Nalanda, Srivijaya

and Beyond:
Re-exploring
Buddhist Art in Asia
 Nalanda, Srivijaya
and Beyond:
Re-exploring
Buddhist Art in Asia

Edited by Gauri Parimoo Krishnan

Papers delivered at a conference held in Singapore at the Asian Civilisations
Museum (2008) in conjunction with the special exhibition On the Nalanda
Trail: Buddhism in India, China and Southeast Asia.

© 2016 National Heritage Board, Singapore; text and photographs © authors,

photographers, archives, institutions, and publishers as indicated in the book.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or

transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system,
without the prior written permission of the National Heritage Board.

The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do
not in any way represent the views of the publisher, the National Heritage
Board and its affiliated institutions, or the Singapore Government.

ISBN: 9789810999124

National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing in Publication Data

Name(s): Krishnan, Gauri Parimoo, editor.

Title: Nalanda, Srivijaya and Beyond : Re-exploring Buddhist art in Asia /
edited by Gauri Parimoo Krishnan.
Description: Singapore : Asian Civilisations Museum, [2016] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifier(s): OCN 950860553 | ISBN 978-981-09-9912-4 (paperback)
Subject(s): LCSH: Buddhist art and symbolism–India. | Buddhist art and
symbolism–China. | Buddhist art and symbolism–Southeast Asia. |
Buddhism–India–History. | Buddhism–China–History. |
Buddhism–Southeast Asia–History.
Classification: DDC 704.948943–dc23

Published by: National Heritage Board c/o Asian Civilisations Museum

1 Empress Place
Singapore 179555
Distributed by: University of Hawai'i Press

Project Management: Siti Asmah A. Karim

Copyediting: Binghao Wong
Indexing: Sarah Lee
Type-setting & Design: Fable
Printing: Oxford Graphic Printers Pte Ltd

Supported by
 Contents

Foreword 3
Alan Chong

Acknowledgements 4
Contributors 5
Introduction 9
Gauri Parimoo Krishnan

1. Transmission of Buddhist Ideology, Monastic 15

Organization, and Artistic Expression in Asia
Gauri Parimoo Krishnan

2. Xuanzang at Nalanda 27
Frederick M. Asher

3. Mainamati: An Enigmatic Centre of Buddhism 37

in Southeastern Bangladesh
Suchandra Ghosh

4. Writing and Representation: Inscribed Objects 51

in the Nalanda Trail Exhibition
Peter Skilling
5. Buddhism in the Bujang Valley, Kedah 101
(5th to 10th Century)
Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman

6. Buddhism in the Straits of Melaka and the 129

Archaeology of Srivijaya
John N. Miksic

7. The Roots and Legacy of the Art of Nalanda 153

as seen at Srivijaya
Gauri Parimoo Krishnan

8. The Chinese Assimilation of Avalokitesvara 201

Teoh Eng Soon

9. Housing the Colossal Images of Avalokitesvara 223

Bodhisattva in 10th Century China
Ho Puay-Peng

10. Kizil, The Hospitable Halt on The Silk Road 243

Rajeshwari Ghose

Biblography 268
Index 292
MAINAMATI 37 Ghosh

Mainamati: An Enigmatic Centre of

Buddhism in Southeastern Bangladesh
Suchandra Ghosh

Mainamati, an important Buddhist site of Bangladesh, was located in early times within
the subregion of Samatata that embraced the Comilla-Noakhali plain (fig. 1). A study
of the land grants and the extant remains of archaeological sites suggest that with the
beginning of the early medieval period, this region began to experience some sort of
building activities in the form of vihāras, and
huge donations were given to these religious
institutions.

The term “Samatata” appears in the fourth

century in the Allahabad pillar inscription
of Samudragupta as a frontier state together
Ashrafpur
Salban Vihara
with Davaka (valley of the Kapili-Yamuna,
Gunaighar
Kolang rivers) and Kamarupa (Gauhati
Kailan Mainamati
region of Assam)1, thereby indicating its
Chittagong proximity to Assam. The Gunaighar copper-
plate dated 507 suggests that Maharaja
Vainyagupta was ruling in the region.2 The
copper-plate mentions a division called uttara
mandala and a jayaskandhavara at Kripura,
which was likely to have embraced a small
1. Map showing the regions and findspots of inscriptions and compact area within the broader region
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 38 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

