor’s account of modern times (cf. Taylor
2003 [1991]), originates from the rise of modern society. My intention
here is to examine whether, and to what extent, the ethics of authenticity
involves a logic of self-sacrifice, which Moshe Halbertal sees at work in
the development of a modern society (cf. Halbertal 2012). It follows
from this examination that the logic of the general and the logic of the
singular are both at work in modern society from the very start of its
appearance. The question then remains whether it is possible to differen-
tiate the social meaning of violence on the basis of the two logics appear-
ing in modern society. I will argue that the social meaning of violence as
defined by the logic of the general implies a sacrificial dimension, while
the violence of the singular does not.
does not define a human person and does not presuppose a subject the-
ory. The notion is meant to name the social logic at work in a late modern
society and, in that respect, to call attention to the dynamics of social
praxes and processes through which social entities such as places,
moments, communities, identities, objects, lifestyles and others are fabri-
cated and experienced as singular. “The social logic of the particular con-
cerns all dimensions of the social: things and objects, subjects, collectives,
spaces and temporalities alike. ‘Singularity’ and ‘singularization’ are cross-
sectional concepts and denote a cross-sectional phenomenon, which per-
meates the entire society.”2 The notion of singularity is thus not opposite
to, but the very expression of the social dimension of a late modern soci-
ety. This remark is important when considering the meaning of violence
of the singular as a social phenomenon.
A second remark is important for our purposes. According to
Reckwitz’s understanding of modernity, the social logic of singularity
does not suddenly appear as a new beginning in the development of
modern societies over the last decades. It is interwoven with the rise of a
modern society from its beginning. “In modern times a social logic of
the general and a social logic of the particular compete with each other.”3
Reckwitz talks about a double structure (Doppelstruktur). The social logic
of the general is the logic of rationalization, objectification and standard-
ization; the social logic of the singular is the logic of culturalization,
authentication and singularization. The author refers repeatedly to
Weber’s thesis of modernity as disenchantment with regard to the first,
and with regard to the second he mentions the romantic movement (cf.
Reckwitz 2017, 18) in the late eighteenth century, which draws atten-
tion to the importance of the dimensions of the singular in many differ-
ent ways: the emphatic attention for the individual, the distinctiveness of
cultures and languages, the originality of art creations, the uniqueness of
the instant, the discovery of diversity in nature, the genius of places, the
sensibility for authenticity, the expression of the inner experience and
the search for the realization of the personal destiny and fulfillment.
According to Reckwitz, the legacy of the romantic movement has
inspired, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, many counter move-
ments and revolts against the logic of the general, which dominates the
classic concept of a modern society and determines its development.
96 A. Cools
Over the last 40 years approximately, however, the relation between the
logic of the general and the logic of the singular has changed in a funda-
mental way in that the latter is no longer subordinated to the former and
has taken over its dominance in determining developments in modern
society. This does not mean that the logic of the general is disappearing
but that its status is changing. Reckwitz sees two main reasons for what
he calls a structural transformation (Strukturwandel) (cf. Reckwitz 2017,
15–16): the rise of the creative economy, the aim of which is to produce
cultural goods (Kulturkapitalismus) and the digital revolution, which
makes individualizing and personalizing the consumer byway of tech-
nology possible (Kulturmaschine). With regard to our purpose, the ques-
tion now arises: is this structural transformation of society able to account
for new manifestations of violence?
Let us therefore consider how it comes to be that in contemporary
society the logic of the general is loosening its grip on social interaction.
In his book, Reckwitz discusses three structural crises characteristic of
late modern society that follow from recent developments and indicate
the current instability of the classic concept of modern society defined
in terms of the ideal of social progress, namely the crises of recognition,
self-realization and politics (cf. Reckwitz 2017, 432–4). The first crisis
is due to the fact that the processes of singularization in late modern
societies create new forms of inequalities. Social recognition is rewarded
according to meritocratic rules and this provokes a new social gap
between highly qualified and less qualified workers, implying a radical
devaluation of the labor of the low-qualified worker (considered to be
replaceable) and a valorization of the personal lifestyle as a social good.
Moreover, social recognition has become permanently unstable because
of the unpredictability of commercial success and the changing criteria
for successful performances, which may carry with it the experience of
injustice. The second crisis troubles the central dynamics of the devel-
opment of late modern societies. The processes of singularization put
the individual under acute pressure. The success of the project of self-
realization, to which these processes converge and precisely because it
has become the dominant model of social interaction, requires that the
individual’s performances be unceasing and is, at the same time, depen-
dent on the unpredictable contexts of appraisal and assessment. For that
5 The Violence of the Singular 97
1999 and terrorist attacks since 9/11 in 2001 (cf. Reckwitz 2017, 423).
However different the social and political meaning of these acts may be,
they have one important feature in common: the individual perpetrator
arrogates to himself the power to demonstrate violence and withdraws in
this way the state’s monopoly. Violence is, in these cases, no longer a
means to an end, but the aim of the violent act is the event itself, its
manifestation, its visibility in the public sphere (cf. Reckwitz 2017, 424).
The act of violence in the public sphere demonstrates the absence, even
more: the illusion, of a well-ordered, peaceful living together and the
powerlessness of the logic of the general. As such, it radically puts in
question the main presuppositions of a late modern society: its politics of
rationalization as well as its politics of culturalization.
The act of violence in random shootings and terrorist attacks mani-
fests a real, horrifying terror at the core of society; one that is out of
control, out of a logic of benefits and alliances, even beyond the juridi-
cal logic of infraction of the law and punishment by the law. Such acts
of violence are a devastating terror in which the victims are chosen at
random and to which the damaging effects are indifferent (including
the life of the perpetrator). The execution of the act needs to be spec-
tacular, extraordinary, beyond all measure, never seen before and in
that sense “singular.” Not only does the new quality of the act of vio-
lence in random shootings and terrorist attacks reflect the impact of
processes of singularization on social interaction, but the profile of the
perpetrator does as well. In most cases, his social position is on the side
of those who do not fit in the competitive dynamics of the ongoing
development and enhancement of individual skills and competences,
and who are thus deprived of social recognition. The rejection of social
recognition is the starting ground for a negative determination of the
project of self-realization. The intention and careful preparation of an
act of violence may become part of a personal lifestyle project.
“Violence can become for the perpetrators an attractive form of life by
containing the promise to transform the victim they were into the neg-
ative hero.”4 In this regard, Reckwitz calls the perpetrator a self-
conscious, negative singular actor: “They are self-conscious negative
singularities who deliberately aim to commit a negatively evaluated
5 The Violence of the Singular 99
action. They are not a matter of pity for others. They celebrate being
deviant, they are ‘laughing perpetrators.’”5
It is clear that Reckwitz’s analysis of processes of singularization in
late modern society delivers an interesting systematic frame of social
change that enables him to point to structural transformations in the
manifestations of violence. The profile of the perpetrator, the way of
celebrating his being outside social orders and norms, the staging of
violence as a lifestyle project, the spectacular event of the violent attack,
its “happening” and visibility as central objective, the indifference with
regard to the victims, the indeterminateness of targets and casualties:
the logic of the general seems to be unable to account for all these
aspects not only in the sense that the state’s power lacks control and
influence on these developments, but also in the sense that the social
meaning of these manifestations of violence challenges and defeats the
rationality of the logic of the general. The interesting point in Reckwitz’s
interpretation of the politics of violence in contemporary society is that
it resists the conclusion that the manifestations of violence of the singu-
lar are mindless or reasonless. His approach shows convincingly that
the violence of the singular has a social meaning, for which clarification
requires to take into account the transformation of the logic of the gen-
eral in a late modern society.
Yet, the logic of the general is still defining the political meaning of
the act of violence of the singular, whether as a terrorist’s attack against
the state, as an act of war, intending to replace its sovereignty, or else as
“private,” as “mindless,” as “amok.” Although it may be clear that pro-
cesses of singularization in late modern society transform the manifes-
tations of violence—which challenge the logic of the general—it is this
logic that still defines the political meaning of these manifestations.
Reckwitz does not elaborate on this although it might be clear that the
social and political meanings of the two examples he is starting with, a
high school and the terrorist attack of 9/11, are very different. So, if
Reckwitz is right to examine processes of singularization in order to
account for new manifestations of violence in contemporary society,
the question can be raised whether it is possible to further distinguish
the violence of the singular.
100 A. Cools
ow to Distinguish the Violence
H
of the Singular?
In this part, I will argue that the logic of the general implies an under-
standing of the social meaning of violence in terms of sacrifice, whereas
the manifestations of the violence of the singular challenge this under-
standing. The notion of sacrifice is not mentioned by Reckwitz in his
analysis of late modern society. It is used here in order to define the way
the logic of the general is able to inscribe the act of violence within the
logic of means and ends and to establish an intrinsic connection between
the act of the individual and the logic of the general. However, the vio-
lence of the singular, as I intend to show, disturbs this sacrificial logic and
disconnects the act of the individual from the meaning of the general.
Let us consider first the claim that the logic of the general includes a
sacrificial dimension. This claim seems to be first of all counter-intuitive.
Practices of sacrifice are situated in a religious context (an offering from
humans to God) and have been extensively examined in relation to the
social meaning of rituals in primitive societies. In particular, René Girard
has pointed to the foundational dimension of these practices of sacrifice
and brings to the fore its ambiguous relation to violence: its capacity of
controlling the devastating and contagious social effects of violence
through the substitution of the victim that is sacrificed (cf. Girard 1972).
Apparently, this meaning of sacrifice does not have any relevance for a
modern society based upon rational principles. The rationality character-
istic of modern societies—the logic of the general—no longer under-
stands society in religious terms (as a relation to God) but in terms of a
relation between the individual and the general. Members of modern
societies are treated as individuals, who are equal with regard to the gen-
eral, and their (inter)action is defined on the basis of the principle and
the rights of freedom. Why, then, should we consider that a sacrificial
dimension may be at work within the logic of the general?
In the second part of his essay On Sacrifice (2012), which considers the
transformation of sacrifice in the rise of modern society, Moshe Halbertal
emphasizes the presence of a sacrificial logic within the logic of the gen-
eral, which he distinguishes from the religious meaning of sacrifice. In a
5 The Violence of the Singular 101
the political order is a stage on which the individual could transcend the
realm of self-interest. Rousseau, who considered the entry into the political
as a shift from an individual to a general will, offered the best articulation
of this approach. The move into the political realm, for Rousseau, involves
transforming human motivation from a self-centered craving to a concern
with the commonwealth’s good. (Halbertal 2012, 107)
In two ways, then, the logic of the general changes the meaning of sac-
rifice. Offering is no more a question of being related to a transcen-
dence, but self-transcendence has become central. In this sense, God is
no more the addressee of the practice of sacrifice, and sacrifice is no
more the expression of a worship of God. Moreover, and as a conse-
quence, sacrifice consists no more in offering to God a limited, objective
gift in order to solicit his appraisal, but it requires a change of the self in
relation to the general. Self-sacrifice becomes an essential component of
102 A. Cools
moral life because of the moral conflict that results from the search to
free oneself from egoistic drives and to transcend oneself in relation to
the social meaning of ethical or political values. For that reason, unlike
the religious meaning of sacrifice, the logic of the general risks unleash-
ing an excessive violence, without limitations, demanding and manifest-
ing self-sacrifice, even sacrifice of one’s own live, either because the logic
of the general claims this final sacrifice of each individual (e.g. in the
context of a war between states) or because the individual accepts this
self-sacrifice as a means to change the power structures installed by the
logic of the general (e.g. in the context of a suicide attack against a
political entity).
Halbertal’s analysis of a sacrificial logic in the theoretical foundation of
a modern society—apart Kant and Rousseau, he refers as well to the con-
tract theory of Hobbes and Hegel’s account of self-transcendence in the
objective mind (Geist)— might be convincing in order to understand
why a sacrificial logic does not simply disappear in modern times. But
Halbertal is focused on understanding the excessive and corruptive forces
that derive from this logic and intends to rehabilitate the religious mean-
ing of sacrifice. In this respect, he does not see, in his account of the
transformation of sacrifice in modern society, the possibility of another
logic that arises in modern times together with the logic of the general,
which has the potential to disturb this logic of the general and that con-
cerns the freedom of action of the individual. We must, therefore, change
perspective and turn to the account of modern society that Charles Taylor
has provided in The Ethics of Authenticity (2003 [1991]).
Let us consider now the second claim for which I intend to argue,
namely that in the context of modern society appears a new meaning of
violence that is not related to, or directed by, the logic of the general and,
in that sense, disturbs the sacrificial logic mentioned by Halbertal. The
ethics of authenticity, which Taylor considers to be “relatively new and
peculiar to modern culture” (Taylor 2003, 25), enables me to point to the
social meaning of a violence that escapes the logic of the general. It is
important to note that Taylor situates the birth of the ethics of authenticity
in the same historical context that Halbertal has already mentioned,
namely the context of the transformation of the relation to a transcen-
dent God at the beginning of modernity, and that he too refers to
5 The Violence of the Singular 103
Being true to myself means being true to my own originality, and that is
something only I can articulate and discover. In articulating it, I am also
defining myself. I am realizing a potentiality that is properly my own. This
is the background understanding to the modern ideal of authenticity, and
to the goals of self-fulfillment or self-realization in which it is usually
couched. (Taylor 2003, 29)
For Taylor, the romantic period in late eighteenth century is one of the
main sources of the rise of the ideal of authenticity and this same period
is the starting point for the development of processes of singularization in
modern society according to Reckwitz’s understanding of modernity.
That makes it interesting to reread Taylor’s approach after Reckwitz’s the-
sis concerning the social logic of the singular and to examine how it con-
tributes to a better understanding of the violence of the singular. Taylor’s
account of what he calls “the deviancy in the culture of authenticity”
(Taylor 2003, 59), confirms and anticipates, as we will see, Reckwitz’s
theory of contemporary society in many ways. The deviant forms of
authenticity, according to Taylor’s thesis, derive from the confusion with
the idea of self-determining freedom, which had a tremendous influence
in the development of modern society. The idea of self-determining free-
dom implies that I chose and decide for myself what is important to me,
freed from external influences: “It is the idea that I am free when I decide
for myself what concerns me, rather than being shaped by external influ-
ences” (Taylor 2003, 27).
104 A. Cools
Following his analysis, the violence of the singular arises from the esca-
lation of and the interplay between the claim of being different and the
demand of social recognition. If self-realization and self-fulfillment are
effects of the affirmation of a self-choice, the individual is constantly
challenged to create and to try out new, self-expressive meanings that
break with already given shared values and beliefs, and to shape in this
way his or her own life project as a unique way of life. This search for self-
realization has nothing in common with self-transcendence because it is
not motivated by the intention to free oneself from self-interests. The
search for new, extreme and/or extraordinary experiences and the affir-
mation of transgressing already accepted social or personal limits cannot
be interpreted as a kind of self-sacrifice because it is not directed toward
a higher moral or political common good. The logic of the general is
absent from this search in which the individual wants to be different. The
price to pay for this self-centered search, however, is the increasing indif-
ference and oblivion with regard to the concerns of the general (the atten-
tion for the common goods), on the one hand and on the other, the
weight of isolation which makes the meaning of being different the per-
sonal commitment of each individual. Affirmation of self-choice implies,
therefore, self-staging and visibility in public spaces. Here the claim of
being different meets the demand of social recognition and the interplay
between the two makes apparent the relevance and social meaning of the
violence of the singular in modern society. For, this meaning is not lim-
ited to the conflicts related to the struggle for recognition and its rele-
vance is not only indirectly given with the shortcomings of the politics of
recognition. The interplay we are pointing to reveals a kind of structural
deficit, a lack of a shared horizon of significance that would make it pos-
sible to equally recognize differences. Or, as Taylor states, “[w]hat has
come about with the modern age is not the need for recognition but the
conditions in which this can fail” (Taylor 2003, 48). It is precisely because
of this deficit that the relevance and social meaning of the violence of the
singular in modern society appears in a way that escapes the logic of the
general. It manifests itself in the struggle for visibility and—related to
this—in the experience of not being (sufficiently) visible or visible only in
a negative way. It manifests itself, moreover, in that a performative and
successful visibility replaces the social meaning of recognition.
106 A. Cools
Concluding Remarks
The aim of this contribution was to examine why the dominant model
of understanding violence is challenged today and whether it is possible
to differentiate within the condition of modern society another social
meaning of violence, which the dominant model has neglected.
