International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology
To cite this article: Ashley E. Stirling & Gretchen A. Kerr (2013): The perceived effects of elite
athletes' experiences of emotional abuse in the coach–athlete relationship, International Journal of
Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11:1, 87-100
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International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 2013
Vol. 11, No. 1, 87–100, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1612197X.2013.752173
Faculty of Kinesiology and Physical Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada ON M5S 2W6
(Received 19 July 2010; final version received 7 November 2011)
The purpose of this study was to explore the perceived effects of elite athletes’ experiences of
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be the most frequently occurring form of abuse in the sport environment (Kirby, Greaves, &
Hankivsky, 2000).
As research on emotional abuse in sport has only emerged recently, much of the work con-
ducted to date has been based on the insights of the previous child abuse literature. More specifi-
cally, the rationale for preventing emotionally abusive coaching practices has been based on the
potential negative consequences of these experiences, as evidenced in the previous literature on
emotional abuse in the parent–child relationship.
Previous research on emotional abuse in the parent–child relationship has reported that
emotional abuse can be harmful to a child’s well-being due to the debilitating developmental
effects and life-long implications (Jellen, McCarroll, & Thayer, 2001). The experience of
emotional abuse from parents in childhood has been found to have serious implications
for the child’s mental health and psychosocial functioning (Jellen et al., 2001), and has
been suggested to correlate more strongly with depression and anxiety compared with
other childhood traumas including physical abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect (Kent &
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Waller, 1998).
Other reported implications of emotional abuse in parent–child relationship include, low
mood (Ney, Fung, & Wickett, 1994), low self-esteem (Gross & Keller, 1992; Mullen, Martin,
Anderson, Romans, & Herbison, 1996), emotional instability (Braver, Bumberry, Green, &
Rawson, 1992; Crittenden, Claussen, & Sugarman, 1994), anger (Engels & Moisan, 1994), phys-
ical self-abuse (Engels & Moisan, 1994), eating disorders (Mullen et al., 1996; Rorty, Yager, &
Rosotto, 1994), substance abuse (Mullen et al., 1996), attachment problems (Mullen et al., 1996),
delinquency (Vissing, Straus, Gelles, & Harrop, 1991), impairments to learning (Claussen & Crit-
tenden, 1991; Crittenden et al., 1994), and low school performance (Hart & Brassard, 1991), as
some examples. Detailed reviews of the literature on the effects of the psychological forms of mal-
treatment have been previously published (Binggeli, Hart, & Brassard, 2001; Iwaniec, Larkin, &
Higgins, 2006).
In the coach–athlete relationship, experiences of emotional abuse have been suggested to be
“a threat to the psychological well-being of elite child athletes” (Gervis & Dunn, 2004, p. 215)
and have been reported to cause emotional upset (Stirling & Kerr, 2008). Additionally, athletes
have reported that their feelings of emotional upset in response to experiences of emotional
abuse become more pronounced across the course of their athletic careers (Stirling & Kerr,
2007). However, the specific effects of emotional abuse by coaches in the coach–athlete
relationship have not been clearly explored. In order to advance the development of sport
initiatives for the protection of athletes from emotional abuse in sport, evidence of the potential
consequences of athletes’ experiences of emotional abuse in the coach–athlete relationship is
required.
Methods
Methods were established using the methodology of grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006).
Grounded theory is a qualitative tradition of inquiry that is commonly used for new and emerging
areas of research (Creswell, 1998). This research approach assumes that knowledge is grounded
in individual experiences and interpretations. Unlike other forms of inquiry, grounded theory does
not test a hypothesis but rather allows theory to emerge from the experiences of the participants
(Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Furthermore, as reflected in the methods of this investigation, grounded
theory suggests that there should be a continuous interplay between data collection and analysis
allowing for the plausible identification of relationships among concepts (Strauss & Corbin,
1998). This methodology was chosen for this study because little research exists on the effects
of athletes’ experiences of emotional abuse. As well, we believed that by using this methodology
greater opportunities might exist for unexpected themes of data to emerge from the research
process, thus enhancing the exploration of this research question.
