Siratu Simon

Documentation and Description of Traditional Conflict Resolution and
Language Use among the Wolayta: The Case of Humbo Woreda
By: Siratu Simon Meja
Addis Ababa University

College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Language Studies, Journalism and
Communication
Department of Linguistic
June 2014
Addis Ababa
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Documentation and Description of Traditional Conflict Resolution and
Language Use among the Wolayta: The Case of Humbo Woreda
By: Siratu Simon Meja
A Thesis Submitted to
Department of Linguistic
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master

of Arts (Documentary Linguistic and Culture)
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
June 2014
2
College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Language Studies, Journalism and

Communication
This is to certify that the thesis prepared by Siratu Simon Meja entitled Documentation and
Description of Traditional Conflict Resolution and Language Use among the Wolayta: The Case
of Humbo Woreda and Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for The Degree of
Master of Arts (Documentary Linguistic and Culture) Complies With The Regulations of The
University and Meets The Accepted Standards.
Signed by the examining committee
_______________________________ ___________________ ______________
Advisor Signature Date
_______________________________ ___________________ ______________
Examiner Signature Date
_______________________________ ___________________ _____________
Examiner Signature Date
_______________________________ ___________________ _____________
Chair of department or Signature Date
Graduate program coordinator
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Table of Contents
Content Page
Acknowledgment ............................................................................................................................. I
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... II
Acronyms and Abbrevations......................................................................................................... III
Glossary of Local Terms ............................................................................................................... IV
Transliteration ................................................................................................................................ V
CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................. 1
Introduction..................................................................................................................................... 1
1.1. Background of the study ..................................................................................................... 1
1.2. Statement of the Problem.................................................................................................... 3
1.3. Objectives of the study........................................................................................................ 5
1.3.1. The General Objective ..................................................................................................... 5
1.3.2. Specific objectives ........................................................................................................... 5
1.4. Significance of the study..................................................................................................... 5
1.5. Scope of the Study .............................................................................................................. 6
1.6. Limitation of the study........................................................................................................ 6
CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................ 7
Review and Conceptual Frame Work ............................................................................................. 7
2.1 Conceptual frame work....................................................................................................... 7
2.2 Conceptualizing conflict ..................................................................................................... 7
2.3 What is Conflict? ................................................................................................................ 9
2.4 Conflict Resolution mechanisms ...................................................................................... 12
2.5 Conflict Transformation.................................................................................................... 14
2.6 Traditional Mechanisms of Conflict Resolution ............................................................... 15
2.7 Ritual Ceremonies in Peace Making ................................................................................. 16
2.8 African Conflict Resolution Methods ............................................................................... 18
2.9 Indigenous Conflict Resolutions in Africa ....................................................................... 19
2.10 Conflicts in Ethiopia ......................................................................................................... 21
2.11 Conflict Resolution Setting in Traditional Wolayta ....................................................... 22
2.12 The Role of Language and Culture in Conflict Resolution .............................................. 23
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2.12.1 . Language ...................................................................................................................... 23
2.12.2 . Language Documentation ............................................................................................ 23
2.12.3 Proverbial Language Use in Conflict Resolution .......................................................... 24
2.12.4 Connections of Culture and Conflict ............................................................................. 26
2.13 Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 28
CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................................... 30
Research Design and Methodology .............................................................................................. 30
3. The Research Design: Case Study ........................................................................................ 30
4. Data Sources and Method of Data Collection ....................................................................... 30
4.1. Data sources ....................................................................................................................... 30
4.1.1 Population......................................................................................................................... 31
4.1.2 Samples ............................................................................................................................ 31
4.2 Method of Data collection ................................................................................................... 31
5. Data Organization and Analysis.......................................................................................... 31
6. Documentation Method, Tools and Format ......................................................................... 32
7. Transcription and Glossing Convention................................................................................ 32
8. Types of Metadata Collected................................................................................................. 33
CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................................... 34
Descriptions of the Study Area and community ........................................................................... 34
4.1. Historical, Anthropological, Geographical and Cultural Background ............................... 34
4.1.1 Historical Background ................................................................................................... 34
4.1.2 Anthropological Note ................................................................................................... 35
4.1.3Socio–Cultural Background ........................................................................................... 37
4.2 The Wolayta People and the Language ............................................................................... 38
4.3 Traditional Occupation ........................................................................................................ 40
4.4. Livelihood Systems ............................................................................................................ 41
4.4.1. Land Resources and Agriculture .................................................................................... 41
4.4.2. Animal Husbandry and Petty Trade ............................................................................... 41
CHAPTER FIVE
Data Analysis and Findings .......................................................................................................... 44
5. Results and Findings ................................................................................................................. 44
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5.1 Interview Results ................................................................................................................... 44
5.1.1. Informal Discussion Results ............................................................................................ 46
5.1.2. Data from Ethnographic Field Notes ............................................................................... 47
5.1.3 Data from Written Documents .......................................................................................... 47
5.1.4. Triangulating Data from multiple sources ....................................................................... 48
5.2 Data Interpretation and Discussion ........................................................................................ 48
5.2.1 Major forms of Conflict in Study Area ......................................................................... 48
5.2.2. Resource Based Conflict ................................................................................................ 49
5.2.3. Marital Based Conflict ................................................................................................... 50
5.3 Mechanisms of Conflict Resolution...................................................................................... 52
5.3.1 Mediation......................................................................................................................... 53
5.3.2 Negotiation ...................................................................................................................... 53
5.3.3 Arbitration ....................................................................................................................... 54
5.4 Institutions of Conflict Resolution among Wolayta............................................................ 54
5.4.1 Cconflict Resolution Setting /guttaraa / ......................................................................... 55
5.5 Conflict Resolution procedure among Wolayta .............................................................. 56
5.5.1 Actors in Conflict Resolution .......................................................................................... 59
5.5.2. Rituals Accompanying Conflict Mediation .................................................................... 59
5.6 Types of Decision Made and Compensation....................................................................... 60
5.7. Post Conflict Issues in Wolayta ....................................................................................... 61
5.8. The Role of Language in Conflict Resolution ................................................................... 62
5.8.1. Socio- Cultural Contexts of Performing Proverbs in Wolayta ....................................... 62
5.8.2. The Role of Proverbs in Triggering Conflict ................................................................. 64
5.8.3. The Role of Proverbs in Resolving Conflict .................................................................. 66
CHAPTER SIX ............................................................................................................................. 73
6. Summary, Conclusions and Recommendation ......................................................................... 73
6.1 Summary ............................................................................................................................. 73
6.2. Conclusions ........................................................................................................................ 74
6.3 Recommendation................................................................................................................. 75
References ..................................................................................................................................... 77
Annex-Language Documentation
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Approved by
1. Advisor Date and signature
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2. Chairpersons ,Department Graduate Committee
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3. Chairpersons, Faculty’s Committee
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4. Dean, Graduate Committee
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Acknowledgment
I would like to express my gratitude to all, who contributed to this research work. First,
I extend my utmost gratefulness to my adviser Dr. Zelalem Tefera for his constructive academic
and moral support. His extensive comments and encouragement contributed a lot to the
development of this thesis.
I also owe a great deal of gratitude to Dr. Derb Ado department of linguistics. For his comments
and support on technological unit of language documentation parts and giving me his precious
time.
Moreover, I also wish to express my sincere thanks to all the informants of Wolayta Zone,
Humbo Woreda, for their contribution and for their willingness. Without their participations and
contribution this research would not have been completed in this form.
I would like to thank my wife, Roman Hailemariyam and all Wolayta zone culture and youth
office officers for their help in assisting and facilitating the data gathering process throughout my
filed work.
I
Abstract
Peace is a necessary antecedent condition for societies to continue and remain prosperous.
However, conflict occurring among individuals, between communities violet peace and stability
of the society. This thesis investigates traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and related
language use among the Wolayta community of southern Ethiopia: with particular reference to
the role of folk tales and proverbs in conflict mitigation. This study has aimed at answering the
research questions such as: how traditional conflict resolution mechanisms are import and what
roles does language play in conflict resolution in Humbo Woreda. Within the view of answering
such research questions the researcher employed exploratory research design. The target
population was elders above fourty in Humbo Woreda.The sample size of this study was thirty
people through purposive sampling method .Data were collected through interview, informal
discussion, participant and non-participant observation, taking felid notes, records and pictures
and presented using narrative description methods. The finding of the study revealed that
traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and the role of language in the study area have a very
great role. Results further indicates that the prevalent forms of conflicts occurring in the study
area are resource based particularly farm plots as manifested in the trace passing and marriage
related issues. The communities in the study area have to set a plan and framework to pass on
the indigenous knowledge and conflict resolution mechanisms and language to the young
generation and document it.
Key words: conflict, language, resolution, indigenous, peace
II
Acronyms and Abbreviations
SNNPR=South Nation Nationality People Region
WODA= Wolayta Development Association
UNESCO= United Nations Education Science Culture Organization

YOGA=Yakima Ome Guutaraa Association
UN= United Nation
ECOWAS=Economic Community of West African State
AU=African Union
INN=International Negotiation Network
WDA=Wolayta Development Association
ABS – Absolutive
ADV – adverbial
CAUS – Causative
CONV – Converb
F = Feminine
FUT = Future
IMPF = Imperfective
INDEC = Indeclinable
INFN = Infinitive
INTER = Interrogative
Lit = Literally
M = Masculine
NEG = Negative
NMNL = Nomminalizer
NOM = Nominative
OBL = Oblique
OPT = Optative
PASS = Passive reciprocal
PF = Perfective
PL = Plural
REL = Relative
SG = Singular
SUBJ = Subject oriented
VOC = Vocative
1= First person
2= Second person
3= Third person
III
Glossary of Local Terms
Dere /dere/=people
Dubbushaa/dubuʃɑ/=dispute settlement place.
Guuttara/guːtɑrɑ/=legal dispute settlement place
Marc’uwa/mɑrc’uwɑ/= iron ancient currency of wolayta
M ask’ala/mɑsk’ɑlɑ/= festive celebrate at semptember
Koyiissaa/kojiːsɑ/=honerfic song for the dead boy in funeral
Waaruwa/wɑruwa/=black cotton wor by relatives of dead family.
Goom77oriya/goːm?orija/=iron like blood the cheek to show love
Doona /doːnɑ/=lit.mouth
Wolaytatto doona /wolɑjtɑto doːnɑ/= wolayta language
Anjuwa= /?anjuwɑ/= blessing
Shiqquwa=/ʃik’uwa/=meeting
Wogaa/wogɑː/=custom
Yehuwa wogaa/yehuwɑ wogɑː/= funeral custom
Daggeeta:/dɑgeːtɑ:/=sharing signifies
Parsuwa=/pɑrsuwɑ/=local dirink
Daguwa=/dɑguwɑ/=work in group
IV
Transliteration
Basic attributes of Wolayta language
1 Table 1.Consonant inventory
bilabial dental alveleor palatao- palatal velar glottal
alveolar
plosive p t c k 7
b d j g
fricative s Š h
Φ
z ž
ejective p’ t’ c’ k’
implosive ɓ ɗ
nasal m n
liquid l r
glide y w
2 Table 2. Vowel inventory
front centeral back
close i,i: u,u:
mid e,e: o.o:
open a,a:
These two tables are adapted from Azeb (2006) and Yitebarke (1983)
V
V
Diphthongs
Diphthongs in Wolayta language are /ay/ /oy/ /ey/. These diphthongs always help to separate subject
case and absolute case in the parts of speech
Tone and stress
Lamberti and Sottile (1997:23, 25-26) state that there is no adequate information and even the
written document on tonal language of Wolayta. It’s quite complicated and definitely requires
further research.
Vowel lengthen
Vowel lengthen are occurs in Wolayta and they also bring meaning differences.
Example, from linguistic data:
eː e aː a
era /?eraɑ/(knowledge ) awa/?ɑwɑ/ (light)
eessa /?eːsɑ/(honey) aawa/?ɑːwɑ/(father)
oː = oolla/?oːlɑ/(hole o= ola/?olɑ/(war) iː i
c’ima/tʃ’imɑ/ (elder old
oolla/?oːlɑ/(hole) c’iimma/tʃ’iːmɑ/(deceive
uː = uuttaa/?uːtɑː/ (false banana )
u = uta/?utɑ/(sit)
==Grammar==
===Word order===
Like other Omotic languages, the Wolaytta language has the basic word order SOV (subject–
object–verb), as shown in the following example (Wakasa 2008:1041):
{| class='wikitable'
|na7-ái|| 7iss-í|| maTááp-aa || shamm-íis.
|-|child-NOM.M.SG. || one-OBL. ||book-ABS.M.SG. ||buy-PF.3M.SG.
|-|colspan='7'|'The boy bought a book.'
|}It has postpositional phrases, which precede the verb (Wakasa 2008:1042):
|ta-7ish-ái|| maTááp-aa|| ba-lágg-iya-ppe||taLL-íis.
|-|my-brother-NOM.M.SG.|| book-ABS.M.SG. ||his:own-friend-OBL.M.SG.-from||borrow-
PF.3M.SG.
|-|colspan='7'|'My brother borrowed a book from his friend.'
|}Nouns used adjectivally precede the nouns that they modify (Wakasa 2008:1044)
VI
|ló77-o ||dé7-uwa|| de7-áis.
|-|good-OBL || life-ABS.M.SG || live-IMPF.1SG.
|-|colspan='7'|'I live a good life.'
|}Numerals precede the nouns that they quantify over (Wakasa 2008:1045)
|na7-ái|| naa77-ú|| máCC-a|| 7as-atá||be7-íis.
|-|child-NOM.M.SG|| two-OBL|| female-OBL|| people-ABS.PL||see-PF.3M.SG.
|-|colspan='7'|'The boy saw two women.'
Simmilarly, see linguistic data Ref.opp.1301
Grammatical Endings in Wolayta
- iis perfective 3rd person, singular, masculine
- ees imperfective 3rd person, singular, masculine
- aas perfective 1st person singular
- adasa perfective 2nd person, singular
- o portative, 3rd person, singular
(Wakasa 2008)
VII
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
This introductory chapter first provides background information about the study subject and sets
the stage for problem statement where the rationales for choosing the topic are described. The
general and the specific objectives of the research were presented followed by research
questions, significance of the study the scope and its limitations.
1.1. Background of the study
UNESCO expert group on endangered languages state that language diversity is essential to
human heritage .Each and every language embodies the unique cultural wisdom of a people. The
loss of any language is thus a loss for all humanity (UNESCO 2003). Yet, the language of the
world are disappearing at an alarming rate .It has been suggested that half of the world’s
languages have disappeared in the past 500 years (Nettel and Romanel 2000). This situation
leads to loss of diversity and important cultural knowledge. Since the 1990s, efforts have been
made by several bodies including UNESCO address this problem.
Due to this, linguists and anthropologies have been at the forefront in the effort to document
endangered language before they disappear. Therefore, language and culture documentation and
conservation are facilitated by modern technological advance that enable the digitalization and
integration of video, audio and textual materials and reductions for revitalization.
Many people around the world argued that unless we take serious steps to strengthen
culture and protect the environment, the juggernaut of globalization … could in just a few
decades; wipe out the cultural …diversity that took millions of years of human plant and
animals evaluation to produce (Friedman 2006:47)
Therefore, today, the world’s indigenous cultural knowledge and its practice are in danger and
become extinct (Trask 2009:233).Due to this reason, survival of traditional knowledge and
documenting for lasting are the main issue in today’s world, African and other local and
international researchers give emphasis on rehabilitation of indigenous knowledge of peoples ,
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cultures and languages of least studied communities. One such indigenous knowledge that needs
proper documentation is traditional knowledge called “indigenous conflict resolution.”
Meanwhile, some scholars have been particularly interested in explaining the deterioration
caused by the conflicting situation in Africa; others have focused on the management of conflict.
Osaghae & Robinson (2005:6) writes: “Yet, although we now know a lot about the ‘causes’ and
nature of conflicts, they remain intractable and difficult to predict and to deal with.
Consequently, that singular issue which has recurrently posed serious challenge to scholars has
been the management of conflict in Africa.
International and regional organizations such as: the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU),
and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have attempted to restore peace.
So have individual countries, such as: the United States and France and even private agencies
such as: the International Negotiation Network (INN) of the Carter Center of Emory University.
Despite such efforts, it has been observed that there are severe shortcomings in the conflict
management processes. Bemoaning this situation, Zartman (2000: 3) wrote:
Yet African countries remain impervious to these attentions. Though they involve the
activities of seasoned peace makers using the best of personal skills and recently
developed knowledge about ways of managing and resolving conflicts, international
efforts at conflict management have not been particularly effective or efficient in
overcoming the disasters that have been brought to the continent.
It is this futility of efforts to resolve conflicts in Africa, countries that have partly been provoked
for “the search for more creative and contextual approaches to conflict resolution in Africa”
(Osaghae 2000: 201). In fact, Zartman (2000) held the view that before conflicts in Africa rose to
an intensity that justified international attention, domestic measures would be expected to come
into play. This is the current thinking among scholars who strongly argue for great emphasis to
be placed on the wisdom of African traditional conflict management practices. Thus, Brock-Utne
(2001: 1), citing Ofuho (1999), lamented the treatment of conflict in Africa through conventional
mechanisms to the neglect of traditional approaches.
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It is in tandem with this viewpoint that I try to explore in this paper how the wisdom of Wolayta
proverbs and language could be brought to bear on the conflict management practice in Ethiopia.
It is relevant to note here that the capability of the proverbs to function in this capacity is tied to
their prescriptive function espoused by Olatunji (1984: 175) states:
The proverbs, more than any other poetic type, outline a rule of conduct. They state what
should or should not be done and lay conditions for certain actions and attitudes. They
serve as social charters condemning some practices while recommending others. These
statements can be negative, positive or conditional. The negative statements usually
assert what things are not or should not be done. They often embody a normal or practical
percept or a rule of conduct.
Therefore, proverbs play a great role in the community in order to create picture of the issues and
clearly indicate what things should not be done. This study also documented and described
traditional conflict resolution and language use with indigenous knowledge among Wolayta.
Linguistic primary data and some proverbial language related to traditional conflict resolution
are transcribed and annotated. The paper analyzed and discussed linguistic primary data,
elements, folk narration and proverbial language use within the context of traditional conflict
resolution in the study area. Then, the linguistic parts are linked by using language technology
with actual research. Finally, the summary, conclusion, recommendation and the findings were
given in the last chapter of the thesis.
1.2. Statement of the Problem
It is obvious that in all indigenous societies of the world, there is interrelationship between
culture and language, that is, both are intertwined (Isaac Ssetuba 2002, 1-7). Meanwhile; it has
been stated by Dell Hymes (1964) that the relationship between cultural categories and language
is problematic. In a particular culture, language serves as a source of ‘metalanguage’, which is a
cultural way of communicating about much but not all of the cultures. (Dell Hymes, 1964)
Culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution. M. Lebaron said that culture is like
underground river that runs through our lives and relationships giving us message that shape our
perception, attribution, judgment, and ideas of the self and the other .(M.Lebaron 2003)
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Like anywhere in the world and Africa in general, concerning Wolayta too, a number of studies
have been conducted on the issue of traditional or cultural conflict resolution and peace building
.Specifically, there are studies conducted on the ethnic and cultural aspects of Wolayta people.
However, the issue of traditional conflict resolution and language use with indigenous
knowledge among Wolayta is not explored or touched adequately.
Frankly speaking, there are various research works depicting how traditional conflict resolution
mechanisms work among different ethnic groups of Ethiopia. But in case of Wolayta, there is a
dearth of information regarding such matters. In most cases, the scholarly works seem to be
negligent in their compilation by the fact that, they do not take in to consideration the role of
language use with indigenous knowledge in traditional conflict resolution. Indeed, the proverbial
usages quoted by the elderly groups during dispute settlement now days are diminished. It can be
argued that, the advance of modern education should have been accompanied with indigenous
knowledge and language use in order to preserve and ensure the continuity of such social
practice for the benefit of the coming generation.
Where proverbs But, the existing reality shows that conflict resolution practices are used in
diffusing the conflict are on the verge of extinction being neglected by the young generation.
Therefore, it has become necessary to document and preserve proverbial language use as element
of indigenous knowledge which serves as instrument of conflict resolution.
In other words, this study aims to describe and document the traditional conflict resolution
through the instrumentality of language use among Wolayta, with particular reference to selected
Humbo Woreda located in southern part of Ethiopia.
This is because ,despite a continued use of proverbs in conflict mitigation , no research has been
made so far to elaborate this fact .For instance ,I encountered problem when I try to find some
written document about the indigenous knowledge and language use to support my study. It is,
therefore, this knowledge gap and the need to preserve the stated elements of Wolayta
indigenous practice that initiated the current study.
To guide this study process the following research questions were formulated and reacted up on
in the course of the field work.
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1. What are the most prevalent forms of conflict in the study area?
2. How do people resolve conflicts in the study area? Under what settings?
3. What role does the language /proverbs /play in conflict resolution in the study area?
1.3. Objectives of the study
1.3.1. The General Objective
The main objective of this study is to document traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and
explore the use of language in conflict resolution among the Wolayta: The case of Humbo
Woreda.
1.3.2. Specific objectives
1. To identify the most prevalent forms of conflict in the study area.