Reckwitz’s account of contemporary society in Die Gesellschaft der
Singularitäten has laid the basis for this examination. Following his dis-
tinction between the logic of the general and the logic of the singular,
we introduced the notion of the violence of the singular in order to
differentiate it from manifestations of violence that the logic of the
general generates and rationalizes. According to this logic, violence
5 The Violence of the Singular 107
results from the oppressive power structures of the state and/or the
revolt against it by the individual, and is therefore political. Halbertal’s
reflections on sacrifice have enabled us to point to the continuation of
a sacrificial dimension within this logic that is intrinsic to the founda-
tion and organization of modern society. In Taylor’s analysis of authen-
ticity and its relevance for the development of modern society, we have
found a confirmation of Reckwitz’s distinction between the logic of the
general and the logic of the singular and the means to differentiate the
violence of the singular from a political understanding of violence.
Following his analysis, we have argued that violence of the singular is
not motivated by self-transcendence and not directed toward a shared
horizon of moral or political values, but emerges from the clash between
self-choice and the need for social recognition.
From this examination, it is possible to conclude that on a structural
level of modern society, violence is able to defeat the logic of the general
and to challenge the evidence of the political, not in the sense that the
violent act of the individual can be more powerful than the power of the
state, but in the reverse sense that acts of violence can reveal the power-
lessness and inadequacy of the logic of the general. This conclusion might
have far-reaching consequences not the least concerning the politics of
violence. But we should take care as well to define the outcome more
precisely. For, the delineation of the notion “violence of the singular” still
comprehends very different manifestations of violence, from ways of self-
mutilation up to mobbing, random vandalism and mass shootings in
cases of negative experiences of social depreciation. They all need addi-
tional, contextual and individualized analyses. The violence of the singu-
lar does not yet define the violent act of the individual person. In this
regard, it is important to remember that the notion “violence of the sin-
gular” is meant to identify a structural component of the development of
modern society in the way Reckwitz defines the logic of the singular in
contemporary society in opposition to the logic of the general. It calls
attention to another genealogy of violence in contemporary society and
invites us to critically re-examine the strategies and power relations within
which the logic of the general acknowledges and defines the meaning
of violence.
108 A. Cools
Notes
1. All translations of quotations from this book are my own. “Die spätmod-
erne Gesellschaft, das heiβt jene Form der Moderne, die sich seit den
1970er oder 1980er Jahren entwickelt, ist insofern eine Gesellschaft der
Singularitäten, als in ihr die soziale Logik des Besonderen das Primat
enthält” (Reckwitz 2017, 12).
2. “Die soziale Logik des Besonderen betrifft dabei sämtliche Dimensionen
des Sozialen: die Dinge und Objekte ebenso wie die Subjekte,
Kollektive, die Räumlichkeiten ebenso wie die Zeitlichkeiten.
»Singularität« und »Singularisierung« sind Querschnittsbegriffe und
bezeichnen ein Querschnittsphänomen, das die gesamte Gesellschaft
durchzieht”(Reckwitz 2017, 12).
3. “In der Moderne konkurrieren eine soziale Logik des Allgemeinen und
eine soziale Logik des Besonderen miteinander” (Reckwitz 2017, 27).
4. “Gewalt kann für die Täter so zu einer »attraktiven Lebensform« werden,
indem sie verspricht, sie vom Opfer in den negativen Helden zu verwan-
deln” (Reckwitz 2017, 428, cf. Reemtsma 2016).
5. “Es handelt sich bei ihnen um selbstbewusste negative Singularitäten, die es
gezielt darauf angelegt haben, eine negativ bewertete Tat zu begehen. Sie
sind gerade keine Gegenstände des Mitleids von anderen. Sie zelebrieren
ihre Abweichung, sind »lachende Täter«” (Reckwitz 2017, 426).
Bibliography
Arendt, H. (1966). The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Harcourt.
Benjamin, W. (1970). “Zur Kritik der Gewalt” (1921). In Gesammelte Schriften.
Band II.1 (pp. 197–203). Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
Derrida, J. (1967). “Violence et métaphysique. Essai sur la pensée d’Emmanuel
Levinas” (1964). In Idem (Ed.), L’écriture et la différence (pp. 117–228).
Paris: Seuil.
Girard, R. (1972). La violence et le sacré. Paris: Grasset.
Halbertal, M. (2012). On Sacrifice. Princeton/Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Levinas, E. (1974). Autrement qu’être ou au-delà de l’essence. Nijhoff: The Hague.
Reckwitz, A. (2017). Die Gesellschaft der Singularitäten. Frankfurt am
Main: Suhrkamp.
Reemtsma, J. P. (2016). Gewalt als Lebensform. Zwei Reden. Stuttgart: Reclam.
5 The Violence of the Singular 109
This essay was written with the generous support of the FWF (Austrian Science Fund). It was
conceived within the framework of the project ‘Secularism and its Discontents. Toward a
Phenomenology of Religious Violence’ [P 29599], and concluded within the project “Revenge of
the Sacred: Phenomenology and the Ends of Christianity in Europe” [P 31919].
J. W. Alvis (*)
University of Vienna, Wien, Austria
e-mail: [email protected]
source of authentic faith and sacredness and the means by which a suspen-
sion of metaphysical presuppositions of the infinite can take place. He is
known for engagements in the question of religion and religiosity beyond
the pale of the public understanding of individual “world views,” “belief
systems,” or theological dogmas, and instead understood that the modern
enlightenment project could never purchase a secularism that successfully
extracts the always already religiosity enervating it. He coined terms such
as “globalatinization” and “autoimmunity” to investigate the anthropo-
logical and social relevance that religion still bears today, albeit most often
in an implicit and latent form interwoven into the metaphysical lattice of
the Western lifeworld and social imaginary.
What I find most fascinating about Derrida’s work in these regards,
and what I intend to reveal in greater detail in this chapter, is (A) that in
1964 he presents the importance of how any presumed peace/nonvio-
lence that the “infinitizing the other” attempts to purchase in fact
amounts to a silence that harbors “the worst violence,” and that violence
is irreducible (and therefore unavoidable) as an essential aspect of lan-
guage itself. Yet (B) interestingly, 30 years later, he insists upon the impor-
tance of “the secret,” of the violence of speaking too much and too
affirmatively, thus committing to an ontological violence of the other. It
is this seeming contradiction I will work out more fully, interpreting his
understanding of religion and violence in his 1998 “Faith and Knowledge”
through his critique of “meaning” and infinity in his 1964 “Violence and
Metaphysics.” For him “meaning” (attempting to bring to light and
expose a single point of origination) and “signification” (as a process void
of difference and bound to presence) are violent; yet even more violent is
the dark of infinity and metaphysics. True, “it is violence as the origin of
meaning and of discourse in the reign of finitude” (Derrida 1978a,
p. 129) and “predication is the first violence” (Derrida 1978a, p. 147).
Yet we must also be vigilant against both any pure negativity and the
nihilisms of self-arrogant claims to nonviolence (the possibility of which
gets presupposed in all Ethics), as well as any over-ascription of the mean-
ings of violence, which, when considered in terms of religion, acts as if,
by constantly telling the secrets of God via the “good news,” it is purged
of all negligence.1 I conclude the chapter with a reflection on violence
that seeks to go one small step beyond Derrida’s aporia, hopefully in
6 Is Violence Inescapable? Derrida, Religion… 113
order to avoid both of the extremes that claim violence to be either (A)
irreducible and unavoidable or (B) a determinable product of an under-
girding cause-effect structure that presumes a neutral, nonviolent stance
in the world. The former often abandons hope to describe violence’s
intelligibility and falls once again into a bad infinity; the latter tends to
operate with a blind optimism that violence is reasonable and therefore
can be eradicated once we determine its meaning.
Violence and Metaphysics
It is precisely discourses on nonviolence that often harbor, in their philo-
sophical language, a deep and implicit violence. Claiming to elude vio-
lence in part is a violent endeavor, with infinity as a supreme version of the
denial of discourse (Derrida 1978a, p. 117). Levinas’ critiques of violence
of solipsism, abstraction, empiricism, and so on, all are predicated upon
how the discourse of the other can be nonviolent. Contra the Levinas of
Totality and Infinity (the text to which Derrida devotes his essay and cri-
tique; not the entirety of Levinas’ work) for whom in the infinite Other
there is “a certain non-light before which all violence is to be quieted and
disarmed” (Derrida 1978a, p. 85), Derrida emphasizes (multiple times
throughout the chapter) how this abyss of non-light is in fact the worst
violence.2 Further, there are originary and transcendental violence that are
sutured to “phenomenality itself, and to the possibility of language” and
“embedded in the root of meaning and logos” (Derrida 1978a, p. 125).3
This transcendental violence is pre-ethical (Derrida 1978a, p. 125) and
concerns phenomenality and meaning; it occurs in the failure to recognize
“the me” in the other, the other as an alter ego (Derrida 1978a, p. 129).
In general, in “Violence and Metaphysics,” Derrida subjects Levinas’
idea of infinity, face, and Other in Totality and Infinity to being a kind of
metaphysics of presence because “the face is presence” (Derrida 1978a,
p. 101). Although Being as difference, a being-together comes “as close as
possible to nonviolence” (Derrida 1978a, p. 146), Derrida’s tendency in
this chapter is to hyperbolize by insisting upon how violence is irreduc-
ible, as it is found in the very heart of language. Similar to Benjamin’s
understanding that there is implicit and institutional violence in capital
114 J. W. Alvis
compromise, one excludes the other at all costs to retain it. As Levinas
understood, a critique of the metaphysical reduction is also one of the
other to the same. To encounter the face of the other is not inherently
violent—violence is the interpretation and formal indication of
the other. It is a putting-to-an-end of the other’s phenomenality. This is
why violence is qualified precisely as a painful lack of phenomenality.
Violence is not always an “intentional” experience (e.g. in extreme cir-
cumstances of violence we say “I do not have words to describe this”), yet
it should not leave us indifferent to its appearance. As Derrida depicts it,
the “call” of the other is transcendental, constantly throwing signification
at me whether I like it or not. Thus, necessary is a means of understand-
ing how violence arises between one’s meaning-giving system and the
event of uncontrollable phenomenality, or to follow the title of his other
essay this “form and signification.”
Derrida then develops “three levels” of violence via Levinas: (1)
the origin of language, or the inscription of the signifier into a generative
system; (2) the violence of constructions, which serve to deny original
violence; and (3) the violence in the trespassing of laws and ethical rules.
All three of these levels are operative in Derrida’s claims that “violence
is...the dissimulation or oppression of the other by the same” (1978a,
p. 91). Ontology is violence as a defining that removes dynamic agency
for change, via limitation of the Other. There is terror in the reductive
gaze that makes one an object of another person, and philosophy, in its
attempt to attain neutralized distance to ascribe meaning ad infinitum,
enacts a violence by following a drastic distinction between the political
and the epistemic. This is one reason why “Incapable of respecting the
other in its being and in its meaning, phenomenology and ontology
would be philosophies of violence. Through them, the entire philosophi-
cal tradition, in its meaning and at bottom, would make common cause
with oppression and with the totalitarianism of the same” (1978a, p. 91).
It is this cryptotheological tradition (especially claiming to have purged
itself through a thorough detheologization) merged and mingled with a
psuedo apoliticism/ethicism that has amounted to a metaphysics of infin-
ity. It is here that violence takes its revenge most fully:
which the difference between the same and the other, différance, would no
longer be valid, that is, of a reign in which peace itself would no longer
have meaning. And first of all because there would be no more
phenomenality or meaning in general. The infinitely other and the infi-
nitely same, if these words have meaning for a finite being, is the same.
(Derrida 1978a, p. 129)4
If light is the element of violence, one must combat light with a certain
other light, in order to avoid the worst violence, the violence of the night
which precedes or represses discourse. This vigilance is a violence chosen as
the least violence by a philosophy which takes history, that is, finitude, seri-
ously; a philosophy aware of itself as historical in each of its aspects (in a
sense which tolerates neither finite totality, nor positive infinity), and aware
of itself, as Levinas says in another sense, as economy. (Derrida 1978a, p. 117)
One must become vigilant about one’s own violence, one’s own polemos
in language and dialogue. The denial of discourse is this “worst violence”
(Derrida 1978a, p. 117). This implicates another kind of violence, which
Levinas also emphases—“Ontological Violence,” because being and dis-
course are always necessarily related (following Heidegger’s insights).
There is but one “way to repress the worst violence, the violence of primi-
tive and prelogical silence, of an unimaginable night which would not
even be the opposite of day, an absolute violence which would not even
be the opposite of nonviolence: nothingness or pure non-sense.” This way
is to avow violence “the least possible violence” in discourse, which “if it
6 Is Violence Inescapable? Derrida, Religion… 119
is originally violent, can only do itself violence, can only negate itself in
order to affirm itself ” (Derrida 1978a, p. 130).
1)
Religion (Christianity) is described under the portmanteau
Globalatinization (mondialatinisation); Latin—the common language
of the global Roman empire—becomes the great-commission lan-
guage of especially Western Christianity. There is a unique universality
in Christianity via its lingua franca, Latin.5 Globalization and mediati-
zation go hand in hand, thus making the European ideal and theory of
religion inherently Christian.6 Latin establishes religare or relegare, the
very roots of the word “religion” that refers to a kind of “binding
together.” This aforementioned dissemination goes entirely in contra-
diction to the Jewish Yahweh’s demand of Abraham, “all of this must
remain absolutely secret: just between us. It must remain uncondition-
ally private, our internal affair and inaccessible” (Derrida 2001,
120 J. W. Alvis
p. 56). Thus the title of this article from Derrida “Above All, No
Journalists!” God says to keep a secret, and do not broadcast, publi-
cize, proclaim, what God commanded Abraham to do; do not make
this secret into good news, and do not televise it. Globalatinization, as
a means, form, and way hence structure the contemporary types of
globalization today, which is “fundamentally Christian and not
Jewish, Islamic, Buddhist” (Derrida 2001, p. 58).7
Next, and of crucial importance for drawing the consistencies and simi-
larities between “Faith and Knowledge” and “Violence and Metaphysics”
is a deeper understanding of the “two sources” of religion (as Derrida
summons the spirit of Bergson) I briefly sketched above. In short, these
two sources are (1) a supposed peaceful and holy globalatinization (which
“produces, weds, exploits the capital and knowledge of tele-mediatization”
1998, p. 82), and (2) the auto-immunitive action that attacks the sup-
posed holiness, sacredness and “immunity” of such globalatinization.
Earlier in the essay, these two experiences “that are generally held to be
equally religious” are described in other terms:
The experience of belief, on the one hand (believing or credit, the fiduciary
or the trust worthy in the act of faith, fidelity, the appeal to blind confi-
dence, the testimonial that is always beyond proof, demonstrative reason,
intuition); and the experience of the unscathed, of sacredness or of holi-
ness, on the other. (Derrida 1998, p. 70)12
Even though these two sources can be compared with one another,
especially since they fall under the generative idea of “religion,” to
124 J. W. Alvis
Derrida’s dismay, we far too often confuse them with one another, instead
of distinguishing them rightly as two veins, strata, or sources. The first,
the experience of belief, “I believe!” becomes translated into “therefore
believe me!” thus making it an imperative and message for others also to
believe. The second is how this concrete belief always gets troubled by
being at an absolute loss regarding purity/holiness and sacredness
(between the two Levinas is known for making an important distinction).
Most essential to understanding the supposed peace (yet necessary vio-
lence) of the former, the first source of religion, is a rather long reference
to the violence of peace via globalatinization:
This declaration of peace can also, pursuing war by other means, dissimu-
late a pacifying gesture, in the most European-colonial sense possible.
Inasmuch as it comes from Rome, as is the case, it would try...in Europe,
upon Europe, to impose surreptitiously a discourse, a culture, a politics
and a right, to impose them on all the other monotheist religions, includ-
ing the non-Catholic Christian religions. Beyond Europe, through the
same schemes and the same juridico-theologico-political culture, the aim
would be to impose, in the name of peace, a globalatinization. The latter
become henceforth European-Anglo-American in its idiom, as we said
above. The task seems all the more urgent and problematic (incalculable
calculation of religion for our times) as the demographic disproportion will
not cease henceforth to threaten external hegemony, leaving the latter no
strategems other than internalization. [...T]his war or of this pacification is
henceforth without limit: all the religions, their centres of authority, the
religious cultures, states, nations or ethnic groups that they represent have
unequal access, to be sure, but one that is immediate and potentially with-
out limit, to the same world market. They are at the same time producers,
actors and sought-after consumers, at times exploiters, at times victims.
<At stake in the struggle> is thus the access to world (transnational or
trans-state) networks of telecommunication and of tele-technoscience.