of Samatata. Meghna, which practically separates Samatata from the rest of Bengal,
formed the western boundary of Samatata and this explains its separation from Vanga
as a geographical entity, as well as its association with Davaka and Kamarupa as frontier
belt of Samudragupta’s empire.3 Chinese travellers like Xuanzang (seventh century) and
Sheng-chi (second half of the seventh century) also mention Samatata in their records.4
In the period following the disintegration of the Gupta Empire, we have only numismatic
evidence to prove Sasanka’s rule in the Samatata area. No other sources refer to Sasanka’s
rule in the area concerned. In the second half of the seventh century, three local powers,
known as the Ratas, Nathas, and Khadgas ruled Samatata and its environs. Towards the
end of the seventh century or in early eighth century, the Khadgas were supplanted by
a Deva family. From the seventh century till sometime in the ninth century, Samatata
maintained its independence as a local kingdom of the trans-Meghna region, and all the
rulers during this period patronized Buddhism. Political control then passed to the hands
of the Chandra dynasty when Samatata became a mere administrative unit rather than
a kingdom.

A few words about the discovery of the site will be in order. In 1929 Nalini Kanta
Bhattasali, curator of the Dhaka Museum, reported for the first time that many of the hills
in the area were crowned by ruins and speculated that they were probably the remains of
temples and stupas. The hills continued to remain in obscurity till T. N. Ramachandran,
superintendent of the archaeological section of the Indian Museum, carried out a rapid
survey of part of the hills and published an article, “Recent Archaeological Discoveries
along the Mainamati and Lalmai Ranges, Tippera District, East Bengal”, in 1946. Later,
the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan carried out a further survey that revealed
over fifty sites.5 Thus the Lalmai-Mainamati complex as a major centre of Buddhism came
into public knowledge. Scholars like F. A. Khan, B. M. Morrison, M. Harunur Rashid,
Abu Imam, and others continued exploration of the site.

The aim of this paper is to holistically discuss this important Buddhist monastic
centre in present-day Bangladesh. We shall largely use four sets of data, which help us in
understanding the magnitude of the presence and practice of Buddhism in the region.
These are epigraphy, remains of monasteries, sculptural finds, and textual records.

The beginning of the sixth century witnessed the creation of Buddhist sacred
structures on the initiative of the local rulers in the Comilla-Noakhali area. Inscriptions
from the region are replete with donations to vihāras and vihārikas. The first example
of a grant of land in favour of a community of Avaivarttika Mahayana monks
(mahāyanikvaivarttika-bhikshu-sangha) residing in a vihāra called Ᾱśrama, dedicated to
Avalokiteśvara, comes from Gunaighar in the Comilla area of Bangladesh.6 Avaivarttika
Mainamati 39 Ghosh

is a quality of a bodhisattva usually connected with the eighth stage (bhumi), because
he cannot turn back and must go on to full awakening.7 We have reference to such non-
returning bodhisattvas from two other copper-plate inscriptions of the Pala period,
both belonging to the subregion of Pundravardhana. Thus the earliest reference of non-
returning bodhisattvas was found in Samatata. This land grant of King Vainyagupta
was intended to maintain the worship of the Buddha and to repair the cracks in the
monastery. We have reference to an already existing Raja-Vihāra (raja-vihāra kshetram)
as one of the boundaries of the land to be granted. Raja-Vihāra is normally translated as
“royal monastery”. Is it possible to surmise that this particular monastery was directly
under royal supervision or control, whereas Ᾱśrama Vihāra in the same locality was a
mere beneficiary? The Kailan copper-plate of Sridharana Rata8 refers to a sizeable
grant of land for charity. The copper-plate states that the Mahāsandhivigrahadhikrita
Jayanatha distributed twenty-five patākas of land between a Buddhist monastery,
thirteen Brahmanas, and he himself as a beneficiary. Sridharana Rata was a Vaishnava
but his minister was a Buddhist. Royal patronage cut across personal religion of the
rulers. The dynasty that supplanted the Ratas was the Khadgas. The Ashrafpur copper-
plates of Deva Khadga (circa 675)9 record an endowment of nine patākas and ten dronas
of land in favour of four vihāras and vihārikas (vihāra-vihārika-chatushtaya), headed by
the revered preceptor Sanghamitra. It appears that this was actually a cluster of sacred
structures in the form of monasteries. Again, plate B, the donor of which was prince
Rajaraja, the son of Deva Khadga, shows that six patākas and ten dronas were transferred
to the monastery of Sanghamitra, the same beneficiary of the first plate. Thus there is
no denying that the monasteries under Sanghamitra were important enough to receive
patronage from the Khadga rulers. Another grant from Balabhatta10, of the same dynasty,
recovered from the Salban Vihāra, shows endowment of twenty-five patākas land for
vihāras, stupas, and repair of and for the Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha. The land was
donated at the request of Mahāsandhivigrahadhikrita Sri Yajnavarman, who was a devout
worshipper of Buddha. This epigraph describes the world-famous (bhuvanavismayani)
Mahabhogasrama and eight vihāras adorned with a large number of white coloured
chaityas where Buddhist philosophy and works on Buddhist religious thought were
taught and discussed. Here too we find cluster of monasteries of varying importance.
Along with the copper-plates, a small chaitya made of bronze was also found. This is
perhaps a votive chaitya. The donation of votive stupas was quite common.11 The Khadga
inscriptions provide evidence that this dynasty patronized Buddhism and endowed
property to Buddhist monasteries in the Lalmai-Mainamati hills.

