Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

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Energy Research & Social Science

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/erss

Contextualizing the Covid-19 pandemic for a carbon-constrained world: T

Insights for sustainability transitions, energy justice, and research
methodology
Benjamin K. Sovacoola,b, , Dylan Furszyfer Del Rioc,a, Steve Griffithsd
⁎

a
Science Policy Research Unit (SPRU), School of Business, Management, and Economics, University of Sussex, United Kingdom
b
Center for Energy Technologies, Department of Business Development and Technology, Aarhus University, Denmark
c
Queen’s University Belfast, United Kingdom
d
Khalifa University of Science and Technology, United Arab Emirates

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Keywords: The global Covid-19 pandemic has rapidly overwhelmed our societies, shocked the global economy and over­
Coronavirus burdened struggling health care systems and other social institutions around the world. While such impacts of
Covid-19 Covid-19 are becoming clearer, the implications of the disease for energy and climate policy are more prosaic.
Energy policy This Special Section seeks to offer more clarity on the emerging connections between Covid-19 and energy
Climate policy
supply and demand, energy governance, future low-carbon transitions, social justice, and even the practice of
Energy governance
Sustainability transitions
research methodology. It features articles that ask, and answer: What are the known and anticipated impacts of
Covid-19 on energy demand and climate change? How has the disease shaped institutional responses and
varying energy policy frameworks, especially in Africa? How will the disease impact ongoing social practices,
innovations and sustainability transitions, including not only renewable energy but also mobility? How might
the disease, and social responses to it, exacerbate underlying patterns of energy poverty, energy vulnerability,
and energy injustice? Lastly, what challenges and insights does the pandemic offer for the practice of research,
and for future research methodology? We find that without careful guidance and consideration, the brave new
age wrought by Covid-19 could very well collapse in on itself with bloated stimulus packages that counter
sustainability goals, misaligned incentives that exacerbate climate change, the entrenchment of unsustainable
practices, and acute and troubling consequences for vulnerable groups.

1. Introduction Covid-19 (i.e. SARS-CoV-2) could infect half the world’s population
within the next few years [1].
The global Covid-19, or coronavirus disease, pandemic has over­ Although the global response to Covid-19 may not be fully com­
whelmed our societies, shocked the global economy, thrown energy mensurate to the severity of the challenge, it has nevertheless disrupted
markets into disarray and overburdened struggling health care systems longstanding notions of human resilience, disease preparedness, and
and other social institutions around the world. Unlike earlier modern even global health governance [2]. National and subnational responses
disease outbreaks such as severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), to the disease have often been far-reaching and at times transformative,
swine flu (H1N1), or Ebola, the Covid-19 virus is very easily transmitted including not only mandatory lockdowns, quarantines and restrictions
by person-to-person contact. Further, it has no known preexisting im­ on travel but key interventions such as evacuations, the distribution of
munities, it is spread by people that do not appear to be sick, and the hygiene and sanitation kits, and the suspension of all public visitors.
ratio between infections and fatalities is very high, particularly for older Some countries have utilized mass surveillance (as well as tracking and
people and people with preexisting medical conditions. In medical contact tracing apps) to monitor symptoms within their populations,
terminology, society is undergoing a global pandemic with an im­ funded community participation in the development and distribution of
munologically naïve population. When addressing a group of sustain­ personal protective equipment, or participated in the design of inter-
able development and medical professionals in April 2020, Columbia sectoral and transnational cooperation and aid packages.
University Professor Jeffrey Sachs estimated that the virus that causes More than $11 trillion in fiscal support measures had been

⁎
Corresponding author at: Science Policy Research Unit (SPRU), University of Sussex, Jubilee Building, Room 367, Falmer, East Sussex BN1 9SL, United Kingdom.
E-mail address: [email protected] (B.K. Sovacool).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2020.101701
Received 2 July 2020; Received in revised form 9 July 2020; Accepted 9 July 2020
Available online 15 August 2020
2214-6296/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

