Boswell 2016

UC San Diego
UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
Title
Chimú and Inca Frontier Interactions: A Local Study of the Moche Valley chaupiyunga, north
coast of Perú.
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Author
Boswell, Alicia
Publication Date
2016
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University of California
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO
Chimú and Inca Frontier Interactions: A Local Study of the Moche Valley chaupiyunga,
north coast of Perú.
A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor
of Philosophy
in
Anthropology
by
Alicia Marie Boswell
Committee in charge:
Professor Paul S. Goldstein, Chair

Professor Guillermo Algaze
Professor Geoffrey E. Braswell
Professor Christine Hunefeldt
Professor Jerry D. Moore
Professor Brian R. Billman
2016
Copyright
Alicia Marie Boswell, 2016
All Rights Reserved.

The Dissertation of Alicia Marie Boswell is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and
form for publication on microfilm and electronically:
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
Chair
University of California, San Diego

2016
iii
Dedication
To my mother, Janice Christensen Boswell, whose unwavering support gave me the

courage to pursue this research.
iv
Table of Contents
Signature Page .................................................................................................................iii
Dedication ........................................................................................................................ iv
Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. v
List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................................... xiv
List of Supplementary Files ............................................................................................ xv
List of Figures ................................................................................................................ xvi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................. xxi
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................xxiii
Vita.............................................................................................................................. xxxii
Abstract of the Dissertation ....................................................................................... xxxiv
1 Introduction to Project ............................................................................................. 1
1.1 Significance of Study ........................................................................................ 9
1.2 Outline of the Dissertation ................................................................................ 9
2 Imperial Expansion, Frontiers, and a Bottom-Up Approach ................................ 12
2.1 Empires and Imperial Expansion .................................................................... 12
2.2 Frontiers .......................................................................................................... 15
2.3 Bottom-Up Approach: Prioritizing a Local Perspective ................................. 19
2.4 Models and Hypotheses .................................................................................. 21
2.4.1 Exchange-Alliance .................................................................................. 23
v
2.4.2 Tributary Province .................................................................................. 25
2.4.3 Defensive Outpost Model ....................................................................... 28
2.4.4 No Influence/Interaction Model .............................................................. 31
2.5 Empires, Frontiers, and Models ...................................................................... 32
3 Study Area: Moche Valley and La Libertad Highlands ........................................ 34
3.1 Paleoclimate and El Niño Flooding ................................................................ 36
3.2 Natural Regions of Moche Valley and La Libertad Highlands ...................... 39
3.2.1 Chala (0–500 masl)................................................................................. 40
3.2.2 Yunga/Chaupiyunga (500–2300 masl) ................................................... 41
3.2.3 Quechua (2,300–3,500 masl) .................................................................. 43
3.2.4 Jalca/Suni (3,500–4,000 masl) ............................................................... 44
3.3 Chronological Framework: Horizons and Periods .......................................... 45
3.4 History of Research......................................................................................... 48
3.5 Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon in the Moche Valley ............ 52
3.5.1 Early Intermediate Period ....................................................................... 53
3.5.2 Late Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon in the Moche Valley
57
3.5.3 Other Middle Horizon Groups ................................................................ 63
3.6 Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon in the La Libertad Highlands
65
3.6.1 Otuzco/Upper Moche Area ..................................................................... 66
3.6.2 Carabamba Plateau.................................................................................. 67
3.6.3 Alto Chicama .......................................................................................... 67
vi
3.6.4 Huamachuco ........................................................................................... 68
3.7 Late Intermediate Period ................................................................................. 72