2. To explore the conflict resolution mechanisms and the settings under which they conduct in
the study area.
3. To investigate the role of language in conflict resolution process in the study area.
4. To transcribe and annotate the linguistic data related to traditional conflict resolution in the
study area.
5. To document the traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and the roles of proverbial
language in conflict resolution in the study area.
1.4. Significance of the study
It is expected from the findings of this study:
 Primarily, the study community benefits a lot as the research aids in the preservation of
their indigenous knowledge of conflict resolution both in textual and digital form
 Secondly, the study might serve as a basis for further study.
 Thirdly, it provides linguistic information both for researchers and students pertaining to
the role of proverbs mitigating conflict.
 Finally, the study may contribute to local ,regional and federal culture and tourism to
register and promote the intangible cultural heritage of the society
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1.5. Scope of the Study
This study is limited to the documentation and description of traditional conflict resolution and
language use with indigenous knowledge among Wolayata: with special reference to Humbo
Wereda. The researcher has selected four sample sub-districts or kebeles that is two from high
lands and others from low lands. The rationale that delimits the study area is the case that the
area is mostly exposed to frequent conflicts that arise between people within the same group
about different social interests (i.e. marriage issue, boundary issue, family, ethnic, and race
issues are mainly addressed) which are the rationale for delimiting my study area.
Moreover, the vastness of the Woreda, encompassing 42 kebeles would be difficult to cover and
the richness of the area in different natural resources which might be the cause for people to
engage in conflicts. Hence, it has become evident to take such few sample kebeles to carry out
the study. Besides, I have been involved in different activities performed in the area being part
and parcel of the community.
1.6. Limitation of the study
One of the challenges encountered by the researcher is the problem emanating from limited
literature material particularly, concerning the mechanism of conflict resolution among the
Wolayta. The other limitation was seen in terms of financial constraints to conduct the study.
Besides the inclination or expectations of the respondents to acquire much money while the
researcher was in need of communicating with them.
Possible justification for some views might need further investigation or studies. But one of the
remedies to be used is cross checking the views of the informants. The constraints of literature
materials prompt the researcher to focus much on information from informants. The good
opportunity when carrying out my study is that, I can communicate with informants in the
language they speak and share their experiences understanding the purpose of my research work.
6
CHAPTER TWO
Review and Conceptual Frame Work
In this chapter I briefly deal with the review of literature and conceptual frame work .Hence, I
present general and specific discussion about the research problem from the available literature.
So as to aid the understanding of the context and its situation in the study community, I, further
provide conceptual and theoretical frame works that help to explain the study issues and analyze
the collected data from the field.
2.1 Conceptual frame work
2.2 Conceptualizing conflict
Conflict has been studied over centuries by many scholars. But a more systematic study has been
possible only since the twentieth century (Schellenberg, 1996). The study of conflict resolution
became prominent with the emergence of political anthropology as a special branch of social
anthropology stated by the publication of “African political systems” (1940), edited by Fortes
and Evans-Pritchard. However, theoretical controversies over the subject of conflict and its
resolution have survived a long history of the study. From the very outset, scholars do not agree
upon whether conflict is a disjunctive process or sociation,
Some scholars have contended that conflict has a divisive effect considering it as some abnormal
phenomenon. Durkheim cited in Sipova, (1989) for instance used the term anomie or pathology
to describe it. Similarly, Wilson and Kolb (1949), cited in Colser (1964) believed that conflict
has a disjunctive effect, (Wilson and Kolb, as cited in Colser, 1964).
Many other scholars in contrary have repudiated this view. Park and Burgess (1921) and Simmel
(1955), as cited in Closer, (1964) argue that every interaction among men is a sociation, so is
conflict. They claim that conflict is a means to solve and avert complete fission, thereby preserve
some kind of unity. Meanwhile, Bohannan (1967: XI-XIV) characterizes conflict to be as basic
as culture is in society which possibly controlled and utilized profitably for better cultural
development and maintenance of social order. (Bohannan, 1967: XI-XIV)
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Shellenberg (1996:9) states that conflict is neither bad nor good, but is one of the essentials in
human social life. Gluckman (1956), Gulliver (1963) and Nanda (1994) agree with the view that
conflict is a part of social life and society is impossible without it. Furthermore, Marxists view
conflict not only as built into the social system but also as the primary stimulus for social change
(Seymour-Smith, 1986:51)
For some psychologists and physical anthropologists Freud, (1960) cited in Ferguson, (1984)
conflicts emanate from an innate human tendency to act aggressively. They assert that the
tendency of people to define their territories even instinctively is a universal phenomenon about
which nothing can be done to eliminate. Scholars of legal and political anthropology have
remained divided on issues relating to micro disputes and their resolutions. One of many
concerns on the area is the nature of the causes of conflict. Some researchers sought to locate the
source of conflict in deviant individuals and thereby began to study the legal processes by which
deviants are identified, controlled and reformed. Generally, conflict could be taken as opposition
between individuals, groups, institutions, classes, etc that arises because of incomplete wishes or
interests,(Freud, as cited in Ferguson, 1984).
Conflict could be economic, political, social and cultural, etc… struggles with in humans at all
levels of interaction. According to Bassi,(1992:75), most of the proponents of this view believe
that conflict is caused by individuals who commit wrongful acts or who fail to fulfill their
obligations. Some of these researchers argued that evil doing is randomly spread through the
population and occurs at a fairly constant rate, whereas, others looked for patterns of wrong
doing that emanate from psychological, social or cultural factors. For example, Gibbs (1969)
contended that the personality traits of Keplle in Liberia induced particular patterns of wrong
doing, Litigation and non-compliance with judicial decisions.
According to Giday, (2008:3) conflict occurs among individuals, within families between clans,
and communities across ethnic borders, all societies change, and so do some values, norms,
attitudes. And so do methods to solve problems, for instance, social conflicts and their solution
occur in any given human setting be it in a family, clan, a community or a state. As social
changes take place due to factors such as migration, natural disasters, urban growth or shifting
economic opportunities a persisted tradition to conflict may lose authority.
8
2.3 What is Conflict?
Different scholars have offered many different definition of the concept depending on their
theoretical orientation. According to a psychologist Pruit and Rubin’s (1986:10) conflict is a
‘’perceived divergent of interests ‘’.whereas , for the sociologists like Blalock(1989:7) who view
things in terms of observable behavior , it is ‘’ intentional mutual exchange of negative
sanctions’’. In the dictionary of social science (1994 :123),conflict is defined as ’’ a struggle
over values and clams to scarce status ,power and recourses in which needs, ideas, beliefs,
values or goals or literally a serious disagreement or argument, typically protracted on.
According to Gove, conflict can be defined as “clash, competition, or mutual interferences of

opposing or incompatible forces or qualities (as ideas, interests, wills)” (Gove 1976, 476).
Zartman puts it as ‘’conflict is an inevitable aspect of human interaction, an unavoidable

concomitant of choices and decisions ‘’ (Zartman, 1997:197)
Hymes (1980:14) on the other hand defines social conflict as ‘’purposeful struggles between
collective actors who use social power to defeat or remove opponents and to gain status, power,
resource and other scarce values ‘’.
In this research my working definition of Conflict is “a struggle over values.”
From early the history of the study of conflict, whether the aggressive behavior is an in born
human quality or a reaction to social, political and economic factors is where lies the controversy
among the scholars (Nader, 1968; Collier, 1975; Tadesse 1988, 1994).
Some scholars have agreed that the causes of conflict are deep rooted in our biology.
Schellernberg (1996:13) describes such an approach as individual characteristics theory that
focuses on the individual and his acts, rather than the context of the act. This view of conflict has
its root in the work of Freud, who believed that violence is rotted in our basic nature as animals.
Human conflict is inevitable not because it is part of social life, but for it is a biological fact lying
within us all. (Schellernberg, 1996:13)
Nineteenth century social Darwinists stressed the role of competition and conflict in all human
societies. Taking the idea of the “survival of the fittest” as a basis, they analyzed conflict as part
9
of a universal struggle urged by inborn aggressive tendencies. The new theoretical perspective
under the name of ethnology also supports Freud’s view. This approach, according to
Schellberberg (1996:43) emphasizes the genetic instance of social behaviors.
Lorenz (1963, 1966) cited in Tadesse (1988) and McCauley (1990), who argue and popularize
that human violent behavior is inherited, were representatives of this approach for them,
according to Nader, (1968), man inherits the biology of aggression that is natural and universal
to vertebrates.(Nader,1968).
The idea that aggression and conflict are inborn human qualities have faded and due to heavy
criticisms from other researchers. Gibson (1990), Roberchek (1990) and Gregor (1990) presented
ethnographies of what they called peaceful societies, the Buid, the Semai, and the Xingu,
respectively. (Gibson, et.al 1990)
Montagu (1968, 1978), Plibeam (1972), cited in Tadesse (1988) reported several hunter-gathers
societies of Africa, which are said to be relatively peaceful. Tadesse (1988) further illustrated
that a given society or individual person called be peaceful and/or violent across time and
circumstances. Anthropologists have effectively used these ethnographic works to refute the
biologically based explanation of the sources of conflict and show its inadequacy.
Even those who have challenged the innate nature of human aggression have taken different
paths to treat the sources of conflict. Whether or not material and are the final causes in another
point of debate. (Tadesse, 1998)
According to Roberchek (1990), ecological functionalists (for instance, Harries; (1972); Gross
(1975) Ross (1978); Ferguson, (1984) assert that material causes are the final arbiter of human
behavior. Opposing this view, Gibson (1990) argues that the materialistic and deterministic final
cause argument is inadequate to explain the causal dynamics of particular conflicts. It is unable
to link material cause with cultural elements, and it leaves no room for consideration of human
decision-making. Roberchek (1990:63) says that the understanding of dispute “requires putting
the brute material facts into cultural and social context attempting first of all to comprehend how
the situation was conceptualized and defined by the people involved”.
10
Other scholars have attempted to explain why the local groups of some cultures are internally
more peaceful than the others in relation to social structure with a special emphasis on residential
pattern, decent system and marriage rules. Velzen and Wetering (1960), cited in Otterbein,
(1994) first developed the fraternal interest group theory. Fraternal interest group is power group
that constitutes related males residing close together. They contend that such a group responds
aggressively whenever the interest of one of their members is threatened. The authors concluded
that in societies with power groups, conflicts are more often, and peaceful conflict resolution is
less probable for the disputants have group ready to support them through thick and thin,(Velzen
and Wetering as cited in Otterbein,1994).
Confrontation theorists oppose this assumption arguing the entire structure rather than make
residence are responsible for conflict. For instance, Dillon (1980), cited in Otterbein, (1994) has
come up with different research result. Despite the presence of fraternal interest groups, the Meta
of western Cameroon stigmatized the act of relations.
The structural functional theory is one of the major theoretical approaches to the study of
conflict. Nader, (1968) show that this theory emphasizes both the structural sources and the
structural functions of conflict (Nader, 1968).
Lewellen (1983:6-8) states that the structural functionalists view society as an equilibrium
system whose component parts play a role in the maintenance of the whole. Hence, as part of
social life, conflicts too work towards the maintenance of the ongoing social structure. In the
works of Evans-Pritchard (1940), the Nuer and Gluckman’s custom and conflict in Africa (1956)
are typical examples of such an approach, which dominated the period between 1940’s and 1950,
in legal anthropology (Lewellen 1983).
The year 1960, according to Lewellen (1983:8), marked a shift to a more process-oriented, more
dynamic form of analysis. This was signaled in 1954 by the work of Leach entitled “political
systems of Highland Burma”, in which he asks what accounts for conflicts in a society rather
than ‘what holds society together’ as functionalists did. Similarly, Gulliver’s works on conflict
and its resolution have been ground breaking for shift from system-oriented approach toward
actor-oriented approach which take into consideration the new roles and choices in the face of
the changing world (Caplan 1995:23).
11
2.4 Conflict Resolution mechanisms
Although conflict is common human experience, it is noticeable in diverse ways. In this account,
scholars have been making deferent categories of conflict using their own distinct yardsticks.
For example, Lewin (1931, 1935) as cited in Deutsch,T.Coleman and Eric C. Marcus
Ed.(2006:14) offered three basic types of psychological conflict based on his analysis of force
fields that is approach –approach; avoidance –avoidance ; and approach-avoidance. And based
on the geographical scope and level of social structure involved in conflict within the field of
international relations, Peter Wallensteen (2002) identifies three general forms of conflict:
interstate, internal and state formation conflicts. Other scholars as Gulliver (1979), for example,
made a distinction between ‘’violent and peaceful’’ mechanism of conflict resolution. In his
classification, war and self-help are viewed as ‘’violent ‘’methods while negotiation, mediation,
arbitration, adjudication avoidance and symbols are taken as ’’ peaceful’’ conflict management.
Although conflict resolution is an area of professional practice, it is relatively new phenomenon;
the practice of conflict resolution is probably as old as human society itself (Mayer, 2004).
Scholars as Bohannan (1967), Gulliver (1979) and Schellenberg (1996) again state about conflict
in the same manner categorizing conflict resolution mechanisms into two: the violent and the
peaceful. The violent includes war, self-help and duel, whereas the peaceful includes avoidance,
burying the dispute in the symbolic process, negotiations, mediations, arbitration and
adjudication.
Each mode has its own characteristics, according to Gulliver (1979:1-3), duel is a violent
mechanism in which contestants resort to either physical or verbal confrontation to prone the
superiority of their case regardless of the facts underlining the dispute. Violent self-help is also a
violent way of managing conflict, usually employed by groups with no or little social and
economic ties. It often appears as short-term solution. Gulliver puts, it, avoidance is used to
prevent further escalation of conflict.
As Gulliver (1979) and Schellenberg (1996) negotiations are characterize by voluntary

discussion between the disputing parties and the absence of a third party-decision-maker.
Mediation, as Schellenberg (1996:182) describes, is “an assisted negotiation”. The intervention