The Deva dynasty followed the Khadgas in Southeastern Bengal as paramount

power. The Devas were also devout Buddhists. The Deva copper-plates found in the
Salban Vihāra monastic complex and a terracotta sealing that says simply: “of the order
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 40 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

of the noble monks of the monastic establishment of Sri Bhavadeva”, indicate that the
monastic establishment at Salban Vihāra was known as Sri Bhavadeva Mahāvihāra during
the eighth century.12 The Devas patronized this monastic complex after the Khadgas. The
royal patronage was substantial enough that the monastery was named after the ruler. A
land grant of Bhavadeva records a permanent gift of seven and a half patākas of land in
favour of the ratna-traya of the Vendamati Vihārika. The expression ratna-traya indicates
the Buddhist trinity of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha worshipped in a Buddhist religious
establishment. The Rata, Khadga, and Deva copper-plates mention the ratna-traya
establishment. Three main stupas unearthed at the Kutila Mura site at Mainamati have
been taken to be the remains of this ratna-traya.13 However, this is open to question.
From the Mainamati copper-plate dated 1220 and issued in the seventeenth regnal year
of King Ranavankamalla Sri-Harikaladeva,14 it is learnt that Dhadi-eba, a minister of the
king, donated a piece of land in favour of a vihāra dedicated to Durgottara (a form of the
Buddhist goddess Tara) in the town of Pattikera (Patikara or Paitkara is a paragana near
Mainamati). Pattikera, which was within Samatata, formed a separate kingdom. Dhadi-
eba is noted as shining in the good practices of the Sahaja cult. From his name, and also
the name of his father, Hedi-eba, it has been surmised by some scholars that the family
might have been of Burmese origin. He called himself an adept in the practices of the
Sahaja cult, one of the Tantric cults. That the region of Pattikera was already famous in
the Buddhist world before the thirteenth century is attested by the painting of a sixteen-
armed Cundā with the legend Pattikere-Chundavarabhavane-Cundā on a manuscript of
the Aśtasāhasrika Prajnāpāramitā, copied in the year 1015.15

2. Central shrine of Salban Vihāra. Mainamati, Comilla district, Bangladesh

Mainamati 41 Ghosh

Remains of monasteries loom large in the landscape of Lalmai-Mainamati. The

monasteries were of great size and perhaps they were centres of socio-religious-educational
and cultural activities. Unfortunately, we do not have as much textual support for the
educational and cultural activities at Mainamati as we do for contemporary Nalanda,
and thus it has remained peripheral to the study of Buddhism. As at Nalanda, individual
monasteries were grouped together to form a cluster. Within this cluster of monasteries,
the three largest structures are Salban Vihāra, Bhoja Vihāra, and Ananda Vihāra.
The earliest dated site is the Salban Vihāra, which has been carefully excavated by the
Department of Archaeology and the archaeological museum located near it. The site
is made up of four distinct parts: a central shrine (fig. 2), minor buildings within the
courtyard, an enclosing quadrilateral containing monastic cells, and a subsidiary shrine
outside the monastic walls.16 Four phases of building or rebuilding were detected for the
monastic cells. Of the subsidiary structures located in the courtyard, the most important
was a large pillared hall with two attached chambers. Morrison has suggested that this
was perhaps the community dining establishment of the monastery in its later stages.17
The inscriptions recovered from Salban Vihāra suggest that this monastery was perhaps
in use from the early sixth to the eighth century. That this monastery received immense
patronage of Bhavadeva, or that he built a part of it, is evident from a sealing that reads
“Sri Bhavadeva Mahā Vihāra Ārya Bhikshu Sanghasya”. Thus, here we have a monastery
that is named after the ruler himself, whereas in case of Nalanda or Raktāmrittikā we have
the name of the place.