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Participants
The sample of 14 former elite athletes (selected from a slightly larger original cohort of 18 athletes
based on specific inclusion criteria outlined in the sampling section below), was comprised of 6
males and 8 females, between the ages of 17 and 28, who had been retired from their sport
between 1 and 5 years. Each athlete competed at the national or international level in their respect-
ive sports. Three of the athletes had been national champions in their sport, and seven of the ath-
letes had competed at the Olympic Games, Pan-Am Games, or World Championships. A variety
of sports and sport types were represented. Further information on the participants is found in
Table 1.
Elite athletes were targeted for participation for two reasons. First, the frequency of emotion-
ally abusive coaching behaviours appears to increase as athletes move up the sporting ranks
(Gervis & Dunn, 2004). Interviews with 12 former elite child athletes from the UK (Gervis &
Dunn, 2004) indicated that athletes perceived their coach’s behaviour as more negative after
the athlete was identified as an elite performer compared with pre-elite levels. Accordingly, com-
pared with other levels of athletes, elite athletes may be most likely to have experienced a pattern
of emotionally abusive behaviours in the coach–athlete relationship. Second, previous research
has suggested that at high-performance levels, a coach’s realm of influence over the athlete often
extends beyond the athlete’s training into other areas of the athlete’s life including diet, sleep pat-
terns, and even interpersonal relationships (Tomlinson & Yorganci, 1997), thus increasing the sig-
nificance and critical nature of the coach–athlete relationship at this level. Importantly, it is the
pattern of direct behaviours within a critical relationship that constitutes emotional abuse (Stirling
& Kerr, 2008). The same behaviours experienced by an individual in isolation, indirectly, or
outside of a critical relationship would not constitute emotional abuse, and may instead constitute
other forms of harmful maltreatment such as harassment, bullying, or neglect (Stirling & Kerr,
2009).
It was also required that athletes be at least 16 years of age and be retired from their sport.
These criteria were established in order to avoid gleaning information on children that may be
presently at risk for abuse, knowledge of which would legally require reporting to local auth-
orities. None of the participants were involved in any way with an investigation or court case
related to abuse in sport, but if through the course of participation an athlete had revealed on
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ongoing investigation, his/her data would not have been included in the write-up of the study.
Recruitment
Following approval of the study from the university’s human ethics review board, participants
were recruited by word of mouth. A snowball sampling technique was used, with initial names
and contact information of potential participants being acquired through the retirement lists of
local sport organizations and references provided by participants who had been involved in pre-
vious investigations of abuse in sport. Following participation, each participant was asked if he/
she could suggest others who they used to train with or who they remember having difficulties
with the coaching practices in their particular sport. The athletes were initially contacted by e-
mail and were informed of the purpose of the study, namely to explore athletes’ experiences of
emotional abuse in the coach–athlete relationship, and were given specific details for their invol-
vement. They were also sent a formal letter of information. Attempts were made to recruit both
male and female athletes from a variety of sports. There were no previous relationships between
the researcher and the participants.
Sampling
Consistent with the principles of theoretical sampling and grounded theory, sampling decisions
were based on the emerging data. It was estimated that a range of 8–12 interviews would be suf-
ficient to reach saturation, and the initial sample size was 18 participants. All 18 participants had
reported previous experiences of emotionally abusive coaching in their sport. Examples of
emotionally abusive behaviours reportedly experienced included demeaning criticisms, name-
calling, public humiliation, threats, continual yelling and swearing at the athlete, periods of
being intentionally ignored, and acts of physical intimidation such as throwing equipment
across the training facility. A pattern of these behaviours within a critical coach–athlete relation-
ship, which is required to constitute these experiences as emotional abuse, was reported by 15 of
the athletes interviewed. Of the 15 athletes reporting emotional abuse, 14 discussed the perceived
effects of their experience of emotional abuse. For the purpose of this study, only those athletes
who reported emotional abuse in the coach–athlete relationship and discussed the effects of these
experiences were included, thus leading to a final sample size of 14 athletes. All 14 athletes
experienced their first incident of an emotionally abusive behaviour, as well as a pattern of
emotional abuse in the coach–athlete relationship, before the age of 16.