of third party is necessitated for the parties in dispute have certain problems to resolve a conflict
12
on their own. However, the role of a third party in this process is not one of decision-maker but a
facilitator of a negotiation. As opposed to mediation, a third party decision-maker to which the
parties take their case characterizes arbitration. Arbitration may or may not act according to pre-
established-law. Adjudication refers to a process in which a third is an authoritative decision-
maker and the disputants are mere informants to the adjudicator in an attempt to secure a
relatively and variable decision.(Schellenberg,1996:182)
However, Gulliver (1979:18) argues that neither negotiation necessarily correlates to norm
making nor adjudication necessarily concentrates on narrow issue in dispute. Gulliver, of course,
admits that there are certain factors that encourage disputants to choose either negotiation or
adjudication, if both options are available. According to Collier (1975:132) states, some studies
search for similarities of dispute handling mechanisms among different societies. This leads us to
the Bohanna-Gluckman debate in legal anthropology.
Bohannan (1969), cited in Moore, (1995:23-24), of course, challenged the evolutionary typology
employed by Glukman, appealing to cultural particularity. He argues that using indigenous
categories and indigenous terms in ethnographic works and analysis does justice to the culture.
Gulliver (1969, cited in Moore: 1995) entered the debate but charged the point of argument. He
opposed Bohannan’s extreme cultural relativism by qualifying negotiation into legal
anthropology canon, and he argues that negotiation is cross culturally universal. He repudiated
Gluckman’s idea by stressing that in negotiation what matters is not the rule, but the relative
power of the protagonists to mobilize social support. Gulliver recognized that the social context
of confrontation has also much to do with the outcome of the negotiation.
In addition, another argument developed that pertains to why most disputes are settled peacefully
in the absence of authoritative chiefs. Though scholars have agreed that the resolution and
control of conflict need not necessarily be identified with formal institutions that operate
according to codified law, they have remained divided as to what pushed the opposing parties to
reconcile in the absence of any formal institution set for this purpose.
Because of loss of resources, land or owing to denial of their rights; civil, cultural and political,
indigenous people have been engaged in peaceful resolution of conflicts every day without ever
using the term since time in commemorative. Boulding (1996:36). Overtime every social group
13
has developed its own strategies of conflict resolution, which is distinctively rooted in local
culture and passed from generation to generation, just as a family unit builds up its own solving
ways ( Boulding ,1996:36)
According to Deutsch and Coleman the type of conflict is classified on the basis of consideration
of the context and different level in which the dispute occurs. Their classification shows that,
conflict arises in different situation and occurs at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, intergroup,
organizational and international levels (Deutsch and Coleman, 2000:3).
As indicated in Teshome (2010), scholars have also made other distinctions of conflict between
political and non –political based on whether a conflict necessitates state intervention or not .Still
another common distinction has been made between violent and non-violent ones ,and between
organized or planned and unorganized or spontaneous conflict based on extent of manageability
(Teshome, 2010)
According to these distinctions, therefore, the conflict situations that are considered in the cases
observed in this research can be categorized as interpersonal, and non-political. But as I learned
from my observation and informal discussion and interview conducted, during my study, both
planned and spontaneous conflict kinds are practiced among Wolayta.
2.5 Conflict Transformation
During the early 1990s the term conflict transformation was not in common use among peace
and conflict theorists. In fact, one can argue that the term has not been a core construct of the
field for even a decade. But the term served for many other expressions such as transformation of
individuals, transformation of relationships, and transformation of social systems large and small
(Dukes, 1999: 48).
Similarly I will consider conflict transformation as a newly minted core construct in the field and
outline how this term and its relationship to other terms such as conflict resolution.
The idea of conflict transformation itself is a newly emerging notion in the occurrence of
conflict. It is a relatively new invention within the broader field of peace and conflict studies. As
a relatively new field, it is still in a process of defining, shaping, and creating terminology.
14
During the 1990s a number of theorists (Galtung, 1995; Rupesinghe, 1995; Schwerin, 1995;
Spencer and Spencer, 1995; Väyrynen, 1991) have assisted in solidifying what Lederach (1995a:
201) called “a shift” toward conflict transformation in the language used in the field and practice
of peace research and conflict resolution.
From this perspective we understand that conflict cannot be resolved completely rather it is
postponed to some other future time. However, we cannot deny the fact that it manages or calms
the dispute for the time being.
The first references to transformation in the literature normally appeared in a somewhat indirect
or circuitous fashion. In other words, it is the process of mediating or negotiating people in a
conflict and leads them to tolerate any further social disputes and build piece with their
opponents.
For example, Burton (1990: 2-3) contends that “by the resolution of conflict, we mean the
transformation of relationships in a particular case by the solution of the problems which led to
the conflictual behavior in the first place.” This noted conflict resolution scholar also did not
include a definition of conflict transformation in his relatively recent discussion of the field’s
language and processes Burton, (1996). However, the idea of transforming conflict in order to
mitigate or even end protracted social conflicts has now become an integral part of the lexicon
used in the peace and conflict.
There is a change in progression from conflict resolution to conflict transformation in which the
latter can be understood in several different ways. The growth of literature surrounding this
topic, being prolific and diverse, has outpaced existing dictionary definitions. For example,
Yarn’s definition in the Dictionary of Conflict Resolution (1999: 121) has only a truncated
summary of Lederach’s work, which promotes “the concept of transformation over conflict
resolution (Lederach 1997 as cited in Burgess 1997).
2.6 Traditional Mechanisms of Conflict Resolution
In traditional societies, varieties of institutions and personnel may function as agents of conflict
resolution. However, Evans-Pritchard (1940), Gluckman (1956), Ember and Ember (1977) argue
that these agents lack coercive force to support their decisions. In addition according to Hamer
15
(1980:107) there is little evidence from the literature that setting dispute with in traditional
institutions is in any way encouraged by governments. Nevertheless, traditional agents of conflict
resolution impose sanctions.
In line with this, Redfied (1967:22) who divided sanctions into the secular and the sacred or
super natural argues that the latter is more effective and often used than the former among the
pre-literate societies (Redfied 1967:22).
Pospisil (1967:37-38) suggests that what actually qualifies sanction is its effective social
maintenance. He further discusses that though psychological sanctions such as ostracism,
ridicule, avoidance or denials of vapors are, sometimes very subtle and informal, they are
effective sanctions or approval (Pospisil1967:22).
Various ethnographic works suggest that both the sacred and the secular sanctions are effectively
employed in different traditional societies. Dillon (1980, cited in Otterbein, 1994) shows that the
metadata of western Cameron execute their fellow villagers, kinsman and friends for their wrong
doings. Boehm (1985, cited in Otterbein, 1994) also reveals that a troublesome member of a
community is denied clan protection, and is thus isolated and even executed among the
Montenegrins.
2.7 Ritual Ceremonies in Peace Making
Many scholars have accepted that dispute processing involves rituals but whether or not these
rituals really restore harmony has been a point of controversy. The pioneering studies of
Durkheim show that rituals have the power of reinforcing the collection of entitlement and
forming group cohesion. This view of Durkheim was adopted by later structural functionalists
who have emphasized the role of rituals in aiding the survival of the larger system (Seymour-
Smith, 1986). Glukman (cited in Lewellen 1983:9) states that rituals are not simple means of
expressing feelings but also symbols that assert the priority of the system over the individual.
Hoebel (1966:478) describes that rituals are acts, which are believed to maintain the status quo or
to achieve the specified ends.
Turner (1969 cited in Colson 1995), provides powerful inputs to the anthropological emphasis
upon the importance of harmony his work shows what role rituals play in achieving and
16
enhancing oneness, in his term ‘communitas’ for Turner; Colson puts it, law is an antithesis of
communitas, whereas, dispute settlements in a way of restoring the oneness. The very aim of law
is the creation of communitas in favor of amity rather than equity.
Rituals for Turner (1957) are social drama that resolves crises by dramatizing the advantages of
values and social arrangements. It is performed in response to the breach of law during times of
social conflicts to restore social order. Through rituals, social values are given sacred authority.
According to him, the drama of dispute settlements passes through four phases: (1) the breach of
peace (2) the crises that result from the breach (3) the practice of resolving the crisis and (4) the
reestablishment of unity of the group.
Tesehay (1992:65-66), “Gondaro: A rituals of conflict resolution in Wolayta”, shows the picture
of how it is performed; and she interprets the symbolic meaning of this ritual as a rebirth of local
people together with their enemies”.
Likewise, Mellaku Abera (2009) gives us a mirror of the process and meaning of the rituals that
the Ormo practice while homicide is compensated. He shows that the killing of a ram whose
blood both parties wash their mouth with to signify the settlement of feud and the washing away
of the blood of a slain.
The availability of various modes by which disputes are handled and performance of extremely
elaborated rituals to mark conflict resolution, scholars have revealed that disputes are not often
resolved. Bell (1992) cited in Alexander (1997) repudiated the idea that a ritual resolves social
tension and conflict. She argues that a ritual simply offers a temporary solution.
Kopytoff (1980), cited in Colson, 1995:69) also presents that anthropologists wrongly attribute a
great healing power to rituals, whereas, the actor do not. For the participants, rituals are not what
they purport to be. The same to that, Bartels (1984:35) argues that rites are expressions of the
ideal moral behavior, which people often fall short of.
Schellenberg (1996:122) too argues that neither peaceful nor violent mechanisms of conflict
resolution can always perfectly resolve issues. Even though, decisions are made and agreement
reached, the parties often complain and feel that it has been unfairly treated. Likewise Gulliver
(1979:78-79) who admits that hostilities survive ritual affirmation of dispute settlement, has
17
become reluctant to use the phrase “dispute settlement”. It seems he tend to replace it by conflict
management or control of conflict that avoids the escalation of conflict and open fighting.
This study will be attempted to address traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and the
language use among the Wolayta and its language documentation within the frame work of
conflict resolution, conflict resolution mechanisms and conflict transformation of existing
theoretical orientation. Ritual ceremonies in peace making accompany the resolution process in
community.
2.8 African Conflict Resolution Methods
When focusing on Africa, Bob-Manuel advises, theorists to try as much as possible to move
towards real life in all practicality. Social realities within societies should be taken seriously.
Conflicts should be viewed as non-isolated events in their social contexts. When Africans sit
down to discuss a conflict, they talking usually covers all kinds of relevant background and goes
wholistic into the thoughts and intentions of others. The elders from a family, clan or state see
their traditional objectives in conflict resolution as moving away from accusations and counter-
accusations, to soothe hurt feelings and to reach a compromise that may help improve future
relationships. They also dwell on values, aspirations, perceptions and visions. All over Africa,
people have deeply rooted cultural commitments, and in many of the conflicts in Africa, this
cultural heritage plays a decisive role.
In Africa, family ties and community networking are constantly respected, maintained and
strengthened. When there is a dispute between different parties, priority is given to restoring the
relationships. During the dispute settlement, which would normally involve supporters of the
disputing parties and the elders meant to talk the matters through, relationships are given prime
attention. The relationships are viewed according to the past, and the tense or current conflict,
and then the aim would be to improve future relationships. Indirect relationships are analyzed
along with direct ones to see cross-stitching potentials, for example, if each of the disputing
parties happen to be musicians, this commonality may be utilized as a converging factor. The
fear of sorcery or divine punishment is also used to show what the breach of peace would bring
upon the society and the conflicting parties.
18
Bob-Manuel (2000) tells that, among the Ndendeuli of Tanzania mediators play active roles in
conflict solving by suggesting an agreement and get as far as pressurizing the parties into
accepting it. Pressurizing can be done through talking or singing, shaming and ridiculing. This
special method can be used in contexts where it is acceptable and in instances where the cause of
the dispute is self- evident. In an effort to change the behavior of trouble makers, through
ritualized or ordinary conversations anti-social and conflict-causing conducts are put to shame,
by individuals gifted in poking fun at others, in jocular ways. Comedians, singers etc… can here
be of great influence.
Bob-Manuel, (2000) feels convinced that, if political processes are not remodeled from the short-
term power dominated interests towards longer-term co-operative, and people centered interests,
conflicts in Africa will continue. Therefore, she asserts, conflict resolution should not be the
responsibility of a privileged few alone, but rather be a participatory process in every sense
involving all affected people. African, intellectuals and professionals in the field of conflict
studies should seek to inculcate African ethical values into modern academic structures,
especially in conflict resolution (Brock-Utne, 1996).
Traditional conflict resolution mechanisms in Africa are generally, closely bound with socio-
political and economic realities of the lifestyles of the communities. These mechanisms are
rooted in the culture and history of the African people, and are in one way or another unique to
each community. The customary courts rely on goodwill of the society to adhere to its ruling
Rabar and Karimi,(2004). As a part of African socio-political setting, the major conflict
resolution mechanism in the two pastoral areas is also found to be through indigenous system.
As an area of a separate professional practice, the beginning of conflict or dispute resolution, for
that matter can be traced as far back as1957 G.Pruitt, (2009: xx). Informed by theories and
empirical findings, conflict resolution advocates have identified a number of different
approaches, in the World, Africa, Ethiopia as well as particular study area.
2.9 Indigenous Conflict Resolutions in Africa
Empirical Evidence reported by, Ofuho (1999), in his paper to the All-Africa Conference on
African Principles of Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation, which was held from the 8th until
19
the12th of November 1999 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia brings to light the experiences of grass
root peace-making efforts among the communities of the Kidepo Valley of Eastern Equatorial.
Ofuho in his paper exposes factual stories about the conflict, highlights the use of symbols and
interpretation of myths to resolve them. All these constituted practices of peacemaking, now
fashionably termed "grass-root peacemaking" that has for years been used to contain cattle
rustling in this region.
Likewise, Lanek (1999) presented a paper he called:" 'Mato Oput', the drinking of Bitter Herb" to
the All-Africa Conference on African Principles of Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation,
which was held from the 8th until the 12th of November 1999 in Addis Ababa Ethiopia, In his
paper, he deals with integrating indigenous, approaches with national and international
mechanisms for conflict resolution and reconciliation.
He also contrasts the indigenous approaches of specially the Acholi approach, with the western
legal ones. Western legal approach emphasizes, establishing guilt and executing retribution and
punishment without reference to the victim or the wider families or future incorporation of the
offender into the community. Physical and material penalties and use of force, including costly
prisons, provide the sanctions again offending. Western legal approaches are adversarial and
evidence must be direct and specific. The process, according to Lanek, effectively encourages
the accused to deny responsibility while the Acholi method of peace, conflict ,resolution and
reconciliation are co-operative and can be indirect and circumstantial which does effectively
encourage the accused to admit responsibility.
He also tells that, the Acholi, a Luo speaking tribe occupying Northern Uganda, for Generations
have used “Mato Oput” as a means of reconciliation within the context of their tradition. The
Acholi believe in leadership through consensus, allowing everyone in their localized clans to
have a voice while the traditional head of each clan rules by consent.
The Ugandan researcher Dani W.Nabudere (1997) mentions that the recent collapse of the
Somali nation-state and the decline in order to not practiced post traditional conflict resolution
method of social and political organization in northern Somaliland have shown how dynamic
some of the old systems are the restoration of the gurtii system of Clan Elders who intervene to
20
settle conflicts and mediate between the hostilities of the different warlords. They have helped to
maintain a semblance of order and stability in an otherwise hostile environment created by social
relations and politics of modernity. The dia-system of compensation which in the old days was
based on blood compensation and revenge, is undergoing transformation while also providing a
reference point for the reorganization of the Somali society and conflict resolution and conflict
management.
Similarly, Bob-Manuel from Nigeria is concerned about the fact that for more than a decade, and
especially since the end of the cold war Africa has been torn apart by extremely intense conflicts
which have resulted in thousands of deaths, and the internal displacement of millions of civilians.
She notes that the use of western methods of conflict resolution has failed. Peacekeeping
operations, which have been conducted in the last few years under the auspices of the United
Nations, have allowed for the establishment of peaceful processes only in very few countries, for
example, Mozambique. More often than not they have been resounding failures, recent examples
are: Somalia, Rwanda and Angola. This, she claims, is mostly because the political, military and
sociological realities of these countries were not fully appreciated and comprehended.
Today’s predominant pattern of conflict in Africa is proving resistant to the available and
accepted tools of conflict management. What Bob-Manuel sees needed is a new range of flexible
and adaptable instruments that can take the more subjective, complex and deep-rooted needs and
interests that underpin these conflicts into account. Special attention should be given to the
valuable contributions from Africa.
2.10 Conflicts in Ethiopia
Some of the authors who wrote on the topic of Indigenous systems of conflict resolution in
Oromia, Ethiopia include: Desalegn et al (2007) presented their paper in International workshop
on.’ African Water Laws: Plural Legislative Frameworks for Rural Water Management in
Africa: 26-28, January 2005, Johannesburg South Africa.
The aim of their paper describes the role of the Gadaa system, a uniquely democratic political
and social institution of the Oromo people in Ethiopia, in the utilization of important resources
such as water, as well as its contribution in conflict resolution among individuals and
21
communities. It discusses ways to overcome the difference between customary and statutory
approaches in conflict resolution.
A synthesis of customary and statutory system of conflict resolution may facilitate a better
understanding that will lead to improved management of resources, which are predominant
variables for the socio-economic development of the country. It suggests that top-down
imposition and enforcement of statutory laws that replace customary laws should be avoided.
Instead, mechanisms should be sought to learn from the Lubas, elders who are knowledgeable in
the Gadaa system, about the customary mechanisms of conflict resolution so as to integrate them
in enacting or implementing statutory laws.
Therefore, in Ethiopia, natural resources-based conflicts are part of the fabric of local
communities as individuals compete for scarce resources: social groups perceive themselves as
having incompatible interests. Those who depend on a particular resource, but are unable to
participate in planning or monitoring its use are marginalized. Conflicts also arise when local
traditional practices are no longer viewed as legitimate or consistent with national policies, or
when entities external to a community are able to pursue their interests, while ignoring the needs
and requirements of local people. In the conflicts that ensue, often between parties of very
uneven power, it is not only the environment that suffers but also the whole society
(Constantinos, 1999).
2.11 Conflict Resolution Setting in Traditional Wolayta
The Wolayta people have a strong traditional social institution called /guutaraa/ which may be
translated as a ‘village assembly’ or ‘social political forum or public place’. It is a forum where
important issues are debated to arrive at consensual decisions. This can be described as the
democratic assembly of Wolayta. In physical terms /guutaraa/ is an open space, usually located
at the center of certain neighborhood. Major annual celebrations such as the celebration of
/mesk’ala/ Festival, major funerals, conflict resolution meetings, even political meeting, used to
take place in /Guutaraa/ (Data, 2004).
‘The Yakima Ome Guutaraa Association’, aYOGA which is legally registered with SNNPR in
September 2004, claims to have drawn its basic inspiration from the ‘age old’ Wolayta cultural
22
institution of /guutaraa/. It aspires to rejuvenate some aspects of earlier practices of /guutaraa/
institution. This is a grassroots institution based on and controlled by the villagers. The
objectives of the Association include: i) To contribute to the rejuvenation of cultural institutions
which forms the basis of morality, economic and social security, ii) to contribute to the revival
of communal practices; iii) to contribute to the revival of cultural tradition of caring for nature
and wise use of environment; iv) to fight collectively against poverty and contribute towards
establishing a firm socio-cultural foundation for a just and sustainable society. (Data.2004)
2.12 The Role of Language and Culture in Conflict Resolution
2.12.1 . Language
As it is indicated by UNESCO that, the extinction of each language results in the irrecoverable
loss of unique cultural, historical and ecological knowledge .Each language is a unique
expression of the human experience of the world .Thus, the knowledge of any single language
may be the key to answering fundamental questions of the future .as a consequence , loss of their
language as loss of their original ethnic and cultural identity (UNESCO, 2003:2).
[Language] powerfull conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes .Human
beings do not live in the objective world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as
ordinarily understood but are very much at the mercy of particular language which has become
the medium of expression for their society …the fact of the matter is the “real world “is to a
large extent unconsciously built up on the language habits of the group …the worlds in which
different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with labels attached
(Spair 1964,68-69)
2.12.2 . Language Documentation
The language documentations are the basic formats, analysis is included in the form of scattered
annotations and cross reference. Language documentation need not provide detailed grammatical
account. Or the extended format, analysis is represented in full, as descriptive statement about
the language system. That means, language documentation provides sound and metadata
information.
23
Some scholars say that language documentation needs not focus on language description
“resources allocated to documentation should not be “wasted” on writing a grammar but are
better spent on enlarging the corpus of primary data, the quantity or quality of annotations, or on
the “mobilization” of the data (Himmelman (2006:23).
But, Himmelman states documentation does not exclude analysis; analysis can be included in
documentation through (scattered) annotation. (Himmelman 2000:23).
2.12.3 Proverbial Language Use in Conflict Resolution
Definitions of the term ‘proverb’ have centered on its economy of words, origins in human
experience and observation of social phenomenon, folkloric and communal belonging as well as
the claim of being general or absolute truth. Of all the ‘definitional ingredients’, the claim over
truthfulness is rather disturbing. It actually reflects the user’s or society’s aspiration for control
and desire to impose a given view of life as unshakeable and accepted. This is where the proverb
helps patriarchy to live on from generation to generation by presenting it as a stable immutable
part of social order.
Scholars have illustrated the functions of the proverb centering their analyses on one or the other
of its characteristics. Some have noted the proverb’s prescriptive nature in that it seeks to pass
over the values ‘entrusted’ to it for preservation and transmission’ Others have not only pointed
out the intent of proverbs as the preservation of ‘the lives of those who would pay them heed’ but
also admired their faithfulness to ‘the principle of modesty which they preach’, citing brevity and
precision
The proverb is highly regarded as a noble genre of African oral tradition that enjoys the prestige
of a custodian of a people’s wisdom and philosophy of life. As a literary genre and aspect of
living language, the proverb is, stable, concise and fairly fixed and can therefore be transmitted
to future generation with minimum alteration. It has been noted by certain scholars that since the
proverb falls under category of the ‘fixed form’ genres, any significant textual modification
would be tantamount to ‘deformation of tradition’, thus compromising the ‘functions of
proverbs in archaic societies’ The proverb is durable and resilient and can stand as shaper of
24
mentalities over several generations. Its in-built stability augurs well for the persistence and
‘perenniality’ of patriarchy in African societies.
Proverbs of the Baganda of Uganda who inhabit the northern shores of Lake Victoria will serve
as a sample study on implicit attempts by predominantly patriarchal societies to preserve and
sustain patriarchy through language use. However, we should point out that there is nothing
special about the nature of patriarchy
The general Luganda word for ‘proverb’ is olugero (plural:engero), a polyvalent term used to
mean story, proverb or parable, as notes Ruth Finnegan. But strictly speaking, the equivalent
Luganda term for ‘proverb’ is olugero olusonge (plural: engero ensonge), which could be
interpreted with some ‘literaliness’ as ‘pointed comparison’. What brings me to ‘comparison’ in
this approximate attempt to find a befitting translation, is the etymology of the noun ‘olugero’
which corresponds to the verb ‘okugera’ meaning ‘to measure’, ‘to compare’ and ‘to time’.
Besides, the same word is used for ‘recounting’ but in olugero olusonge, the target sense is
‘comparison’ encompassing the three meanings of okugera with the underlying idea of ‘pointing’
to meaning. This further asserts the above author’s view on the allusive and figurative nature of
the African proverb. The African words translated as ‘proverb’ lay the emphasis on ‘the
significance of speaking in symbolic terms’.
The two recent Luganda proverb collections referred to above are self-published and Father
Walser’s collection with English renderings, completed in 1958, only got published in 1984. The
translations into English of proverbs in this paper are mainly by the author. They are rather free,
meant for explanation and should, therefore, not be taken as definitive. In our translation, for the
purpose of this paper, fidelity is more to the matter than to the manner
Likewise, the corpus of proverbs in focus is a selection from published sources and unpublished
in Wolyata language, with translations into English. Attention is also given to proverbs and
versions of proverbs in contemporary use during conflict resolution although they may not be
documented in any written sources adequately. Proverb compilation in particular and the
documentation of Wolayta oral tradition in general, had a very limited start in the first half of
the 20th century but such cultural activity later continued diminishing due to negligence and
25
socio-political malaise. This area of social study was badly hit and it experienced serious
problems of publication that linger on up to the present day.
2.12.4 Connections of Culture and Conflict
Cultures are embedded in every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures
affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. Whether a conflict exists
at all is a cultural question of dissimilar forms. In an interview conducted in Canada, shows that
an elderly Chinese man testified that he had experienced no conflict at all for the previous 40
years. Among the possible reasons for his denial was a cultural preference to see the world
through lenses of harmony rather than conflict, as encouraged by his Confucian up bringing?
Labeling some of our interactions as conflicts and analyzing them into smaller component parts
is a distinctly Western approach that may obscure other aspects of relationships.
Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and
gently. For any conflict that touches us where it matters, where we make meaning and hold our
identities, there is always a cultural component. Intractable conflicts like the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict or the India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir are not just about territorial, boundary, and
sovereignty issues -- they are also about acknowledgement, representation, and legitimization of
different identities and ways of living, being, and making meaning.
Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts
between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising
from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or
inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter what -
- sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing
its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it.
Culture is inextricable from conflict, though it does not cause it. When differences surface in
families, organizations, or communities, culture is always present, shaping perceptions, attitudes,
behaviors, and outcomes.
26
When the cultural groups we belong to are a large majority in our community or nation, we are
less likely to be aware of the content of the messages they send us. Cultures shared by dominant
groups often seem to be "natural," "normal" -- "the way things are done." We only notice the
effect of cultures that are different from our own, attending to behaviors that we label exotic or
strange.
Though culture is intertwined with conflict, some approaches to conflict resolution minimize
cultural issues and influences. Since culture is like an iceberg -- largely submerged -- it is
important to include its element in our analyses and interventions. Icebergs unacknowledged can
be dangerous, and it is impossible to make choices about them if we don't know their size or
place. Acknowledging culture and bringing cultural fluency to conflicts can help all kinds of
people make more intentional, adaptive choices.
As Tylor said that culture is “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law,
morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquainted by man as a member of society”.
Of course, it is not limited to men. The concept of culture has become the central focus of
anthropology. Culture is a powerful tool for survival, but it is a fragile phenomenon. It is
constantly changing and easily lost because it exists only in our minds.
As (Tylor) indicates our written languages, governments, buildings and other man-made things
are merely the products of culture. They are not culture in themselves. For this reason,
archeologists cannot dig up culture directly in their excavations. The broken pots and other
artifacts of ancient people that they uncover are only material remains that reflect cultural
patterns- they are things that were made and used through cultural knowledge and skill
Therefore, given culture's important role in conflicts, what should be done to keep it in mind and
include it in response plans? In general, culture may act like temperamental children:
complicated, elusive, and difficult to predict. Unless we develop comfort with culture as an
integral part of conflict, we may find ourselves tangled in its net of complexity, limited by our
own cultural lenses. Cultural fluency is a key tool for disentangling and managing multilayered,
cultural conflicts. >http//www. Beyond intractability.org/essay/culture-conflict, Browsed on 19
October 2013
27
2.13 Theoretical Framework
To provide a theoretical framework for this study, I adopted the socio-semiotic approach to
discourse studies as espoused by Renkema (2004). Renkema (2004:46) explained, “The central
aim in this approach is: Every [piece of] discourse has to be studied in its social context, in the
culture and situation in which it appears.” The three concepts that make it possible to interpret
the social context of a discourse is, according to Halliday & Hassan (1985), are the field, tenor,
and mode of discourse.
The field of discourse refers to what is happening and the nature of the social action that is taking
place. More specifically, it answers questions about what the participants are engaged in, in
which the language figures as an essential component. In relation to the present study, the field
of discourse is a social conflict in which proverbs are seen as a veritable rhetorical mode of
conflict resolution. The tenor of discourse refers to who is taking part, to the nature of the
participants relative to their statuses and roles.
The analysis and discussion I carry out in the present study, concern parties in conflicts and the
mediators who seek realistic means of resolving them. Finally, the mode of discourse refers to
what part the language plays and the participants’ expectations about what language can do for
them in that situation. In light of the present study, the mode of language I chose as suitable for
meeting the social need of conflict resolution is the proverbial discourse. In particular, what the
proverbs can achieve is seen in terms of their prescriptive, persuasive, and didactic essences
which are pivotal to resolving conflict.
This study aimed at exploring traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and language use. To
address traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and the language use among the Wolayta and
language documentation within the frame work of adopted the socio-semiotic approach,
specifically what the participants engaged to and which language figures are as an essential
component, what linguistic primary data elicited by the group and the nature of participant states
are discussed within the existing theoretical orientation.
28
Meanwhile, as discussed in review of related literature ,different scholars and researchers have
made attempts to conduct research on conflict resolution mechanisms and management of
conflict resolution through different knowledge and they come up with the finding that
traditional conflict resolution approach different according to culture of the study community
.Whereas, my research is fulfill the gap of previous work that entitled traditional conflict
resolution mechanisms and language use among the study area.
29
CHAPTER THREE
Research Design and Methodology
This chapter first elaborate bout the research design of the thesis, and it sets research method and
sampling technique in order to attain the designed objective, since I, would rather to use
qualitative research orientation, participant and non-participant observation, unstructured and
structured in–depth interviews of potentially dominant elders, ethnographic field notes were
major data collection tools were employed . Similarly, language documentation formats were
also implemented in this part.
3. The Research Design: Case Study
The investigator considered exploratory design which was designed to focus on discovery of
ideas and insights and it was flexible enough to provide opportunity for considering different
aspects of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and the use of language for the resolution
purpose. This study used qualitative approach which was needed to get individuals own data, to
use chances for probing and to help respondents’ if they have difficulties with written language
during data collection.
4. Data Sources and Method of Data Collection
4.1. Data sources
My first and genuine data sources were elderly men and women who provided cultural
information. The second data sources were (WDA) Wolayta development association and
administration bureau. And then I made informal discussion with some key peoples and potential
key informants as other data source. Some written documents in the area of study were also my
data sources. Therefore, the data sources are categorized in to two parts; i.e. the combination of
primary and secondary. But, in this research work the researcher used , primary data and
secondary data in order to attain this thesis.
30
4.1.1 Population
For this study the target population used as data sources were elderly men and women
(age>40),Wolayta Development Association ,Wolayta Zone Administrative office and selected
key informants from the study area .
4.1.2 Samples
The investigator used purposive sampling method to get the appropriate respondents and
addressed thirty sample sizes for this study.
4.2 Method of Data collection
The investigator considered multiple sources of data for this study and selected document
examination, the gathering and organizational documents such as Administrative reports
agendas, minutes for each of selected organizations. With regard to this, the investigator
conducted open ended interview with key members of each organization and selected elderly
men and women using check list to guide interviewers during the interview process so that
uniformity and consistency can be issued in the data, which could include facts opinions and
unexpected insights.
In this case study, the investigator employed direct observation as a tool while the conflict
resolution process on going and used filed notes to record feelings and initiatives and
documented the work in progress .They recorded testimonials, stories and illustrations which
were used in later reports. Also the investigator conducted informal discussions with selected key
informants to explore vital information.
5. Data Organization and Analysis
The data were organized by placing information into arrays, creating categories and flow charts
and recombination of data were made to address the initial preposition or purposes of the study
and cross checks of facts and discrepancies were made. The researcher employed the narrative
method for analyzing the data collected through interview .The researcher also made
triangulation of data from multiple sources in order to strengthen the research findings and
conclusion.
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6. Documentation Method, Tools and Format
This research focuses on creating audio video graphic or images and text documentation
materials. Hence the documentation method includes audio and video recordings in the natural
setting covering the use of language in a assortment of social and cultural contexts. Therefore, all
the instances of the language including proverbs, fables, blessings, communication or
conversation between elders, opponents and other participants at conflict resolution process.
These data are processed and analyzed by using software package such as: audacity, Praat and
ELAN.
Audacity is a type of software that converts analog recordings /data to digital once so that the
data used by digital computer. It also helps that no loss in quality even it copied many times and
they can burned to audio CD.
Praat, similarly, is used to transcribe the data both phonetically and phonemically by using IPA
characters. ÉLAN is used to fully annotate the data.
According to Himmelmenn, there are three documentation formats the basic format the grammar
–dictionary format and the extended format. According to Himmelmann,(2006,pp14-20) the
basic format mainly consists of large corpus of fully annotated primary data and metadata. The
grammar dictionary format focuses on the description of languages’ system and structure. The
extended formats encompass both the basic format and grammar dictionary format; hence it is
comprehensive language documentation in this research. The extended format is employed as it
includes both in documentation and primary linguistic data of the language.
7. Transcription and Glossing Convention
The linguistic data is transcribed both phonetically and phonemically by using IPA characters
and Unicode fonts. The phonetic transcription is given first and then it is followed by phonemic
transcription (with morpheme boundary), glossing and free translation. Glossing convention is
based on ‘Leipzg glossing Rules’ which adopts interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses.
According to Comrie, this kind of grammar convention provides information about the meanings
and grammatical properties of individual words and parts of words (Comire, 2008, p.1).
32
8. Types of Metadata Collected
In this research and documentation work a data collected within single traditional conflict
resolution mechanism and the language use among the study area .Therefore, types of language
instances were collected in the field, include audio, video, texts and images that genres directly
related with the study topic. Bite rate88kbps the dimension 640x480 the size about494MB video
recording has been recorded the process of traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution and
language use by providing or eliciting linguistic data and the way how the elders, calm and
facilitate the performance act in the institution of conflict resolution were documented.
The audio recording contains 0.06:35 minute recording, type elicited MP3 format sound the Bite
rate 128kbps; size 6.02MB the date 2/28/2014 about proverbial language use within conflict
resolution process takes place among Wolayta in Wolayta language. The video recording type is
video clip duration contain 0.07:45 conflict annotated and transcribed video recording in the
process of traditional conflict resolution and linguistic primary data in the study area.
Ref.file//f.language.doc.
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CHAPTER FOUR
Descriptions of the Study Area and community
Chapter four mainly concerned about description of the study area and community that is
historical background of the people of Wolayta. Moreover the anthropological, geographical and
socio cultural back ground that is the language and people ,their traditional occupation
livelihood system of land resource and agriculture , animal husbandry and petty trade were
major point that discussed in the study area.
4.1. Historical, Anthropological, Geographical and Cultural Background
4.1.1 Historical Background
From 14th - 17th centuries the Wolayta constituted an independent kingdom which stretched
from the banks of the River Omo (in the region of Soddu) to Lake Abbaya “(Cerulli 1929:4).
The prosperity of the Wolayta country and the thriving trade which had been taking place there,
seem to have for several centuries been attracting the neighboring people (especially those
speaking an Ethino-Semeitic language and Oromo) who from time to time raided the country. In
fact the Wolayta oral tradition remembers the subjugation of the Wolayta people by means of the
Emperor Amda-Sion in the 14th century, the invasion of Ahmed Gragn’s troops (in the 16th
century) and of the Boranna Oromo. The numerous wars (especially in the 17th century) against
the Arsi Oromo who threatened the Wolayta kingdom from the north-east, induced the Wolayta
to build some defensive fortification works, the relics of which could be admired up until a few
decades ago.
The numerous raids of the Amharas and of the Oromo have worked out as christening waves on
their “heathen” Wolayta people, so that their old Christian traditions go back to the beginning of
this.But Wolayta kingdom was totally defeated and incorporated into the Amharas’ empire only
in the 1990s when last Walayta king (T’ona) was defeated by the expanding Empire of Menelik
II and carried off as prisoner to Showa 1894 (Cerulli 1929:4).
The kingdom of the Wolayta people occupied an intermediate geographical position between
Northern population speaking a Burji-sidamo language and those of the north speaking Ometo.
34
This favorable geographical position allowed trade to thrive contributing in that way to the
prosperity of the country which was already agriculturally rich. The Wolayta kingdom was
organized in a feudal manner with small nobility, free citizens and slaves; beside this the
disdained craftsmen.
The circumcision of both males and females take place among the Walayta only after the
conclusion of the engagement, but before their marriage is celebrated. Ni infibulations seems to
be practiced. The nuptial rite consists of a simple ceremony which however, takes place
according to a clearly prescribed procedure (cf. Cerulli 1929:6).
4.1.2 Anthropological Note
The Wolayta people are devoted to agriculture. They mainly produce cereals (i.e. wheat, barley,
sorghum, and maize) tobacco, coffee and cotton. Furthermore, they rear goats, sheep and
equines. Like other west Cushitic and Burji-Sidamo people, the Wolayta obtain food from the
“ensete” ‘false banana’ 7uuttaa’ [?uːtɑ:] plant; the characteristic ensete flour, from which they
make their bread. The monetary unit they used considered of iron pieces that they call
“marc’uwa” /mɑrc’uwɑ/ (Cerulli 1929:9).
For the celebration of the “mask’ala”/mɑsk’ɑlɑ/ feast by the Ometo-speaking as Straube
(1963:204-208) the inauguration of the new year (in September) is a festivity which is usually
spent within the family (in a broad sense); the course of the ceremony has been impressively
described by (Cerulli 1929:9-10).
During the burial rite the relatives of the dead and the guests festivity adorned with their
honorific symbols form a circle called ‘Kooyissa’/koːjisa/ in the middle of the circle, the close
relative of the dead dances and cries hitting himself/herself/ with a kind of iron comb called
‘waaruwa’ or ‘goommoriya’ /wɑːruwɑ/or /goːm?orijɑ/ until he falls to the floor bleeding after
that the burial banquet begins. The burial itself can take place in a small grave on which a little
tumulus is erected. The ‘pagans’ a person who have no religion prefer, however a big circular
grave beside which a lateral one has been dug.
35
The corpse, wrapped in heavy blankets, is let down in to the laterals grave, while the food, the
clothes and the tools which serve for the life of the dead in the other world, are stored in the
circular one. After that both graves (the circular and the lateral one) are filled with earth and a
tumulus is erected on them.
According to the SNNPR Regional Statistical Abstract (2007), the average population density of
Wolayta are over 385 people per square kilo meter (ppkm²) making it one of the most densely
populated areas in the country. Population density in some parts of the Zone is as high as 781
ppkm² in Damot Gale Wereda; and as low as 168 ppkm² in Humbo Woreda.
Based on the data gathered by WODA in (2009) the population size and structure, the current
total population of the zone is 1,906,244 of which 795,950 are children (0-14years) 901,276 are
working age population and 29,352 are old age (65+1) population, women of reproductive age
(15-49) are 42,572.
Current average population density of the zone is 428.2 km2. Regardless of what figures suggest,
it is very evident that the region is one of the most densely populated rural regions in Ethiopia.
Overcrowding and scarcity of farmland remain as the main problem for the inhabitants. It is
currently in the midst of ecological crisis.
A sizable portion of the population lives outside Wolayta region. Many young people are forced
to seek off‐farm employment opportunities in other parts of the country. Many migrate seeking
seasonal employment at sugar plantation, state arms and coffee plantation areas.
‘Wolayta’/woljitɑ/ is the language spoken by the Wolayta people mainly inhabiting in the
Ethiopian provinces of Gamu Gofa and Sidama. Wolayta belongs to the West Cushitic sub-
branch known by the name “Ometo” constituting one of the most northern representatives of that
group. The Wolyata people are surrounded in the west and in the south by populations such as:
Dawro, the k’uc’a, the Borodda and Gamu who speak another Ometo cluster and thus an idiom
similar to Wolayta and in the north by peoples speaking a Burji-sidamo language such as: the
T’ambaro, the Kambata, Hadiya and the sidamo (Cerulli 1929:4)
36
4.1.3 Socio–Cultural Background
Knowledge of some socio-cultural realities of the Wolayta people is supposed to accelerate