At Bhoja Vihāra, the central temple, a few cells and the gateway complex of the
monastery have come to light. A colossal seated bronze Vajrasattva has been found here
and will be discussed later.

Ananda Vihāra perhaps surpassed Salban Vihāra in size but unfortunately it is

mostly gone. Excavations have revealed the remnants of the gateway complex on the
northern side and patches of wall on the southern side. The central shrine seems to be
still intact, rising some fifteen feet above the surrounding ground level. The monastic cells
were arranged in rows in four wings around the courtyard. A frieze of terracotta plaques
in situ has been found from the basement wall of the western projection of the shrine.18

At Lalmai, Itakhola Mura occupies a central position in the southern cluster and is
pre-eminent in height and probably the largest in ground plan. Instead of a temple in the
centre of the quadrangle, a rather detached and complex shrine is situated outside, on the
south of the vihāra.19
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 42 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

Three stupas (fig. 3) approached by a wide staircase, located on top of a low hill,
are worth mentioning. The site is known as Kutila Mura. Behind the stupas lie nine
votive stupas of various sizes. The construction of the central stupa is unusual and has
been described:

the ground plan of the middle stupa is the form of a dharmacakra, the
hub being represented by a deep central shaft, around which spokes of
brick walls formed eight deep cells or box chambers. Inside the central
shaft and the box chambers, hundreds of enshrined miniature stupas
and unbaked clay sealings were found.20

The presence of enshrined miniature stupas and clay sealings would suggest that Buddhists
regularly frequented this site. Kutila Mura stands in relative isolation, three quarters of a
mile from the nearest building site.

Built over three phases another important monastic structure was the Rupban Mura
Vihāra21 (fig. 4). Originally of oblong shape, this monastery was made almost square, with
additions of cells in the next phase of its construction. The monastery was arranged in two
parts with separate courtyards. This kind of arrangement is hardly seen in a monastery.
The temple, which is located around thirty metres west and northwest of the monastery,
was also built in three phases.

Apart from these major monastic sites, the environs of Mainamati can boast more
than fifty sites, which is a pointer to the practice of Buddhism in the locale.

3. Three stupas at Kutila Mura, Mainamati, Comilla district, Bangladesh

Mainamati 43 Ghosh

The numerous monasteries may also

suggest the major influx of people from
outside the region. Since we do not
have any text referring to the vihāras
in Lalmai-Mainamati as a centre of
Buddhist learning, we cannot be sure
of its educational aspect. But the
epigraphic evidences and the nature
of the extant remains indicate that
it was a vibrant and well-sustained
monastic centre.
4. Rupban Mura, Mainamati, Comilla district, Bangladesh
The recovered sculptural materials
from Mainamati excavations are indicative of royal patronage of Buddhism, and lend
support to the conclusion drawn from epigraphy and extant remains that Buddhism was
predominant in this region. We have sculptures in stone, bronze, stucco, and terracotta.
The stone sculptures suggest that apart from redefining
the Gupta idiom, the artists of Southeastern Bengal,
particularly those active at Lalmai-Mainamati complex,
closely emulated the late fifth-century Sarnath Buddhas
and their derivatives in Eastern India.22 This is clearly
evident from a 2.44-metre-high Buddha image in
sandstone, found in situ in the main eastern chapel of
Rupban Mura (fig. 5). According to Gautam Sengupta,
this image illustrates the artist’s ability to translate
Sarnath archetype in local medium. This image has
been dated to the early seventh century on the basis of
stratigraphic and artistic considerations.