announced by governments globally as of June 2020 to mitigate the affected renewable energy sector has been solar energy and remarks
economic impact from the pandemic, particularly impacts from the that indeed, “the COVID-19 pandemic has struck the renewable energy
lockdown measures implemented to prevent spread of the disease [3]. manufacturing facilities, supply chains, and companies and slowed
These relief packages amount to nearly 15% or more of GDP in Ger­ down the transition to the sustainable energy world”. The causes be­
many, Japan and the United States, with the United States alone signing hind such shifts are manifold: governments have understandably re­
a massive $2 trillion Covid-19 emergency bill and stimulus package in distributed public funding to combat the disease in a way that leaves
March 2020 [4]. The European Union set up a €37 billion Coronavirus less available for renewable energy incentives and tax credits. Various
Response Investment Initiative to provide liquidity to small businesses renewable energy technology suppliers have placed staff on furlough
and the health care sector [5]. The United Kingdom also has invested and also adopted austerity measures and reduced operating capacity.
heavily, launching a furlough program where the government paid the Projected installations are down significantly over earlier forecasts; one
wages of 9.1 million affected workers (one quarter of the workforce) at investment bank in the United States predicted residential-solar in­
a cost of more than £20 billion with an additional £38 billion in loans to stallations to fall by 48% year-over-year in the second quarter of 2020
businesses [6]. Initial assessments of the economic consequences of the and by 17% in the fourth quarter of 2020. This reinforces the projec­
pandemic are sobering, with estimations of a global GDP contraction of tions provided by IRENA that total new solar PV capacity additions in
4.9% in 2020 [3], global trade shrinking by 32% [7] and as many as 2020 will be roughly on par 2019, but this is as much as 20% below
300 million people losing their jobs [8]. earlier expectations stated by several industry organizations [13].
Although the impacts of Covid-19 on health systems and national The off-grid renewable energy sector could face even more dire
economies are heavily covered in the media, and oft debated in the circumstances, with the World Bank noting that the pandemic has
public, the implications of the disease for energy and climate policy are seriously disrupted electrifications efforts, meaning that SDG 7 (that
more prosaic. This Special Section of Energy Research & Social Science encompasses universal energy access by 2030) is now unlikely to be
seeks to offer more clarity on the emerging connections between Covid- met [14]. It is in this context that Mark McCarthy Akrofi and colleagues
19 and topics such as energy supply and demand, energy governance, (this volume [15]) caution that the pandemic could “reverse the en­
future low-carbon transitions, social justice, and even the practice of ormous progress that off-grid energy companies have made to bring
research methodology. It features articles that ask, and answer: What power to some 470 million people in the last decade.” Solar PV alone is
are the known and anticipated impacts of Covid-19 on energy demand responsible for employing about 4% of the entire African workforce but
and climate change? How has the disease shaped institutional responses solar firms and enterprises are already being forced to cut jobs, lay off
and energy policy frameworks, especially in places such as Africa where staff, and confront declining liquidity. Due to a strong dependence on
Covid-19 is negatively affecting ongoing efforts to achieve access to imported solar PV technology from China, where manufacturing has
modern energy? How will the disease impact ongoing patterns of in­ declined due to the pandemic, dramatic reductions on future installed
novation, social practices and future transitions, including not only solar capacity are also projected for countries such as India [16].
adoption of renewable energy but also the electrification of mobility Covid-19 is affecting global fossil fuel markets as well. Hosseini (this
and mobility-as-a-service? How might the disease, and social responses volume [12]) adds that the coronavirus has disrupted global oil markets
to it, exacerbate underlying patterns of energy poverty, energy vul­ far more than any geopolitical event has (such as an embargo from
nerability, and energy injustice? Lastly, what challenges and insights OPEC), weakening the ability of oil suppliers to control markets and
does the pandemic offer for the practice of research, and for research driving down natural gas spot prices into the $2/MMBTU (million
methodology? British Thermal Units) range. Although geopolitical tensions between
Saudi Arabia and Russia played an early role in the 2020 oil price
2. The energy and climate impacts of the virus collapse [17], demand destruction due to Covid-19 has indeed been the
driving force. Jefferson (this volume) [18] writes “In the run-up to the
Although ostensibly never intended as measures to reduce energy collapse of crude oil prices in early 2020 it was primarily a division
consumption, air pollution, or climate change directly, responses to the between Russia and Saudi Arabia within OPEC which appeared to be
virus have had substantial connections with energy demand and the main force at work, but then the COVID-19 pandemic took over,
greenhouse gas emissions. The most prominent drivers of these have followed by US oil prices turning negative in April 2020, as May con­
been mandatory lockdowns or quarantines for households (people are tracts expired and traders had to offload stocks with ongoing storage
only permitted to leave for essential reasons) and the related severe becoming extremely limited.” He further states that despite the stimulus
restrictions on travel. In late April 2020, more than half of the entire and recovery packages being offered by many nations, “there will be
global population (54%) was under some form of a coronavirus lock­ many oil sectors incurring losses, from US shale oil and Canadian tar
down, with their movement actively restricted and controlled by their sands producers, to many standard crude oil exporters incurring pro­
respective governments. The share of energy use that was exposed to blems with production equipment access and costs, or experiencing lack
containment measures reached 50% [9]. As the top panel of Fig. 1 in­ of competitiveness in key markets.” Recent data from the International
dicates, the largest lockdowns were in India, China, and the United Energy Agency confirms this point, noting severe reductions in global
States. One article calculated that more people were in lockdown due to demand for oil and natural gas (see Fig. 2).
Covid-19 than were alive during World War II [10]. As the other panels Although not representative of all countries and regions, the Special
of Fig. 1 indicate, more than 100 countires had travel restrictions in Section does feature some deep and nuanced assessments of the parti­
place due to coronavirus in late March 2020 and the number of com­ cular impacts the pandemic is having on national energy supply or
merical flights has plummeted dramatically. Abu-Rayash and Dincer demand. Nima Norouzi and colleagues (this volume) [19] intimately
(this volume [11]) add that road transport is also down significanty trace the impacts of the virus where it first emerged in Wuhan, China,
given the large number people forced to stay at home. They further looking at how it impacted not only national energy demand, but also
show that in Canada not only did civil aviation activities drop by 71% precipitated steep declines (and future uncertainty) in patterns of
compared to business-as-usual in late 2019, but also military aviatation electricity consumption and oil consumption, industrial productivity
activities were down by a significant 27% in 2020. They also projected and energy markets. They specifically propose a methodology for
that for 2021, greenhouse gas emissions for the Canadian transport analyzing such patterns during periods in which historical data be­
sector will be nearly 25% lower than than in 2019. comes inaccurate because of a crisis event such as Covid-19. Azzam
Covid-19 has not only affected travel and the energy involved in Abu-Rayash and colleagues (this volume) [20] closely analyze the im­
providing it, but also global energy supply chains and the viability of pacts of the pandemic on electricity demand in Ontario, Canada, where
energy firms. Writing in this volume [12], Hosseini argues that the most they calculate declines in electricity consumption during April of about