Hence for the religion ‘in the singular’ accompanies and even precedes the
critical and teletechnoscientific reason, it watches over it as its shadow. It is
its wake, the shadow of light itself, the pledge of faith, the guarantee of
trustworthiness, the fiduciary experience presupposed by all production of
shared knowledge, the testimonial performativity engaged in all technosci-
entific performance as in the entire capitalistic economy indissociable from
it. (Derrida 1998, p. 79)
6 Is Violence Inescapable? Derrida, Religion… 125
while on the other hand does not amount to a full refusal of phenomenal-
ity (via the aforementioned banality of unthinkability).15
As for religion today and its violences, Derrida is right to seek out their
implicit violences within everyday life. Most of the religion with which we
live on a daily basis is implicit and not explicit, contained within seemingly
banal rituals and habits. Thus, it would not make much sense to expect
violence associated with religion to always be explicit. Yet to presuppose
that nonviolence is associable always with the worst violence (presuming
the irreducibility of violence) is to overlook how violence hovers between
infinite irreducibility and the call to freedom to actively seek overcoming it
through peacemaking. Despite not beginning with the presumption of
nonviolence in the infinitizing of the Other, Derrida still is driven by a
moral hope, or at the very least, a hope beyond hope to do justice (that
“undeconstructible” concept). This may not be ethics qua ethics, and only
Derrida knows if he personally believes in the possibilities of nonviolence.
Yet in short, however, Derrida’s own “irreducibility” (in my view, a new
form of infinity via its becoming total and unavoidable) can become a
dangerous form of crystalizing the presupposition, and therefore perhaps
undermining his very interests in pointing out the culpability of neutrality.
Although Derrida seems to point to an intertwining of nonviolence/
violence in the transcendental,16 he more so emphasizes violence’s ines-
capability, using the phrase “irreducible violence” to refer to how all pre-
ethical “other relations” point to “Violence itself, or rather the
transcendental origin of an irreducible violence” (Derrida 1978a, p. 128).
I am employing Derrida’s own strategy from “Violence and Metaphysics,”
of revealing the conflictual nature of dialogue, in order to demonstrate
how it is possible to rub his own work on religion in the 1980s and 1990s
against the grains of his claim to the irreducibility of violence in 1964.17
My overall critique lies in how Derrida runs a great risk by insisting upon
violence’s irreducibility, precisely because to do so is to fall back into a
new kind of infinity, an infinitization of violence itself. What is of special
import here regarding the “Faith and Knowledge” essay is his insistence
upon an infinity that infinitely resists infinity—the autoimmune func-
tion within religion. This is the kind of irreducibility that insists upon
there always being something to reduce and analyze, as deconstruction is
128 J. W. Alvis
always at work within the work. Even the tearing down of the dichotomies
between light/dark, nonviolence/violence, can become itself a new infinite.
In general philosophical terms, “irreducibility” concerns the point at
which one arrives in an argument when all complexity is claimed to have
been dissolved or resolved; a kind of state of the unconditioned. It is an
un-analyzable simplicity without explanation (e.g. in Occam’s Razor)
that can easily fall into an unconditional claim to non-reductionism.
Thus, for Derrida to insist upon violence’s unavoidability in language,
ontotheology simply metamorphosizes into ontoviolence. Put otherwise,
violence replaces God, Levinas’ infinite other, and becomes the new infi-
nite, the new supreme Absolute by merit of this pure irreducibility. It
unfortunately would be the case that banality would then rule again our
thoughts of violence via silence and unthinkability, reverting us once
again to a “totalitarianism of the neutral” (Derrida 1978a, p. 132), and a
form of negating nihilism found so prominently critiqued in Derrida’s
“Denegations.” This is precisely the kind of domination Derrida seeks to
avoid in his accusations of the dark nihilism of the neutral. To conclude
by using Derrida’s own words against him (insofar as “violence appears
with articulation...the very elocution of nonviolent metaphysics is its first
disavowal”) (Derrida 1978a, p. 147), it seems that the very elocution of
the irreducibility of violence in metaphysics is violence’s first disavowal.
This then circles back to peace, namely, the secret hopes for a new peace
by other means: the peace attained by naming everything inherently,
inescapably, and irreducibly violent may succeed in absolving one of
responsibility and anxiety, yet it is highly doubtful that reference to this
irreducibility can ever stir us from our dogmatic slumbers of apathy, to
convert violences into blessings with justice.
Notes
1. Although “Violence et métaphysique: Essai sur la pensée d’Emmanuel
Levinas” was first published in 1964 in Revue de métaphysique et de
morale, nos. 3&4, then three years later published in 1967 in his book
L’écriture et la différence (Paris Éditions du seuil, 117–228), I will rely
6 Is Violence Inescapable? Derrida, Religion… 129
of universality hat are at the heart of the three religions called monothe-
istic. The universalism that dominates global political-juridical discourse
is fundamentally Greco-Christian … It is a Christianity speaking a bit of
Greek” (Derrida 2001, p. 74).
8. For Derrida the other two monotheisms follow from the “prohibition of
the image” (Derrida 2001, p. 58), whereas Christianity emphasizes the
necessity, of spreading the good news. Elsewhere in the text, Derrida
claims “What Judaism and Islam have in common is this experience of
the imperceptible, of transcendence and hence of absence: they are reli-
gions of writing, of the experiences … of the infinite deciphering of
traces … This is where the experience of the secret is bound up with the
experience of the infinite gloss. There where the Thing does not reveal
itself, does not manifest itself directly” (Derrida 2001, p. 84).
9. Nass (2015a, p. 99). Indeed Christianity is much more complex than
this mere separation between Judaism and Islam via the good news/
secret. It also introduces an important “mourning,” as Naas continues
“Christian incarnation is ‘a spiritual incarnation.’ As a result, it would be
a religion of mourning, a religion in mourning for the lost body and its
virtualization in the Eucharist, a mourning for ‘the Man-God’ that
would have, says Derrida, ‘no place … either in Judaism or in Islam,’
which are instead ‘both thoughts of life and of living life in which
mourning does not have the founding, originary place it has in
Christianity’” (Nass 2015a, p. 99).
10. Naas summarizes this point well “Derrida argues in ‘Faith and
Knowledge,’ from the language, namely, Latin, through which
Christianity first spread and became a truly global religion, then globa-
latinization would not simply be a process that religion might or might
not undergo but one that it cannot but undergo insofar as it defines the
very nature of religion itself. Globalatinization would then be in its
essence Christian, even when Judaism or Islam engages in it or pursues
its strategies and techniques, and the very category religion, related now
both to its Latin roots and to the publicity and mediatization to which it
has given rise and from which it has benefited, would be itself an intrin-
sically Christian notion. From this perspective, then, Christianity would
seem to be the only religion, the only set of practices or beliefs, worthy
of the name religion” (Nass 2015a, p. 100).
11. Derrida, in Islam, regarding proselytization, “the letter should be
repeated, but this repetition without alteration should leave the letter
intact and thus efface itself as repetition … The body of the letter is what
counts, above all else” (Derrida 2001, p. 88).
6 Is Violence Inescapable? Derrida, Religion… 131
Bibliography
Alvis, J. (2018). The Inconspicuous God: Heidegger, French Phenomenology and the
Theological Turn. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Anidjar, G. (2009). The Idea of an Anthropology of Christianity. Interventions:
International Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 11(3), 367–393.
132 J. W. Alvis
Does violence have a meaning? And if it has more than one meaning,
what reasons could possibly account for a human excess of violent affects
that appear to be utterly deprived of rational foundations? To address the
timely problematic this volume invites contributors to consider, I shall
restrict my focus to a specific concern in continental philosophy with the
good and bad emotional effects of representations of violence. At the
most general level, this duplicity informs two related but diametrically
opposed discourses (logoi) on the heterogeneous effects of fictional repre-
sentations of violent affects (pathoi) that are constitutive of Western aes-
thetics—from Greek tragedies to modern plays, war movies to computer
games. One posits that an emotional participation in fictional representa-
tions of violence serves as a cathartic therapy that purifies spectators of
contagious affects like pity and fear according to a classical logos on the
therapeutic properties of violent pathos—what I call, cathartic patho-
logy; the other indicates that fictional representations of violence have the
N. Lawtoo (*)
KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: [email protected]
The point of this confrontation between the Oedipal and the mimetic
unconscious is not to re-enact an ancient quarrel on the virtues and vices
of representations of violence—though I will eventually side with an
empirical, materialist, and immanent tradition on a subject as elusive as
unconscious violence. Nor is it to enter into the historical details that
articulate the continuities and discontinuities between these diagnostic
traditions—for informed studies already exist on the much-discussed
“discovery of the unconscious” (Ellenberger 1970). Rather, my goal is to
trace, in broad and admittedly partial strokes, the genealogical contours of
two different philosophical models that, to this day, bestow a double diag-
nostic meaning on the relation between violence and the unconscious.
My wager is that in an increasingly digitized world, representations of
violence not only seem to have lost their cathartic properties; they might
also contribute to generating violent affects that spread contagiously in
the real world. But before adjudicating between these competing perspec-
tives, let us consider the two sides of this Janus-faced genealogy.2
Let us recall that the origins of Girard’s account of violence stem from
his intersubjective conception of “mimetic desire” that leads subjects to
unconsciously desire what others desire. Not just any other, but admired,
exemplary others—what he calls “models” or “mediators”—with whom
the subject identifies. For Girard, in fact, individual violence is already a
relational and thus social violence insofar as it is rooted in a structural
dynamic that leads to communal violence. The dynamic that gives mean-
ing to both individual and collective violence can be summarized as fol-
lows: first, the subject starts desiring what the other desires, a formula
Girard inherits from a Hegelian/Kojèvian philosophical tradition con-
cerned with a master-slave dialectic predicated on “a desire for the other’s
desire” (Girard 2010, p. 30); second, the relation with the other/model
becomes increasingly “ambivalent,” for the model inevitably turns into an
“obstacle” on the path of a mimetic desire directed toward a now con-
tested “object.” And third, a dialectical fight to the death for the same
“object” (which can be a human being, often a woman) is set in motion,
framing the subject, the model, and the object in a rivalrous triangular
structure that generates violent affects, which, in turn, can spread conta-
giously from self to others involving entire communities and societies at
large. Here is how Girard articulates the logic of this unconscious dynamic
in Violence and the Sacred (1972): “The more frenzied the mimetic pro-
cess becomes, caught up in the confusion [tourbillon] of constantly
changing forms, the more unwilling men are to recognize that they have
made an obstacle of the model and a model of the obstacle. Here we
encounter a true ‘unconscious’ [le véritable inconscient est là] and one
that can obviously assume many forms (Girard 1972, p. 189).”
This is a schematic account of a complex and wide-ranging theory, but
it already reveals a fundamental structural point: Girard’s conception of
the “true ‘unconscious’” is protean, adaptable, and manifests itself in
“many forms;” yet its underlying structure rests on a privileged form.
Despite, or perhaps because of, Girard’s critical stance toward psycho-
analysis, at the structural level, the analogies between Girard and Freud
run deep and provide latent building blocks that give a specifically diag-
nostic meaning to violence: Girard’s general emphasis on desire as the
defining feature of subjectivity, his reliance on a triangular form that dis-
tinguishes between two emotional ties (desire and mimesis), his emphasis
7 The Double Meanings of Violence: Catharsis… 141
The death of ritual, in Girard’s view, brings about the birth of tragedy, in
the sense that tragedy re-presents (presents again) in fictions the sacrificial
violence rituals previously enacted in real life. We move from the anthro-
pology of violence to the aesthetic effects of tragedy, yet the cathartic
effect remains essentially the same insofar as tragedy, for Girard, “springs”
from ritual sacrifice.
Genealogical lenses attentive to the conditions of emergence of a ratio-
nal logos out of a violent pathos confirm that a contemporary theory that
attributes to violence a therapeutic, religious, and structural meaning
continues to rest on an ancient philosophical diagnostic. Aristotle’s Poetics
is, in fact, the key text that allows Girard to bridge the divide between
ritual and tragedy, anthropology and aesthetics, physical participation in
violence and visual representation of violence. In his view, “Aristotle’s text
is something of a manual of sacrificial practices, for the qualities that
make a ‘good’ tragic hero are precisely those required of the sacrificial
victim” (Girard 1972, p. 291). And revealing his paradigmatic example of
tragic play upon which his theory of the scapegoat rests, Girard adds:
Catharsis not only as the effect of sacrificial violence, then; but, rather
catharsis as the purgative effect of a tragic representation of violence
144 N. Lawtoo
brings to an end the operative force of the idea which was not abreacted
in the first instance, by allowing its strangulated affects [eingeklemmten
Affekte] to find a way out through speech [Rede]; and it subjects it to asso-
ciative correction by introducing it into normal consciousness (under light
hypnosis) or by removing it through the physician’s suggestion, as is done
in somnambulism accompanied by amnesia. (p. 16)
her/his pity and fear, and through this affective participation experience
the catharsis of these emotions.
But why should catharsis be linked to the violent pathos of tragedy in
such a therapeutic way? To address the riddle, classicists have stressed the
importance of both re-inscribing this enigmatic concept in its original
ritual context, and of situating it in the philosophical context of Aristotle’s
Poetics in particular and of his philosophy in general. Let us schematically
recapitulate these two related perspectives.
On the one hand, Barbara Cassin and her collaborators in Dictionary
of Untranslatables (2004) explain that the notion of “catharsis” has ritual
origins that can be traced back to the ritual of Thargelia, in which a scape-
goat (pharmakos) was sacrificed for purification purposes. As they put it:
“Katharsis is an action noun corresponding to the verb kathairô (clean,
purify, purge). Initially it had the religious sense of ‘purification’ and
referred particularly to the ritual of expulsion practiced in Athens on the
eve of the Thargelia” (Cassin 2014, p. 126). And summing up the diag-
nostic of the original ritual function of catharsis they specify:
the likelihood presents itself that katharsis does not stand for a notion of
pure outlet or emotional release, still less for a discharge of pathological
emotions. It is more probable that the idea of release is only part of a more
complex concept built around Aristotle’s belief that the emotions have a
natural and proper role in the mind’s experience of reality. (Halliwell
1987, p. 90)
This does not mean that the pathos of violence, which is central to kathar-
sis, can simply be subordinated to a rational logos. Aristotle, for one, men-
tions the centrality of “a destructive and painful action, such as visible
deaths, torments woundings, and other things of the same time” (Aristotle
1987, p. 43) in the generation of pity and fear and the catharsis that fol-
lows. Still, the father of cathartic theory consistently subordinates such
representations of violence to specific formal properties of tragedy, most
notably the “reversal” (peripeteia) and “recognition” (anagnôrisis) that
define a complex plot structure such as Sophocles’s Oedipus Rex (429 BC).
Thus, Aristotle specifies in chapter 7 that “tragedy’s greatest means of
emotional power are components of the plot-structure, namely reversals
and recognitions” (p. 38). On the basis of a close reading of Poetics and a
comparison with other accounts of catharsis (most notably in Politics),
Halliwell argues that what is at stake in catharsis for Aristotle is a “form
of conversion of painful into pleasurable emotion within the contempla-
tion (theôria) of mimetic simulations of reality” (Halliwell 2011, p. 31).
In his account, it is this complex structure that generates a form of
“emotional understanding” (p. 30), or, in our language, a patho-logy that
converts a violent and irrational pathos into a pleasurable and rational logos.
7 The Double Meanings of Violence: Catharsis… 149
causing its effects, and the exact role that imitation plays in the process”
it becomes apparent that “media violence is stimulating violent behavior”
(Huesmann 2005, p. 259).
Such diagnostics are as timely as they are unfashionable. They not
only challenge a dominant model of the unconscious that still informs
many scholars in the humanities; they also go against powerful capitalist
and corporate interests that fund the cultural industries, capitalize on a
human fascination for violence, and amplify it by in-forming violent
tastes. The lesson is, once again, not original; it is as old as the history of
philosophy. Plato contra Aristotle, the mimetic hypothesis contra the
cathartic hypothesis: the terms of the debate change historically, but the
fundamental agon on the unconscious effects of violent representations
remains fundamentally the same. Ultimately this agon rests on two com-
peting philosophical traditions that struggle with the double meanings
of violence.
rative (mimesis) and, consequently, does not narrate the violent pathos of
epic wars and tragic actions from a third-person narrative distance (dieg-
esis); rather, he dramatically impersonates heroes like Achilles or Oedipus,
“likening” himself to these fictional figures “in speech and bodily bear-
ing” (p. 638:393c) and thereby re-enacting the violent pathoi such theat-
rical actions can trigger, from anger to grief, pain to revenge, and so on.