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology 91
ticipation were discussed and participants were asked to read and sign a letter of informed
consent. Each participant was assured that if he/she felt uncomfortable at any time during the
interview he/she could take a break, reschedule, or end his/her participation. The interview
was approached in a sensitive manner and the questions were communicated in a style that
was best suited for the participant’s emotional state. None of the participants asked to end their
interviews; however, throughout the course of the investigation, some athletes showed signs of
emotional upset such as tears and lowered voices. When this occurred, the line of questioning
switched to more positive questions about the athlete’s sport experience and then returned to
the topic of emotional abuse when the participant calmed down or redirected the conversation
back that way. The duration of the interviews ranged from 1 to 3 h in length, and with the par-
ticipants’ consent, all interviews were digitally recorded. At the end of the interview, each partici-
pant was provided with a list of local counselling services and was informed that opportunities
were available for professional counselling should they be desired.
Recorded interview sessions were transcribed verbatim immediately following the interview
and reviewed in full a minimum of three times to allow the researcher to become familiar with the
data. Statements were coded from the interviews by hand, and meaning units were grouped into
higher order themes using open, axial, and selective coding techniques. Concepts along with their
properties and dimensions were then compared with the categorizations derived from previously
analysed interviews allowing for the confirmation and refinement of emerging concepts (Strauss
& Corbin, 1998). In order to establish trustworthiness in the analysis process, debriefing of the
coding and categorization occurred with a group of two to three peers on a regular basis.
During each interview session, the interviewer also made notes on the general points that were
being made by the participant. These notes, while not coded, were used to focus the analytic
thoughts of the researcher before the formal data analyses occurred. At the completion of each
interview session, specific feedback was invited from the participant on the interpretation of
his/her interview and on the developing themes. The themes were presented via a running theor-
etical discussion in which the conceptual categories and their properties were discussed (Glaser,
1978). First, informants were asked to confirm the interpretation of what was discussed in the
interview. Following this feedback, any criticisms, feelings, or expansions about the emerging
themes were requested. This form of member checking has been recommended for grounded
theory research as a way to ensure credibility and consistency in the data collection and interpret-
ation. As well, consistent with what is recommended in the grounded theory literature, this
member checking was done during the early stages of data collection before the process of
abstraction (Goulding, 2002).
92 A.E. Stirling and G.A. Kerr
Results
Data on the perceived effects of elite athletes’ experiences of emotional abuse in the coach–athlete
relationship have been grouped into three broad categories: perceived psychological effects, per-
ceived training effects, and perceived performance effects. The main categories of data are pre-
sented in the descending order based on the number of participants’ comments and consistency
in the participants’ viewpoints within each category. The sub-categories are presented in a
random order. The complete categorization of the raw data themes with numbered participant
tags is illustrated in Figure 1.
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Anger. Four athletes expressed feelings of anger and frustration as a result of their coaches’
demeaning comments. One athlete recalled, “It got to the point that I was just so upset and
angry” (female rhythmic gymnast, 24). Similarly, another athlete said, “I just got mad” (male
swimmer, 24).