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B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

Fig. 1. Effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on household freedoms and global travel patterns. A. Size of lockdowns by national population (millions of people). B.
Countries with travel restrictions or bans on international movement in April 2020. C. Number of daily commercial flights in March 2020. D. Road transport activity
in early 2020. Source: Authors compilation of data from the BBC, Business Insider, Statistica and the International Air Transport Association.

14% or 1,267 GW and note distinct changes in demand patterns due to policy frameworks in Africa, even though it is not (at the time of this
quarantine and travel restrictions. This corresponds with some positive writing) a major center of infections or death. Mulualem Gebreslassie
externalities as well, including greenhouse gas emission reductions of (this volume) [22] writes that the closure of energy intensive businesses
40,000 tons of CO2 equivalent attributed to Covid-19 with a monetary and industries in Africa has meant a positive shift in that states can now
value of $131,844 for the month of April 2020. provide scarce energy services to homes or national health care sys­
Fig. 3 shows a similar trend in Europe, with significant (and posi­ tems. As they conclude, the pandemic “may even convince the African
tive) reductions in air pollution noted across France, Italy, and Spain, continent to rethink and clear the way for investing more in clean and
largely from the curtailment of road transport. Abouzar Estebsari and reliable energy resources and make business processes easy for those
colleagues (this volume [21]) offer a well-reasoned explanation for why who are interested to enter the renewable energy sector.” Mark
related reductions in electricity demand occurred, having analyzed McCarthy Akrofi and colleagues (this volume [15]) add that African
patterns of electricity demand in Spain, Italy, Belgium and the United states are already rushing to intervene and stimulate recovery but do
Kingdom (countries with more severe Covid-19 movement restrictions) not specifically address how stimulus packages will influence the clean
as well as the Netherlands and Sweden (countries with less restrictive energy transition. Further research therefore needs to examine how
measures). They found that during the second week of April 2020 only government stimulus can strengthen the renewable energy sector via
in Sweden demand remained more or less the same (actually rising various aid packages, economic incentives, and monetary and fiscal
slightly) relative to a reference week in 2019. Significant reductions incentives—efforts Müller et al. note are all broadly consistent with
were experienced in Spain (25%), Italy (17.7%), Belgium (15.6%), the many national policy frameworks across the continent [23].
UK (14.2%) and even the Netherlands (11.6%) due to Covid-19.
The ramifications of Covid-19 extend well beyond the avoided en­
ergy consumption and emissions associated with travel and household 3. Implications for social practices and sustainability transitions
lockdowns; they are also drastically shaping the strength (or erosion) of
some energy institutions and policy frameworks. For instance, the As already stated, the pandemic has significantly disrupted lives,
pandemic is having a particularly pronounced effect on institutions and businesses, and economies. Furthermore, it could culminate in lasting
effects on social norms and practices. To contextualize this claim,

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B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

Fig. 2. Impacts of Covid-19 on global oil and gas supply and demand. a. Projected reductions in global oil demand in 2020 compared to 2019 (million barrels per
day). B. Effects of Covid-lockdowns on sectoral natural gas consumption (from the first day of 2020 to 15th April 2020). Source: Authors complication of data from
the International Energy Agency.