There is an untimely diagnostic meaning operative in this Socratic
lesson that has not lost its relevance in the digital age and concerns the
pathological effects of fictional dramatizations of violent scenes on the
formation of subjectivity. As Plato, speaking mimetically as Socrates,
puts it, shifting from actors (mimos) who speak in mimetic speeches
(lexis) to the psychic, ethical, and pedagogical effects of actors on the
mob assembled in the public (homo mimeticus): “Have you not observed
that imitations, if continued from youth far into life, settle down into
habits and second nature in the body, the speech, and the thought?”
(Plato 1963, p. 640:395d). This diagnostic observation suggests that
mimetic dramatizations of violence do not generate the catharsis of vio-
lent affects but, rather, contribute to forming the character of subjects
who will be inclined to mimetically reproduce such exemplary actions.
In sum, for Plato, mimetic spectacles do not simply represent violence
we can rationally observe from a distance (mimesis as a patho-logical
representation); rather, they contribute to re-enacting violence among
the public whose mimetic pathos can spill over the scene and spread
contagiously into the real world (mimesis as a contagious pathology).
This is not a cure of the same by the same but a diagnostic that the same
re-produces the same.
Looking back to the reasons that give a specifically diagnostic meaning
to Plato’s suspicion of mimetic violence in classical antiquity urges gene-
alogists to look ahead to the contemporary figures concerned with the
double meanings of violence whereby we started. Girard, for one, may be
more Platonic than Aristotelian in his emphasis on the contagious dimen-
sion of violence. If sacrifice and the scapegoat mechanism it reproduces
are designed to “quell violence within the community” (Girard 1972,
p. 30), Girard is also aware that this cathartic quelling often fails to con-
tain the contagion of mimetic violence that, “like a raging fire…feeds on
the very objects intended to smother its flames” (p. 31). Similarly, before
156 N. Lawtoo
better and worse, human character and behavior in ways that are irratio-
nal, contagious, and largely unconscious.
Discovered in the 1990s by a group of Italian neuroscientists led by
Giacomo Rizzolatti initially working with macaque monkeys, mirror
neurons are motor neurons (neurons responsible for movement) that are
involuntarily and, in this sense, unconsciously triggered not only by
movement but also—and this is the “discovery”—by the simple sight of
a gesture. This reflex mechanism leads the observer’s corresponding motor
area of the brain to be activated and, consequently, the observer feels an
unconscious reflex to mirror or mimic the movement seen. As Rizzolatti
and Sinigaglia put it: “In humans, as in monkeys, the sight of acts per-
formed by others produces an immediate activation of the motor areas
deputed to the organization and execution of those acts” (Rizzolatti and
Sinigaglia 2006, p. 125). On this empirical, neurological basis, they go
further and posit the hypothesis of a pre-linguistic form of mimetic com-
munication that allows humans to share emotions without the mediation
of rational understanding, or of a theory of mind. As they put it:
“Emotions, like actions, are immediately shared, the perception of pain
or grief, or disgust experienced by others, activates the same areas of the
cerebral cortex that are involved when we experience these emotions our-
selves” (p. xii). Such an insight is not completely original. As Rizzolatti
and Sinigaglia readily acknowledge, awareness of such mimetic reflexes
are the daily bread of actors and, we should add, of philosophers who
reflected on actors. Dramatic gestures, visual expressions, and theatrical
movements, as Plato was the first to sense, have an enormous power of
psychic impression for they lead the audience to feel, by unconscious
mimesis, what the actor feels and, at one remove, perhaps re-enact his
actions as well.
This picture of homo mimeticus is only now reappearing on the philo-
sophical scene. It will not go unchallenged since it offers a narcissistic
blow to dominant notions of subjectivity understood in terms of free
will, intentionality, and rational self-sufficiency that still inform domi-
nant academic trends. Still, as Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia reassure us, there
is a control mechanism that usually contains such mirroring reflexes.
There is even a rational logos linked to the emergence of understanding
that is unconsciously at play in what may appear as an irrational mirroring
158 N. Lawtoo
pathos. In fact, the authors specify that the mirror neuron system’s “pri-
mary function” concerns “the role linked to understanding the meaning
of the actions of others” (Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia 2006, p. 124). Mimesis
and meaning might thus be intimately entangled in the sense that by
unconsciously reproducing gestures, especially goal-oriented gestures
(such as grabbing, pointing, and facial expressions), Rizzolatti and
Sinigaglia claim, humans have an immediate insight not only into the
other’s affects but also intentions and, by extension, minds and thoughts.
The exact role mirror neurons play in such superior cognitive mecha-
nisms still needs to be determined and is likely to continue to generate
stimulating discussions. Still, despite some initial resistance and skepti-
cism in the humanities, their presence in humans is now empirically
ascertained.11 It thus seems increasingly likely that unconscious mimetic
reactions that preoccupied a tradition in literary and philosophical mod-
ernism from Nietzsche to Bataille, and also Conrad to Lawrence, Charles
Féré to Pierre Janet to Gabriel Tarde, can no longer be dismissed as irrel-
evant to philosophical analysis, or relegated to few pathological cases in
the history of philosophy, as has been done in the twentieth century.
Rather, they already play a constitutive role in emerging conceptions of
homo mimeticus in the twenty-first century. And yet, as a classical philo-
sophical tradition has taught us, imitation is not only used for cognitive,
rational, and meaningful purposes, as Aristotle claimed; it can equally be
put to irrational, violent, and senseless purposes as Plato insisted. In the
wake of the discovery of a mirroring mechanism in the brain, there are
thus good empirical reasons to return to the old Platonic insight that
violent spectacles have formative and performative effects since they
spread contagiously, especially among that mimetic beast par excellence
which is the (physical) crowd, stretching to include, at one remove, (vir-
tual) publics as well. Though direct causality is difficult to measure, there
is, in fact, a growing consensus that violent visual spectacles are likely to
have mimetic, or, better, hypermimetic effects that break the wall of rep-
resentation and trigger unconscious reflexes that significantly increase the
risk of reproducing such violent gestures in the real world in the short
and long run.
In recent years, neuroscientists with a philosophical inclination have
started catching up with the old Platonic realization that mimesis cuts
7 The Double Meanings of Violence: Catharsis… 159
both ways as it can generate mechanisms that can be put to both cogni-
tive (rational) and violent (irrational) use, generating both pathologies
and patho-logies. Marco Iacoboni, for instance, offers a contemporary
variation of the double effects of what Plato called mimesis as he balances
the cognitive implications of mirror neurons by calling attention to the
elementary fact that there are good and bad forms of imitation. As he
puts it: “mirror neurons can undoubtedly be good for us, enabling our
feelings and actions of empathy for others, but they also provide a com-
pelling neurobiological mechanism underlying imitative violence induced
by media violence” (Iacoboni 2008, p. 211). Surveying an abundant lit-
erature on the relation between exposure to media violence and imitative
violence based on laboratory experiments with children, Iacoboni writes
that these findings show that “children who watch more violence tend to
be more aggressive than other children” (p. 207). And turning to longitu-
dinal studies that follow the development of large populations (700 fami-
lies) outside of the lab over a long period of time (15 years) to see if media
violence has long-lasting effects in adult behavior as well, he concludes:
“Taken together, the findings from laboratory studies, correlational stud-
ies, and longitudinal studies all support the hypothesis that media vio-
lence induces imitative violence” (p. 208). Along similar lines, philosophers
like Susan Hurley argue that “the correspondence is not just visual: hear-
ing an expression of anger increases activation of muscles used to express
anger” (Hurley 2004 p. 173). And social scientists like Craig Anderson
and Brad Bushman report that since the 1970s a growing consensus from
the major professional medical societies in the US have been confirming
that “‘the data points overwhelmingly to a causal connection between
media violence and aggressive behavior in some children,’” thereby con-
cluding that “a heavy diet of media violence contributes to a societal
violence rate that is unnecessarily obese” (Anderson and Bushman 2002,
p. 2379).12 As philosophers, we should be careful not to dismiss such
claims as simply quantitative in nature and reductionist in meaning—if
only because, as we have seen, this diagnostic conclusion is perfectly in
line with the origins of philosophical reflections on the contagious pow-
ers of mimetic violence.
No wonder that Plato was particularly worried about mimetic imper-
sonations whereby an actor does not speak about a character in the third
160 N. Lawtoo
person (diegesis) but, rather, embodies “in speech or bodily bearing” that
role (mimesis). There is an important diagnostic meaning nested in this
ancient formal distinction. If it has remained in the shadows of meta-
physical discussions on the truth and lies of mimetic representations
(mimesis as a mirror of reality) in past centuries, it should be center stage
in genealogical diagnostics of the performative power of hypermimetic
spectacles on subject formation (mimesis as a mirror in the ego) in the
present century. At the dawn of philosophy Plato, in fact, already sensed,
with tremendous patho-logical insight, that by enacting a given model of
behavior in gesture, speech, and bodily posture an actor has the power—
Nietzsche would say will to power—to generate a pathos that spreads, via
mirroring gestures, irrationally, contagiously, and unconsciously from the
mimetic actor to the equally mimetic spectators who, at an additional
remove, mirrors the actor, or mimos. In short, Plato is not only an idealist
metaphysician concerned with art understood as a “mirror” (Plato 1963,
p. 821:596d) that reproduces “shadows” or “phantoms, not realities”
(p. 824:599a)—though he is certainly that too. He is also, and for gene-
alogists of violence more importantly, a philosophical physician con-
cerned with the affective and infective powers of mimesis to trigger
mirroring reflexes in real people, turning their ego into a “phantom of the
ego,” as Nietzsche was quick to sense.
True, the theater may no longer be the dominant medium in town to
impress the crowd in the contemporary period; yet, contemporary cases
of violent abuses and assaults directed especially against women, minori-
ties, and children remind us that violence might be originary to homo
mimeticus but it is certainly not original. At least in part, it can be the
spiraling byproduct of reproductions of violent forms of “entertainment”
that are currently being uploaded on all kinds of new digital media,
immerse the subject in hypermimetic and immersive simulations that
blur the line between fiction and reality and, as they are downloaded in
the nervous system, cast a formative, transformative, and deformative
spell on the psychic life of the subject. Digitized screens, in other words,
may add another layer of aesthetic mediation that disconnect posthuman
subjects from reality; and yet, they connect an increasing number of
viewers and gamers to “avatar simulations” (Lawtoo 2015) that have for-
mative, performative, and deformative effects nonetheless. In the digital
7 The Double Meanings of Violence: Catharsis… 161
* * *
culture did, indeed, “get a taste,” as the Detective in Vice puts it, can
hardly be denied. Whether at some point it will “get enough,” remains
to be seen.
What we have seen in this Janus-faced genealogy of violence’s double
meanings is that unconscious violence is not only expressed in dreams
and latent desires; it is, above all, manifest in fictional and virtual actions
that can trigger both good and bad reactions in the real world. The
mimetic unconscious, I have argued, goes beyond the cathartic principle.
It might even go further and bring us back to the reality principle.
Notes
1. Stephen Halliwell notices that the ideas of Greek poetics “are part of the
genealogy of arguments and attitudes in whose modern forms some of
our own values may still be invested” (Halliwell 2011, p. 5).
2. This chapter is a radically condensed version of a longer, two-part article
that appeared in Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture.
See Lawtoo, N. (2019) ‘Violence and the Mimetic Unconscious (Part I)
The Cathartic Hypothesis: Aristotle, Freud, Girard’. Contagion 25,
pp. 159–191; Lawtoo, N. (2019) ‘Violence and the Mimetic Unconscious
(Part II) The Contagious Hypothesis: Plato, Affect, Mirror Neurons’.
Contagion 26, pp. 123–160.
3. The original formulation reads: “‘You ought to be like this (like your
father)’…You may not be like this (you’re your father)—that is, you may
7 The Double Meanings of Violence: Catharsis… 163
not do all that he does; some things are his prerogative’” (Freud 1960,
p. 30)
4. I offer a more detailed account in Lawtoo, N. (2017) ‘The Classical
World: Sacrifice, Philosophy, Religion’. In Alison, J. & Palaver, W. (eds.)
The Palgrave Handbook of Mimetic Theory (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan), pp. 119–126. See also the chapters in Parts I and III.
5. What Nietzsche says of his genealogy of moral values applies to the gene-
alogy of theories as well: it requires “a knowledge of the conditions and
circumstances of their growth, development, and displacement,” a trans-
disciplinary knowledge that calls for “some schooling in history and phi-
lology, together with an innate sense of discrimination with respect to
questions of psychology” (Nietzsche 1996, pp. 8, 5).
6. See Derrida, J. (1981) ‘Plato’s Pharmacy’. In Dissemination, Johnson, B,
(tr.) Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, pp. 61–171.
7. Hence Halliwell suggests: “The main reason in recent times for the irre-
sistible and largely fanciful obsession with the term [catharsis] is
undoubtedly the appeal of such speculations to a Freudian age” (Halliwell
1987, p. 90).
8. This remains Girard’s final position as he writes: “We can escape mime-
tism only by understanding the laws that govern it” (Girard 2010, p. x).
9. For a genealogy of the mimetic unconscious, see Nidesh Lawtoo, “The
Mimetic Unconscious: A Mirror for Genealogical Reflections,” in Borch,
C. ed. (2019) Imitation, Contagion, Suggestion: On Mimesis and Society.
New York: Routledge, pp. 37–53.
10. I discuss Bataille’s and Nietzsche’s take on the unconscious, violence, and
mimesis more at length in Lawtoo, 2013, pp. 27–83, pp. 209–280 and
Lawtoo, N. (2018) ‘Bataille and the Homology of Heterology’. Theory,
Culture & Society 35(4–5), pp. 41–68.
11. For a confirmation of single-neuron activity in human patients, see
Mukamel, R. Ekstrom, A. D., Kaplan, J. Iacoboni, M., Fried, I. (2010)
‘Single-Neuron Responses in Humans during Execution and Observation
of Actions’. Current Biology 20, pp. 750–756.
12. Huesmann concludes his review of the literature on the subject with a
similar diagnostic: “In summary, exposure to electronic media violence
increases the risk of both children and adults behaving aggressively in the
short-run and of children behaving aggressively in the long-run. It
increases the risk significantly, and it increases it as much as many other
factors that are considered public health threats” (Huesmann 2005,
pp. 11–12).
164 N. Lawtoo
Bibliography
Anderson, C. A., & Bushman, B. J. (2002). The Effects of Media Violence on
Society. Science, 295(5564), 2377–2379.
Aristotle. (1987). The Poetics of Aristotle (S. Halliwell, Trans.). Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press.
Bataille, G. (1962). Erotism, Death and Sensuality (M. Dalwood, Trans.). San
Francisco: City Lights Books.
Bataille, G. (1998). Hegel, la mort, le sacrifice. In Oeuvres Complètes (Vol. 12,
pp. 326–345). Paris: Gallimard.
Bernays, J. (2006). Aristotle on the Effect of Tragedy (J. Barnes, Trans., A. Laird,
Ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 158–175.
Cassin, B. (Ed.). (2014). Dictionary of Untranslatables: A Philosophical Lexicon.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Ellenberger, H. (1970). The Discovery of the Unconscious: The Discovery of the
Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry. New York:
Basic Books.
Else, G. F. (1958). Imitation’ in the Fifth Century. Classical Philology,
53(2), 73–90.
Else, G. F. (1967). Aristotle’s Poetics: The Argument. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Freud, S. (1923). Two Encyclopaedia Articles. In S. Strachey (Ed.), The Standard
Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. XVIII.
(1920–1922), pp. 233–260).
Freud, S. (1960). The Ego and the Id (J. Rivière, Trans. & S. Strachey, Ed.).
London: W.W. Norton & Company.
Freud, S., & Breuer, J. (1955). Studies on Hysteria. In J. Strachey (Ed.), The
Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 2.
(1893–1895)). London: The Hogarth Press and the Institute of
Psycho-Analysis.
Girard, R. (1972). Violence and the Sacred (Patrick Gregory, Trans.). Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press.
Girard, R. (1977). Violence and the Sacred. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press.
Girard, R. (2007). Evolution and Conversion: Dialogues on the Origins of Culture
with P. Antonello and J. C. de Castro Rocha. London: Continuum.
Girard, R. (2010). Battling to the End: Conversations with Benoît Chantre. East
Lansing: Michigan State University Press.
7 The Double Meanings of Violence: Catharsis… 165
This chapter has been published in Dutch: Symons, Stéphane, Castelein, & Tammy. (2018). De
laatste seconde, of de eeuwigheid: Ernst Jünger kijkt naar foto’s uit de Eerste Wereldoorlog.
Tijdschrift voor Filosofie, 80(4), 749–770. https://doi.org/10.2143/TVF.80.4.3286095.