better understanding of their proverbs. This is because folkloric forms of the society i.e. its
poetry, proverb, prose narrative, riddle etc. emerge from its socio-cultural life. As Assefa (1994)
asserts oral literature, especially proverbs are strongly related to the social realities and
traditional practices of a society; therefore, familiarity with these situations can help readers
understand a folkloric form of the society.
The Wolayta proverbs also flourish from the social and cultural life of the people. One can come
to the meaning and function of the proverbs when he/she is familiarized with the major elements
of the socio-cultural realties of the society. As stated by Pro.Chatti(1984) for the clear
understanding of a folkloric form the knowledge of not only cultural and social phenomenon, but
also that of the lineage and tribal composition of the people is important.
A reader may wonder to know who the Wolayta people are and description of the people in order
to have a good knowledge about the particular ethnic group. To this effect, this sub-section
undertakes the description of the Wolayta people and their common traditional ways of life,
which include cultural systems and its rituals, traditional belief occupational practices and oral
traditions.
37
4.2 The Wolayta People and the Language
Omotic Languages in Southwestern of Ethiopia
Map 1 Omotic Languages in Southwestern Ethiopia
Adapted from Binyam (2008)
38
Map-2 Language adjacent to Wolayta
Adapted from Adams (1983)
The Wolayta people belong to the dominant ethnic group living in Wolayta administrative region
of SNNPR. They speak ‘wolaytatto’ /wolɑjitɑ-tto/ the morpheme /–tto/ indicate vocative case
and which one wants to talk.
‘donna’ /donɑ/ lit. ‘Mouth’ the languages is one of among the other Omotic language family
and practice the original Wolayta culture. In other words, though original traditions of Wolayta
culture is confined in the very remote and rural areas, most cultural practices are still actively
excised by the Wolayta society but scientifically not yet documented.
Regarding the term “Wolayta” I used throughout this paper, I put my rationale as follows. There
were different spellings for this language name in previous works written in the Latin alphabet.
Some are the following: Wolaytta – Lamberti and Sottile (1997) Gordon (ed) (2005) and
39
Wolaytta – Adams (1983) and .Wolayta – Bekale (1989) ,Wolaita – Chiatti (1984) Welaita –
Bender (1987) ,and others
Phonologically, “Wolaytaa” seems to be the best as Dr. Motimachi suggest. However, I adopt
“Wolayta” in this thesis. There are almost no persuading reasons for it. I just wanted to pay my
respect to Dr. Bekale (1989). Unpublished dissertation
This ethnic group occupies a large territory in South Ethiopia approximately 380 kms away from
Addis Ababa. The Zone is bordered by Gamo Gofa in the South, Dawro in the West, Hadiya and
Kambata in the North, and Sidama in the East. According to my informant (Mangistu Wolde),
the Wolayta ethnic group embraces two major clans and social class and structural dichotomies
this social stratification are called ‘Maalaa’/mɑːlɑː/ and ‘Doogola’ /doːgolɑ/. The existence of
such sub-division, of the tribe is oracle in Wolayta oral traditions. Each of the two strata
comprises more than fifty clan groups whereas the last one encompasses about 5 up to 8 tribal
divisions.
4.3 Traditional Occupation
The Wolayta territory consists of highland and lowland areas. The people dwelling in highland
areas live on mixed farming. They cultivate crops such as barley, wheat and bean; and rear cattle.
Most of the time, they, use oxen for plough and like working in groups which is traditionally
called ‘daagguwa’ /dɑːguwɑ/ work in group besides, these people are engaged in traditional
ways of bee farming by preparing traditional beehives and place them on big trees.
(Dessalegn 2007:10) In this way, the Wolayta farmers produce honey, sell it and generate a little
amount of income. The people who inhabit in the lowland areas make their living by animal
rearing. Like: goats, sheep and cattle, were using their products for livelihood. To some extent,
they produce crops like maize and teff. Most of them lead a hand-to-mouth kind of life. As
Amsalu and Mengistu indicated and as it also learnt during the fieldwork, the Wolayta people
seem to live in a poor economic condition. They explained that even though the people toil hard,
they couldn't overcome poverty. In general, the social and cultural structure of the Wolayta
people is governed by the traditional system in which the social institutions of “danna/dɑnɑ/ and
40
c’ima”/tʃ’imɑ/ are supreme cultural and religious leaders. These socio-cultural elements embody
the occasions and contexts in which Wolayta proverbs and genre functions are very crucial to
navigate issues in a community. In other words, proverbs are important for understanding the
cultural and social contexts in which they are used to resolve or mitigate conflicts.
4.4. Livelihood Systems
The livelihood of the majority of the rural populace in Wolayta is predominantly based on land.
Resources and the farming systems, Animal husbandry and petty trade are also other modes of
survival in the area. Generally, most people are believed to be deriving their livelihood from a
subsistence rural economy. Let me first explain some points about agriculture (Yonas, 2011).
4.4.1. Land Resources and Agriculture
Agriculture is the chief but fragile means of survival and backbone of the rural economy in
Wolaita Zone. It is fragile because the farming system has been operating under the insufficient
Supply of farm assets (oxen, land, labor, and livestock). In particular, the continuous
fragmentation and acute shortage of land resources is one of the factors that have prompted the
shift from small-holder agriculture to micro-agriculture in the Zone. This, according to
Dessalegn (2007:10), is a significant shift accompanying the growth of poverty and the
stagnation of the rural economy. Other factors that contributed to the shift include: population
growth and demographic stress; environmental deterioration and the loss of soil fertility; lack of
employment opportunities and of livelihood diversification; and the land system in place since
the second half of the 1970s but whose origins must be sought in the Imperial period .(
(Dessalegn 2007:10)
Land in Wolayta continues to be an extremely scarce asset. Supporting this, Dessalegn argues
that two-thirds of the households are micro-holders, their holdings measuring less than 0.5.
(Dessalegn 2007:10)
4.4.2. Animal Husbandry and Petty Trade
Animal husbandry is another source of livelihood in Wolayta, yet with a meager contribution to
the rural economy. Traditionally, farmers need for organic fertilizer has been met with the
manure from the animals raised. This entails that livestock, particularly cattle, are important
41
assets. Moreover, a family with sufficient cattle gets enough manure for its farm fields.
Dessalegn, however, argues that large numbers of families do not have sufficient livestock and
hence not enough manure for farms. He also contends that a third of households do not own any
cattle at all, and another 40 percent own only one or two heads of cattle (Dessalegn, 15-16). The
short supply of cattle in the area seems to complicate the livelihood of poor households.
According to Dessalegn (2007), they depend on traditional schemes of co-rearing or share-
rearing of livestock, but even this is becoming difficult because the ranks of the richer
households who are the source of the cattle “leased” to the poor are diminishing (Dessalegn,
2007:15-16).
In Wolayta, not only land but also farm oxen are the scarce means of production. The
distribution of oxen appears to be uneven in the past. The same problem is also lingering in the
present. Supporting the foregoing argument, Dessalegn points out that 56 percent of farmers do
not have draught power, 25 percent are one-ox households, and only 19 percent own a pair of
oxen. He also stresses that many of the poor households depend on schemes involving joint use
of animals (Dessalegn, 15).
The widespread poverty in the area seems to discourage farmers from buying oxen as well as
other cattle. This, on the other hand, is believed to be forcing the rural population to look for
alternative options for employment and income. Hence, petty trading (usually itinerant trading)
has emerged as the most common form of earning additional income for farmers.
As Dessalegn (2007:18) notes, the plethora of weekly markets as well as small, daily
neighborhood markets that are common in rural Wolayta areas encourage petty trading for both
men and women. Women, particularly, are active traders and most are also involved in selling
homemade food and traditional beverages. However, they are more restricted in their movement
than their men-folk (ibid.).
The mode of conducting petty trading between wealthy and poor farmers appears to differ in
some ways. Dessalegn argues that wealthier farmers are larger traders since they own pack
animals and can transport more goods from one market to another, and can reach more markets
that are distant. On the contrary, poorer farmers engage in selling and buying small items and do
not travel far (ibid.).
42
Generally (Yonas, 2011), Wolayta farmers engage in animal husbandry at a small scale to
supplement their subsistence household economy. They also take part in off-farm activities like
petty trade and generate money for the household since agriculture no more brings all the income
they need for their livelihood. (Yonas, 2011:66)
Livelihood systems of my study area are the same with whole Wolaytas’ systems that scholars
discussed above. But there are two kinds of systems were observed in my study area that the
geographical settlement of the area divided in high land and low land. The low land parts always
use the mixed approach agriculture and animal husbandry .The high land parts more focusing on
agriculture. High land with very narrow land and densely population they make conflict
because of trace-passing conflict is the most common in the area. Whereas, some informal
discussion indicates that the traditional ways of livelihood strategies now a day demolished and
lot of young generation migrated to urban area.
43
CHAPTER FIVE
Data Analysis and Findings
This study was aimed at exploring the traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and the role of
language use in the case of Humbo Woreda. Within the view of this objective, this thesis
discusses the documentation and description of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and
language use. The data collected were presented and analyzed as follows:
5. Results and findings