consider that the global response to Covid-19 has necessitated un­ effect.”
precedented levels of coordination and information sharing with the Such messages and strategies of communication underscore an im­
intent of ultimately curtailing outbreaks and minimizing harm [24]. mense amount of coordination across diverse and heterogeneous actors
This has occurred at multiple levels of society at once across many and organizations. The resulting messages were persistent, coming re­
different types of institutions—making it what the Nobel Laureate peatedly and daily. They were prominent, in many times coming from
Elinor Ostrom would have called “organizational multiplicity” and a sources people trust. They were multifaceted, coming from many sectors
“polycentric” phenomenon [25,26]. beyond health care including not only those in Fig. 4, but also the
Fig. 4 displays the variety of messages received about Covid-19 Mayor of London Sadiq Khan, banks, libraries, political groups, airlines,
merely by the lead author, including those from the mass media (Covid- friends, and family. One of the authors even had his “smart printer”
19 dominated headlines in the UK for weeks), companies and travel send an automated email about ink delivery during the pandemic, as
providers, national government, grocery stores, universities, restau­ well as six emails from his dentist about dental hygiene during the
rants, social groups and charities, and even churches. This phenomenon pandemic. And the messages were personal, often prescribing very
parallels what scholar Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick terms the “Christmas specific actions or recommendations (about washing, essential travel,
Effect” [27] to describe the way that major parts of Western society social distancing, self-quarantining, and mask wearing) connected to
come together and speak “with one voice” for the Christmas holiday. personal health and calling for immediate changes in behavior and
For it is annually during the Christmas season that churches build na­ practice.
tivity scenes and hold a greater number of masses; state and federal Given the coronavirus’ ability to achieve this “Christmas effect,”
governments establish school and national holidays; the media run hundreds of millions of people immediately adopted the new behavior
major advertising campaigns; and social events and domestic activities of “social distancing,” with Fig. 5 showing its adoption in India, the
align. Whenever society combines institutional inertia in this manner, it United States, the United Kingdom and Singapore. When making the
can exert profound and lasting influence over patterns of behavior, predictions mentioned in the Introduction, Jeffrey Sachs even remarked
transcending individual firms and people. Although certainly not fes­ that “we should expect to change our behaviors not just during this
tive, the “Coronavirus effect” may be just as effective as the “Christmas pandemic but perhaps forever.”

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B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

Fig. 3. Reductions in air pollution across Europe in March 2020 due to Covid-19. Source: European Space Agency/Copernicus Satellite, March 27, 2020.

Indeed, Wisdom Kanda and colleagues (this volume [28]) argue that pandemic is changing multi-scalar policy and politics by calling into
in the context of sustainability transitions, the pandemic is causing question longstanding conventions about globalization and inter­
“disruptive” change not only by potentially accelerating transforma­ connectivity, as well as freedom of movement and geopolitical tensions
tions in incumbent socio-technical systems, but also by also affecting between groups such as the United States and China or the United
emergent innovations and niches. In the mobility sector, they discuss States and the World Health Organization. The pandemic is lastly
how in Finland and Sweden the virus has weakened the push for mo­ transforming social and political practices, especially those related to
bility-as-a-service efforts (given they involve sharing rides, not ideal in telework/working from home as well a preferred modes of travel given
an environment of social distancing) but had less impact on the push for the near-term focus on social distancing. Here they warn that the lasting
electric vehicles (given they permit individualized, private transport). imprint of the pandemic is uncertain, with the potential that it en­
They therefore suggest that the impacts of COVID-19 on mobility trenches unsustainable practices (such as driving a car) perhaps as great
practices and transitions are important research streams moving for­ as its ability to introduce more sustainable practices (such as walking).
ward. They raise the critical question of whether there will be an acceleration
Caroline Kuzemko and colleagues (this volume [29]) take an even of pre-pandemic drivers for sustainability across the dimensions they
broader and more holistic view of the ways the pandemic can place consider or whether momentum for sustainability will be lost as pan­
pressure on sustainability transitions in the near-term and the long- demic recovery plans are rolled out.
term. They argue that Covid-19 can alter the scope and pace of energy Kester et al. recently refer to this as the “dialectic” nature of future
systems change with declining electricity demand and prices, the dis­ sustainability transitions, given they can reinforce dominant practices
ruption of supply chains, and possible rebounds associated with re­ as much as they can reform existing ones [30]. Even electric mobility,
covery and stimulus packages. It could also shift financial investment an innovation Kanda and colleagues noted may ultimately be less af­
flows away from incumbent industries and carbon intensive fuels. The fected by the pandemic, has unclear and highly differentiated impacts

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B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

Fig. 4. The polycentric and multi-institutional nature of Covid-19 information and messages. A. Mass media (newspapers). B. Companies and travel providers. C.
Restaurants. D. Churches and places of worship. E. National government and grocery stores. F. Higher education and universities, social groups and charities. Source:
Compiled by the authors.

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B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

on sustainability as noted in Table 1. This means the adoption of

electric vehicles is neither good nor bad in sustainability terms, it in­
stead depends on how such innovations are governed and managed
across areas such as vehicle use, daily life, social identity and system-
wide environmental effects.