S. Symons (*)
KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: [email protected]
T. Castelein
Independent Scholar and Translator, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: [email protected]
ity precisely consisted of, and why it should be of any concern to us in the
first place. This interruptive effect evidences a specific type of violence on
the part of all photographic images that is largely independent of the
scenes they confront us with. Even the images of empty streets in early
twentieth century Paris will, in Benjamin’s view, provide the final proof
for the fact that “every square inch of our cities [is] a crime scene” and
“[e]very passer-by a culprit” (Benjamin 1999a, p. 527). And even the
cherished portrait of our loved ones can, under Barthes’s eyes, present us
with the horrible “platitude of death” (Barthes 1981, p. 92). Rather than
swaddling historical events with the refined threads of narration, photo-
graphs punch holes within its fabric and pose a threat to the texture of
human thought and emotion. Photographs do not suffuse reality with
meaning but they all too often dismantle the context in which they were
made. As the early observer Siegfried Kracauer famously put it: “The turn
to photography is the go-for-broke game of history” (Kracauer 1995,
p. 61). The camera’s decontextualized presentation of the contingencies
of reality comes with the power to unhinge the set of assumptions with
which we look at our surroundings. Photographs confront us with irre-
deemable finitude: they are, in the words of Barthes, “without future”
(Barthes 1981, p. 90). Photographic images, it is therefore often argued,
do not recover an intuitive sense of belonging nor broach a novel well of
meaning; they expose the limits of human understanding and risk alien-
ating us from the world. “[P]hotography has no language of its own,”
John Berger once wrote, since “[a]ll its references are external to itself ”
(Berger 2013, p. 26).
Around the end of the 1920s, the German philosopher and writer
Ernst Jünger, as well, turned to the issue of photography. Collaborating
with some of the most influential thinkers of the post-war right, Jünger
co-edited a number of volumes that contain hundreds of photographic
images and dozens of complementary essays. Jünger’s suggestions, how-
ever, oppose the view that the work of photography is primarily a
discomforting and perhaps even alienating business. For Jünger, the cam-
era is capable of retrieving a foundational truth that is at work within the
world. He does not connect the photographic image with unmitigated
contingency but with the recovery of an absolute force that is believed to
be at work within the world. In Jünger’s view photographs do not work
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 169
against the reality they depict since these images even allow a principle of
necessity to become visible within the realm of history. The photographic
images that Jünger analyzes are therefore not believed to expose a reality
that is shot through with ephemerality. To the contrary, they are read as
the ultimate confirmation that what is being shown neither will nor
should ever fully go away. What Jünger discovers in these images is not so
much a present with no future as an event that is saturated with it. As is
attested to by the title of one of these photobooks, Hier spricht der Feind:
Kriegserlebnisse unserer Gegner (The Voice of the Enemy: War Experiences of
our Adversaries), for him pictures do have a language of their own and
they are worth a thousand words.
However, whether the proper words and language of Jünger’s images
deserve to be heard is an altogether different thing. For most of the images
that Jünger selected were taken during the darkest days of the Great War
and subsequently brought together in books that bear titles such as Die
Unvergessenen (The Unforgotten, 1928), Luftfahrt ist not! (Aviation Is
Urgent!, 1928), Das Antlitz des Weltkrieges: Fronterlebnisse deutscher
Soldaten (The Face of the World War: Front Experiences of German Soldiers,
1930), and the already mentioned The Voice of the Enemy: War Experiences
of our Adversaries (1931). These photographic renditions do not hold
back in delivering us the all too real horror of the first war that was fully
industrial. Aerial views of bombed out landscapes are followed by close-
ups of dead bodies and ripped off body parts, ruined cityscapes that bear
little or no trace of human habitation are juxtaposed with individual sol-
diers unsuccessfully seeking shelter in the trenches and the sudden adren-
aline of body to body combat is pitted against endless rows of uniformed
army men making their way through unhospitable surroundings. While
these books do seem to capture the reality of the Great War, the act of
looking at these images and reading Jünger’s reflections that come with
them leaves one with an unsettling feeling. One gets the sense that some-
thing within these photographs is not quite right. Or, perhaps one should
rather specify: everything within these photographs is all too right. While
these images do not shy away from the sheer terror of modern warfare,
when brought under Jünger’s gaze even this type of destruction has taken
on the look of something eerily ordinary.1
170 S. Symons and T. Castelein
This uncanny feeling of normality stems primarily from the fact that the
universe that is conjured up by Jünger has taken on metaphysical weight.
In Jünger’s view, the war allows for the recovery of a “fated time”
[Schicksalszeit] in which historical events are believed to be both ineluc-
table and opportune (Jünger 1927, pp. 275–280).2 For Jünger, the use of
machines in all fields of contemporary society, including armed battle,
does not so much indicate the dawn of a new age for mankind as a novel
confirmation of the age-old law that nothing is immune to being uprooted
by strife and violence. In the introduction to the photobook Aviation is
Urgent!, Jünger describes the wish that “this gorgeous armament of
mechanical, economic and military powers be nothing but the external
image of a more profound world that is rooted in the realm of destiny”
(Jünger 1928a, p. 402). In the essay ‘War and Technicity,’ that is included
in The Face of the World War, Jünger applauds the camera for its capacity
to reveal that “life is in its essence absolutely of a warlike nature” (Jünger
1930b, p. 597). In the first decades of the twentieth century, it has finally
become clear that reality can be transformed completely into war. It is
indeed one of the paradoxes that underlie these books that the still images
that are compiled manage so well to grasp the “total mobilization” [Totale
Mobilmachung] that came over Europe in the years leading up to 1914.
And this is an event that is wholeheartedly celebrated by Jünger. While
not a few of the images in his books zoom in on what must have been a
moment of terror and shock, the most important message that comes
across is that the “war of the machines” gives “direction and meaning” to
human beings (Jünger 1922, p. 102).3 Even when they are caught on
camera in the midst of a sudden attack, the men in these photos (there
are almost no women here) never seem to be truly caught off guard.
Likewise, when the degree of destruction can finally become palpable
after the moment of crisis, the ruins that are left behind take on a strangely
familiar look, as if they are first and foremost to be received as a newly
discovered and impressive type of landscape. And, surely the epitome of
an irrational and unreasonable worldview, even the dead bodies leave
behind no trace of dissonance in these images, since they blend in remark-
ably well with the environment of obliterated nature.4,5
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 171
Photo 8.1
172 S. Symons and T. Castelein
Photo 8.2
The warbooks reveal that fighting is not chief amongst a soldier’s activ-
ities since waiting, marching, eating, drinking, sleeping, taking care of
one’s gear, and sometimes even trying to have some fun are proven to take
up much more of his time. But at no time do these images indicate the
possibility of a truly different reality, with actions or experiences that are
not subsumed by the craze for standardization and mechanization that
marks an era in the throes of total mobilization. With the help of
machines, we are being told, human beings have managed to prepare for
the very worst, in the process having even become machinelike them-
selves. In one of the captions from the later photobook Die veränderte
Welt. Eine Bilderfibel unserer Zeit (The Transformed World. An Illustrated
Primer of Our Times, 1933), it is put as follows: “The decay of the indi-
vidual physiognomy brings forth a strange world of marionettes.”6
Individual traits of soldiers disappear behind the uniforms they wear and
these uniforms, for their part, are oftentimes rendered invisible by the
geometrical patterns of marching masses. Soldiers are always nothing but
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 173
Photo 8.3
174 S. Symons and T. Castelein
Photo 8.4
Even the most significant opposition that undergirds warfare, the one
between friend and foe, gets lost in these images of relentless dislocation
and upheaval. In a remarkable photograph that is included in The Voice of
the Enemy.9
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 175
Photo 8.5
its own limits and knows how to respect those of the others, would serve
the destiny of the peoples better” (Jünger 1931b, p. 618).10
While the possibility of a non-violent resolution to conflict is thus
carefully kept out of his photobooks, Jünger presents the violence of war
as part of an inevitable and even timely dynamic. It is of course this
appeal to the eternal and ineluctable presence of war that exposes his
writings to Walter Benjamin’s oft-cited criticism of “mysticism.” In
Benjamin’s review of Jünger’s edited volume War and Warriors (Krieg und
Krieger, 1930), his concept of a “cultic” war is rejected because it over-
looks the historical variables that make each armed conflict different, and
could perhaps also convincingly point out the chances for a peaceful out-
come (Benjamin 1999b, pp. 312–321).11 Benjamin’s friend Siegfried
Kracauer could not have agreed more. In his review of Jünger’s book The
Worker (Der Arbeiter, 1932), he wrote that it is “anything but a political
construction, but a ‘gestalt-show’ that opens up not so much a path into
politics as a line of flight leading away from politics” (Kracauer, cited and
translated in Werneburg and Phillips 1992, p. 63).12 The photographs
that are selected by Jünger are not renditions of a historical reality but
instantiations of what Vilém Flusser has called “magical” images where
“everything is repeated and in which everything participates in a signifi-
cant context. Such a world is structurally different from that of the linear
world of history in which nothing is repeated and in which everything
has causes and will have consequences” (Flusser 2012, p. 9).
The aesthetization of politics and the concomitant mythologization of
war are particularly astute in the set-up of the volume The Moment of
Danger (Der gefährliche Augenblick, 1931). Scenes of the violence of war
are only presented after dozens of images of natural disasters (eruptions
of volcanoes, earthquakes, etc.), random accidents (car and plane crashes,
etc.) and registrations of sport events. In this manner, the point is driven
home that waging war is in the end but an integral part of human history
and even a specific form of training. “The times in which we find our-
selves, and in which we enter each day more deeply, reveal to us very
clearly how intimate the relation is between danger and order” (Jünger
1931a, p. 625). When the revelation of a foundational law is believed to
inhere to the moment of danger, what gets lost is the opposition between
violence (war), catastrophe (natural disasters) and accident (crashes) and,
in the end, the very difference between history and nature. “War,”
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 177
Photo 8.6
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 179
The many images of war scenes, disasters, accidents and sports events
that are brought together in Jünger’s photobooks stem from this hope
that the camera would freeze the actual moment of danger and thereby
deliver an ultimate revelation of truth. One of the images that is included
in The Moment of Danger, for instance, shows an overturned, roofless car
at the exact instant when the driver’s body hits the ground. Its caption
reads: “The Last Second”.18
Photo 8.7
180 S. Symons and T. Castelein
Photo 8.8
182 S. Symons and T. Castelein
it does not derive its import from the cause but serves as sufficient ground
for its own validity. “The cause is nothing, and the belief everything”
(Jünger 1922, p. 100).
There is, of course, a word for this strange logic in which suffering gets
transformed into a wellspring of restored meaning: sacrifice. In Jünger’s
view, the dead soldiers that are brought center stage in a large number of
the images are not so much casualties as martyrs, not so much victims as
heroes. For this reason, these photographs revolve more around the future
than around the past. As is alluded to by one of the titles, The Unforgotten,
these books are an integral part of the logic of sacrifice and redemption
because they help set up the feeling that these men have given their lives
for the spiritual renaissance of the nation. The photographs of the fallen
trigger an “unrest” in us that installs the possibility to see one’s own life as
part of a “whole” (Jünger 1928b, pp. 394 and 392). They restore the
belief in the “greatness” of life that bestows onto it an ultimate
“unnameab[ility]” (Jünger 1928b, p. 393). These photographs are meant
to discover even loss as a restitutive force. It is therefore thanks to this
belief in the powers of commemoration that the lives that were given in
the past can be endowed with an ongoing relevance for the future. These
books are not just meant as a tribute to lives that were abruptly ended,
but they are meant to counter-act this untimely interruption. They are
attempts to stamp a final and unnegotiable gravitas onto experiences that
would otherwise run the risk of sinking back into the surreal.
In this respect, a further refinement should be added to the idea that
Jünger’s photobooks cross over to the murky grounds of myth. Perhaps
the problem with these books revolves less around the idea that life is here
in the end but an instantiation of death as around the suggestion that,
vice versa, even the moment of death is believed to proclaim the ultimate
victory of life. For in the worldview of Jünger it is the case not only that
“to live means to kill” but also that ‘being killed means to live (on).’
Around the time when Jünger was compiling his books, Benjamin
rejected the concept of sacrificial death, defining it as the moment when
the tragic hero “dies of immortality” (Benjamin 1999c, p. 56). In Jünger’s
view, the camera’s supposed capacity to catch the moment of dying does
indeed, paradoxically, warrant that the dead “live on within us because
they are more alive than the living” (Jünger 1928b, p. 394). Despite their
184 S. Symons and T. Castelein
focus on the violence of war, the images that were compiled in these pho-
tobooks are meant to vouchsafe the feeling that no hero ever really dies.
Surely, this would be the most pernicious outcome of the aesthetization
of death and the mythologization of violence: that the dead are even
deprived of their own death, and this precisely because the camera
zoomed in on their moment of dying. In some way, it can therefore be
argued that Jünger’s universe does not contain too much death and vio-
lence but too little of it. On account of Jünger’s overblown rhetoric about
fate and sacrifice and his reference to the possibility of religious redemp-
tion, these images are bound to miss the very thing they set out to illumi-
nate. Here, the appeal to an indestructible and eternal core of meaning
stands in the way of the altogether simple observation that death is the
standing proof of man’s finitude.
Fortunately, not even a machine will tolerate being manipulated for
such unwholesome purposes. In quite a few of the images that are gath-
ered in these photobooks the camera has left behind markers that give
away the tricks that Jünger is pulling on history. The motif of smoke,
fumes and dust-clouds, that is, recurs in many of the photographs.20
Photo 8.9
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 185
These elements are at once the physical effect of the instant of danger
that fascinated Jünger so much, and the visual reminder that something
essential remains absent from the image. From the earliest days of pho-
tography onwards, fog-like and ghost-like stains were an integral part of
the photographic image. In the first photographs, these blurry zones were
already witness to the fact that something was being pushed out of sight
because the camera was too slow to capture the movements and details of
reality. Even now, almost 200 years after the invention of the camera,
these hazy patches have retained the power to denounce any attempt to
use the camera for the purposes of myth. Undoubtedly, Jünger would
have interpreted these zones of smoke and dust-clouds as a visual transla-
tion of the “intoxication” that, in his view brought the soldiers to embrace
death with enthusiasm.21 But this view is nothing short of a mockery of
historical facts. Of much more fundamental importance than this con-
nection between intoxication and smoke, Rausch and Rauch, is the man-
ner in which these large-sized gray and black areas point out how the
camera continues to expose the irredeemable gap between history
and meaning.
Notes
1. The use of the expressions “not quite right,” “all too right” and “eerily
ordinary” is borrowed from an essay by Geoff Dyer on the photographer
Chris Dorley-Brown. This essay was inspirational, though it revolves
around an analysis of work that is very different from Jünger’s (and is not
even critical about the attempt to “photograph eternity”). See Dyer
(2018).
2. Except when indicated, all translations from the German are by the
authors.
3. On this issue, see Part I in Blok (2017).
4. Ernst Jünger, Das Antlitz des Weltkrieges: Fronterlebnisse deutscher
Soldaten (Berlin: Neufeld & Henius Verlag, 1930), 186. The authors
have attempted, to the best of their ability, to find out who holds the
authorship rights of these photographs. They have not, however, been
able to locate these since Jünger himself did not provide any indication
of the authorship of the photographs, and the publisher of his books no
186 S. Symons and T. Castelein
longer exists. If anyone holds the rights to these photos, they can make
contact with the publisher.
5. Ibid., 74.
6. For an excellent analysis of this issue, and of Ernst Jünger’s photobooks
at large, see Werneburg and Phillips (1992, pp. 42–64). See also Capeloa
Gil (2010) and Bullock (1992, pp. 106–110).
7. Richard Junior, hrsg., Hier spricht der Feind: Kriegserlebnisse unserer
Gegner, mit einer Einleitung von Ernst Jünger (Berlin: Neufeld and
Henius [1931], 24.
8. Ibid., 25.
9. Junior, hrsg., Hier spricht der Feind, 149.
10. For the same argument see also Jünger (1931a, pp. 620–626).
11. For an enlightening comparison between the works of Jünger and
Benjamin, see Bullock (1998, pp. 563–581).
12. The original reference is Kracauer (1932, pp. 122–123).
13. See, for instance, also the reference to an “intoxicating lucidity
[berauschende Nüchternheit]” in Jünger (1922, p. 102).