3.7.1 The Moche Valley and Chimú Empire ................................................... 73
3.7.2 Moche Valley Tributaries ....................................................................... 85
3.7.3 Otuzco/Upper Moche Area ..................................................................... 88
3.7.4 Carabamba Plateau.................................................................................. 90
3.7.5 Alto Chicama .......................................................................................... 91
3.7.6 Huamachuco ........................................................................................... 92
3.8 Late Horizon: Chinchasuyu, Northwest Quarter of the Inca Empire.............. 94
3.9 Moche Valley under the Inca Empire ............................................................. 97
3.9.1 Late Horizon in La Libertad Highlands: Huamachuco Province.......... 101
3.10 Colonial Period: The Spanish Arrival in Peru .......................................... 107
3.11 Collambay: ethnography, ethnohistory, and local toponyms.................... 109
3.11.1 Ethnography and Ethnohistory ............................................................. 110
3.11.2 Toponymns ........................................................................................... 117
3.12 Moche Drainage and La Libertad Highlands Environment and Culture
History 120
4 Previous Case Studies ......................................................................................... 122
4.1 Chaupiyunga Zone ........................................................................................ 123
4.1.1 Previous Studies in the Chaupiyunga ................................................... 125
4.2 Chimú and Inca Empires - Local Interaction ................................................ 134
4.2.1 Chimú Imperialism and Local Interaction in the Casma Polity ............ 135
4.2.2 Inca-Local Interaction ........................................................................... 137
vii
4.2.3 Inca and Chimú Empires in the Jequetepeque Valley .......................... 141
4.3 Imperial and Local Dynamics in the Andes .................................................. 151
5 Fieldwork Program Overview and Methods ....................................................... 154
5.1 Pedestrian Survey in the Sinsicap Valley and Methods................................ 154
5.2 Site Selection for Excavation ........................................................................ 157
5.3 Site Formation Processes .............................................................................. 158
5.4 Mapping at Cerro Huancha MV 900 ............................................................ 159
5.5 Surface Collection Methods .......................................................................... 162
5.6 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Excavation Strategy .............................................. 165
5.7 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavation Strategy ............................................... 167
5.8 Excavation Methods...................................................................................... 168
5.9 Ceramic Analysis .......................................................................................... 169
5.9.1 Ceramic Analysis Methodology and Protocol ...................................... 170
5.9.2 Ceramic Vessel Typology ..................................................................... 174
5.9.3 Ceramic Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative................................... 185
5.10 Analysis of Other Artifact Classes ............................................................ 191
6 Settlement Patterns in the Collambay region of the Sinsicap Valley .................. 193
6.1 Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon ............................................ 194
6.2 Late Intermediate Period ............................................................................... 196
6.2.1 Cerro Huancha MV 900 ........................................................................ 198
6.2.2 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 ........................................................................ 198
6.2.3 Cerro Cabra MV 1005 and MV 1025 ................................................... 202
viii
6.2.4 Cerro Carrizal MV 1009 ....................................................................... 203
6.2.5 MV 1021 ............................................................................................... 203
6.2.6 Potential LIP Sites: MV 1008, MV 1014, MV 1016 ............................ 204
6.2.7 Description of Prehistoric Road and Site Locations ............................. 205
6.3 Late Horizon Occupation .............................................................................. 207
6.4 Colonial Period Occupation .......................................................................... 209
6.4.1 Collambay Hacienda MV 1013 ............................................................ 211
6.5 Implications of Sinsicap Valley Settlement Patterns .................................... 212
7 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Site Sectors and Surface Collection ............................ 214
7.1 Sector 1 ......................................................................................................... 214
7.2 Sector 2 ......................................................................................................... 217
7.3 Sector 3 ......................................................................................................... 217