5.1 Interview Results
The researcher attempt to address twenty persons and get the following findings
A/ Prevailing Conflict Types in the Study Area
Concerning the type of conflicts occurring prevalently in the study area ,majority of the
respondents responded that most conflicts emanates from rape, abduction ,robbery, murdering
,competition for arrival land competition for grazing land, competition for portable and irrigation
water ,racial discrimination ,marginalizing people ,denial of borrowed money and kebele border
conflict .
Some other respondents indicated that most of the time conflicts arise due to inheritance of
widowed women inheriting wife of died brother , inheritance of land and propriety ,divorcing
wife ,insult and boundary conflict between individuals .While a few of the respondents pointed
out theft and adultery as the prevailing cases of conflict in the study area
Although, conflict is occurred in our community, the dominant elders of respondents assert that
major conflict types are recourse based and marital based conflicts are exercised and arise in the
area. Another elder indicates that this kinds of conflict common in the area and resolved by
elderly men rather it transfer for further big issue.
B/ Participants in Conflict Resolutions
All of the interview respondents responded that in Wolayta nation, males are responsible and in
change of taking part in conflict resolution. They agree that females are nothing to do with
conflict resolution rather they are allowed to stay silent at home. But some of the respondents
44
point out that female’s facilities the resolution process beyond the curtain and made coffee and
other drink for accompanying the post conflict situation.
Majority of the respondents gave response in such a way that the community elders or male, clan
leaders and economically dominant peoples and skilled people take part in conflict resolution
processes .But some of the respondents indicated that any person who has been selected by both
parties jointly can take part in conflict resolution process and arbitration processes.
C/ Conflict Resolution Setting
Regarding the setting under which the resolution process conducted almost all of the respondents
gave similar response .They described that at the outset of conflict resolution process the
selected elders were told that they were appointed to conduct conflict resolution and were in
change of attending the ceremonies at the time date and place /guttaraa/ specified by activists .
The activist’s three selected elders arrange the venue either at the ‘guttaraa’ or at the front side
of the selected neutral elders’ house. The activists were responsible for arranging the setting
place of dispute settlement for specifying the time and date, for preparing food and drinks for
participants .As they responded the setting arrangement can be around the table, on the floor, in
the middle of big tree, around the circumference of big tree or can be in row or circle according
to the issue raised in the community.
Most of the respondents assert that the indigenous conflict resolution setting pace or the
institutions are called ‘guttaraa’. According to respondents, at the starting of the ceremony all
appoints, two parties and activists have to come the place where prearranged on the specified
time and date.
The mediators come and sit as arranged by activists and the two parties come and sit far apart to
each other .Then the mediators order the two parties to come to the front level of them and stand
silent as the blessing ceremony has to come to the end. Next to this, one of the mediators start
mediating the ceremony by blessing, the community whole and cursing the evil sprite too.
45
D/ Languages Uses in Conflict Resolution setting
As the respondents confirmed, and anther elder mediators stands and make honorable speech
with regard to the invaluable roles of peace for the development of individuals, families,
communities and the prosperities of the whole country . also the speaker added that there are
situations violating the peace of the society and aggravating conflicts among peoples .The
mediators standing turn by turn in front of the two opponents made mach talk and gave advice to
both offenders and the others saying that ‘’ our hope to live together bestowed in tomorrow is
grater then the past .‘’
Farther more, anther elder mediator asserts that the occurrence of such conflict is not strange
situation, by the fact that there could be bad shading up on good relationships in deferent social
interactions. Also he added that tolerance would be remedy to resolve the conflict.
My informant Eyasu samule stats that proverbial language plays great role among Wolyata
when elders resolve disputes and other social issues in the community for example he suggest ,if
there is no tolerance and mutual understanding among people ,there would be exacerbation of
disagreement and deterioration of relationship. Wolayta fabls like:‘’akeekenaa deeree
adhiwodhan’‘/ ?ɑkeːkenɑː deːreː ?ɑDiwoDɑnɑ /‘ a discordant people may end up torn apart’
He also asserts that Wolyata people resolve conflict and facilitate in a place using different
approach like narration, folk telling and other values of the community. When the conflict related
with recourse and its base, the proverbs that used by the community elders are “ankuwaa
sheeshay bawtawu bagidooni baxxetessi!” / ?ɑnkuwɑː ʃeːʃai bɑwtɑwu bɑ gidoːni ba t’eteːsi/
This means, “Hawks fight among themselves for something on the ground!”( Info.Eyasu samule)
5.1.1. Informal Discussion Results
Types of conflict resolution among Wolayta were ‘awaassiyaa’ arbitrations; mediation and
negotiation was implementing according to the level of the issue arise in the community.
Therefore, the simple issue in community or society uses the mediation system of conflict
resolution always takes place by disputants themselves in a very simple manner. The next and
the informal indigenous ways of conflict resolution among Wolyata is negotiation and the third
and informal forms of conflict resolution among the community is arbitration this called
46
‘awaassiyaa’ this ways of conflict resolution takes place at special specific traditional place
called ‘guttaraa’ this arbitration process going on with selected elders from the community
minimum two maximum eight. When the researcher made data record the audio of language
documentation as non –participant observation. The setting of dispute settlement always takes
place ‘dubushshaa’ or ‘ guttaraa’ the participants are elderly selected men by activists.
5.1.2. Data from Ethnographic Field Notes
The investigator used the field notes to record feelings and initiatives and documented the work
in progress. I record the testimonies, stories, linguistic data, pictures, illustrations which were
used in data interpretation. The ethnographer made directly observation of the performance art of
conflict resolution process and capture video and audio of linguistic data in order to confirm how
traditionally the elders resolve or diffuse conflict. For more detailed information of the whole
language data attached at annex part of this thesis. When the researcher made data record the
audio of language documentation as non –participant observation of the event.
5.1.3 Data from Written Documents
The Wolayta people have a strong traditional social institution called /guutaraa/ which may be
translated as a ‘village assembly’ or ‘social political forum or public place’. It is a forum where
important issues are debated to arrive at consensual decisions. This can be described as the
democratic assembly of Wolayta. In physical terms /guutaraa/ is an open space, usually located
at the center of certain neighborhood. Major annual celebrations such as the celebration of
/mesk’ala/ Festival, major funerals, conflict resolution meetings, even political meeting, used to
take place in /Guutaraa/ (Data, 2004). The written document is scarcely used in the area of
particularly traditional conflict resolution and language use. That means dearth of written
information in the study area.
Tesehay (1992:65-66), “Gondaro: A rituals of conflict resolution in Wolayta”, shows the picture
of how it is performed; and she interprets the symbolic meaning of this ritual as a rebirth of local
people together with their enemies”. A ceremony in conflict resolution helps or accompanies the
resolution process.
47
5.1.4. Triangulating Data from multiple sources
Data triangulation means the use of a variety of data sources in this study. For the same reason
thus ,I used more than one data gathering tools to validate the information from different angles
and realized the point of convergence and divergence in the perception and interpretation of the
issue through various methods .Thus I believe that it enable me to well identify and confirm
those major dimension of conflict resolution mechanisms and language use in the socio –cultural
context of Wolayta society and to realize the growing issue of its role for peace building in
community and language use in conflict resolution with indigenous knowledge. Generally, most
interview respondents, informal discussion, direct observation of the data asserts that prevalent
forms of conflict, rape, abduction ,robbery, murdering ,competition for arrival land competition
for grazing land, competition for portable and irrigation water ,racial discrimination.
5.2 Data Interpretation and Discussion
5.2.1 Major forms of Conflict in Study Area
Concerning the type of conflicts occurring prevalently in the study area ,majority of the
respondents responded that most conflicts emanates from rape, abduction ,robbery, murdering
,competition for arrival land competition for grazing land, competition for portable and irrigation
water ,racial discrimination ,marginalizing people ,denial of borrowed money and kebele border
conflict .
Although conflict is common human experience, it is noticeable in diverse ways. In this account,
scholars have been making deferent categories of conflict using their own distinct yardsticks.
For example, Lewin,(1931, 1935) as cited in Deutsch,T.Coleman and Eric C. Marcus
Ed.(2006:14) offered three basic types of psychological conflict based on his analysis of force
fields that is approach –approach; avoidance –avoidance ; and approach-avoidance. And based
on the geographical scope and level of social structure involved in conflict within the field of
international relations, Peter Wallensteen (2002) identifies three general forms of conflict:
interstate, internal and state formation conflicts.
A more detailed classification is provide by Deutsch and Colenman based on consideration of the
context and different level in which the dispute occurs .According to their classification ,conflict
48
arise in different situations and occurs at the intrapersonal, interpersonal ,intergroup,
organizational and international level,(Deutsch Coleman,2000:3).
My key informant asserts that, like anywhere in the world, there are different kinds of conflicts
are occur among Wolayta. However, there were major forms of conflict discussed in this section
as follows: recourse based conflict and marital based conflict that is assured by triangulating
different sources of data from key informants and informal discussion as well as direct
observation takes place.
5.2.2. Resource Based Conflict
The respondents indicated that most of the time conflicts arise due to inheritance of widowed
women inheriting wife of died brother, inheritance of land and propriety, divorcing wife, insult
and boundary conflict between individuals. Whereas, different data collected from the key
informants asserts that all the conflicts move up in the community were recourse based. In the
communal or ‘laataa’ system / inheritance /is an individual was to have rights to land in a given
farming society if he was able establish decent from who was recognized to be to the original
holder of the land in question or the founder of the community, (Kifle ,1998:137) Similarly,
Pausewang, (1990:40), elders of an extended family or a community had a power to allocate a
share of agricultural land to every claimant.
As Dessalgne, (1985:17) notes the individuals, thus obtains infrastructure right over his
holdings, which could not however be transferred, sale, mortgage or gift. This tide ways of
resource use will fetch movement among the society.
Resource-based conflicts are major types of conflict in all over the world and the part of the yard
goods of local communities as individuals struggle for scares resources: social groups perceive
themselves as having incompatible interest and theses interest lead to conflict. Therefore, Land
among Wolayta as a very crucial asset and their livelihood strategies completely or highly
integrated with land and land resources. According to the data collected from key informants ,
Land among Wolyata causes conflict but in different phenomena :for example ,shortage of land
,ways of getting land ,mutual interest use the same land for pasture ,boundary assertions and
land sale , land freehold and population density are causes of conflict.
49
In Wolayta, peasant farmers’ survival is inextricably dependents up on their entree to
agricultural natural resource such as: farm land, water, pasture and other product. Access to these
resources is determined by the freehold systems that govern the ownership and use rights of the
resources.
As the written document indicates that, the freehold system in turn are influenced and shaped by
the ecology resource potential, land use practice social organization of the community and more
importantly population density. Thus based on this variable freehold systems varies from one
extreme of making a resource open to all users, irrespective of their locality and number to
other extremes of exercising complete control by limited number of people such as family or
individual,(Thebaud, 1995, Weinstock, 1986).
Similarly, different data sources asserts that Wolayta in general study area particularly is an area
with density populated and shortage of land resource mainly farmland scarcity were the big
issue. So the agrarian community in order to survive life and getting land are the basic question
in the area. These questions not threaten in a good way, the feelings always leads to conflict.
As it is indicated by some informants, population number of the study site and their feeling to
survive in the area a good base for conflict or disputes in the area. It is obvious that the agrarian
society always need to lead their life in agriculture base. It is indicated, in the study area there is
scarcity of farm land because of population number in the community as my informant assured.
This land issue always arise the conflict in the community. According to my informant, when I
interpreted this issue in my study area, resource and its interest especially those depend on
farmland feeling and its resource are unmatched.
Generally, based on resources as confirmed by all respondents different kinds of conflict are
practiced. For example, physical violence, robbery, theft, homicide, property based particular
land and widow inheritance, divorce and related property based conflicts common in the study
area.
5.2.3. Marital Based Conflict
As it is indicted in different document, and some informal discussion indicates the marital
based conflict predominantly occur in the study area .As it is asserts by the elderly men of my
50
key informants the Wolayta people generally respect marriage and marriage related issues.
Human being and nature have been interacting for years .They will also continue to do so in the
future. The human use of natural environment is until now dictated by certain rules and rights
originated from systems devised from resource users, (Yonas, 2011). Conflict may occur in this
interacting nature between husband and wife.
Whereas, Chiatti (1984) categorize all conflict types of Wolayta are ethnic conflict. Which is
traditionally resolved by elders and elders are the highest body to decide issues in the dispute
settlement place. However, Fanchu and Eyob (2004) all conflict are a social phenomenon that
touches all life of the Wolayta people. That is family with family, wife with husband,
interpersonal disagreement between people, neighbor.
But elders play a great role in Wolayta to facilitate and to calm these conflicts among the
community. But they are not the highest body of decision makers in the community. There is the
representative of government who decide the issues related with conflict among wolayta called
/duubbee/ government representative .Today’s community elders.
My informant illustrates that Wolayta had its own independent government according to oral
tradition and its people governed from since 14th -17th century there was two ways diffusing
conflict in the era.
Moreover, in Wolayta when ethnic based conflict occur, ethnic leader should responsible to
calm and facilitate conflict traditionally known as /sigaamoc’onaa/ and /waasheemoc’onaa/ who
control and facilitate conflict issues concerning boundary case or land case in Wolayta, (Fanchu
and Eyob,2004:509).
Therefore, in my study area, selected villages like: Bolahumbo,Sipa ,Hobicha and