4. Connections with energy justice and vulnerability

The Covid-19 pandemic has equally compelling linkages with en­

ergy crises, energy poverty, energy vulnerability and energy injustice.
Kathleen Brosemer and colleagues (this volume [31]) write that the
pandemic will only “illuminate and compound existing crises in energy
sovereignty.” It is worsening already terrible inequalities in health care
access among the Navajo Nation in the United States, where hospitals
were overburdened before Covid-19 outbreaks with caring for in­
digenous peoples harmed from coal mining and extraction as well as
increases in kidney disease and cancer that resulted from many years of
living next to abandoned uranium mines. The pandemic is com­
pounding environmental injustices as Covid-19 most affects those with
preexisting medical conditions, and yet decades of poor environmental
and air quality leave minority groups at heightened risk of having those
conditions. It is undermining the ability of energy firms to guarantee
the provision of energy access and modern energy services in times of
austerity and uncertainty. It is lastly serving as a mechanism for pow­
erful incumbent interests to usurp various regulatory processes that
back their own narrow interests at the expense of the public good. One
particular example is Enbridge “taking advantage of divided public
attention and a fraught financial situation during the Covid-19 crisis to
push forward permit applications” for a major change in the routes of
one of their pipelines. Such attempts at regulatory manipulation are not
limited to North America; Kalyani writes how vested interests in India
were using the pandemic as an excuse to increase employment in the
coal and gas sectors, even though these sectors operate contrary to
India’s stated climate policies [16].
Paolo Mastropietro and colleagues (this volume [32]) add that “the
Covid-19 pandemic and the consequent lockdown exacerbated energy
poverty and insecurity worldwide.” However, they also note that the
collective response from policymakers has been to attempt to safeguard
vulnerable citizens by an array of protection measures including:

• Disconnection bans;
• Energy bill deferral and payment extension plans;
• Enhancement of energy assistance programs;
• Energy bill reductions or cancellations;
• Support measures for commercial and small industrial activities;
• Creation of funds and other support measures to suppliers.
After reviewing the global prevalence of these measures, they con­
clude that two are “best” at minimizing vulnerability: direct energy
assistance programs and bans on disconnections, the latter being the
most widespread measure introduced by governments during the pan­
demic.
Matthew Henry and colleagues (this volume [33]) take an equally
useful global analytical lens, reinforcing the recent call for a “Just
Transition.” This debate about a “Just Transition” is ongoing across
many countries and provinces, with at least 14 national commissions,
policies, or task forces in place across Canada, China, Czech Republic,
Germany, Ghana, Indonesia, New Zealand, Scotland, South Africa,
Spain, the United States and Vietnam. As Table 2 indicates, a “Just
Transition” is backed by powerful coalitions and groups around the
world.
As Henry and colleagues note, a Just Transition intends to ensure
Fig. 5. The adoption of social distancing around the world, April 2020. A. India.
B. United States. C. United Kingdom. D. Singapore. Source: Compiled by the
that as global society decarbonizes, it does not leave anyone behind.
authors. Efforts must be made to offer income support for workers during the full
duration of transition, to tailor local economic development tools for
affected communities, and to offer realistic training or retraining

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Table 1
The differentiated impacts of electric mobility and electric vehicles on sustainability.
Elements Strengthens sustainability Weakens sustainability

Vehicle use Vehicle uptake EVs substitute for conventional cars and motorcycle. EVs increase car-based mobility by drawing people away from
active and public modes of transport.

Intermodality EVs used more in intermodal (active and public transport) EVs encourage excessive driving and are bought as second or
systems and in combination with measures to discourage car third (luxury) cars.
use.

Ridesharing EVs increase the use of car sharing/ride sharing schemes. EVs increase the preference for private, single-occupancy
driving practices.

Daily life Suburbanization EVs are a wakeup call to address private vehicle use if EVs, through their cheaper variable costs, enable longer
alternatives are available – public transport, shared services distances, thus supporting urban sprawl. They also compete
etc. with public transport and shared services.

Routines and lifestyles EVs allow for more family time as commutes are part of office EVs allow office hours to be extended to include commuting
hours. time.

Social identity Expression of gender EVs and EV marketing break with gender distinctions through EVs and EV marketing reinforce stereotypical car images of
alternative design, comfort and ease of operations. masculinity (large, sporty, pickup trucks) or femininity (small,
quiet, early generation EVs).

Expression of EVs and EV marketing point to new stereotypes around EVs and EV marketing reinforce stereotypical car discourses of
stereotypes responsible and sustainable car use. joy and notions of freedom.

Expression of class/ EVs break with class distinctions, as low variable costs enable EVs reinforce class/wealth distinctions as high capital costs
wealth more mobility for all. imply that only rich can afford them and their benefits.