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Low self-efficacy. Five athletes explained that their coaches’ intentional denial of attention and
verbal insults made them feel incapable of achieving successful sport performance. One athlete
commented, “You just feel like you’re not getting the attention. You feel like you’re washed
up” (male kayaker, 21). Similarly, another athlete stated,
I think they [the coaches] were of the mind that they were training us mentally and physically for com-
petition, but all it [verbal insults] did was make you feel like you’re not good enough, and that you
were never going to amount to what they wanted. (Female figure skater/dancer, 28)
Low self-esteem. Emotionally abusive coaching practices were reported by several of the ath-
letes (n = 7) as negatively impacting their feelings of self-worth. This is reflected in the following
statements: “You start to believe that you’re not good enough for him [coach]. You’re not worth
the time” (male kayaker, 21). “She [coach] had the immaculate ability to make you feel like you
were nothing” (female rhythmic gymnast, 24). And, “You feel so insignificant, and small, and like
nothing” (female rhythmic gymnast, 22).
Poor body image. One athlete discussed the negative impact of her coach’s comments on her
body image.
No one ever told me in the outside world that I was fat, but in the gymnastics world I was told that all
the time … It’s not something that I wish anyone to go through because it does create a scar for the rest
of your life. You constantly have a warped perception of yourself and that’s not something that will
ever change. (Female rhythmic gymnast, 24)
Anxiety. Some of the athletes interviewed (n = 4) talked about the stress and anxiety they
experienced as a result of their coaches’ hostile outbursts and degrading criticism. One athlete
stated, “I was afraid to go to practice every day ‘cause I knew I was going to get punished … I
hated the intimidation and I didn’t know how to deal with it” (female artistic gymnast, 23).
Also, another athlete said,
There was a lot of anxiety and constant stress ‘cause you might do something fine and then you get
yelled at … I guess the idea, or his [coach’s] method to his madness, was that when you go and
compete you’re under a lot of pressure. He wanted to implement that into the training so that we
would get used to that [pressure] in a competition and be able to deal with all the emotions that
your body’s going through. I never took well to it though. I was pretty anxious all the time. (Male
figure skater, 23)
94 A.E. Stirling and G.A. Kerr
Sense of accomplishment. A few athletes (n = 3) believed that the end reward of a successful
performance was that much greater given the coaching practices that they had endured in the
process of achieving this success. One participant stated, “It was always so up and down that
when you do achieve something it’s such a bigger deal. I guess you feel more rewarded.
Going through that stuff [emotional abuse] in a way made it more rewarding” (female artistic
gymnast, 23).
regain the coach’s respect. “She [coach] would tell me that I was hopeless … it was upsetting,
but at the same time it pushed me to work harder because all I wanted to do was get her
respect” (female rhythmic gymnast, 17). In another case, one athlete recalled how in some
instances his coach’s acts of physical aggression were encouraging as he took it as a sign of
caring and investment.
If a coach throws a chair at you sometimes I would just react, but if you think about it there’s a
meaning behind it—there’s a purpose. He was frustrated because I wasn’t performing to my full
potential and they take it to heart you know? So when someone cares that much about something
you start to think well maybe I should care about it a little more. (Male kayaker, 21)
Decreased motivation. Seven athletes reported a lack of motivation as a result of his or her
coach’s hurtful training techniques. Talking about the negative impact of his coach’s yelling
and name-calling on his motivation in sport, one swimmer stated,
There’s a difference between yelling at your team to motivate them or to light a fire under them to get
them going, but that kind of thing [name-calling] isn’t helpful … It didn’t make me want to swim
better or faster. (Male swimmer, 24)
Similarly, another athlete stated, “You lose your own personal boost to train when you have
someone constantly yelling at you” (male hockey/lacrosse player, 25).
Reduced enjoyment. As a result of their coach’s yelling, belittling comments, and acts of
aggression, four athletes reported a reduced satisfaction derived from participation in their
sport. “You shut down from being yelled at and you just get turned off the sport” (male
hockey player, 23). Additionally, several athletes (n = 7) expressed periods of drop-out and
desires to quit their sport altogether. This is reflected in the flowing comments: “He insulted
my weight, called me worthless. He even went as far as to tell me that I shouldn’t have been
born. That’s when I realized that he went too far … I quit [gymnastics] about four times in one
month” (female rhythmic gymnast, 19). And, “I’ve seen a lot of good players quit
because they just don’t want to put up with the bullshit from the coaches” (male hockey/lacrosse
player, 25).