The large collection of stone sculptures from

Kutila Mura was recovered from the deep shaft in the
foundation of the central stupa. These were fashioned
in soft grey shale, which disintegrates easily, and
thus have been damaged. These works of art indicate
the beginning of a distinct iconographic tradition
of the region. Two stone reliefs depicting Buddhist
scenes deserve our attention. They depict scenes 5. Buddha image in sandstone, found
in the main eastern chapel of Rupban
that are related to Buddhist tradition. One relief Mura, Mainamati Museum, Mainamati,
represents Buddha in vyākhyānamudra, seated on Comilla district, Bangladesh
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 44 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

the principal lotus. There were eight other lotuses accompanying the subsidiary figures.
The composition is dominated by springing lotuses occupying the space. The other
relief has the same compositional pattern as the earlier one, and depicts the four-armed
Avalokiteśvara seated on the principal lotus with attendants of the deity on smaller
lotuses (fig. 6). Avalokiteśvara is distinguished by Jatābhāra and a three-quarter profile
view of the face. Sengupta opines that the elaborate and innovative treatment of the base
is important, as this became a visual formula
within a short period of time.23 From Bhoja
Vihāra, two free-standing single images
with stela background, one representing
Akṣobhya in typical bhūmisparśamudrā
and the other Amitābha in meditation pose,
have been recovered in excavations of 1994
and 1995.24

The bronzes of Mainamati, bearing a

variety of iconographic types, were mainly
Buddhist, though a few Brahmanical icons
were also present. The religious practice
of the region is clearly manifest from this
art. Though they were recovered mostly
from Salban Vihāra, others were found
in excavations at Ananda Vihāra, Rupban
Mura, and Itakhola Mura, in addition to
the colossal image found at Bhoja Vihāra.
The bronzes depict deities belonging to
6. Avalokiteśvara seated on the principal lotus with
Mahayana and Tantric Buddhism, with
attendants of the deity on smaller lotuses from Kutila its large and complex pantheon. The
Mura, Mainamati Museum, Mainamati, Comilla
district, Bangladesh
images indicate the transformation of the
popular religion from Mahayana to Tantric
and ultimately to polytheism in which Buddhism became inextricably linked with
Brahmanical and aboriginal forms. The bronze sculptures could be dated on the basis of
style, stratigraphy, and iconography to the period from the seventh to eleventh century.
The Mainamati bronzes mostly represent the Tantric Buddhist pantheon: five Dhyāni
Buddhas and their emanations, the bodhisattvas, and Taras. Most popular among
Dhyāni Buddhas in Bangladesh were Akṣobhya and Amitābha, and among bodhisattvas,
Avalokiteśvara, Padmapāṇi, and Manjuśri. It is important to discuss here a colossal
Vajrasattva image (fig. 7) recovered from Bhoja Vihāra. The exquisitely chiselled image is
decorated with various ornaments fitted to a bodhisattva.
Mainamati 45 Ghosh

A late addition to Tantric Buddhist pantheon, Vajrasattva belongs to the family of

the Transcendent Buddha Akṣobhya.25 Interestingly, Akṣobhya is the Buddha of the
eastern direction and Vajrasattva faces east. He was evidently the consecrated deity to
whom the Bhoja Vihāra shrine was dedicated. It is noteworthy that an independent
shrine may have been dedicated only to him for his worship. Few images of Vajrasattva
have been found in India, as Vajrasattva is far above any of the five Tathāgatas and thus
beyond any possible representation. In the opinion of Claudine Bautze Picron, the
presence of such a large image at Mainamati should probably be understood in the
context of the unifying function of this being, because to have him present means to
have all five Tathāgatas present.26 This sculpture may be dated to the ninth, or at the
latest, early tenth century, a period when the Chandras ruled the Mainamati area. No
donative inscription was found on the sculpture, but there is no doubt that the donor
was a very rich person, either a merchant or a royal dignitary. A remarkable bronze
votive stupa (fig. 8) was found during excavations at Salban Vihāra at Mainamati with
four female deities on four sides, each seated under a shrine, placed against the drum
of the stupa. A large life-size bronze head of Avalokiteśvara was collected from the
Mainamati hills near Kutila Mura. Its identification is based on the miniature figure of
Amitābha on his exquisitely ornamented crown. This has also been dated around tenth
century which suggests that the Chandras perhaps patronized the making of such huge
bronze figures.