7.4 Sector 4 ......................................................................................................... 218
7.5 Sector 5 ......................................................................................................... 219
7.6 Sector 6 ......................................................................................................... 219
7.7 Sector 7 ......................................................................................................... 220
7.8 Sector 8 ......................................................................................................... 220
7.9 Sector 9 ......................................................................................................... 221
7.10 Sector 10 ................................................................................................... 221
7.11 Sector 11 ................................................................................................... 221
7.12 Sector 12 ................................................................................................... 222
7.13 Sector 13 ................................................................................................... 222
7.14 Sector 14 ................................................................................................... 223
ix
7.15 Surface Collection ..................................................................................... 223
7.15.1 Site Sectors Ceramic Frequencies ......................................................... 225
7.16 Functional Analysis: Comparing Site Sectors .......................................... 227
7.17 Correspondence Analysis: Comparing Site Sector ................................... 233
7.18 Temporal Early Intermediate Period Ceramics......................................... 236
7.19 Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon Ceramics .............................. 237
7.20 Other Artifacts .......................................................................................... 240
7.21 Surface Collection Implications ................................................................ 241
8 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Excavations.................................................................. 244
8.1 Construction and Architecture at Cerro Huancha ......................................... 246
8.1.1 Terraces ................................................................................................. 246
8.1.2 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Architecture ................................................... 247
8.2 Excavations in Sector 1: Compounds 1, 2, and 3 ......................................... 252
8.2.1 Compounds 2 and 3: Floors, Features, Architecture, and Occupations 254
8.2.2 Masonry in Compounds 2 and 3 ........................................................... 256
8.2.3 Sector 1: Occupations, Architecture, and Associated Features ............ 260
8.2.4 Architectural Plan and Access to Compounds 2 and 3 in Phase 1........ 264
8.2.5 Late Intermediate Period/Late Horizon Phase 1 ................................... 265
8.2.7 Architectural Plan and Access during Phase 2 ..................................... 272
8.2.8 Summary of Phase 2 ............................................................................. 273
8.2.10 Architectural Plan and Access in Phase 3 ............................................. 277
x
8.2.11 Summary of Phase 3 ............................................................................. 278
8.2.12 Summary of Sector 1 Occupations ....................................................... 279
8.3 Sector 3 Excavations: Compounds 5 and 6................................................... 280
8.3.1 Compounds 5 and 6: Floors, Features, Architecture, and Occupation . 283
8.3.2 Summary of Sector 3 LIP/LH 2 and 3 Occupations ............................. 287
8.4 Sector 6 Excavations: Compound 4 .............................................................. 288
8.4.1 Compound 4 Architecture and Occupations ......................................... 293
8.4.2 Summary of Sector 6, Compound 4 Occupation .................................. 294
8.5 Sector 7 Excavations ..................................................................................... 296
8.6 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Occupations ........................................................... 301
8.6.1 Volume of Sediment per Phase ............................................................. 301
8.6.2 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Radiocarbon Dates ........................................ 302
8.6.3 Summary of Cerro Huancha MV 900 Occupations .............................. 305
9 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 ....................................................................................... 309
9.1 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Sectors 1, 2, and 3 Construction and Architecture 309
9.2 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavations ............................................................ 313
9.2.1 Units 1 and 2 ......................................................................................... 315
9.2.2 Looter Hole A ....................................................................................... 317
9.2.3 Looter Hole B/Trench 1 ........................................................................ 318
9.2.4 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Occupation and Summary .............................. 320
9.3 Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 .................................. 322
9.4 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 323