Impaired focus. One athlete talked about the impact of his coach’s yelling on his ability to
focus on his training. “It can be very distracting when you’ve got this stuff going on and you
can’t really get back to the mind frame that you need to be in” (male swimmer, 24).
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology 95
Difficulties with skill acquisition. Two athletes also discussed the impact of their coaches’
insulting comments and emotional outbursts on their perceived ability to learn new skills in
their sport. One athlete stated, “It [coach’s yelling] got you pretty stressed out and anxious
about doing the skill. And you don’t do the skill as well when you’re in that situation” (male
figure skater, 23). Similarly, another athlete recalled, “I thought she [coach] was good, but
when I went through hard times I was afraid to do things [skills]” (female artistic gymnast, 23).
Enhanced performance. Three participants expressed the opinion that emotionally abusive
behaviours in the coach–athlete relationship enhanced their sport performance. One athlete
said, “I needed the yelling in order to push me to that next level” (female artistic gymnast, 25).
Similarly, another athlete explained,
I wouldn’t wish it [abuse] upon anyone and knowing what I know now I wouldn’t go through it again.
I definitely think it made me a stronger person though, and it made me a better athlete to a certain
extent. (Female artistic gymnast, 23)
Furthermore, in support of the belief of the need for this developmental approach in sport (n =
6), the following statements were made: “The tree is judged by its fruit and I made it to pro so how
can you say it didn’t work? Of course it worked” (male hockey player, 23). And, “In order to get
your gymnasts to the top you need to do stuff like that, unfortunately in this sport that’s the way it
is” (female rhythmic gymnast, 17).
Discussion
This study provided former elite athletes the opportunity to discuss their experiences of emotional
abuse in the coach–athlete relationship and the perceived effects of these experiences. Athletes
were encouraged to discuss the potential effects of emotional abuse on their well-being, as
well as the potential effects on their training and performance in sport.
These data describe the perceived negative psychological effects of the athletes’ experiences
of emotional abuse. Elite athlete reports suggested that low mood, anger, low self-efficacy, low
self-esteem, poor body image and anxiety are some of the negative consequences athletes per-
ceived they experienced as a result of emotionally abusive occurrences in the coach–athlete
relationship. All of these psychological effects have also been reported as consequences of
emotional abuse in the parent–child relationship (Binggeli et al., 2001; Iwaniec et al., 2006).
This study adds to this research by providing preliminary descriptive evidence of the negative
psychological effects of emotional abuse in a critical relationship other than the parent–child
relationship (Binggeli et al., 2001; Iwaniec et al., 2006; Jellen et al., 2001; Kent & Waller, 1998).
Interestingly, three athletes discussed an enhanced sense of accomplishment as a result of their
experiences of emotional abuse in sport. In their view, the end reward of a successful performance
was enhanced given the coaching practices that they had endured in the process of achieving this
96 A.E. Stirling and G.A. Kerr
success. All of the participants in this study were former successful elite athletes and it is therefore
possible that this enhanced sense of accomplishment may be limited to this successful athletic
sample. It is important however, that these findings not be interpreted to suggest that the end,
in this case, successful athletic performance, justifies the means or the experiences of emotional
abuse. Future research should further explore possible reasons for the participants’ viewpoints.
Mixed opinions were expressed by the retired elite athletes on the perceived training effects of
athletes’ experiences of emotional abuse. Many athletes suggested that the experience of emotion-
ally abusive coaching practices increased their motivation to exert their best efforts in training.
However, negative training effects including a decline in motivation, decreased enjoyment of
the sport, impaired focus, and difficulty acquiring new skills were also reported. Previous research
has reported that the quality of the coach–athlete relationship is a crucial determinant of athlete
satisfaction and motivation (Jowett, 2003; Jowett & Cockerill, 2003; Jowett & Meek, 2000;
Mageau & Vallerand, 2003). This study extends this research by demonstrating that the coach–
athlete relationship can be both a positive or negative influence on athlete motivation and
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enjoyment.