Fangogelc’ecec’a are my target area and these four kebeles are in Humho administrative
Wereda among 42 kebeles . I purposefully select the villages that prevalent conflicts are
occurring. The marriage related, land right case with neighboring zone like Sidama, that the
conflicting issue with interpersonal or inter-community conflicts in Wolayta are the mainly
practiced in the area.
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5.3 Mechanisms of Conflict Resolution
The mediators come and sit as arranged by activists and the two parties come and sit far apart to
each other .Then the mediators order the two parties to come to the front level of them and stand
silent as the blessing ceremony has to come to the end. Next to this, one of the mediators start
mediating the ceremony by blessing, the community whole and cursing the evil sprite too.
communities and the prosperities of the whole country . also the speaker added that there are
situations violating the peace of the society and aggravating conflicts among peoples .The
mediators standing turn by turn in front of the two opponents made mach talk and gave advice to
both offenders and the others saying that ‘’ our hope to live together bestowed in tomorrow is
grater then the past .‘’see file:f:\Wol.lang.doc.eaf
Scholars divide conflict resolution by a number of different approaches of conflict management

(G.Pruitt, 2009: xx).As Gulliver (1979), for example, made a distinction between ‘’violent and
peaceful’’ mechanism of conflict resolution .In his classification, war and self-help are viewed as
‘’violent ‘’methods while negotiation, mediation arbitration, adjudication avoidance and symbols
are taken as ’’ peaceful’’ conflict management. Although conflict resolution is an area of
professional practice, it is relatively new phenomenon; the practice of conflict resolution is
probably as old as human society itself.
(Mayer,2004),Because of loss of resources, land or owing to denial of their rights ;civil ,cultural
and political ,indigenous people have been engaged in peaceful resolution of conflicts every day
without ever using the term since time in memorial (Boulding 1996:36).overtime every social
group has developed its own strategies of conflict resolution, which is distinctively rooted in
local culture and passed from generation to generation, just as a family unit builds up its own
solving ways (Boulding 1996:36).
Scholars as Bohannan (1967), Gulliver (1979) and Schellenberg (1996) again state about conflict
in the same manner categorizing conflict resolution mechanisms into two: the violent and the
peaceful. The violent includes war, self-help and duel, whereas the peaceful includes avoidance,
burying the dispute in the symbolic process, negotiations, mediations, arbitration and
52
adjudication. Like anywhere in the world ,in Africa and the study area particular implements the
peaceful ways of conflict resolution by approaching different manner for example, as the
informants asserts that ‘awaassiyaa’ arbitration are the indigenous and informal ways of conflict
dissolving method in the study area.
5.3.1 Mediation
Mediation is one of the useful aspects of cultural heritage .In traditional societies where there is
conflict ,effective mediation skill is indispensable in conflict resolution .Mediation is an art of
intervening in a conflicting situation and environment (Ebrima,2003). It is a voluntary and
informal process undertaken with an external third party that facilitates the settlement of
defenses or demands between directly confronting parties. This involvement often follows for
establishing common ground for restoring friendly relations. In severe cases, mediation acts as a
means of facilitating communication between parties that are unable come to mutually
satisfactory resolution on their own.
In the process of mediating a conflict, the mediators often work by introducing new relevant
knowledge or information, especially regarding the negotiation process between the disputants
,and revealing common interest and suggesting possible direction towards settlements .(ibid)
Similarly, as my informant Eyob Acha asserts that mediators among Wolayta, work by
introducing new knowledge or information in terms of negotiation process. Specially, the
selected mediators suggesting the solution by providing indigenous knowledge like: folk
narration, proverbial language use and other knowledge they share for the disputants in the
relation to conflict settlement.
5.3.2 Negotiation
The negotiation had been one of the significant types of conflict resolution in the traditional
societies. Similarly, the scholars like: Gulliver (1979) and Schellenberg (1996) negotiations are
characterize by voluntary discussion between the disputing part and the absence of a third party-
decision-maker.
Mediation, as Schellenberg (1996:182) describes, is “an assisted negotiation”. The intervention

of third party is necessitated for the parties in dispute have certain problems to resolve a conflict
53
on their own. However, the role of a third party in this process is not one of decision-maker but a
facilitator of a negotiation. As opposed to mediation, a third party decision-maker to which the
parties take their case characterizes arbitration.
5.3.3 Arbitration
Arbitration had been the other approaches of conflict resolving mechanism in the community. It
had produced great levels of trust, confidence and mutual understanding .It is a method for
resolving conflicts where by third neutral party, presented with arguments and evidence from
both side enforce a decision of out comes by identifying grievances and demands of the
disputants (Ebrima,2003) .
Arbitration may or may not act according to pre-established-law. Judgment refers to a process in
which a third is an authoritative decision-maker and the disputants are mere informants to the
adjudicator in an attempt to secure a relatively and variable decision.
5.4 Institutions of Conflict Resolution among Wolayta
Figure 1 photo by siratu simon
PIC. 1 ‘dubbushaa ‘ or ‘guttaraa ‘/dubuʃɑː/ or /gu:tɑrɑː/ Traditional Institution /
54
5.4.1 Cconflict Resolution Setting /guttaraa /
Regarding the setting under which the resolution process conducted almost all of the respondents
gave similar response .They described that at the outset of conflict resolution process the
selected elders were told that they were appointed to conduct conflict resolution and were in
change of attending the ceremonies at the time date and place /guttaraa/ specified by activists .
The activist’s three selected elders arrange the venue either at the ‘guttaraa’ or at the front side
of the selected neutral elders’ house. The activists were responsible for arranging the setting
place of dispute settlement for specifying the time and date, for preparing food and drinks for
participants .As they responded the setting arrangement can be around the table, on the floor, in
the middle of big tree, around the circumference of big tree or can be in row or circle according
to the issue raised in the community.
The written document shows that the Wolayta people have a strong traditional social institution
called /guttaraa/ which may be translated as a ‘village assembly’ or ‘social political forum or
public place’. It is a forum where important issues are debated to arrive at consensual decisions.
This can be described as the democratic assembly of Wolayta. In physical terms /guttaraa/ is an
open space, usually located at the center of certain neighborhood. Major annual celebrations such
as the celebration of /mesk’ala/ Festival, major funerals, conflict resolution meetings, even
political meeting, used to take place in /Guttaraa/ (Data, 2004).
‘The Yakima Ome Guttaraa Association’, a YOGA which is legally registered with SNNPR in
September 2004, claims to have drawn its basic inspiration from the ‘age old’ Wolayta cultural
institution of /guttaraa/. It aspires to rejuvenate some aspects of earlier practices of /guttaraa/
institution. This is a grassroots institution based on and controlled by the villagers. The
objectives of the Association include: i) To contribute to the rejuvenation of cultural intuitions
which forms the basis of morality, economic and social security, ii) to contribute to the revival of
communal practices; iii) to contribute to the revival of cultural tradition of caring for nature and
wise use of environment; iv) to fight collectively against poverty and contribute towards
establishing a firm socio-cultural foundation for a just and sustainable society.(Data.2004)
Like anywhere in the world, Wolayta has its own traditional dispute settlement mechanisms and
specific places that are used peacefully lead social issue particularly conflict resolution among
55
the community. Thus elders are implementing these informal indigenous ways of conflict
resolution in different approaches like: mediation, arbitration, negotiation in standings of the
level of the issues happened in a community. According to informal discussion shows Elders
uses these resolution approaches by levels of conflict arise in the society .Thus sometimes used
negotiation for family based conflict. Generally, disputes are inevitable normal phenomenon
among Wolayta society including my study site. But all disagreements are settled peacefully
through traditional tribunal. The principal person for settling disputes in a village is ‘’Dere
cimaa’’/dere/ people/C’im ɑː/ elder the type of arbitration performed by the help of a clan
elderly leaders. These clan elders form the traditional court or tribunal to settle dispute cases in
accordance with the customary law of the Wolayta/woljitɑ/ community .The mediation of
disputes and arbitration has been held in an open gathering and dispute mediation places called
‘’dubbushaa’’/dubuʃaː/ or ‘guutaraa’ it is a places assigned for meeting different social issues
even political issues and conflict resolution place too.
5.5 Conflict Resolution procedure among Wolayta
Then the mediators order the two parties to come to the front level of them and stand silent as the
blessing ceremony has to come to the end. Next to this, one of the mediators start mediating the
ceremony by blessing, the community whole and cursing the evil sprite too.
communities and the prosperities of the whole country.
Conflict resolution through open discussion between the parties among Wolayta always the
discussion focuses on customary law process of the community .And resolution based on the
norms, experience, traditions or culture of the people.
The lowest level of conflict resolution is the soo c’ima /household./ However, disputes that are
not resolved at this level may go to the daabbo c’ima / relative elders/. That means, comprising
of elders from the extended clan families .This is the lowest level of the customary courts and
emphasizes mediation process.
56
The next level heeraa c’ima /village elders/. These different clan elders beginning formal dispute
settlement like process and follow the procedures and the elders hear both civil and criminal
cases from each party. If the issue is too complex to solve, village elders postpone to dere c’ima
/community elders / and each level of elders illustrate the issue for the dere c’ima in guttaraa
In each leave of dispute settlement, the relatives of parties involved are free to attend and
participate in the deliberations .any aggrieved parties who are not satisfied with the outcome any
levels may appeal all the way to the traditional customary court of appeal, the higher cultural
institution in conflict resolution.
The highest dispute resolution is at the community level dere c’ima .these community elders are
more advanced and selected by their linguistic knowledge ,culture ,norm ,experience of conflict
resolution and age level from 45 and above. The linguistic knowledge determined by indigenous
wisdom of uttering different folks for example, fable, narration, proverbs, e.t.c .Experience
determined by participating different conflict resolution and having knowledge of community
culture , norm and values.
Similarly, the primary concern of the “dubushshaa or guttaraa” (settlement place) of the Wolayta
elders is resolution of inter-personal disagreements. When a disagreement exists between two
persons or among members of a group, elders come together to a certain place, (usually under
big trees) in the area. Then, they summon the people who are in conflict with each other to
discuss the problem with them and present suggestions to settle the disagreement and create a
peaceful relationship between them.
Similarly, Wolayta, elders shoulder the responsibility of resolving local disputes, correcting
deviant behaviors, advising the young to learn the socio-cultural norms and conform to them.
They also carry out these responsibilities by coming to together in a village usually at weekend
days in the place called ‘dubbushaa or guttaraa’ meeting place. (Ref.pic.No.1)
They call a misdemeanor person, disputing people and other attendants to the meeting place
“regardless of sex” and admonish and teach them. The number of elders to participate in a
‘dubbushaa’ is not determined. It depends on the number of available elderly people in an area
on a day of meeting. Sometimes two elders can hold such a meeting and other times six to eight
elders can participate in a specific ‘dubbusha’ or ‘guttaraa’. The elders forward their critical,
57
advisory, appeasing and affirming views turn by turn. The most senior one begins discussions by
blessing and introducing the agenda of their meeting and then the others continue deliberating on
the case see, Ref.eld.121-1215.
Of course, cases usually deliberated on by local elders are instruments for resolving conflicts
between households or among family members, between individuals; rebuking of someone who
behaves strangely or violates the established norms, and teaching the youth and a stranger to be
able to conform to the social and cultural realities of the Wolayta people. Thus, it should be
noted that, the important role of proverbial language use would be socialization of people.
That means, it is conducting, shaping, harmonizing and guiding the social and personal life of the
people). Proverb performances in various occasions are mainly done by elderly people, who can
utter wits and wisdom. In other words, their conversations are rich in proverbial sayings, which
are more frequent in social and cultural occasions.
In the contexts of ‘dubbushaa’ or ‘guttaraa’ where most of conflicts are resolved, two or more
elders may use or utter proverbs in a rapid succession in conversations, where by the speaker
may not give elaborations or explanations of the meanings of proverbs. This is because; all
participants in such conversations are elderly people, who are expected to be conversant with the
linguistic and cultural information which require understanding the meanings of the proverbs.
Sometimes, an elder calls attention of listeners (attendants) to a proverb performance by using
phrases like ‘yoohuwa akekada 7eezgaa’ /joːhuwɑ ?ɑkekɑdɑ ?eːzgɑː/ (listen to me), ‘hagee
xoosaa tumaa’/hɑgeː t’oːsɑː tumɑː/ (this is truth of God) e.t.c see, Ref.eld1225 and another
elder validates the performance by restating the proverb or quoting another proverb with similar
meaning.
However, elders may utter proverbs to the youngsters participating in the meeting. The purpose
is informing, admonishing, encouraging, praising criticizing, advising him/her in order to
culminate the point of conflict and try to probe the true cause of disagreement between two
parties.. In this situation, the meaning and relevance of proverbs to a topic of discussion are
usually made clear. It is in the contexts of such occasions that the meaning and function of the
Wolayta proverbs can be analyzed. See, Ref.eld.1225
58
Based on interview with key informants and observations of folkloric contexts in ‘dubushaa or
guttaraa’ session it is possible to note that these occasions are embodiments of cultural and
social contexts respectively, because of the fact that in the former case, cultural elements such as
people's ways of life ,wearing style, norms, beliefs and other forms of traditional values are
enumerated and praised, while , in the later context of the social and personal cases like
ridiculing of abnormal behaviors and practices, reconciliation of people at variance, advising of
the young to adapt themselves to Wolayta traditional ways of life etc. are considered. Therefore,
the mediation types of conflict resolution play a great role among Wolyata community including
the study site.
5.5.1 Actors in Conflict Resolution
The actors in conflict resolution are c’ima /elders/ but in Wolayta levels of conflict resolution in
each stage the elders resolve the disputes .The levels of actors are:
Dere c’ima / community elder /
Herra c’ima /village elder /
Daabbo c’ima /relative elders / clan elder/
Soo c’ima / household /family
5.5.2. Rituals Accompanying Conflict Mediation
According to my informant rituals at the Wolyata will be hosted at the time of coronation at the
beginning of harvest, cultivation and conflict resolution process. During reconciliation the
traditional Wolayta elders perform rituals before start to mediation. As Tesehay,(1992) shows the
picture of how the ritual ceremony ‘gondoro ‘ accompany the conflict resolution situation,
function and symbolic meaning of the ceremony .(ibidi). It provides the meaning for resolution
and guarantee to understand the situation during conflict resolution.
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Whereas, my data shown that in relations to conflict resolution, the rituals are scarcely used, it is
scarily used because it is endangered .so, it needs further investigation. The Elders today begins
simply call their sky God ‘x’oosa’ by blessing and cursing the devil sprit. See, Ref.eld.1201-05
5.6 Types of Decision Made and Compensation
My informant illustrates that, in each level of conflict occur among community interims off
different social issues. Therefore, elders using indigenous ways of conflict resolution method,
they mediate the community and sustain the conflicting issue among the Wolayta. The elders
play their role and facilitate the conflict issue and calm for a short period of time and transfer to
decision making bodies. These bodies are said ‘sigamoc’onaa’ /sigɑmoc’onɑ/representative of
government that facilitates conflict issue in the community. The elders offer types of punishment
on mistreated body they are not the part of decision maker but they divide a simple and
intermediate types of punishment let them and government representative punish the
misbehaved one .Elders always shows the fact using different mechanism and their punishment
is not such a harsh. If it is ethnic conflict, these conflict types are very difficult to resolve and it
accompanied by rituals but now demolished .so, elders are actively involve and decide on a
punishment and it takes extra time . Three were different kinds of punishment in different
levels among traditional Wolayta like:/k’ashuwa / kɑʃuwɑː/ imprisonment, physical
punishment such as :/dut’iyoogaa / dut’ijogɑː/ /hec’ec’uwaa/ /heːc’eːc’wɑː/ stretch hand and
foot for long time by powerful body’s/k’ap’yooga pinching /k’ɑp’joːgɑː// pinchining/
suliyoogaa // sulijogɑː/dangling/sifayioogaa /sif