System-wide Environmental EVs, through their broad deployment, signal a need for more EVs have lower emissions, which lead to rebound effects: more
effects stewardship efficient low-carbon propellants, alternative modes of miles travelled, heavier vehicles, more private vehicles. This is
transport, less mobility and spur pro-environmental behavior especially relevant if the ecosystem around EVs fails to
in other sectors materialize, e.g. no battery recycling, only dump charging, non-
renewable electricity, etc.

Oil independence EVs minimize and signal lower oil/gas consumption, which EVs cause a reduction in demand for oil, which reduces the oil
reduces dependency among households and non-oil producers price and makes fueling conventional vehicles cheaper. Lower
on oil companies and oil producing countries. oil prices also reduce oil sector investments and thereby limit
production to a smaller group of oil producing countries (those
with low variable costs) and counterintuitively increasing oil
dependence on a smaller group of countries.

Employment an EVs are designed and promoted by sustainably oriented firms EVs are co-opted and marginalized by transnational
competitiveness with a focus on innovation and entrepreneurship. conglomerates with little desire for social change.

Source: Authors modification from Kester et al [30].

programs that lead to decent work. They worry, however, that both the 5. Insights for research practice and methodology
Covid-19 pandemic and the global fall in oil prices could complicate
ongoing attempts to realize a Just Transition—especially since the The insights offered by this Special Section are not just topical or
pandemic has resulted in the loss of more than 500,000 clean energy thematic. They also relate to the very art and craft of undertaking re­
jobs and halted momentum in the push for solar energy and wind en­ search, with some interesting insights for research design and research
ergy. They conclude however that the COVID-19 crisis represents “a methodology.
unique opportunity to adopt Just Transition principles into community Both Jefferson (this volume [18]) and Kanda and colleagues (this
and economic recovery efforts.” volume [28]) note how scholars, especially those designing energy
programs (such as the Global Energy Assessment) or utilizing

Table 2
Selected organisations and movements supporting a “Just Transition” in 2019.
BlueGreen Alliance (US) Labor Network for Sustainability (US)
Beyond Coal campaign (US) NAACP (US)
Climate Justice Alliance (US) National Union of Mineworkers of South Africa (South Africa)
Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (German Trade Union Confederation) (Germany) Sierra Club (US)
European Trade Union Confederation (EU) Sunrise Movement (US)
IndustriALL Global Union (global) The Trade Unions for Energy Democracy initiative (Global)
Indigenous Environmental Network (US) Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA) (Americas)
International Labor Organization (global) Transitions Town Movement (UK)
International Trade Union Confederation (Just Transitions Center) (global) Women’s Environment and Development Organization (Global)
ITUC-affiliated Just Transition Centre (Global) 350.org (Global)
Just Transition Alliance (US)
Just Transition Fund (US)
Kentuckians for the Commonwealth (US)

Source: Compiled by the authors, with special thanks to Noel Healy and the Chapter 4 team of the IPCC’s forthcoming Sixth Assessment Report.