14. Cited and translated by Werneburg and Phillips (1992, p. 52).
15. Cited and translated by Werneburg and Phillips (1992, p. 53).
16. Jünger, Hier spricht der Feind, 66.
17. Cited and translated by Werneburg and Phillips (1992, p. 53).
18. Der gefährliche Augenblick: Eine Sammlung von Bildern und Berichten,
hrsg. Von Ferdinand Bucholtz, mit einer Einleitung von Ernst Jünger
(Berlin: Junker und Dünnhaupt Verlag, 1931), 72.
19. Jünger, Das Antlitz des Weltkrieges, 312.
20. Jünger, Das Antlitz des Weltkrieges, 231.
21. For an extensive discussion of the concept of Rausch in Jünger’s work,
see Bullock (1992, pp. 180–225).
Bibliography
Barthes, R. (1981). Camera Lucida. Reflections on Photography (R. Howard,
Trans.). New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Benjamin, W. (1999a). Little History of Photography. In M. W. Jennings,
H. Eiland, & G. Smith (Eds.), Selected Writings (Vol. 2). Cambridge/London:
Harvard University Press.
Benjamin, W. (1999b). Theories of German Fascism. On the Collection of
Essays War and Warriors, Edited by Ernst Jünger. In M. W. Jennings,
8 The Last Second, or Eternity: Ernst Jünger Looking… 187
And yet, twenty-two years after it occurred, on the basis of an experience that
in no way probed the entire range of possibilities, I dare to assert that torture
is the most horrible event a human being can retain within himself.
—Améry 1986, p. 22
Only in rare moments of life do we truly stand face to face with the event
and, with it, reality.
—Améry 1986, p. 26. For Améry, this moment was the
experience of torture
Introduction
Violence has been a growing theme in philosophical and phenomenologi-
cal research over the last few decades. Whether inspired by the tumultu-
ous and violent geopolitical events of the early twentieth century or by a
growing recognition of the constitutive role of violence in creating those
J. Heuslein (*)
KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
induces. Indeed, even those who have also experienced the torture have
not, could not, experience my torture. This solipsistically oriented attitude
is formed from the singular nature of my bodily experience, as Améry
claims in his own accounting of torture: “The pain was what is was.
Beyond that there is nothing to say. Qualities of feeling as incomparable
as they are indescribable. They mark the limit of the capacity of language
to communicate. If someone wanted to impart his physical pain, he would
be forced to inflict it and thereby become a torturer himself ” (Améry
1986, p. 33). Elaine Scarry, develops a similar understanding in her work,
The Body in Pain.16 Here, she schematizes the experience of torture and
war, to show how torture through the pain inflicted begins to mark the
limit of and undercut language (Scarry 1985, pp. 48–51). She claims that
without language, there is no sociality, no intersubjective communality.
Specifically, in torture, pain is used to transform the individual merely
into a voice whose expression of pain only empowers the stature of the
state. Indeed, this breakdown of language and subjectivity is seen most
evidently in extreme cases of violence and pain: it is seen in torture.17
Améry moves from the first blow of the interrogator, in which the trust
of the world is broken, to the full destruction of trust in torture. He writes
from his personal experience, and he notes that while in the Belgian resis-
tance in the Second World War, he often imagined the moment of capture
and interrogation, but when the actual moment came, the blow burst not
only his imagined perceptions of the moment but his sense of reality. He
notes that “[w]hoever has succumbed to torture can no longer feel at home
in the world. The shame of destruction cannot be erased. Trust in the
world, which already collapsed in part at the first blow, but in the end,
under torture, fully, will not be regained” (Améry 1986, p. 40). The world
for the tortured person, for the person subjected to the violence and the
pain of torture, is distant. The process of constituting, of continuously
making meaningful the world, is undone in the inexpressibility of the pain,
in the objectification and the violation of the borders of the body, and the
seemingly arbitrary nature of continued existence for the tortured subject.
Moreover, the isolation, silence, and subjective experience of meaningless-
ness is something that leads to the lack of documentation often associated
with torture claims, as survivors either cannot or choose not to speak of
it.18 William Cavanaugh, a scholar who wrote on the Pinochet regime’s use
9 Torturous Violence: A Phenomenological Approach… 199
of torture, reasons that “[t]orture breaks down collective links and makes
of its victims isolated monads. Victims then reproduce the same dynamic
in society itself, with the net result that all social bodies which would rival
the state are disintegrated and d isappeared” (Cavanaugh 1998, p. 34). The
individuals are isolated and individuated by torture, traumatized, and then
they carry that same traumatizing into the social bodies around them until
there is no longer a social body as there once was: the intersubjective com-
munity is broken. Cavanaugh persuasively argues that that was the aim of
the Pinochet regime in Chile: to dismantle any social body that was com-
peting with the societal (and economic) vision of the state.19 Returning to
a subjective level, there is often another strategy invoked by the torturers
for isolation. They will remark that the uncooperative disposition of the
tortured, their resistance, is forcing them to take these actions and inflict
pain. Cavanaugh notes the reasoning, “By focusing on their own pain and
sacrifice, no matter how disproportionate to the pain of torture, torturers
deny the reality of the other and confer reality on the concerns of the
regime alone” (Cavanaugh 1998, p. 36).20
As I have argued above, violence creates but ultimately breaks down a
shared sense of community, of belonging to an intersubjective commu-
nity. Torturous violence is a particular example of how violence system-
atically isolates the person from social bodies, cutting them off from any
form of empathy—from the torturer’s denial of their pain to the victim’s
inability to express with exactitude the nature of the experience. This is
only exacerbated by the destruction to subjectivity itself that is brought
about by violence, as the horizons of space and of time, that is, the con-
stituted and meaningful world, collapses around the subject. To under-
stand how these horizons collapse, I turn to the constitution of space
and of time.
Enns reminds us here that what was analyzed in the previous section of
this chapter (the individuating nature of violence) is connected to the
reduction of the subject to flesh, which is caused by the pain experi-
enced. In order to understand how this occurs and its connection to the
suspension of spatial horizons, the connection between the body’s con-
stituting role and the nature of pain must be developed. Drew Leder
distinguishes this experience of the body as affecting the dys-appearing
body, that is, the body that normally is non-thematic in consciousness
now becomes the theme of consciousness as the intense pain or abnor-
mality focuses consciousness on the body. The alienation from the
9 Torturous Violence: A Phenomenological Approach… 201
Fig. 9.1 One of Abu Zubayduh’s drawings, depicting the suspension of his tem-
poral horizons
Unsurprisingly, the more violent (and this is not necessarily physical vio-
lence) the event, the more disparate the break in the narrative. Given the
vulnerability of a narrative, it is useful to understand narratives temporally:
“The trauma survivor experiences a figurative dismemberment – a shat-
tering of assumptions, a severing of past, present, and future” (Brison
1999, p. 48). The event of violence constitutes a present moment in the
narrative of the subject who has experienced it. The moment does not
fade away, nor is it repressed. The shattering of the narrative mirrors the
structure of trauma, in its past-present structure, that is, in trauma the
past is not past but experienced as a present, an ongoing trauma. This
structure is emphasized in torture and other moments of extreme vio-
lence, because not only is the future brought into question (and the threat
of death itself used as a torture method),26 but also the past is brought
into question. When torture takes on an interrogatory form, the past or
past plans that the tortured person has information about becomes the
focus. Yet even when information is obtained, the torture is likely to con-
tinue, as interrogators claim they “need to be sure,” but in truth the infor-
mation and its veracity will not satisfy until the person tortured has been
disposed of their past and their future, making the power of the torturers
evident.27 Torture victims often note how difficult it is even to remember
the truth: their past is nearly inaccessible (Cassidy 1992, p. 198).
Moreover, the interrogatory form of torture is considered as ineffective in
intelligence gathering, even by the experts (United States 2014, p. 3).
This is simply seen, as well in how the resistance movements format
themselves, by using false names and having a decentralized network of
information, which makes interrogatory torture unsuccessful. Reflecting
on the traumatic structure of torture, Améry notes the temporal stasis
that torture can inflict: “Whoever was tortured, stays tortured. Torture is
ineradicably burned into him, even when no clinically objective traces
can be detected” (Améry 1986, p. 34). He phrases it even more emphati-
cally, noting a crucial difference between the violence inflicted in torture
and ‘normal’ trauma: “It still is not over. Twenty-two years later I am still
dangling over the ground by dislocated arms, panting, and accusing
myself. In such an instance there is no ‘repression’” (Améry 1986, p. 36).
In “normal” trauma, there can be a repression of the event, that is repressed
and affects the subject in different ways, but one that is not actively
204 J. Heuslein
Violence and Subjectivity
As stated above, the temporal and spatial horizons of the subject are
deconstructed through pain and especially in torturous violence. In the
first section, I also argued that pain and violence are individuating phe-
nomena—ones that denote the isolated aspect of subjectivity in pain. In
this section, I argue that in light of these previous analyses that subjectiv-
ity itself is constituted and wounded by torturous violence, specifically in
its meaning-making capabilities (in its self-constitution) and its intersub-
jectivity constituting capabilities. In other words, I argue that through
9 Torturous Violence: A Phenomenological Approach… 205
those barely, can be hoped for. This is analogous with Leder’s teleology of
pain: the subject in pain only seeks to stop the pain (Leder 1990, p. 77).
Améry once again offers a reflection from his own experience that
touches on this:
[The torturer] has control of the other’s scream of pain and death; he is
master over flesh and spirit, life and death. In this way, torture becomes the
total inversion of the social world, in which we can live only if we grant our
fellow man life, ease his suffering, bridle the desire of our ego to expand.
But in the world of torture man exist only by ruining the other person who
stands before him. (Améry 1986, p. 35)
Even in Améry’s description all that the tortured subject does is exist for
the torturer to ruin. Here we see that the intersubjective world is no longer
freely accessible for the tortured person, and the language of the tortured
is reduced to the scream of pain, which itself is controlled by the torturer.
Scarry highlights a similar structure in her analysis of torture, that is, the
goal of torture is to change the body into voice, to remove it from the
world of possibilities, because once it is a voice, it can only speak what it is
commanded or cry out in pain (Scarry 1985, p. 49).29 Without language,
the meaningfulness of the event is unattainable for the tortured person, as
well as access to the intersubjective community of subjects. In stripping
subjects of human attributes, including language, torturous violence and
pain aim at the reduction of meaning into nothing. Better said, torture
aims to reduce all meaning that the torturer is not trying to constitute into
nothing. In order to understand how torturous violence may constitute
meaning, I turn to the torturers and Benjamin’s analysis of violence.
There is another side to the torturous violence and pain that is wrought
against the human subject: the power and purpose of the subjects wielding
the violence and pain. As noted several times above, torture cannot be
contained to merely a project of interrogation; it is used far more widely
than that. Torture is a climax of the kind of violence that Walter Benjamin
speaks of when he writes that “[a]ll violence as a means is either lawmak-
ing or law-preserving. If it lays claim to neither of these predicates, it for-
feits all validity” (Benjamin 1996, p. 243). In Benjamin’s critique, violence
functions as a means, with only two ends: create a new law or preserve the
9 Torturous Violence: A Phenomenological Approach… 207
existing law. For him, law is not merely a particular element of jurispru-
dence, but the whole system of legality, sovereignty, and nationality of a
particular people. Violence, then, is considered to be constitutive of a
people, as acts of mythic violence found those groups, uniting persons
under a single legality or sovereignty. Benjamin, in developing his critique,
also notes that “[l]awmaking is powermaking, assumption of power, and
to that extent an immediate manifestation of violence” (Benjamin 1996,
p. 248). Violence that makes the legality or sovereignty seeks to have
power over subjects; as a program, torturous violence often expresses that
desire to have power over subjects and then establish a legality and sover-
eignty to be recognized by other sovereignties.30 Torture could be consid-
ered as a radical form of the constituting violence that founds sovereignty,
as it is the sovereign action of another over the life and the death of the
tortured body. The executive violence sovereignty has is seen in a particu-
lar yet universal scale in torturous violence. Scaling back from a perspec-
tive of sovereignty and violence, Ó Murchadha offers another perspective
to be taken into consideration: “The source of violence…is not in an
autonomous will seeking mastery, but in an incarnate and vulnerable will
which is motivated to violence long before it takes up its weapons of retali-
ation” (Ó Murchadha 2006, p. 216). This is why subjects engage in vio-
lence: we encounter vulnerabilities in others and in ourselves, and in order
to minimize these vulnerabilities in us, we seek to dominate others, that is,
to have power over them. This does not conflict with Benjamin, but modi-
fies the idea of constituting violence: violence does not arise from power,
but creates it—the torturer affects violence, in order to produce power,
which then can be wielded over subjects. This is similar to Michel
Foucault’s understanding of the production of power through the penal
system—power is produced through fields of knowledge opened up in the
technologies of the prison and surrounding jurisprudence (Foucault
1977). Torturous violence produces power, and uses that power to solidify
their own position, which is usually tenuous or vulnerable. Moreover, vio-
lence arises not merely from existing conflict, but from the will that is
vulnerable seeking out power to make itself invulnerable to prevent vio-
lence against it, while perpetuating violence on others. Améry himself
claims that to resolve the tortured’s dilemma of seeking justice, of re-estab-
lishing power, they must in turn become torturers (Améry 1986, p. 33).
208 J. Heuslein
Conclusion: On Resistance
Despite everything that has been written in terms of the isolating, sus-
pending of spatial and temporal horizons, and destroying meaning-
making capabilities of torturous violence, it does not always collapse
subjectivity; at least, not permanently. In this conclusion, I argue that
torturous violence reveals that the target of such and all violence is resis-
tance, a structure of subjectivity. However, resistance is an elastic concept
and is seen in various phenomena, in both its failing and its succeeding.
I define it through the experience of torturous violence and the structures
of it outlined throughout this chapter.
As I have argued above, torturous violence is rarely, if ever, primarily
concerned with the production of information—either intelligence or a
confession—but rather with the production of power over tortured sub-
jects and in the establishing of a sovereignty more broadly. With this
project in mind, it becomes clear that torturous violence, then, is not
about words in a room, but the powers of bodies in a society. Cavanaugh
notes this with regard to the Pinochet regime: “It was crucial to the
Pinochet regime to have complete control over bodies. The regime
understood perfectly well that the body could become a focus of resis-
tance to the state’s power” (Cavanaugh 1998, p. 67). Embodied subjects
have powers, projects, and their own aims. Regimes that employ tortur-
ous violence seek to undermine and exterminate those differences and
competitions with the state. Améry argues that this programmatic use
of torturous violence is not just something that can be used by a state,
but it is something that can define one: “[R]ather, I am convinced,
beyond all personal experiences, that torture was not an accidental qual-
ity of this Third Reich, but its essence” (Améry 1986, p. 24). In the face
9 Torturous Violence: A Phenomenological Approach… 209
Notes
1. Throughout the edited volume, Violence, Victims, Justifications, several
scholars, including the editor, argue that violence is fundamentally rela-
tional. For examples see, “Introduction: Violence, Discourse and Human
Interdependence” (9), “Violence as Violation” (80), “Freedom versus
Responsibility? Between Ethical Indifference and Ethical Violence”
(132), and the afterword (235). See F. Ó Murchadha, ed. (2006),
Violence, Victims, Justifications (Bern: Peter Lang AG).
2. This is what Bernhard Waldenfels argues in his article, “Violence as
Violation,” in Violence, Victims, Justifications, 73: “What seems to be
especially important is to see that violence is a cultural phenomenon
which cannot be transposed to some kind of brute nature.”
3. For some examples, see R. Girard (1989), The Scapegoat, trans. Yvonne
Freccero (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press).
4. For an approach to the violence constituted in law, see W. Benjamin
(1996), “Critique of Violence,” in The Selected Writings of Walter
Benjamin, edited by M. Bullock and M. W. Jennings (Cambridge: The
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press).
5. This may seem to encompass too much, as violence could be seen in
parenting as well as across the battlefields of war. Some might argue that
these phenomena (e.g., spanking and shelling) differ not merely in
degree but in kind. I argue, on the other hand, that they do not, insofar
as both affect structures of subjectivity through similar means (pain pro-
duced in affective flesh).
6. See the arguments that response to the critiques of the use of torture and
argue for its qualified use in M. Bagaric and J. Clarke (2007), Torture:
When the Unthinkable is Morally Permissible (Albany: SUNY Press).
7. This is from the second epigram to this chapter; see footnote 2. The
notion of the event is a complicated one in philosophy, as is reality, but
here Améry is suggesting that his torture is an event that connects him
to the fundamental nature of what is real, which is for him a kind of
nothingness and meaninglessness.
8. It should be noted that phenomenology is normally tasked with the
understanding of constitution, both in its constituting and constituted
elements, but the act of torture and acts of extreme violence are acts of
de-constitution, that is, where constituting functions fail and where con-
stituents are dissolved.