xi
10 Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Ceramics ........................ 324
10.1 Functional and Correspondence Analysis by Sector ................................ 329
10.1.1 Correspondence Analysis...................................................................... 332
10.2 Varieties of Ollas ...................................................................................... 333
10.3 Storage Vessels ......................................................................................... 338
10.4 Other Assemblage Highlights ................................................................... 339
10.5 Regional Influences and Local Trends ..................................................... 341
10.5.1 Local Collambay Style .......................................................................... 341
10.5.2 La Libertad Highland Influences and Shared Characteristics............... 343
10.5.3 Coastal Influences and Shared Characteristics ..................................... 349
10.5.4 Ceramic Production or Exchange ......................................................... 353
10.6 Temporal Trends: Collambay Ceramics Over time .................................. 354
10.6.1 Salinar ................................................................................................... 356
10.6.2 LIP/LH Phase 1 ..................................................................................... 357
10.6.3 LIP/LH Phase 2 ..................................................................................... 357
10.6.4 LIP/LH Phase 3 ..................................................................................... 360
10.7 Discussion and Conclusion ....................................................................... 365
11 Other Artifact Classes ......................................................................................... 367
11.1 Interregional Exchange and Subsistence: Fauna and Shell....................... 367
11.1.1 Temporal Trends ................................................................................... 374
11.2 Camelids ................................................................................................... 375
11.3 Cloth Production ....................................................................................... 377
11.3.1 Cloth Production in Sector 1, Compounds 2 and 3............................... 381
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11.4 Collambay Traditions................................................................................ 385
11.4.1 Ancestor Veneration and Funerary Architecture .................................. 385
11.4.2 Interregional Influences ........................................................................ 388
11.5 Collambay Local and Interregional Economy and Traditions .................. 391
12 Discussion and Conclusion ................................................................................. 393
12.1 Collambay Settlement throughout Prehistory ........................................... 394
12.2 Collambay and Imperial Interactions throughout LIP and LH ................. 396
12.2.1 LIP/LH Phase 1 (AD ~900? to 1229-1271): Exchange ........................ 397
12.2.2 LIP/LH Phase 2 (AD 1229-1271 to 1470): Alliance ............................ 400
12.2.3 LIP/LH Phase 3 (AD 1470 to 1532): Tributary Province ..................... 403
12.3 Remaining Inquiries .................................................................................. 407
12.4 Collambay Frontiers.................................................................................. 408
12.5 Conclusions ............................................................................................... 409
Appendix A: Field and Analysis Forms........................................................................ 412
Appendix B: Field Logs ................................................................................................ 413
Appendix C: Data ......................................................................................................... 414
Appendix D: Data ......................................................................................................... 415
Appendix E: Correlates ................................................................................................. 416
Works Cited .................................................................................................................. 417
xiii
List of Abbreviations
AD Anno Domini
AMS Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Dating
EIP Early Intermediate Period
ENSO El Niño Southern Oscillation
LH Late Horizon Period
LIP Late Intermediate Period
m meter
m2 square meter
m3 cubic meter
MH Middle Horizon Period
masl Meters above sea level
MNV Minimum Number of Vessels
MOP/PACO Moche Origins Project/Proyecto Arqueológico Cerro Oreja
PD Provenience Designation
xiv
List of Supplementary Files
PD_Codes
PD_Form.pdf
2012DiagAttributesList_Appendix
Clasificacion de Artifactos
PDLog_Appendix
SC_Units
FeatureExcavated
Sinsicapsites_appendix
SurfaceCollection_Appendix
Diagsfinal_appendix
NonDiag_Appendix
Artifact_Appendix
Faunal_Appendix
HumanRemains_report.rtf
HumanRemains_appendix.xlsx
Metal Notes
Correlates_2016
xv
List of Figures
Figure 1.1: Collambay, Moche Valley, Peru (with other locations mentioned in text) .... 2
Figure 1.2: Collambay in Moche Drainage (with other sites mentioned in text) ............. 4
Figure 1.3: Modern Coca Plants in Collambay in background of photo .......................... 5
Figure 3.1: Fog ascending from the chala zone into the Collambay chaupiyunga, view