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state of Colorado (in the United States) feature skis and cow­
boys—symbols well embedded in local culture. Lucha Libre in Mexico
has played a relevant role in its culture since the late 1950s, mainly due
to its masked wrestlers, who have incorporated their own family tra­
ditions, beliefs and fears into the design of their masks [36]. The Louvre
Abu Dhabi similarly adapted their messages about the pandemic to
feature culturally appropriate attire for women, e.g. abayas on images
of women performing social distancing.
Michael Fell and colleagues (this volume [37]) suggest that the
pandemic represents not only an existential threat to society, but also a
threat to the practice of research, given that it calls into question the
internal and external validity of our findings in the academy. This in­
cludes both the validly of research done before the pandemic (given that
society may never be the same after) and the future robustness of any
research conducted during the pandemic (a situation of extreme anxiety
and stress far removed from “normal” life, potentially making findings
less stable over time). They argue that Covid-19 changes the context for
research as it creates an environment that may be unprecedented and
highly unusual compared to future years. They note the pandemic is
reconfiguring demographics in rapid and unforeseen ways, with ad­
vanced morbidity and mortality and differentiated effects across age,
gender, or ethnicity. They argue (much as we have in Section 3) that the
pandemic is altering behaviors and daily routines; changing perceived
personal and cognitive constraints and feelings; putting pressure on
exiting social norms and identities; and materially changing homes and
workplaces. Taken together, these features of Covid-19 may demand
that we rethink in meaningful ways the design of future studies, how we
determine demographically representative samples, how we collect
data, how we interpret findings, and how we translate those findings
into recommendations. Such considerations are timely and relevant
given the explosion of Covid-19 publications that have appeared since
the start of the pandemic. Nearly 7,000 papers on the pandemic were
published between February and May 2020 alone, and 3,000 of these
were released through the preprint servers BioRxiv, MedRxiv and arXiv
[38].
Chen and colleagues (this volume [39]) further these themes in their
work on acceptance of and willingness to pay (WTP) for home energy
management systems (HEMS) during the Covid-19 pandemic in New
York, USA. They note that the pandemic is having a distinct effect on
survey participants with social-psychological variables, such as attitude
toward HEMS and social norms, arising as important factors for ex­
plaining technology adoption intention. They also affirm some of the
points raised by Fell et al. about the unique situation survey re­
spondents have found themselves in. Many reported feeling “anxious”
and others suggested that they felt they had a high chance of getting
infected by coronavirus themselves—a salient message considering that
the survey was conducted in New York, one of the global epicenters of
the disease. The authors indicate that they hope that their survey results
offer a “foundation for researchers to conduct larger-scale energy stu­
Fig. 6. Cultural variation in messaging and information campaigns about the dies by considering the opportunities to build transdisciplinary colla­
Covid-19 pandemic. A. A social distancing sign in Denver (showing skis) and borations through integrated methods and matching datasets.” This
Ouray (a cowboy hat), Colorado, United States. B. Advertisement from Mexico’s might include future work on cultural differences in social distancing,
Ministry of Health stating: “In Mexico we wear facemasks. Do not be a ‘rule how energy burdens are framed and distributed, what constitutes
breaker’ and wear a mouth-covering mask. For everyone else’s health: do not healthy built-home environments, and other social-psychological fac­
take it off!”. C. In the United Arab Emirates, the Louvre Abu Dhabi welcomes tors including perceived fairness or social networking.
guests to the museum in late 2020 after 100 days of closure due to the Covid-19 Marius Schwarz and colleagues (this volume [40]) offer additional
pandemic. Source: Compiled by the authors. insights regarding the impacts of the pandemic on research metho­
dology that are perhaps obvious but nonetheless highlight important
conceptual frameworks (such as the multi-level perspective) need to and perhaps persistent trends. They argue that Covid-19 is opening up
better account for epidemics and pandemics as landscape shocks. new ways of doing research, of being an academic, of collecting data
The persistence, prominence, multifaceted and personal nature of and attending conferences. They argue “The pace with which re­
effective messaging about the virus (discussed in Section 3) also remind searchers adopted digital formats for conferences, lectures, and meet­
us about the importance of recognizing culture [34,35] whenever re­ ings showed that currently available tools can substitute many of the
searchers engage in communication or outreach. Fig. 6 even shows the physical interactions at work. It also showed that academics are willing
adapting to local culture of messages about social distancing and to use digital tools for scientific exchange.” The pandemic has show­
wearing masks. For instance, images about the virus in the Western cased that academics and those in higher education can quickly and

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B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

Table 3
The dialectic or dualistic impacts the Covid-19 pandemic can have on energy and climate sustainability and research.
Positive intersections with sustainability Negative intersections with sustainability

Energy and climate impacts of the virus - Sharp reductions in travel related energy consumption and - Disruption of clean energy jobs
carbon emissions - Disruption of clean energy supply chains
- Immediate reductions in electricity consumption - Risk of real and substantial rebounds in consumption
- Depression of fossil fuel markets (particularly coal, oil and gas) accelerated by stimulus and recovery packages
- Immediate reductions in global air pollution - Disruption of off-grid energy markets and eroded progress on
- Redistribution of scarce energy resources in African nations to energy access programs
homes or national health care system
- Acceleration of African stimulus packages for low-carbon
transitions
Implications for social practices and - Potentially bolstered trends in the electrification of private - Undercutting of demand-side innovations such as ride-
sustainability transitions transport sharing or mobility-as-a-service
- Shifted financial and investment flows away from carbon - Dis-incentivizing mass-transit and public transport due to
intensive assets social distancing norms
- Transformed social and professional practices in ways that are - Calling into question the increasing interconnectivity and
less energy intensive (e.g., working from home, walking, cycling) globalization of socio-technical systems
- Accelerating a geopolitical divide between the United States
and other actors (e.g. China, World Health Organization)
Connections with energy justice an - Implementation of a variety of emergency protective measures - Overburdening of health care systems already dealing with
vulnerability including bans on disconnection and targeted assistance the health impacts of fossil fuels
packages - Compounding existing environmental injustices related to
- Increased attention to the principles of a “Just Transition” and preexisting conditions and air quality
the need for stimulus packages to be low-carbon and equitable - Undermining the provision of universal energy services and
energy as a human right
- Facilitating the exploitation of various energy policy or
permitting processes
Insights for research practice and - Augmenting the ability to devise conceptual frameworks and - Threatening external validity and the stability of research
methodology heuristics that better incorporate pandemics as landscape shocks findings over time
- Heightening academic appreciation for culturally appropriate - Rapidly changing the demographics of sample populations and
communication surveying techniques
- Increasing the familiarity of academics with digital modes of - Exposing academics to digital surveillance or cyber security
interaction issues through online formats