7. Bronze Vajrasattva from Bhoja Vihāra, Mainamati Museum, Mainamati, Comilla district, Bangladesh
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 46 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

Contemporaneous with the late

phase of Mainamati bronzes are the
objects found at Jhewari in Chittagong.
The large horde of bronzes found in
this village attests to the affluence of a
Buddhist establishment. Jhewari figures
are almost without exception Buddhist
in affiliation and represent Buddha in
different mudras.27 Six of the bronzes
bear undated votive inscriptions which
have been assigned palaeographically
to ninth and tenth centuries. The
inscriptions refer to the dedication of
the images of Buddha in the Buddhist
shrines. In most cases, the donors were 8. Bronze votive stupa, found at Salban Vihāra, Mainamati
Buddhist monks. Museum, Mainamati, Comilla district, Bangladesh

The accounts of the Chinese monks form another source that supports Buddhism
being a vibrant religion in the region. We learn from Yijing’s account that the Buddhist
monk Sheng-chi visited Samatata and found that more than four thousand Buddhist
monks were living in the capital of Samatata and enjoying the patronage of King
Rajabhata.28 It is interesting to note that during Xuanzang’s visit, he claims to have come
across only two thousand Buddhist monks. Royal patronage of Buddhism may have
initiated this sharp increase in the congregation of monks in the area. According to
Sheng-chi, the king was a great admirer of the “Three gems” and was a zealous upāsaka.29
This Rajabhata is normally identified with Rajaraja, the son of Deva Khadga. Sheng-chi is
said to have made one hundred thousand Buddha images everyday in clay and recited one
hundred thousand ślokas from the Mahāprajnāpāramitā Sutra. We learn that during royal
processions, the monks and the lay devotees, followed by the king, would carry an image of
Avalokiteśvara in front of the procession. We have mentioned earlier that Avalokiteśvara
was revered in this region and we have impressive representations in sculptures. Thus,
Buddhism received strong royal patronage in Samatata. It is worth noting that Sheng-chi
is said to have lived in Raja-Vihāra and received special honour and respect from the king.
Is this the same Raja-Vihāra referred to in Vainyagupta’s inscription? We can only assume,
but cannot be sure.

Finally, it is perhaps necessary to address the question of choice of this site

for Buddhist monasteries. It appears that the selection of this region for Buddhist
monasteries was guided by the factor of landscape. It has been seen that the construction
Mainamati 47 Ghosh

of big monasteries required social organization, with a sufficiently strong economic base
to support.30 Monasteries were normally located in regions that had huge agricultural
base with proper irrigational facilities. It was linked to generating an agricultural surplus
capable of supporting a residential population of monks, as those who occupied the
various monasteries were not growers of food and essential commodities. Thus the very
existence of a monastic complex implies that there was an area of surplus food production.
Land grants were given to the monasteries for their own sustenance. Moreover, there
was a close relation between Buddhism and trade, and Buddhist monastic sites were
found, most of the time, along the trade routes.31 Mainamati fulfilled all these conditions.
Even large water reservoirs were found associated with Salban Vihāra, Ananda Vihāra,
and Bhoja Vihāra. The wealth to build such large brick structures was accumulated from
the agrarian resources and trade and commerce of the region. We must remember that
Samatata experienced extensive monetization from at least the sixth century. Hoards of
gold and silver coins have been unearthed here. It will appear from the land grants that
some of the rulers of Samatata were keen on expanding the agrarian base of the region
by creating new settlements. This is reflected in their choice of land that was granted.
Wealth drawn from agriculture was used to support monasteries. Moreover the capital
of Samatata, Devaparvata, was an important riverine trade centre of Southeastern
Bengal.32 It was located in the Mainamati ridge. Five inscriptions describe Devaparvata as
a politico-administrative centre of different rulers and refer to its location on the banks of
Kshiroda, identified with present-day Khirnai. Of these, the Paschimbhag copper-plate
of Srichandra, dated in his fifth regnal year (circa 925–75), mentions that Lalambivana
(present-day Lalmai, close to Mainamati), located in the vicinity of Devaparvata, was
searched by hundreds of sailors for medicinal herbs. Thus, the landscape of Devaparvata
played a key role in the economic growth of the region. It had the requisite location and
resources to support its development. Being situated on the ridge, it had a commanding
position and, as the river Kshiroda surrounded it like a moat, it was an ideal location for a
royal city. On the other hand, the rich Meghna plain provided the agricultural base of the
area without the capital city being directly affected by flood. The region had abundance
of water and very rich vegetation. The presence of Lalambivana in the vicinity provided
rich forest resources.33