9 Torturous Violence: A Phenomenological Approach… 211
30. This thought goes beyond this essay and into international political phi-
losophy, but it is observable in the unstable regimes currently in the
world, as well as past regimes (Pinochet in Chile, ISIS, and Boko
Haram). The unstable position of the United States might also be observ-
able in the use of torture.
31. Here, there is a connection with the philosophical anthropology that
Sigmund Freud develops in his famous essay, “Beyond the Pleasure
Principle.” See S. Freud, The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological
Works of Sigmund Freud, trans. J. Strachey, A. Freud, et al. (London:
Hogarth Press).
32. See F. Fanon (2014), The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance
Farrington (London: Penguin Books Ltd), particularly in J.P. Sartre’s
preface, which emphasized the use of violence as a form of
resistance.
Bibliography
Améry, J. (1986). At the Mind’s Limits (S. Rosenfeld & S. P. Rosenfeld, Trans.).
New York: Schocken Books.
Amnesty International. (2014a). Torture in 2014: 30 Years of Broken Promises.
London: Amnesty International.
Amnesty International. (2014b). Attitudes to Torture. London: Amnesty
International.
Amnesty International. (2014c). ‘Welcome to Hell Fire:’ Torture and Other Ill-
Treatment in Nigeria. London: Amnesty International.
Amnesty International. (2014d). Above the Law: Police Torture in the Philippines.
London: Amnesty International.
Amnesty International. (2015a). Shadow of Impunity: Torture in Morocco and
Western Sahara. London: Amnesty International.
Amnesty International. (2015b). Secrets and Lies: Forced Confessions Under
Torture in Uzbekistan. London: Amnesty International.
Amnesty International. (2016). Hotspot Italy. London: Amnesty International.
Apuzzo, M., Fink, S., & Risen, J. (2016, October 8). How US Torture Left
Legacy of Damaged Minds. New York Times.
Bagaric, M., & Clarke, J. (2007). Torture: When the Unthinkable Is Morally
Permissible. Albany: SUNY Press.
214 J. Heuslein
Scarry, E. (1985). The Body in Pain: The Making and the Unmaking of the World.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Staudigl, M. (2013). Towards a Relational Phenomenology of Violence. Human
Studies, 36(1), 43–66.
United States, & Feinstein, D. (2014). The Senate Intelligence Committee Report
on Torture: Committee Study of the Central Intelligence Agency’s Detention and
Interrogation Program. New York: First Melville House Printing.
10
Oppressed by Shame: From Auschwitz
to a Politics of Revolt
Debra Bergoffen
Introduction
This chapter is haunted by the figure of the Musselman, the Auschwitz
spectacle described by survivors as a walking corpse whose humanity was
eviscerated while they were still alive. Though the racist politics of creat-
ing a world where some human beings are said to be inferior to others is
not new, pursuing a politics aimed at destroying the humanity of some to
enhance that of others is. The Musselman is the face of this politics.
To understand the radical implications of this politics it is necessary to
distinguish the project of “normal” racism from that of Nazi racism. One
begins by using the body’s race (however race is defined) to establish a
hierarchy of humanity. The other uses the body’s race to distinguish those
who are human from those who are not. The “normal” racisms of slavery
and colonization are interested in producing inferior docile bodies that
can be used productively for profit. The humanity of the slave and
D. Bergoffen (*)
George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
Emmanuel Levinas
Where cultural theorists, psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists
have linked the experience of shame to the norms and values of particular
times and places, phenomenologists have embedded it in the ontology of
the human condition. Among those phenomenologists who have analyzed
220 D. Bergoffen
Jean-Paul Sartre
There is nothing to suggest that Sartre read On Escape before writing
Nausea. I do not think, however, that Levinas could have found a more
apt description of the powerless, passive nudity that constitutes the shame
of being riveted to a body. The central character of Nausea, Roquentin,
enacts Levinas’ insistence that getting to the heart of shame requires get-
ting beyond its social constructions. Having isolated himself from others
and the world, Roquentin describes himself as a solitary man entirely
alone with his body (Sartre 1991, p. 65). Abandoned to himself, he has
lost the ability to see himself as others see him. Separated from those who
are under the spell of social norms, he now sees his face in the mirror as a
jelly fish—nauseous, filthy, naked flesh (Sartre 1991, p. 18).
As Roquentin’s nausea becomes more invasive, more than recognizing
his face is at stake. Touching the roots of the chestnut tree that touches
him, Roquentin recoils at the discovery that nausea is not something that
happens to him. It is who/what he is. It is inescapable. As existence con-
tinues to reveal itself in the nausea, Roquentin finds that the diversity and
individuality of things disappears. Like the piece of wax under the heat of
a flame, the veneer of solid things and distinct persons melts. All that is
left are soft, monstrous disordered masses, frightful and obscene naked-
ness (Sartre 1991, pp. 126–7). Within these obscene masses, the only
226 D. Bergoffen
relationship that survives is that of being in the way (Sartre 1991, p. 128).
All other relations/relationships are specious. They are built on illusions.
Everything is superfluous. The truth of existence is that of radical contin-
gency. The idea of rights and by extension the concept of human dignity
is a lie. No one has any rights (Sartre 1991, p. 131).
It is only in the last few pages of Nausea that shame emerges as the
definitive meaning of the nauseous contingency of existence. Here Sartre,
like Levinas, distinguishes the shame of the malaise of the human condi-
tion from the shame of violating social norms. Witnessing the scene in
the library where the self-taught man, having been exposed as a pedo-
phile, is expelled in shame, Roquentin is annoyed at him for feeling
ashamed and ashamed at his shame (Sartre 1991, p. 168). Sometime
later, having decided to return to Paris and to abandon the project of try-
ing to justify his existence through the existence of someone else, that is,
by writing the biography of the Marquis de Rollebon, Roquentin experi-
ences existential shame. Like the crab face that appears only after the spell
of social conventions is broken, this shame only occurs to someone who
has faced the nausea of existence. Listening to the words of the song
“One of these days you’ll miss me honey” Roquentin is ashamed for him-
self, not of himself. Unlike the self-taught man who is ashamed of himself
for violating the rules of decency, Roquentin is ashamed for existing, for
being superfluous.
For Levinas, discovering the shame of being riveted to a body is the
impetus for escaping the traps of western metaphysics. For Roquentin, it
inaugurates the desire to escape the shame of being superfluous while
holding on to the shame of existing. Is this possible? Roquentin suggests
that it is. He says, that it would require creating something that would be
above existence. “A story, for example, something that could never hap-
pen…It would have to be beautiful and hard as steel and make people
ashamed of their existence” (Sartre 1991, p. 178). He continues, “…it
wouldn’t stop me from existing or feeling that I exist [but]…a little clarity
might fall over my past. Then, perhaps, because of it, I could remember
my life without repugnance” (Sartre 1991, p. 178). The task, it seems, is
to acknowledge the shame of existence without being nauseated by the
truth of being superfluous.
10 Oppressed by Shame: From Auschwitz to a Politics of Revolt 227
reprehensible. Belonging to the same social world they share the same
shame criteria. If this were Roquentin shame would not enter the picture.
The testimonies of Levi and Améry indicate that it is not a matter of
choosing between the On Escape and Nausea accounts of shame or the
Being and Nothingness version. Each captures an essential aspect of shame.
Together they portray the complexity of shame and the ways that the
phenomenon of shame testifies to our status as embodied beings. As an
affect that tethers self and body to each other, shame speaks both to the
ways that we experience our bodies for ourselves and to the ways that we
experience our bodies in the presence of others. For Levi, holding on to
the shame that riveted him to his body for himself kept him from suc-
cumbing to the fate of the Musselman. For Améry experiencing the
shame of existing for others who identified him as superfluous, but reject-
ing the values that legitimated this judgment separated him from the
Musselman and became the impetus for a politics of revolt after liberation.
The testimonies of Levi and Améry indicate that the passivity of shame
is only part of the story, for within the dialectic of self and other captured
in the confrontation between the jealous lover and the judging footsteps,
another dialectic of self and other is at work. This dialectic concerns my
relationship to the other’s judgment that I am shameful. Am I condemned
to passively accept it or is it vulnerable to my critique? Roquentin sug-
gests that this is an either-or proposition. Either, like the self-taught man,
accept social constructions of shame or, like himself, reject them. Levi’s
experience of being oppressed by shame indicates that as lived, shame is
more complex. He and his persecutors share the same shame criteria.
Their shared judgment that his filthy, emaciated body is shameful is cru-
cial to his experience of shame as oppressive. They do not, however, agree
on the meaning of this shame. For the Nazis, Levi’s shame legitimated
their master-race values. For Levi it exposed the evil of these values.
Shame, in registering our vulnerability to our being-for-others speaks to/
of the passivity of being riveted to a body. Insofar as the effectiveness of
the for-others experience of shame requires that we accept the others’
judgments we are not condemned to passively acquiesce to their power to
define us. By requiring our assent to these judgments, shame engages us
as active participants in the collaborative process of world making. We
may either endorse the shame values that are already in place or refuse to
10 Oppressed by Shame: From Auschwitz to a Politics of Revolt 229
insisted that the fate of the city rested on the fate of her brother’s body,
on recognizing his human right to the rites of a proper burial, we might
begin by asserting that the fate of our humanity is tied to remembering
the assault on the humanity of those who danced the dance of death at
Auschwitz.
Notes
1. J. Lang (2010) disputes the argument that Auschwitz succeeded in dehu-
manizing its inmates. Where Douglas saw the impossibility of dehuman-
ization from the perspective of the slaves’ insistence on their humanity,
Lang looks at the dynamics of dehumanization from the perspective of the
oppressors. Though he does not address the matter of the Musselman, he
claims that preserving the humanity of the prisoners was essential to the
Nazi’s sense of power.
2. See Ruth Leys’ From Guilt to Shame: Auschwitz and After for a detailed
account of survivor shame.
3. Martin Niemoller’s poem “First They Came for the Communists” poi-
gnantly makes this point.
Bibliography
Agamben, G. (2016). The Use of Bodies (A. Kostko, Trans.). Stanford: Stanford
University Press.
Améry, J. (1980). At the Mind’s Limit: Contemplations by a Survivor on Auschwitz
and Its Realities (S. Rosenfeld & S. P. Rosenfeld, Trans.). Bloomington:
Indiana University Press.
Bergoffen, D. (2012). Contesting the Politics of Genocidal Rape: Affirming the
Dignity of the Vulnerable Body. New York: Routledge.
Kendi, I. Y. (2016). Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist
Ideas in America. New York: Nation Books.
Lang, J. (2010). Questioning Dehumanization: Intersubjective Dimension of
Violence in the Nazi Concentration and Death Camps. Holocaust and
Genocide Studies, 24(2), 225–246.
238 D. Bergoffen
G. Rae (*)
Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Madrid, Spain
e-mail: [email protected]
through this stage, only that the reflection will take place in a different
way. Third, the unity that results is defined by a moment of alienation:
the child sees himself in another and recognizes himself as that which he
previously took himself not to be: an object. Rather than a negative expe-
rience, this moment of alienation is a joyous one in which the child takes
a “jubilant interest … at the sight of his own image in a mirror” (Lacan
1953, p. 14).
While more could be said about Lacan’s notion of the imaginary, the
basic point for present purposes is that the Lacanian ego is not a sub-
stance but a necessary fiction that provides the psyche with a mirage of
stability and identity. The entire edifice is, however, fragile and must be
maintained against and through a process that is always in “constant dan-
ger of sliding back again into the chaos from which [it] started”
(1953, p. 15).
The imaginary dominated Lacan’s thinking up to the early 1950s. This
changed in 1953 when, with the famous “The Function and Field of
Speech and Language in Psychoanalysis” (2006c), his thought took a dra-
matic turn towards the symbolic. As Louis Sass explains, with the symbolic,
Lacan presents a realm that is understood to lie beyond our conscious grasp
(a realm of semiotic structures encompassing the unconscious, which is
“structured like a language”), yet which, in contrast with the illusions of
the “imaginary” realm, supposedly constitutes the actual matrix and motor
of much of our experience and action. (2014, p. 333)
To engage with and, indeed, justify his turn to the symbolic, Lacan
returns to Freud to claim that the great insight of Freudian psychoanaly-
sis is that the unconscious is intimately tied to language. However, rather
than language being an instrument for the expression of the subject, sym-
bols are understood to “envelop the life of man within a network so total
that they join together those who are going to engender him ‘by bone
and flesh’ before he comes into the world” (Sass 2014, p. 231).
To develop this, Lacan turns to the linguistic theory of Ferdinand de
Saussure and, in particular, his claim that language is composed of signs
that are constituted by a particular relation between a signifier and signi-
fied. As Lionel Bailly explains, according to Saussure,
244 G. Rae
the signifier (sound image/acoustic image) is not the material sound but
the hearer’s impression it makes on our senses. Also, the signified (concept)
is not the object (the chair in front of you) but the idea of the object (any
chair—the property of being a chair—of which an example may or may
not be before you at the time of speaking). (2009, p. 43)
actions of others who expect the psyche to learn to use the symbolic signi-
fiers correctly so as to participate in the world. It should, however, be
emphasized that, strictly speaking, the psyche never pre-exists the sym-
bolic in the way that the notion of ‘impress’ might suggest; it is always
entwined with it and, indeed, is its effect. Rather than a passive psyche,
upon which symbolic impressions are simply imposed, the Lacanian
psyche is in dynamic interaction with its symbolic world: the symbolic
imposes itself onto the psyche, which in turn perpetuates the symbolic
world through its actions.
Importantly, in order to be able to operate symbolically, the child
must pass from its desire for the mother to accept the primacy of the
paternal law, or, as Lacan calls it, the ‘“Name-of-the-Father”’ (2006f,
p. 688). While it cannot be named or even identified as such, the Name-
of-the-Father is “a requirement of the signifying chain. Merely by virtue
of the fact that you institute a symbolic order, something corresponds to,
or does not correspond to, the function defined as the Name-of-the-
Father” (2017, p. 165). The function of the Name-of-the-Father is both
productive and prohibitive: the former because it (1) defines the privi-
leged norms of a symbolic system, (2) is the key through which signifiers
are combined to create a symbolic universe, and (3) determines the
structure and laws to be followed to execute a particular language; and
the latter because it not only prevents the child from acting in particular
ways, but is always a source of pressure that aims to channel the child’s
satisfaction of need through the symbolic law. Rather than negative,
Lacan holds that the violence inherent in the process through which the
psyche learns to accept the Name-of-the-Father is not only necessary but
also fundamental to the child’s psychic development insofar as it ensures
that he will be able to fit into his environment, and, crucially, will be able
to function and survive within that environment. Failure to accept the
productive value of the prohibition inherent in the symbolic law may
not only lead to significant mental health issues, but can also threaten
the child’s survival.
11 Forming the Individual: Castoriadis and Lacan… 249
in the broadest sense of the term: phonemes, words, bank currency, jinns,
statues, churches, tools, uniforms, body paintings, numerical figures,
border-posts, centaurs, cassocks, lictors, musical scores—but all the total-
ity of what is perceived in nature” (1998, p. 238); and (2) are particular
to each society, arising from the way in which each society responds to a
wide-variety of questions, including, but not limited to: “Who are we as
a collectivity? What are we for one another? Where and in what are we?
What do we want; what do we desire; what are we lacking?” (1998,
pp. 146–147). These are not necessarily explicitly asked or responded to;
rather, “it is in the doing of each collectivity that the answer to these ques-
tions appears as an embodied meaning; this social doing allows itself to
be understood only as a reply to the questions that it implicitly poses
itself ” (1998, p. 147).
Importantly, the creation of a social-historical element is intimately
tied to the instantiation of a symbolic system of signification, which is
structured from the “rigid tie … between the signifier and signified, the
symbol and the thing, that is to say in the actual imaginary” (1998,
pp. 127–128). As a consequence, the instantiation of a symbolic system
produces meaning from “the permanent connection” (1998, p. 127) that
structures the binary oppositions of symbolic meaning. These are not
universal, but specific to each social-historical formation and the lan-
guage that composes it. Crucially, however, the symbolic cannot be con-
sidered primary. Without mentioning him, Castoriadis is engaging with
what he takes to be Lacan’s affirmation of the foundational importance of
the symbolic. He criticizes such a move because if the symbolic were pri-
mary, there would only be—on Castoriadis’s telling—rigid production
rather than innovative creation (1984, p. 66). To explain the latter, we
need to recognize that the “radical imaginary [i]s the common root of the
actual imaginary and of the symbolic” (1998, p. 127). I have already
questioned whether this is an accurate representation of Lacan’s thought,
but it is important to note that Castoriadis accepts that the symbolic is a
fundamental aspect of the generation of meaning in a social imaginary.