Source: Authors.

creatively change how they deliver lectures and are accessible to stu­ the global climate agenda towards a just transition. What is also evident
dents; how they give guest seminars and discuss findings; even how from the Special Section is the multi-scalar and multifaceted nature of
they may interview for jobs, do research interviews, and host online social responses to the pandemic, which have created a “Christmas
workshops. They hope that “going digital” in many of these formats and effect” or “Coronavirus effect” of:
contexts will continue, given the generally positive nature of the energy
or carbon savings involved [41]. They further suggest that such digital • Instructing people how to immediately alter and change their rou­
modes of interaction could come to substitute for physical modes in tines and practices in response to a crisis (e.g., social distancing,
how academics work in groups, hold team meetings, and socially net­ wearing masks, quarantining, and handwashing);
work. • Bolstering the strength and resilience of infrastructure and institu­
tions (e.g., of hospitals and medical research institutions);

6. Conclusion
• Building capacity to monitor and manage emergency measures (e.g.,
trace infections, test people);

Situated at the nexus of the Covid-19 pandemic, energy systems,

• Properly financing social responses in ways commensurate to a
grand challenge (e.g., donations to National Health Services or the
and climate change, this Special Section has revealed the complex, and World Health Organization);
often shifting, contours of how the disease is shaping global patterns of
energy consumption, policymaking, and governance. It is altering the
• Restoring economic activity gradually and via approaches that are
backed by science (e.g., mandatory lockdowns and partial re­
desirability of some emerging innovations and sustainability transi­ opening, deployment of government rescue and stimulus funds);
tions, and heightening concerns over energy vulnerabilities and in­
justices. It is even challenging in fundamental ways how future energy
• Harnessing innovation and rapidly developing critical new tech­
nologies (e.g., new therapeutics and vaccines);
and climate researchers go about their work. As Table 3 reveals, these
intersections can be weighty and protean, but they are also perilous and
• Utilizing a variety of trusted institutions and individuals to convey
information and messages (e.g., the CDC, major news outlets, doc­
precarious. For every noted positive intersection with some aspect of tors and medical professionals);
stainability or doing research, or benefit, we see an almost equally
salient negative intersection, or risk. Take one of these examples:
• While undertaking these steps, protecting the vulnerable (e.g., those
with preexisting conditions, the unemployed and/or the indigent).
lowering demand for, and prices of, fossil fuels. Is this a blessing—­
foretelling that fossil fuels are becoming unviable—or a curse—ce­ Although the impacts from the pandemic have so far been far from
menting fossil fuels as cheap and abundant sources of energy to be equitable or welcomed by the majority of people, this list of actions
utilized for many years to come? Potently, it is the aspect of energy does offer a possible recipe for how future energy and climate planning
justice and vulnerability that particularly has more negative intersec­ could proceed as well, if policymakers and planners see the opportunity
tions (risks) than positive ones (benefits). to transform social practices and institutions as much as the pandemic
Covid-19, as various authors presented in this Special Section, re­ has. This could help achieve a “Christmas” or “Coronavirus” effect for
presents a strategic opportunity to work in parallel on designing and energy and climate policy that encompasses:
implementing economic and social recovery programs and advancing

10
B.K. Sovacool, et al. Energy Research & Social Science 68 (2020) 101701

19 crisis, we also see the same types of hindrances that have plagued
progressive energy policy and climate action. Specifically, lack of at­
tention to warnings about a potential crisis, delayed responses to
building evidence of crisis onset, nationalism at the expense of the
global good, politics overshadowing social welfare, marginalized po­
pulations (e.g., people of low socio-economic status, or people in low
and middle income countries) experiencing adverse consequences at
higher rates, conspiracy theories and fatigue of mitigation measures. As
Fig. 7 both comically and tragically seeks to depict, climate change is
akin to a perpetual pandemic, but one that multiplies threats in steeper
and more severe ways than Covid-19 or its economic consequences.
Markard and Rosenbloom have the right of it when they write that
unlike the pandemic, “climate change, in particular, threatens the very
basis for continued human prosperity and requires an equal, if not
greater, societal mobilization” [61].
Hence, the opportunities emerging from the pandemic for energy
systems and climate policy can be secured or squandered. Without
careful guidance, governance and consideration, the brave new age
wrought by Covid-19 could very well collapse in on itself with bloated
stimulus packages, misaligned incentives, the embedding of un­
sustainable practices, and acute and troubling consequences for vul­
nerable groups.

Fig. 7. The Covid-19 pandemic, global recession, and climate change. Declaration of Competing Interest

• Instructing people how to immediately reduce their carbon foot­ The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influ­
prints (e.g. using energy efficient technologies in their homes, eating
less meat, avoiding air travel [42]); ence the work reported in this paper.

• Bolstering infrastructure, institutions and industrial strategy (e.g..

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