Eleven athletes reported increased motivation as a result of his/her experiences of emotional
abuse and seven athletes reported a decline in motivation. Consequently, a number of athletes
spoke of both. There are a couple of possible explanations for this. It is possible that a coach’s
emotionally abusive practices may initially increase athletes’ desire to train to the best of their
efforts out of fear of reprisal, disapproval, and/or rejection. However, over time the psychological
effects of the emotional abuse may build, reducing the athletes’ enjoyment and interest in their
sport, and as such athletes’ motivation to train to the best of their abilities declines. This assertion
is supported by previous research that has reported athletes’ affective response to experiences of
emotional abuse increase over the course of their careers. As well, as a consequence of this
increasing affective response, some athletes can reach a point of rebellion in which they may
question and/or actively reject their participation in sport and their respect for their coach (Stirling
& Kerr, 2007).
Another possible explanation for this discrepancy in reported motivation as a result of ath-
letes’ experiences of emotional abuse may be the specific form of motivation to which the athletes
referred. Athletes in the study spoke globally about their perceived motivational states, however,
previous research has distinguished forms of motivation to be intrinsic or extrinsic in nature, and
have further categorized extrinsic motivation into self-determined or non-self-determined states
depending on the individual’s degree of internalization versus compliance (Deci & Ryan,
2000). Looking at the impact of coaching behaviour on athlete motivation, previous research
has highlighted the importance of autonomy-supportive coaching behaviours for intrinsic and
self-determined extrinsic motivation. Conversely, controlling behaviours, such as criticisms,
and other “power-assertive techniques that pressure others to comply” (p. 886), may motivate ath-
letes, however, this form of motivation has been reported to most often be a non-self-determined
extrinsic motivation, and compared to self-determined motivation is less beneficial for athletes’
optimal functioning (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003). Given the controlling nature of the emotionally
abusive behaviours, it is suggested that these coaching techniques may enhance an athlete’s
degree of compliance and non-self-determined motivation in sport, but may decrease the intrinsic
motivation of the athlete. This is an important consideration as intrinsic motivation has been pre-
viously correlated with adherence to and enjoyment of sport participation (Ryan, Frederick,
Lepes, Rubio, & Sheldon, 1997).
In addition to the impact of emotional abuse on motivation and enjoyment in training, one
athlete also explained an impaired focus and two athletes discussed difficulty acquiring new
skills as a result of their coaches’ emotionally abusive practices. As only a few athletes reported
these negative training effects; it is difficult to make strong inferences about these relationships.
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology 97
Given the cohort assessed, it is possible that the athletes interviewed in this study may be those
who have been able to achieve successful athletic performances in spite of their emotionally
abusive treatment. Accordingly, negative training effects of athletes’ experiences of emotional
abuse such as the impact on athlete focus and skill acquisition, may be more pronounced in
less successful athletes. Certainly, further exploration of these potential training effects is
warranted.
Mixed views were also expressed about the performance effects of athletes’ experiences of
emotional abuse. Many athletes discussed ways in which their abusive coach–athlete relationship
impacted their achievement outcomes in sport negatively. Similarly, Jowett (2003) reported the
costs of negative relational issues within the coach–athlete on performance outcomes.
A few of the participants also expressed beliefs about the positive impact of emotionally
abusive coaching on their athletic performances. Of the three athletes who attributed their
success in sport in part to their coach’s emotionally abusive training techniques, both had
achieved their desired goals in sport and retired following a top performance. It is possible that
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these athletes rationalized their coaches’ behaviours and exhibited effort after meaning, noting
that because they experienced performance success, the coaching practices must have worked.