ɑjioːgɑː/ slaughtering /soohiyoogaa
//boːhijogɑː/ ostrasizatio or exclusion from the community /zaayiwoogaa /zɑjioːgɑː/
confiscation of property /setisiyoogaa//betisijoːgɑː// force to abandon one’s birth place
/boohuwaa bokisiyoogaa / boːhuwɑː bokisijoːgɑː/ forced labor /ololan tokidi hup’e t’alaa
ashidi paraa t’arc’aa togiyooga/ ?olɑn tokidi hup’e t’ɑlɑːlɑ ?ʃidi pɑrɑ t’ɑrc’ɑː togijoːgɑː/
thumb a person alive until neck then ride a horse up on this head) this kind of punishment is very
serious and bad. (Abriham Geta cited Fanchu and Eyob, 2004)
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According to oral sources the traditional Wolyata once the decision made by the community
elders, wrongly doer(s) should pay family of the victim but that act is artificial it is not
applicable. With the decided money the mediators celebrate by dirking and eating, they
strengthen the resolution or build social order of the two parties. In Wolayta even the victim
family not accept the reward from antagonist parties but the only thing what the victim parties
want is respect or winning the opponent party.
Whereas, traditional Wolayta there was indigenous conflict resolution method of homicide crime
which is often considered as the gravest form of murder .Settling this kind of homicide cases and
its compensation require maximum effort from the mediator’s side and consume much more
time. The elders decide the compensation payment the wrong doer pay family of victim this
compensation payment called gumiyaa the day of the process take place was ‘ cuucaa
cachchaa’ especial day for resolution . In this day the wrong doer brings the following materials
such as: money directly offer for the victim family, ox, stone, unborn sheep, unborn old caw,
very old but blind women. The other materials help for resolution process in traditional tribunal.
5.7. Post Conflict Issues in Wolayta
Sharing signifies the end of conflict and guarantees a better future: An important step without
which settlements of dispute settlement cannot be binding. The foregoing arguments should not
however imply that women are not in any way useful in conflict management. It is claimed that
women sometimes influence the decision making process behind the curtain. This is often
revealed in domestic conversations at home where women shape the outcomes of conflict
resolution by arguing pro or against specific personalities or groups. Women also influence
younger generations at the household level through informal peace education emphasizing on
cultivation of the culture of tolerance and effective handling of conflict. Since women are the
primary victims of violent conflict, it is in their best interest to teach successive generations how
to prevent and resolve conflict in order to avoid possible displacement, loss of income and social
crisis. See Ref.pic.2
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Pic.2 Taken from /guutaraa Hall/
Post conflict in traditional Wolayta.(picture 2) ‘daggeetaa’ /sharing signifies /
Just as in the case of the dubbushaa and guttaraa assemblies or council conflict resolution is a
male affair; and of course not all men are entitled to do it. Women particularly could not
participate in the actual dispute settlement process except preparing and supplying food and
drinks”bordiya” /bordijɑ / / bɔrdə/ in Amharic “parsuwua “ /pɑrsuwɑ/ to be jointly
consumed at the end of the conflict resolution ritual which is traditionally called
‘daggeeta’./dɑgeːtɑ/
5.8. The Role of Language in Conflict Resolution
5.8.1. Socio- Cultural Contexts of Performing Proverbs in Wolayta
Description of the context in which proverbs are used by the Wolayta is important to enable
readers understand the cultural and social realities associated with the meaning and function of
the proverbs included in the thesis by the fact that meaning and function of proverbs are rooted
in the social and cultural contexts characterizing the everyday life of the Wolayta people. Thus
the attempt to analyze the Wolyata proverbs in their contexts of performance should take in to
account the cultural and social occasions in which the frequent use of proverbs is carried out.
In other words, the question of meaning, use and function of proverbs in the social and cultural
contexts should address the nature and feature of the conflicts and occasions in which proverbs
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are performed. Therefore, this subsection is aimed at introducing the common cultural and social
occasions in which proverbs are performed frequently. The components of performance such as
participants, the occasions in which they participate, and the local ideas and practices related to
them are described briefly.
The concept of proverb performance involves the use of proverbs in verbal communication that
consist the assumption of responsibility to listener(s) for a displaying communicative
competence. On part of a speaker, it emphasizes on an assumption of accountability for a
listener for the context in which the speech is carried out. It calls for special attention to an act of
expression. Thus, the study of proverb performance relies on the concept that we can know more
about proverbs when we examine them within contexts in which they are used (Bauman, 1992).
As stated in Okpewho (1992: 65) proverbs come in contexts of any social and cultural occasions.
There is no a special occasion for proverb usage. They come in discussions in rituals, in coffee
ceremonies, and in different forms of social gatherings as well as in conversations between two
persons. This implies that the collection and analysis of proverbs are to focus on these contexts
of use. However, it is hardly possible for a researcher to get access to the all possible occasions
and observed each day –to-day life of a society in a particular period of time.
Even though the use of proverbs is believed to be part of the everyday social and cultural
practices of the society, the chance to observe all occasions in a specific period of time is limited.
For example, during the fieldwork, the researcher came across only four conflict resolution
occasions. For documentation purpose the data gathered from specific area only.
However, there are occasions, which are supposed to be important parts of the social and cultural
practices of the Wolayta society and are more accessible in a specific period of time. These
occasions are known by the society as ‘anjjuwa’ /?ndʒuwɑ/ blessing session see (Ref.eld.121)
and (Ref.eld.127). (For those who become willing to solve the problem peacefully);
‘Shiqquwa’/ʃik’uwɑ/ local meetings (to discuss conflict causing matters with the purpose of
creating awareness in advance) see, (Ref.pic No.1).
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And ‘bullachaa’ /buːlɑtʃɑ/ (wedding ceremonies) which occur at least ones in a week (of dry
season) on holidays;’yehuwaa wogaa’ ‘yehuwa’/ /jehuwɑ/ ’funeral’ ’wogaa’ /wogɑ

ː/
‘custom’ or funeral ceremony, which embody discussions that call for proverb application.
The traditional knowledge like: the wedding ceremonies, funeral custom of Wolayta other
indigenous knowledge’s are not properly documented so, I recommend that the scholars take this
into account and try to document these cultural intangible heritages. Therefore, the Wolayta
elders attending the occasion raise different issues about the cultural values, the dos and do not
dos of society and discuss them carefully.
They focus mainly on the specific elements of language, cultural practices and also argue for the
continuation of their values. In this occasion, most of the time, elders deliberate on issues related
to the role of elders in transmitting values of each aspect of traditions and morality to young
generation : (i.e. truthfulness, purity, charity, respectfulness etc…), and the importance of social
laws by which the people are governed. The purpose of such discussion as stated by Amsalu is to
activate elders in a village so that they acquaint the young with the socio-cultural values of the
Wolayta people and helping to conform to them (Amsalu, 2006).
5.8.2. The Role of Proverbs in Triggering Conflict
Whereas, proverbs are the main elements in conflict resolution among Wolyata, as my informant
Danile Mena said that proverbs are sometimes cases for conflict rather diffusing conflict in the
area .According to my informant that triggering proverbial usage most of the time began by
women’s because they had no chance in Wolayta to take part in ‘guuttaraa’ due this women’s
plays greater role behind the curtain. That means they always need heroes and they force and
advice their relatives, families, boyfriends to made conflict or implement in order to achieve their
hidden agenda in the community. The Wolayta elderly men realize that the origin of conflict and
conflicting issues they show for the selected elders the originality of the problem. In this time,
people use proverb like: ː ‘maac’i maak’in maati Mokena /mɑːc’i mɑk’in mɑːti mokenɑ/
Women -NOM convince –NOM-if grass-NOM grow-NEG
‘If women deal together, the grass will not grow.’
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In this situation as my informant, explained that if women try to trigger conflict, the conflicts are
not dissolving easily. The women discussions always trigger the conflict and the men hear the
sound of the female among Wolyta. Sometimes if somebody wants to make conflict with one
anther he /she begin the proverb like:‘ ta yoohuwa bu:liyo bataw na7a ‘/tɑ joːh-uwɑ buːl-ijo
bɑat-ɑw nɑ?ɑ:/
Me-ABS.M.1SG matter-NOM-VOC mix-NOM pot- ABS-VOC

boy-ABS
‘I am the son of mixing a matter pot ’
The above proverbs simply need to conflict and trigger somebody in Woalyta. In that situation
the second parties answer for the proverb like:
‘ta yohuwa bu:liyoo ba:ta: mentiya shucca: ‘
/tɑ johuwɑ bulijo baːtɑ mentijɑ ʃuːtʃɑ/
‘I am a stone to break the matter pot ‘

This proverb is the initial point to make conflict in Wolayta and the proverb plays great role to
trigger conflict.
The proverb that indicates something have in somebody’s feeling to conflict the Wolayta people
fable like:
uːluwan ek’idara agobare c’oːshshiyara agawsu’
/?uːluwan ?ek’dɑrɑ ?ɑgobɑre c’oːʃijɑrɑ ?ɑgɑ?wsu /
This means lit. ‘If there is no problem with internal organ, there would be no
vomit ’
The traditional context of performing proverb in the above is that if something problem with a
internal organ a person not health enough. he should vomit out issues that make him unhealthy.
Therefore, Wolayta people also express their internal feeling by using proverbs needs to conflict.
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Generally in traditional Wolayta, proverbial Language use and its functions are evidently
appreciable. These genres should document carefully now and then .even this part is not main
results of the data collected it needs further documentation in the area of the roles of language
triggering conflict among Wolyata.
5.8.3. The Role of Proverbs in Resolving Conflict
It is known that proverb is a genre which elicited through indigenous knowledgeable person
that leading figures among the attendants of the meetings underline the key points in their
speeches of reconciliation by using it. In traditional Wolayta proverbs are used to diffuse or to
calm the conflicting situation. For example, in the dubbushaa or guutaraa held in zamo village,
there was a discussion to settle a case between two individuals who were in conflict on the
question of the possession of farmland. In the discussion, dannaa Wagesho (one of the elders in
the dubbushaa began forwarding his view via a proverb and then elaborated that the two
antagonistic or adversaries should tolerate each other. He fables:
"diidogappe daannage darees”
/diːdogɑpe dɑːnɑge dɑreːs/
It is said,”Our hop to live together bestowed in tomorrow is greater than the past!”
Ref.inf.1218
Using this proverb, the elder asserts that the occurrence of such conflict is not strange situation,
by the fact that there could be bad shadings up on good relationships in deferent social
interactions. He also confirms that tolerance would be a remedy to resolve the conflict. Hence,
the formation proverb can serve as a means of convincing the two opposing partners to discard
the point of their disagreement.
Another informant also voiced a proverb insuring the importance of tolerance and mutual
understanding to overcome disagreements. He utters a proverb saying:
‘hachchiiro xeloppa ,beni boora woyshsha shukidii miido wodiya qqoppa’
/ hɑtʃiːro t’elopɑ beni boːrɑ wojtʃɑ ʃukidi miːdo wodijɑ k’opɑ/
Which means, “Don’t see the two days one, but remember the dish we shared in the past?”
(Inf.Eyob Aca)
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According to my informant, it has been underlined that friendly relation can be weakened by
conflicts, the two extremes during the time of intimacy in one end and separation or
disagreement in the other should be handled and treated wisely. To express this:
”hachchi ixxuwawu wursada c’ayooppa ,hachchi siiquwawu wursada odoppa !”
/hɑtʃi ?it’uwɑu wursɑdɑ tʃ’ɑjoːpɑ hɑtʃi siːk’uwɑu wursɑdɑ ?odopɑ/
Ref.inf.1235
Which is interpreted: ‘don’t heap ultimate insults for today’s hatred, and don’t speak out from
the bottom of heart for two days love?”
This shows that, partners or members of a group should be aware that the two extremes could
result in unexpected mishaps, which can endanger friendly relations. The other proverb
forwarded regarding discordance is that: Proverb:
‘’akeekenaa deeree adhiwodhana ‘’
/ ?ɑkeːkenɑː deːreː ?ɑDiwoDɑnɑ /
(Info. Eyasu samule )
Which means,“ A discordant people may end up torn apart!”