from Cerro Huancha at 1000 masl (August 2012) .......................................................... 41
Figure 4.1: Sites mentioned in text in the Jequetepeque Valley ................................... 142
Figure 5.1: Sinsicap Valley Survey Area (with sites mentioned in text in Chapter 6) . 157
Figure 5.2: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Site Sector ........................................................... 161
Figure 5.3: Location of Surface Collection Units ......................................................... 164
Figure 5.4: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Location of Excavations ..................................... 166
Figure 5.5: Neckless olla (rim diameter 14 cm) ........................................................... 175
Figure 5.6: Angle neck Olla (rim diameter 16 cm) ....................................................... 176
Figure 5.7: Vertical neck olla (rim diameter 10 cm) .................................................... 176
Figure 5.8: Carinated rim olla (rim diameter 12 cm) .................................................... 177
Figure 5.9: Pan Profiles................................................................................................. 178
Figure 5.10: Bowl ......................................................................................................... 179
Figure 5.11: Bottle ........................................................................................................ 180
Figure 5.12: Everted Jar Profile Varieties..................................................................... 182
Figure 5.13: Straight-neck Jar (rim diameter 24 cm) .................................................... 183
Figure 5.14: Tinaja Profile (rim diameter 30 cm) ......................................................... 183
Figure 5.15: Rallador Profile (rim diameter = 34) ........................................................ 184
Figure 5.16: Example of Miniature Vessel from Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (rim diameter 8
cm) ................................................................................................................................ 185
Figure 6.1: All sites recorded in Collambay region of Sinsicap Valley ....................... 194
xvi
Figure 6.2: Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon Sites ................................ 195
Figure 6.3: Late Intermediate Period Sites ................................................................... 197
Figure 6.4: Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Site Sectors (Adapted from Jochem 2007, Map 3)
....................................................................................................................................... 201
Figure 6.5: Intervisibility between LIP Sites (sites with LIP ceramics) ....................... 207
Figure 6.6: Late Horizon Period Site ............................................................................ 209
Figure 6.7: Colonial Period Settlements ....................................................................... 210
Figure 7.1: Location of Grinding Stones in Sector 1 .................................................... 216
Figure 7.2: Grinding Stone in Patio, Sector 1 ............................................................... 216
Figure 7.3: Typical Architectural Compound ............................................................... 218
Figure 7.4: Surface Collection Unit at Cerro Huancha in Sector 4 .............................. 224
Figure 7.5: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Frequencies by Functional

Categories with count ................................................................................................... 231
Figure 7.6: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Vessel Forms and Sectors
Correspondence Analysis.............................................................................................. 236
Figure 7.7: Cuzco-Inca aryballoid sherd ....................................................................... 239
Figure 7.8: Ceramic Mold with Press-Mold Design ..................................................... 239
Figure 7.9: Lithic .......................................................................................................... 241
Figure 7.10: Nose Ring ................................................................................................. 241
Figure 8.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Sectors excavated ............................................... 245
Figure 8.2: Split Level Architectural Compound Sector 1 (room is in foreground)..... 251
Figure 8.3: Corridors – Sector 1 Ground Floor............................................................. 252
Figure 8.4: Sector 1 Compounds, Units in Compounds 1 (Unit 1), 2 (Units 1-11), and 3
(Units 1-8) ..................................................................................................................... 254
Figure 8.5: Floor in Compound 3, Unit 1 ..................................................................... 256
Figure 8.5: Masonry Styles in Compounds 2 and 3 ...................................................... 262
xvii
Figure 8.6: East Profile, Unit 2, Compound 3, Feature 3.13 truncated in situ storage
vessel ............................................................................................................................. 263
Figure 8.7: Feature 3.13, truncated in situ storage vessel, Unit 3, Compound 3, Cerro
Huancha MV 900 .......................................................................................................... 263
Figure 8.8: North Profile Units 1 and 2, Compound 3, Cerro Huancha MV 900 ......... 264