In other words, if the outcome is positive, one could deduce that the process for achieving this
outcome was also positive. As well, in response to questioning on the perceived performance
effects of emotional abuse, a number of athletes commented on the necessity of this coaching
approach for achieving successful performances and their coach’s track record of success. This
further supports the assertion above and suggests that athletes come to buy into a win-at-all-
costs mentality and normalize abusive coaching practices as part of the process required to
produce successful athletic performances (Boocock, 2002; Gervis & Dunn, 2004; Palframan,
1994; Stirling & Kerr, 2007, 2009). Alternatively, although emotionally abusive coaching prac-
tices should not be condoned under any circumstances, is it possible that some athletes may excel
further with such a coaching approach?
Overall, the results indicate that several negative psychological effects may result from ath-
letes’ experiences of emotional abuse in the coach–athlete relationship. However, no definitive
claims may be made about the effects of emotional abuse on athlete training or performance. It
is possible that coaches use emotionally abusive practices because of a belief that these beha-
viours will make athletes more mentally tough, resilient to the pressures of training and compe-
tition, and therefore better able to perform. Alternatively, one could argue that optimal
performances and long term well-being are more readily achieved when the athlete is well-
adjusted, self-reliant, and free from the experiences of emotional abuse. It is suggested that
other coaching approaches may achieve similar performance results while fostering overall per-
sonal growth (Kidman, 2005; Miller & Kerr, 2002). Several researchers have also suggested that
techniques that encourage and support the athlete are more appropriate for athlete development
(Fraser-Thomas, Côté, & Deakin, 2005; Holt, 2008). Further research of the training and perform-
ance effects of emotionally abusive and more holistic coaching approaches is required in order in
to support these claims empirically.
Regardless of the potential impact of athlete emotional abuse on training and performance
outcomes, in light of the current findings on the perceived negative psychological effects, the
ethics of condoning or justifying emotionally abusive coaching practices is questioned, and the
need for athlete protection measures in sport is supported. Although this form of coaching may
or may not be effective in producing athletic success, along with this coaching approach can
come a severe cost to the psychological well-being of the athlete, making it an unethical
method for coaching athletes. The general child abuse literature indicates that the long-term
sequealae of emotional abuse are significant and harmful (Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2007). Athletes
in this study also spoke about the lingering psychological consequences of their emotionally
98 A.E. Stirling and G.A. Kerr
abusive experiences in sport. Further research, however, on the long-term costs of athletes’
emotionally abusive experiences in sport is warranted.
Limitations
The most significant limitation of this study may be the sample selected for participation.
Although retired elite athletes were selected for a number of reasons already described, less suc-
cessful athletes, or athletes who dropped out along the way would have provided alternative
stories to those who were able to persist and achieve in their sport. This study is limited by the
reflective nature of the participant interviews. Without seeming to invalidate the participants’
experiences, it is possible that over time, participants’ recollections of their experiences in
sport may have been skewed in positive or negative directions. Due to the nature of the
inquiry and the recruitment strategies employed, participant bias, common with retrospective
methods such as interviews, could be a further limitation of this investigation. It is important
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to acknowledge the possibility that it may be those athletes who are still experiencing the
long-term implications of the emotional abuse who were most willing to be interviewed. Conver-
sely, those athletes who may still be experiencing severe implications of emotional abuse may not
be willing to talk about their experience and thus may not have volunteered to participate.
Future directions
As this study was purely exploratory in nature, future research is required regarding the relation-
ship between specific emotionally abusive coaching behaviours and identified psychological,
training and performance effects. Given the reliance on self-reported retrospective accounts,
further examination of the effects of emotional abuse would benefit from prospective research
and psychometric assessment. Moreover, it is recommended that greater attention should be
paid to examining the holistic effects of athletes’ experiences of emotional abuse in sport, includ-
ing the impact of emotional abuse on the social, educational, psychological, physical, and spiritual
well-being of the athlete (Miller & Kerr, 2002). Coaches’ perspectives on this issue are also war-
ranted. Finally, future research on successful high-performance coaches’ and athletes’ experi-
ences of non-abusive coaching techniques and the effects of such coaching approaches is
required.
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