Thus the proverb, suggests that, if there is no tolerance and mutual understanding among people,
there would be exacerbation of disagreements and deterioration of relationships, i.e. it projects
the undesirable consequence of conflict.
The importance of patience and tolerance could remarkably underpinned by the following
proverb: “Dandayay Darees “
/dɑndɑjɑi dɑreːs/ ( inf.mengistu wolde )
Which means,“The people who tolerates cherish”

( inf.mengistu wolde)
It indicates that people who agree with each other can develop their bond of relation and
strengthen their kinship. It points out the significance of tolerance and consent, which can ensure
the establishment and prevalence of smooth relationship among people. Furthermore, Wolayta
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elders advise their people not to retort in the same way to a person who does something bad or
harmful to them. By rendering such advice in their proverbs:
“neeyoo iitidagaw iitateetan zaroppa “
/neːjo?iːtidɑgɑw ?iːtɑteːtɑn zɑropɑ/ (inf.Eyasu Samuel)
Which means, “don’t avenge your adversary!”

They also try to edify the people by nourishing good indigenous knowledge by showing that
forgiveness values much in emboldening good relationship. In this regard, they utter a proverb:
‘baari tumapee agenaay asaaraa de7eenaa ‘
/bɑːri tumɑpeː?ɑgenɑːi?ɑsɑːrɑː de?eːnɑ/
Which means,”The Man who can’t forgive end up living alone!”
(inf.Abera Doyamo)
The proverb suggests that one should respond in kind words to the harsh ones to avoid a
disagreement, and bad social friction. They, also say:
“iita lootetan xoonaappatiin itaan xoonetoppa!“
/ ?iːtɑ loːtetɑan t’oːnɑːpe?ɑtiːn ?itɑːn t’oːnetopɑ/ (inf.E.S)
Which means, “Overcome the evil by good deeds, but not be won by evil?”
(inf.Eyasu .Samule )
Thus he who sows good things will harvest better things in the later days, even by winning his
opponent to his side Besides, due emphasis is given to the importance of gentle answer to cool
down angers. The proverb utter to show this is that:
“liko hasayai hankuwa zarbises ,pordola kali hankuwaa dentetes !”
/liːk’o hɑsajɑi hɑnk’uwɑ zɑrbiːseːs poːrdolɑː k’ɑlɑi hɑnk’uwɑː denteteːs /
Which means, “a gentle answer turns away anger, but a harsh word stirs up wrath!”
(Inf.Eyasu.Samuel)
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Hence, the antagonistic parties would become aware of expressing their idea in a civilized and
ethical manner. However, the elders further, inform the consequence of vituperative words in the
following proverb:
“toora masuntaay paxxesishshin donnaa maalayzoy paxxeenaa!”
/toːrɑ mɑsuntɑi pɑt’eːsʃin donɑː mɑ:lɑzoi pɑt’eːnɑː/
Which means,”Bad wound does heal but bad word doesn't!”

(Inf.Eyasu asmuel)
The proverb points out the fact that one can recover from pain of a bad wound after a time, but
the harm of bad words stays in one’s mind for a long period of time. Such proverbs are used to
exhort the disagreeing persons and mitigate worsening situation of inter-personal conflict.
Hence, careful use of language or words can be taken as a solution to tackle the problem.
Elders further express that, hurling insult escalates social distance and friction and show this
view through the following proverbial language use:
“donaanni geelaay dorsaani simmeenaa!”
/donɑːn geːlɑi dorsɑːn simeːnɑː/inf.A.D/
Which means,’a person with scoffing tongue doesn’t praise!’
(inf.Abera .Doyamo )
Most of the time, scoffing tongue causes a disagreement or conflict; whereas praise is believed to
be the antidote to it. In this context, the proverb holds the meaning that scolding, which comes
from scoffing tongue, should be replaced by praising. Thus, the aforementioned proverb helps in
the avoidance of scolding and utterance of praise in social interactions to prevent the occurrence
of conflicts among the people.
Above all, the Wolayta people understand that, individuals sometimes stand against each other
due to minor cases.
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Proverbially, it is said : “mitti baynaan chchuwi chchuwatena! /miti bɑjinɑːn tʃ’uwi
tʃ’uwɑtenɑ/
This means, “No smoke if no wood!”
(inf.Mengistu .Wolde )
This shows that, there may be a certain causal ground for a conflict and it is understood that
knowing the source a problem is half -way for the solution. There is a situation whereby
individuals became greed and jealous and enter into dispute with each other on account of
something in their control. In the context of resolving inter-personal disagreements, the elders
express this idea through the following proverbial usage:
“ankuwaa sheeshay bawtawu bagidooni baxxetessi!”
/ ?ɑnkuwɑː ʃeːʃai bɑwtɑwu bɑ gidoːni ba t’eteːsi/
This means, “Hawks fight among themselves for something on the ground!”
( Info.Eyasu samule)
In its literal sense, the proverb indicates that, hawks, which are brought down from the sky filled
with greed and fight with each other on the ground for something adequate to all of them. The
above proverb expresses indirectly that, most of the time people become greedy and quarrel with
each other for something in their control and exorbitant in their environment. Here, the word
"hawks" is used as an symbolic representation to depict greedy image. Furthermore, proverbial
language serves as an instrument of reconciliation for those who are in conflict on the ownership
of farmland. There is a proverb which expresses the unethicality of encroaching on the farmland
of the other person:
“beni zawa shshodoppa ,awi bayinaa naatu gadiyaa kokaa sugoppa!”
/beni zɑwɑ ʃodopɑ ?ɑwi bɑjinɑː nɑːtu gɑdijɑː kokɑː sugopɑ/
Which means,” don’t move an ancient boundary marker, and don’t encroach on the fields of a
fatherless!”
(info. Eyasu Samule )
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In fact, there are a number of cases in which individuals were indulged in such conflicting
matters related to boundary encroachments .Therefore, the elders attempt to advise and persuade
the disputing people by the fact that such greed-based -conflict is unwise practices.
Thus, the credit side of symbiotic living is confirmed by the following proverb:
“dan77o shooruwa ,dako apala “/dɑn?o ʃoːruwɑ dɑko ɑpalɑ/
Which means,“ the neighbor to you equates a double-faced garment!”
Ref.eld1225 and Ref.inf.1202
This is to indicate that once living with his /her neighbor is inseparable and they are also
interwoven in social fabrics, which can in ensure there hegemony upon disagreements.
As demonstrated above, the proverbial expressions, which are included in this section, contain
ideas that reflect the social disorders created by inter-personal disagreements, and also the way
of resolving the disputes. Therefore, they are used as instruments to reprehend the disputing
parties. The proverbs really convey reconciling messages, and the elders employ them in the
discussion of uprooting the cause of animosity.
“hauwan de7iya dabuuwappe mattan de7iyaa alaggayi keha”
/hɑhuwɑn de?ijɑ dɑbuːwɑpe matɑn de?ijɑː ?ɑlɑgɑji kehɑ/
That means “the enemy living nearby is better than relatives living faraway”
See Ref.inf.1206
In this the elder fables that even the neighbor become enemy he or she better than relatives
faraway. The nearby neighbor always become intertwined each other in order to lead their social
life.
This proverb help always at the decision stage during this the elders how far the issue is chronic
they decide very simple decision not mistreating the two parties. If they utter this proverb the
two antagonist parties understand the coming punishment what it like to be.
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Here are anther proverb that illustrates during the mediation period the elders to show their
social life and how they live further life together by saying the following proverb
‘ Daana dangarsai miitaw t’era mees baana dangarsai t’ap’uwara shodidi mees ‘
/dɑːnɑ dɑngɑrsɑi mi
ːtɑw t’erɑ me
ːs bɑːnɑ dɑːngɑrsɑi t’ɑp’uwɑrɑ ʃodidi
meːs/
‘The living hippo eats the leave part of the tree; the migrant hippo eats with root parts’
Generally the Wolayta people mediate or arbitrate the conflicting issue using different
approach and strategies with in this context uses one of very important and easily
understandable proverbial language use and indigenous traditional knowledge like :narration ,
folk tells transferring values of the community by advising the consequence of conflict from.
And its managing system in specific time and place. According to my informant most of the time
conflicts triggering proverbial languages use are not traditionally advisable. As all my
informants asserts that the indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms need serious
documentation from the data discussed in this chapter the Proverb compilation in particular and
culture documentation among Wolyata and oral tradition in general had a very limited and
continued diminishing due to negligence.
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CHAPTER SIX
6. Summary, Conclusions and Recommendation
This study was aimed at answering the research question such as: traditional conflict resolution
mechanisms were perceived to be important for peace building in Humbo Woreda and the role of
language use in conflict resolution in the study area. It is evident from this study that the
traditional mechanisms of resolving conflict in the study area has a great contribution in peace
keeping and the language plays a key roles .
6.1 Summary
As it has been indicated in this paper, the major objective of this study was to document and
describe the traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and related language use among Wolayta:
specifically Huombo Woreda. As it shown in the first chapter, the language documentations and
culture documentation are intertwined activity. Therefore, the traditional conflict resolution
mechanisms accompanied by different indigenous knowledge and wisdoms .In line with this
,this research paper , a few basic research questions were formulated .To answer these leading
questions, data collection method ,participant and non-participant observation, structured and
unstructured in-depth interview ,document analyses ,ethnographical field notes were employed.
Similarly, in the literature review, writers have attributed types of conflict; causes, mechanisms
of resolution and the role of language in conflict resolution are the main component. Regarding
this, scholars have agreed that in all human society life does not move along in peace and
harmony at all times.
That means conflict is a natural phenomenon it occur everywhere any time with in different
conflict causes and to different sources in social life. Primary types of conflict in case of Wolayta
seems to be resource based and its causes are land freehold and population density are the
major one of conflict and marital based types of conflict also predominantly practiced and its
causes are not easy to determine in a formal way.
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Peaceful mechanisms of conflict resolution are divided anthropological literature into various
categories. Negotiation, mediation and arbitration concerning Wolyata these informal
mechanisms are employed with in single proceeding.
After the necessary data analyses, I have come up with the following major findings:
• In Humbo Woerda different kinds of conflict that occur both at inter personal and
intrapersonal community level.
• Mainly the prevalent forms of conflict in Huombo Woerda occur resource based
specifically land resource and martial based conflict excised in the area.
• The peaceful conflict resolution mechanisms employed within a single proceeding like
‘awaassiyaa’ arbitration approach used.
• The traditional institution of a dispute settlement place known as guttaraa or dubbushaa
which has much more contribution in the area of conflict resolution.
• There are actors in dispute settlement in each level and the highest level and more formal
is called dere c’ima who has headed the dispute settlement process in peaceful manner.
• Decision has made in each tribunal depending on the level of crime made by the parties.
• Post conflict issue among Wolayata sharing signifies is known as daggeetaa which has
symbols of peace that guarantee for future life.
• Indigenous knowledge that Language instrumentality for conflict resolution, folk
narrations, proverbial language use and other linguistic data in terms of conflict
triggering and resolution are my major findings of the thesis
6.2. Conclusions
• There is indigenous traditional and conflict resolution mechanisms are practice in Humbo
Woreda is good ways or approach in the area in order to calm or facilitate conflicting issues.
• It is explained that elderly involvement in the traditional mediation or arbitration

‘awaassiyaa’ is integral in maintaining everlasting peace and stability.
• Proverbs is stable, concise and fairly fixed and can therefore be transmitted to future
generation with minimum alteration.
74
• It is stated that, details of performance and proverbial expressions are mostly uttered by well-
experienced Wolayta elders, who can positively influence the attitude of disputing parties.
• There is a conflict resolution setting known as “dubbushaa or guttaraa “,which has much
contribution in accommodating those concerned individuals in the area of conflict ,and also
known for manifesting socio-cultural context of performing proverbial language use .
• There are very important traditional and informal institutions described in relation to the
study. However, we can see that there is no well-organized documentation of such proverbial
expressions and conflict resolution setting, which can exert a positive impact on the life of
entire members of the ethnic group.
6.3 Recommendation
Based on the fact of the findings and various important literatures, it can be
recommended that:
• There should be taking proactive measures on conflicts before they turn into violent
stage, there is an inclination to act on consequences of disputes rather than on the
inherent causes.
• Proverbial material sources should be used as a part of letters, and be cited as references
in deferent scholarly works.
• Comments should be collected by linguists and anthropologists when occasions enable to

do so, and the availability of standard proverb collection in the library should be ensured.
• There should be special documentation mechanisms with respect to endangered

indigenous knowledge and non-material cultures like: proverbial language use, fables,
tales and stories, narrated by the ethnic group.
• There should be experience sharing with the people of other regions or ethnic group
regarding how they could preserve important folkloric cultures or traditions and
proverbial language use to transmit such values to the next generation, which can help in
consolidating social ties and ensuring the prevalence of good governance.
75
• There should be lasting language and cultures related with indigenous knowledge that the
scholars and the stakeholders take this into account and try to prevent country’s assets
and heritages including in Ethiopia, focusing Wolayta.
• There should be educating youth and children so as to enable them to recognize the
shared values of peaceful coexistence and receive an education conducive to realization
of their material and social desires of culture and language
• Conflict is an exciting concept that is sensitive to various intervening factors; it therefore,

requires furfures in-depth investigation and undertaking a systematic documentation
followed by revitalization effort.
76
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Appendix
Interview Guide Line
The interview and informal discussion addressed are:-
I. Personal data
1. Tell me your name and age.
2. How did you get started participating in this performance?
3. How long have you been participating?
4. How would you describe the issue?
II. Setting
5. What does dispute resolution setting like?
6. When and when does it occur?
7. How do individuals organize themselves especially in group?
7.1. In circle?
7.2. Around table?
7.3. On the floor?
7.4. In the middle of big tree?
7.5. Around the circumferences of big tree?
7.6. In rows?
8. What understands and beliefs exist in the group are known to individuals?
9. What unique ceremonials and rituals are practiced by the group?
10. What effect do these have upon the younger generation?
III. Participants
11. Who participate in the dispute resolution place?
12. Who has the power within the group?
13. Who is taking part in the discourse, event and how are they organized?
14. What are the rights and responsibilities of each group members?
15. What does a member of a community of practice need to know to participate
successfully in a speech situation?
16. What kind of communicative competence does she or he have
17. How can people become member of this group?
86
IV. Language and culture
18. How is deference shown?
19. How are cursing process occur and how blessing expressed?
20. What is the role of language in social control?
21. What kinds of language practice when you resolve or manage the dispute?
22. What is the significance of using proverbial language to conflict resolution mechanism?
23. What is the cultural significance of using proverbial language use?
V. Questions to answer about act sequence
24. What acts (social action) are included and how they arranged?
25. What is the first thing you do (elders do) traditionally in response to local conflict?
26. What social category does the speech event?
27. What considered or agreed from are drawn upon?
General question
Could you talk about your experience with indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution and its
language use, its activities now and. Then?
87
List of key informants and consultants
No. List of key informants Place of Dateof Age Status

interview interview
1 Megistu Wolde Humbo 8/8/05 55 Language skill
2 Eyasu Samuel Wolaytta soddo 15/8/05 50 Cultural

knowledge
3 Desta Wogaso Humbo 23/8/05 36 Proverbial

language skill
4 Doyamo Tora Humbo 25/8/05 56 Cultural

knowledge
5 Fikru Mechalo Wolaytta soddo 3/9/05 61 Cultural and

language
6 Daneil Mena Humbo 15/9/05 65 Cultural and

lang.skill
7 Eyob Acha Wolayta 13/10/05 40 Historian

&Anthro.
8 Mlunesh Shuke Humbo 11/9/05 65 Cultural

knowledge
9 Andinet Gebre Humbo 21/10/05 41 Cultural

knowledge
10 Alemayehu Adimasu Humbo 25/10/05 41 Language skill
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What is the thesis about?

What is the thesis about?

What are some of the objectives of the study?

What are some of the objectives of the study?

Documentation and Description of Traditional Conflict Resolution and

Language Use among the Wolayta: The Case of Humbo Woreda

By: Siratu Simon Meja

Addis Ababa University

By: Siratu Simon Meja

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master

Addis Ababa University

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Language Studies, Journalism and

Signed by the examining committee

_______________________________ ___________________ ______________

Advisor Signature Date

_______________________________ ___________________ ______________

Examiner Signature Date

_______________________________ ___________________ _____________

Examiner Signature Date

_______________________________ ___________________ _____________

Chair of department or Signature Date

Graduate program coordinator

1. Advisor Date and signature

2. Chairpersons ,Department Graduate Committee

3. Chairpersons, Faculty’s Committee

4. Dean, Graduate Committee

Key words: conflict, language, resolution, indigenous, peace

SNNPR=South Nation Nationality People Region

WODA= Wolayta Development Association

UNESCO= United Nations Education Science Culture Organization

Dubbushaa/dubuʃɑ/=dispute settlement place.

Guuttara/guːtɑrɑ/=legal dispute settlement place

Marc’uwa/mɑrc’uwɑ/= iron ancient currency of wolayta

M ask’ala/mɑsk’ɑlɑ/= festive celebrate at semptember

Koyiissaa/kojiːsɑ/=honerfic song for the dead boy in funeral

Waaruwa/wɑruwa/=black cotton wor by relatives of dead family.

Goom77oriya/goːm?orija/=iron like blood the cheek to show love

Wolaytatto doona /wolɑjtɑto doːnɑ/= wolayta language

Anjuwa= /?anjuwɑ/= blessing

Yehuwa wogaa/yehuwɑ wogɑː/= funeral custom

Basic attributes of Wolayta language

1 Table 1.Consonant inventory

bilabial dental alveleor palatao- palatal velar glottal

2 Table 2. Vowel inventory

front centeral back

close i,i: u,u:

mid e,e: o.o:

1.1. Background of the study

1.2. Statement of the Problem

1.3.1. The General Objective

1. To identify the most prevalent forms of conflict in the study area.

1.4. Significance of the study

It is expected from the findings of this study:

1.6. Limitation of the study

Review and Conceptual Frame Work

2.1 Conceptual frame work

2.2 Conceptualizing conflict

According to Gove, conflict can be defined as “clash, competition, or mutual interferences of

Zartman puts it as ‘’conflict is an inevitable aspect of human interaction, an unavoidable

_____________________ _ ______

_____________________ _ ______

_____________________ _ _____

_____________________ _ _____