Figure 8.9: Planview of Compounds 2 and 3 in Phases 1-3 ......................................... 265
Figure 8.10: Storage Bin in Unit 7, Compound 3, Cerro Huancha MV 900 ................ 267
Figure 8.11: Ash Surrounding Hearth Mid-excavation with Ipomoea sagasteguii

(Convolvulaceae) visible, Unit 2, Compound 3............................................................ 270
Figure 8.12: Large Hearth (Feature 3.03-3.06, 3.08), Unit 2, Compound 3, Cerro
Huancha MV 900 .......................................................................................................... 271
Figure 8.13: Large Hearth with part of cooking vessel (Feature 3.19), Unit 5,
Compound 3, Cerro Huancha MV ................................................................................ 271
Figure 8.14: Cooking Vessel Adjacent to a Hearth ...................................................... 272
Figure 8.15: Storage Rooms in Compound 3 (Units 3 and 4) Cerro Huancha MV 900
....................................................................................................................................... 275
Figure 8.16: Storage Room with Broken Vessels, Unit 9, Compound 2, Cerro Huancha
MV 900 ......................................................................................................................... 275
Figure 8.17: Llama Figurine ......................................................................................... 277
Figure 8.18: Planview Sector 3, Compound 6 .............................................................. 282
Figure 8.19: Sector 3, Compound 5 (Units 1 & 2) and Compound 6 (Units 1-3) ........ 282
Figure 8.20: Deposit below Floor in Compound 5, Cerro Huancha MV 900 .............. 285
Figure 8.21: East Profile Unit 1, Compound 6, Cerro Huancha MV 900.................... 286
Figure 8.22: Burned Area with sand deposit, Compound 5, Unit 1.............................. 286
Figure 8.23: Sand deposit between floors ..................................................................... 287
Figure 8.24: Sector 6 Compound 4 ............................................................................... 291
Figure 8.25: Structure 4, Rooms 1-3 (Room 1 in foreground), Sector 6, Cerro Huancha
MV 900 (Briceño and Billman 2009, Figures 95 and 96) ............................................ 292
xviii
Figure 8.26: West Wall, Exterior Masonry, Compound 4, Cerro Huancha MV 900 ... 294
Figure 8.27: Compound 4, Room 1, Sector 6, Cerro Huancha MV 900 ...................... 294
Figure 8.28: Trench 1, Sector 7, Cerro Huancha MV 900 ........................................... 299
Figure 8.29: South Wall, Trench 1, Sector 7, Cerro Huancha MV 900........................ 300
Figure 8.30: Calibrated dates for Cerro Huancha MV 900 (Bronk Ramsey 2009 and
Hogg et al 2013)............................................................................................................ 304
Figure 9.1: Stairs ........................................................................................................... 312
Figure 9.2: Door Jamb with Niche................................................................................ 312
Figure 9.3: Location of Excavations ............................................................................. 314
Figure 9.4: Units 1 and 2 Plainview, Cerro Ramon MV 1000 ..................................... 315
Figure 9.4: Floor 1, Unit 1, Cerro Ramon MV 1000 with “camote gentil” .................. 316
Figure 9.5: Bedrock, Unit 2, Cerro Ramon MV 1000 .................................................. 317
Figure 9.6: North Profile of Looter Hole A .................................................................. 318
Figure 9.7: Looter Hole B/Trench 1 West Profile, Sterile Fill and On Architectural Base
....................................................................................................................................... 320
Figure 10.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Rim Distribution by Compounds and Functional
Vessel Class .................................................................................................................. 329
Figure 10.2: Correspondence Analysis of Functional Categories in ............................ 333
Sectors 1, 3, and 6. ....................................................................................................... 333
Figure 10.3: Carinated Olla........................................................................................... 337
Figure 10.4: Angle Neck Olla ....................................................................................... 337
Figure 10.5: Flute .......................................................................................................... 340
Figure 10.6: High Ring base bowl from Cerro Ramon MV 1000 ................................ 340
Figure 10.7: High Ring base bowl from Cerro Ramon MV 1000 ................................ 340
Figure 10.7: Collambay Style Red Band on Rim with Cream paint on interior of neck
....................................................................................................................................... 342
xix
Figure 10.8: Collambay Style band on exterior of fine ware vessel ............................. 342
Figure 10.9: Collambay style with double band on interior of Jar rim ......................... 342
Figure 10.10: Collambay style with circle .................................................................... 343
Figure 10.11: #4-3544 (left) and #4-3541 (right) Vessels from Max Uhle
Marcahuamachuco Collection, Hearst Collection. ....................................................... 349
Figure 10.12: Chimú style and local emulation of Chimú style ................................... 351