Mainamati was also a suitable choice for construction of Buddhist monasteries

because of its network of communication with other centres of Buddhism. Through
Pundravardhana it could reach the centres of Buddhism in the land-locked Ganga
Valley. It also had definite connection with the Arakan region (presently a province of
Myanmar). Samatata’s linkage with different regions of Southeast Asia is partially known
from Xuanzang’s account when he speaks of six areas that were linked with Samatata.
These are Shi-li-cha-ta-lo (Srikshetra in Myanmar), Kia-mo-land-kia (Kamalanka,
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 48 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

identified with Pegu and the Irrawaddy delta in Myanmar), To-lo-po-ti (Dvaravati in
present-day Thailand), I-shung-na-pu-lo (Ishanapura, to the east of Dvaravati), Mo-ho-
chen-po (Mahachampa in Vietnam), and Yen-nio-na-chen (identification uncertain).34
Buddhist monks and merchants from Samatata could perhaps use the important
maritime port of Samandar in the present-day Chittagong area and finally traverse the
Bay of Bengal for the countries of Southeast Asia. The making of Mainamati as a centre of
Buddhism began during the sixth century. The site was already established in the seventh
century and continued to flourish as an important seat of Buddhism under profuse royal
patronage until the eleventh century. All the sites in the Lalmai hills, when excavated,
will be a marvel to the world of Buddhism. It may be argued that Southeastern Bengal,
particularly the Samatata (present-day Noakhali and Comilla) and Harikela (present-day
Chittagong) region, which had a long history of the presence and practice of Mahayana
Buddhism, was an important centre of Buddhism along with Bihar-West-Bengal, China,
and Sri Lanka.
Mainamati 49 Ghosh

Notes
Dr. Rajat Sanyal has prepared the map and the author is thankful to him. All the photographs are courtesy of Enamul
Haque, The Art Heritage of Bangladesh, Dhaka: The International Centre for SBA, 2007. Another version of this paper
was published in Studies in South Asian Heritage, Ghosh 2015, pp. 311–17.
1 Sircar 1993, p. 266.
2 Ibid., pp. 340–45.
3 Bhattacharyya 1977, p. 67.
4 Islam 2003, p. 39.
5 Morrison 1974, p. 11.
6 Sircar 1993, p. 341.
7 Personal communication from Peter Skilling. I am thankful to him, Claudine Bautze-Picron, and Stefan
Baums for helping me understand the concept of the term “Avaivarttika”. The Jagjibanpur Plate of
Mahendrapala and a new copper-plate inscription of Gopala II, edited by Ryosuke Furui 2008 refer
to Avaivarttika.
8 Sircar 1947, pp. 221–41.
9 Laskar 1906, pp. 85–89.
10 Gupta 1979, pp. 141–48.
11 Excavations at Bodhgaya have revealed moulded, three-dimensional, miniature clay stupas in vast quantities.
See Cunningham 1892.
12 Sircar 1951, pp. 83–94.
13 Husain 1997, p. 218.
14 Bhattacharyya 1933, pp. 282–89.
15 Mitra 1971, p. 244.
16 Morrison 1974, p. 20.
17 Ibid., p. 22.
18 Haque 2007, p. 156.
19 Ibid., p. 156.
20 Khan 1963, p. 17.
21 Haque 2007, p. 157.
22 Sengupta 1989–90, p. 125.
23 Ibid., p. 125.
24 Husain 1997, p. 180.
25 Bhattacharya 2000, pp. 131–32.
26 Personal communication from Claudine Bautze-Picron. I am extremely thankful to her.
27 Mitra 1982, pp. 25–28.
28 Takakusu 1896, pp. xxxiii, xlvi, liii, 44.
29 Lahiri 1986, p. 85.
30 Sarkar 1987, p. 634.
31 Ray 1994, pp. 121–61.
32 Chakravarti 2002, p. 167.
33 Ghosh 2009, pp. 352–58.
34 Watters 1961, p. 201.
Nalanda Srivijaya and Beyond 50 Re-exploring Buddhist Art in Asia

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