He holds, however, that it is a second-order phenomenon dependent on
the fundamental generative power of the (radical) imaginary, which cre-
ates the social imaginary, and, by extension, symbolic and which, instead
of producing meaning from a predefined schema or opposition, is defined
by open-ended creation.
11 Forming the Individual: Castoriadis and Lacan… 251
wild, raw, antifunctionally mad psyche of the newborn and imposes upon
it a formidable complex of constraints and limitations” (1991a, p. 41).
These bring the psyche to “renounce [its initial] absolute egocentrism and
[the] omnipotence of imagination, recognise ‘reality’ and the existence of
others, subordinate desires to rules of behaviour, and accept sublimated
satisfactions and even death for the sake of ‘social’ ends” (1991a,
pp. 41–42). The issue that arises from this is how this socialization takes
place. If the psyche is inherently asocial, enclosed, and monadic, how is
it transformed into the socialized individual?
In response, Castoriadis explains that “this always occurs by means of
a violent break-up of what is the first state of the psyche and its require-
ments” (1998, p. 311). Importantly, this is never simply voluntarily
undertaken by the psyche:
the new-born will always have to be torn out of his world, without asking
him for an opinion he cannot give, and forced—under pain of psychosis—
to renounce his imaginary omnipotence, to recognise the desire of others
as equally legitimate with his own, and taught that he cannot make the
words of the language signify whatever he may want them to, made able to
enter the world as such, the social world and the world of significations as
everyone’s world and as no one’s world. (1998, p. 311)
This, however, gives rise to the question of what precisely occurs within
the socialization process for Castoriadis to claim that violence is necessary
to it. Given that the psychic monad is autistic and self-referential with
this having to be broken, it appears that, on Castoriadis’s telling, a condi-
tion of violence is that there is some form of imposition onto the sense of
omnipotent enclosure that defines the initial psychic monad. It is because
the monad insists on having it all its own way that it experiences any
imposition as, in some way, violent. Accepting the connection between
“violence” and “imposition” broadens the meaning of violence at play
away from a narrow form of physical violence. In particular, I will empha-
size the ways in which the psyche experiences violence from the symbolic
and somatic aspects of its being. Regarding the former, Castoriadis
explains that “socialisation begins on the first day of life if not before”
(1997c, p. 155) as the child experiences others, in particular the mother
254 G. Rae
who, presumably, cares for it. The mother, for Castoriadis, is not just a
passive figure of care; “she is a social individual, and she speaks the tongue
of such and such a particular society; she is the bearer of social imaginary
significations specific to that society” (1997c, p. 155). The mother is then
the bearer of social significations, which, through her interaction with the
child, are imposed onto the child. That the child is surrounded by signi-
fications, some of which are directed at it, implies an imposition onto the
absolute autonomy of the psychic monad that, on Castoriadis’s account,
entails a form of violence.
While this points to the symbolic violence inherent in the socialization
process, this is accompanied by another form, called here somatic vio-
lence. It will be remembered that, for Castoriadis, the psychic monad is
distinct from the somatic, but always leans on it so that it has to take the
somatic into account to survive. Put concretely, the child has physical
needs—hunger for example—that have to be satisfied for the psyche to
be able to exist. From the perspective of the autistic monad, the somatic
acts as an imposition onto its omnipotence. It calls for the psyche to act
in a particular manner, one that breaks up the psyche’s unity due to the
nature of the call—it does not come from the psyche but an “external”
agency: the somatic—and the action that is required for the psyche to
satiate the call: the psyche needs to interact with others to obtain the food
necessary to satisfy its hunger with this interaction interrupting its autis-
tic enclosure. This, of course, also means interacting with the symbolic
and social forms of violence carried and transmitted by the care-giver that
brings the child food. As such, the autism of the psychic monad suffers
imposition—and hence violence—from the symbolic and the somatic.
Experiencing such imposition from the symbolic and somatic breaks
up the psychic monad and forces it to “enter the harsh world of reality”
(1997b, p. 135). In exchange, it is not only provided with the means of
survival but is also offered social “meaning” (1997b, p. 135). If successful,
the socialization process brings the psyche to identify with the social
imaginary it exists within and, through its socialization, the psyche learns
to adapt to and even take pleasure in the social world that “is mediated
by a ‘state of affairs’ which is not at [its] disposal” (1998, p. 315). The loss
of its initial monadic unity will however continue to haunt the individual
(2007b, p. 211).
11 Forming the Individual: Castoriadis and Lacan… 255
the breast and the absence of hunger and the latter with the absence of
the breast and the presence of hunger.
However, because the breast is so often absent, the psyche finds itself
in a conundrum: if it really were the unity it insists upon, it would not be
able to experience the absence at the root of its displeasure. But yet
absence and hence displeasure exist. To account for this and maintain its
pleasurable unity, the psyche shifts the absent breast and displeasurable
state outside itself. Note that it is the psyche that effects the division
between itself and the breast: “an outside is created so that the psyche can
cast off into it whatever it does not want, whatever there is no room for in
the psyche, non-sense or negative meaning, the breast as absent, the bad
breast” (1998, p. 303). In so doing, the psyche creates external space:
“The psyche invents-figures an outside in order to place the breast of
unpleasure there” (1998, p. 303). At the same time, it objectifies the
“bad” breast to place it in the external space created. As such, the psyche
is the one that comes to distinguish itself from the external object, thereby
starting the process that, by allowing it to distinguish the subject from
the object, permits the formation of the oppositions that structure
the symbolic.
Importantly, the object externalized is not yet “a real object” (1998,
p. 304) but something akin to a quasi-object; an awareness of something
other than itself. “The real object can only appear once the good breast
and the bad breast begin to coincide for the subject, once the two imagi-
nary entities appear as connected to a third entity which is the ground of
both of them without being identical with either of them” (1998, p. 304).
Following Freud, Castoriadis claims that this takes place “when the fact
that the object ‘belongs’ to a ‘person’ is actually apprehended” (1998,
p. 304). The two breasts, pleasure and displeasure, become then tied to
the same person—the mother—who forever is associated with the dis-
junction between the two: “Carrying the bad object, [s]he is hated; car-
rying the good object, [s]he is loved” (1998, p. 304). Crucially, however,
the other created is identified with “all-powerfulness” (1998, p. 305)
“because the mother is the first person to say ‘no’ to the infant. So the
mother is construed as all-powerful, and simultaneously with the
recognition that she has an existence and a desire, a will, foreign to the
infant … that it does not control” (2007b, p. 215). By projecting its pre-
258 G. Rae
vious omnipotence onto the object-other, the psyche breaks open its own
monadism to recognize the importance of the object-other. This is a key
stage in the socialization process and one that again re-affirms the point
that the socialization process relies upon the active participation of
the psyche.
While the triadic phase is fundamental to the socialization process,
insofar as it brings the psyche out of its monadic autism to “recognize” an
object-other—the mother—and so start to establish the differential rela-
tions that are key to the social imaginary, the basic problem with it is that
it simply transfers the psyche’s initial omnipotence to the other (1998,
p. 306). In so doing, the psyche, through the projection, remains at the
“root” of the other’s omnipotence and, indeed, “is able to remain shut in
with its mother, which produces extremely severe, now well-known
pathologies” (2007b, p. 215). To further its psychic development, the
child must continue to be socialized so that it breaks out of its dyadic
relation with its “omnipotent” mother by deposing her “from the locus of
her omnipotence” (2007b, p. 215). It is here that the Oedipus complex
enters the scene, insofar as, by recognizing the mother’s desire for another,
the child comes to see that the mother is not omnipotent; “she is incom-
plete, caught up in her desire by the other, which is to say, the father”
(2007b, p. 215). By orientating herself around the father, the mother’s
privileged position is toppled and the psyche learns that there is another
to the dyadic relation: psyche, mother, father.
Two issues stand out at this juncture: First, it is not sufficient that the
process stops here. The child must recognize that the father himself is not
the source of law. Rather, “[t]he father must also be recognised as one of
many fathers, as not being the source of Law in himself, but rather as
spokesman for the Law, with he himself being subjected to Law” (2007b,
p. 216). With this, the child learns that the Law cannot be identified with
an individual object, but takes on an ineffable, anonymous “form.”
Second, at each stage of the psyche’s movement through the triadic phase
and Oedipus complex, it projects itself into the world, but at the same
time “introjects” from its interaction with the other. From day one, the
child depends upon others who talk to him, name him, and identify him,
and from whom he introjects the meaning imposed. For this reason,
Castoriadis insists that while the psyche’s projection is crucial, “[i]ntro-
jection is at the root of socialisation; any communication between sub-
11 Forming the Individual: Castoriadis and Lacan… 259
Concluding Remarks
There is far more to Lacan’s and Castoriadis’s thinking, but this overview
brings to the fore the ways in which both thinkers accept that violence
plays a fundamental and constitutive role in bringing the psyche to
develop so that it can participate in its social world. For Lacan, this is
necessary to permit entry into the symbolic, whereas Castoriadis empha-
sizes the ways in which violence functions to socialize the psyche. This is
not, however, to claim that Lacan affirms a symbolic account of violence
and Castoriadis a social one. As noted, Lacan maintains that the symbolic
is defined by differential relations and so is intimately bound to the
Other, both in the sense of the Other tied to symbolic relations and the
other person with whom the psyche interacts. There is then an inherent
260 G. Rae
sociality to Lacan’s notion of the symbolic. For the psyche to enter into
the symbolic is for it to become socialized. Similarly, for Castoriadis, a
fundamental aspect of the socialization process is that it brings the psyche
to accept, orientate itself to, and affirm the symbolic law. As a conse-
quence, and despite the substantial differences that otherwise exist
between their frameworks, both agree that violence is key to the forma-
tion of the individual and is socio-symbolic in nature.
From this, both also agree that rather than simply being prohibitive,
the violence inherent in the psyche’s development entails prohibitions
that are, somewhat paradoxically, productive, insofar as they condition
the psyche to express itself in ways that are socially acceptable; action that
is necessary to ensure the psyche’s mental health, development, and,
indeed, survival. While Lacan’s comments are under-developed, I have
argued that he points to the idea that the violence at play is not physical
but fundamentally symbolic, based on the idea that the symbolic law
imposes itself onto the psyche to pressure the psyche into accepting the
primacy of the symbolic law. This is seen more clearly and in much more
developed form in Castoriadis’s thinking, where violence describes any
imposition onto the initial autism of the psychic monad. With this,
Castoriadis points to the fundamental roles that symbolic imposition,
and hence violence, and, what I have called, somatic violence play in
breaking-up the initial monadism of the psyche: the psychic monad expe-
riences the hunger that emanates from the body on which it leans as a
violent imposition onto its initial omnipotence, with the satisfaction of
its somatic needs depending on its relations with others, which the
psyche, in turn, initially experiences as entailing a form of (symbolic)
imposition and hence violence onto its originary omnipotence.
Bringing Lacan and Castoriadis together in this way not only points to
a multidimensional account of violence that expands its meaning beyond
“mere” physical forms, but also reveals that the process through which
the psyche develops is a double-edged sword: on the one hand, it is inher-
ently violent; but, on the other hand, the experience of this violence is
necessary to bring the psyche to accept the social-symbolic law and so
ensure its survival by learning to express itself in ways that are socially and
symbolically acceptable. The abiding and somewhat sobering lesson of
their analysis is that psychic development does not take a smooth or regu-
11 Forming the Individual: Castoriadis and Lacan… 261
lar course; it entails a fraught, violent process that brings the psyche,
through its own actions and those of others, gradually and with difficulty
from one form of itself to another without any a priori guarantee of “suc-
cess.” Such, however, is the price of survival.
Notes
1. This paper forms part of the activities for the Conex Marie Skłodowska-
Curie Research Project “Sovereignty and Law: Between Ethics and
Politics” co-funded by the Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, the European
Union’s Seventh Framework Program for Research, Technological
Development and Demonstration under Grant Agreement 600371, The
Spanish Ministry of the Economy and Competitivity
(COFUND2013–40258), The Spanish Ministry for Education, Culture,
and Sport (CEI–15–17), and Banco Santander. More information about
the research project can be found at: https://sovereigntyandlaw.wordpress.
com
2. Strictly speaking, for both Castoriadis and Lacan, the psyche is always
embedded within a symbolic register because it is born into one. For this
reason, the psyche is always surrounded by language. Crucially, however,
the psyche does not always have the capacity to “use” the language of that
symbolic registry. Developing this requires that it accept and act in accor-
dance with the symbolic law. The process of learning the symbolic law is
what I mean here by “entering”’ the symbolic.
3. It is important to note that, despite the heteronormative language, which
is found throughout Freudian psychoanalysis, including in Castoriadis,
the terms “mother” and “father” refer to functions rather than necessarily
to actual individuals. To simplify dramatically, “mother” refers to love and
care, whereas “father” refers to discipline or law.
4. For an extended discussion of vision in Lacan, see Jay (1994: 343–370).
5. While Lacan’s writings first emphasize the imaginary before moving to the
symbolic and then the real, it is a mistake to hold that the three registers
exist in a hierarchy. The three registers are entwined in a Borromean knot
with the binding point called the “sinthome” (Lacan 2016: 11).
262 G. Rae
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A E
Affect, 69, 72, 77, 82, 137–142, Essentialism, 27–36
144–146, 149–151, 153–162, Eternity, 167–185
203, 205, 207, 219, 221, 228,
231, 234, 249, 251
I
Immanent, xvi, xvii, 79, 139, 150, 153
C Individual, xvi, xvii, 12, 17, 20, 28,
Catastrophe, 42–45, 176 41, 47, 49, 55, 56, 75, 82,
Catharsis, 137–162 91–98, 100–107, 112, 140,
Conceptual, xv, 4–8, 10–13, 21, 34, 141, 143, 169, 172, 177, 195,
48, 51, 61, 65, 79, 240, 249, 198, 199, 201, 239–261
252 Intersubjectivity, 193–204
D M
Destruction, 3, 41–56, 85n6, Meaning, xv–xvii, 3, 5–7, 11, 18, 41,
169, 170, 177, 193–204, 42, 45, 49, 53–56, 59–84,
233–235 91–95, 97–102, 104–107,
111–117, 122, 137–162, 167, Sense, xv, xvi, 4, 5, 9, 11–13, 15, 19,
168, 180, 182–185, 204–206, 20, 22n1, 28–31, 33, 35, 36,
208, 209, 218, 220–226, 228, 41–56, 61, 66, 72, 78, 81, 82,
231, 234, 241, 244, 245, 247, 93, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104,
249, 250, 253, 254, 257–260 107, 117, 118, 121, 124, 126,
Metaphor, 3–21, 116, 151, 245 127, 143, 144, 146, 147, 150,
Mimesis, 74, 137–162 157, 158, 160, 161, 168, 169,
Moral, 4, 14, 16–21, 28, 32, 34, 36, 193–200, 209, 234, 236, 242,
101–105, 107, 127, 177, 209, 244, 246, 250, 253, 256, 259
221 Shame, xvi, 198, 217–237
P T
Phenomenology, 57n1, 59, 62, Torture, xvi, 191–209, 222, 233,
77–80, 114, 115, 117, 118, 234
126, 218, 219, 221 Transcendent, xvi, xvii, 67, 75–77,
Photography, 167, 168, 177, 185 80, 81, 101, 102, 251, 252
Politics, 3, 71, 75, 96, 98, 99, 105, Trauma, 42–45, 50, 52, 54, 145,
107, 124, 146, 148, 176, 146, 197, 200, 203, 204
217–237
Psychoanalysis, 138, 144, 145, 239,
240, 243 V
Violence, xiii–xvii, 3–21, 22n1,
22n3, 22n4, 22n5, 22–23n7,
R 23n8, 23n9, 27–36, 41–56,
Religion, xv, 34, 59–80, 82–84, 59–84, 91–107, 111–128,
111–128, 142 137, 168, 170, 176, 177, 182,
Resistance, 19, 20, 97, 123, 158, 184, 191–209, 218, 220–223,
193, 198, 199, 203, 205, 225, 230, 234, 239–261
208–209, 218, 219, 221, 224,
229–231, 233, 235, 236, 246
Revolt, 91, 95, 97, 107, 111, W
217–237 War, xiii, xiv, 14, 18, 30, 32, 33, 41,
73, 74, 92, 99, 102, 111, 121,
124, 125, 137, 154, 155, 169,
S 170, 175–177, 179, 182, 184,
Sacrifice, 63, 74, 100–102, 107, 142, 259
143, 155, 183, 184, 199 Warbooks, 172