Figure 10.13: Local press-mold design with red slip .................................................... 352
Figure 10.14: Chimú piel de ganso ............................................................................... 352
Figure 10.15: Chimú Style ............................................................................................ 352
Figure 10.16: Circle-and-Dot design ............................................................................ 353
Figure 10.17: Egg-Shaped base .................................................................................... 359
Figure 10.18: Triangle-applique on rim ........................................................................ 360
Figure 10.19: Charred residue on interior of vessel ...................................................... 360
Figure 10.20 Late Horizon Gray-Black slip on jar neck ............................................... 363
Figure 10.21 Chimú-Inca Bird Adorno......................................................................... 363
Figure 10.22: Chimú-Inca Figurine .............................................................................. 364
Figure 10.23: Late Horizon Jar ..................................................................................... 364
Figure 10.24: Chimú-Inca Olla with wide-strap handle and piel de ganso .................. 365
Figure 11.1: Beads ........................................................................................................ 374
Figure 11.2: Fragments Bone Tools with surface treatment, several are burn ............. 379
Figure 11.3: Metal Needle ............................................................................................ 380
Figure 11.4: Long Bone Tool........................................................................................ 380
Figure 11.5 Fragment of Tortero Spindle Whorl .......................................................... 380
Figure 11.6: Piruro Spindle Whorl................................................................................ 381
Figure 11.7: Slag fragment ........................................................................................... 383
xx
List of Tables
Table 3.1: Andean Chronology (After Billman 1996 and 2002; Krzanowski 2006;
Ringberg 2012; Rowe 1962; J. Topic 2009) ................................................................... 47
Table 5.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Area Excavated ...... 168
Table 5.2: Rim counts from all ceramic assemblages................................................... 173
Table 5.3: Ceramic Assemblage Average Vessel Rim Diameter and Standard Deviation
by Vessel Class ............................................................................................................. 185
Table 5.4: Functional Vessel Categories for Cerro Huancha MV 900 & Cerro Ramon
MV 1000: Proposed Morphological Properties and Mechanical Performance
Characteristics ............................................................................................................... 190
Table 7.1 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Ceramic Assemblage .............. 225
Table 7.2: Average Diagnostics by Sector, Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection
....................................................................................................................................... 227
Table 7.3: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Assemblage by Functional

Categories by Site Sector .............................................................................................. 232
Table 8.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Area Excavated .................................................... 246
Table 8.2: Sediment excavated per occupational period and phase.............................. 302
Table 8.3: Uncalibrated Radiocarbon Samples Data .................................................... 304
Table 9.1: Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavated Area and Volume ................................ 313
Table 10.1: Distribution of Excavated Diagnostic Assemblage ................................... 326
Table 10.2: Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Frequency by Rims
....................................................................................................................................... 327
Table 10.3: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Vessel Forms by Compound .............................. 328
Table 10.4: Functional Categories by Compound and Sector ...................................... 331
Table 10.5: Frequencies of Olla Varieties by Sector and Compound Cerro Huancha MV
900................................................................................................................................. 336
Table 10.6: Olla Varieties Average Vessel Rim Diameter and Standard Deviation .... 337
Table 10.7: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Rim Frequencies by Occupation and Phase ....... 355
xxi
Table 10.8: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Rim Assemblage by Occupation/Phase ............. 356
Table 11.1: Fauna and Malacological Species NISP .................................................... 372
Table 11.2: Cloth Production Tools in Phases 2 and 3, Compounds 2 and 3 ............... 382
xxii
Acknowledgements
When they say, “it takes a village to write a dissertation” in my case it took most
of the estimated population of the Chimú Empire’s capital Chan Chan to complete this
project. While I put in the labor, there are a large number of individuals (think craft
specialists, retainers, etc) and institutions that made it possible.
Thank you to my dissertation committee members, Paul Goldstein, Guillermo
Algaze, Geoffrey Braswell, Christine Hunefeldt, Jerry Moore and Brian Billman for
their support of this research over the years. This project was shaped by many years of
discussions with my committee members in and outside of the classroom. I am grateful
to Paul Goldstein, my committee chair for taking me under his wing as a student many
years ago, for supporting my fieldwork experiences in the Moquegua Valley, and his
continued support of my research when I decided to pursue a dissertation on the north
coast. He has always been a fervent supporter of this project. Guillermo Algaze and
Geoffrey Braswell played instrumental roles in my early coursework at UCSD. I
benefitted from Christine Hunefeldt’s extensive knowledge of Peruvian history and her
enthusiasm for research, which is wonderfully contagious. I am also indebted to UCSD
Anthropology department administrators, and particularly Nicole Gee, the department
graduate program coordinator, who graciously made sure all my paperwork was in
order as I was living in New York City at the time of my filing.
I am especially grateful to two of my outside committee members, Brian
Billman and Jerry Moore for their support and interest in my work. In 2004 as an
undergraduate student at the University of Michigan I participated in Brian Billman’s
xxiii
UNC field school. That program and subsequent conversations with Joyce Marcus and
Kent Flannery led me to pursue a PhD in Andean archaeology. Brian I am grateful for
being part of your and Dr. Jesus Briceño’s research program, the Moche Origins
Project/Proyecto Arqueologico de Cerro Oreja. Over the last 10+ years I have had the
opportunity to work on many excavations and cultural heritage preservation projects in
the Moche Valley. Thank you for your collaboration, constructive criticism, and
confidence in my research. I am inspired by your dedication to site preservation efforts
in the Moche Valley. Without MOP/PACO’s support this project would not have been
possible and MOP/PACO’s model has served as a model for my work in Collambay.
Jerry Moore has been as an instrumental figure throughout this project. At
different low points throughout the project I have found myself in Long Beach, CA
living not far from Jerry. He has served as a sounding board and helped me find my
way. This was key early in the project when I despaired I would never receive funding
and in 2016 during the big push to complete the document. I have benefitted greatly
from his extensive knowledge in north coast prehistory and I am grateful for our open
dialogue about academia, archaeological fieldwork, Andean households, and local craft
beer. I am also grateful for him connecting me with several of his former undergraduate
students who joined my excavations in 2012, they were a fantastic group.
Another key supporter of this project was Jesus Briceño. As the project co-
director he coordinated our excavation permit with the Ministry of Culture (No. 367-
2012). Throughout excavations he shared his archaeological expertise and extensive
regional knowledge. This project would not have been possible without his efforts and
xxiv
enthusiasm. I also must thank him for his willingness to hike up to Cerro Huancha every
day during excavations, that was no easy feat.
Thank you to the Comunidad Emilia Orbegoso de Collambay for giving me
permission to work in your community and the participation of many community
members in the project. I am honored to have been able to work with such wonderful
people and document a small part of the rich history of the region. A part of this project
not described in the dissertation is the collaboration of Collambay community members
and MOCHE, Inc, a nonprofit organization I initiated. Together MOCHE, Inc and
Collambay have collaborated on several projects over the years to protect
archaeological sites in the region and improve community living conditions.
This project extended over many years. I first visited the region in 2006 and
knew then it was a special place I wanted to return to again and again. Mapping at Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 in 2006 with Chris Jochem, Barker Fariss and Juliana Quist, as part of
the MOP/PACO project, was a tremendous experience that drew me back to the Moche
Valley chaupiyunga in 2009 to seek out my own project. I thank Chris for sharing his
data with me from Ramon for this project. I thank Barker for exposing me to mapping,
hiking expertise, and technical advice on driving in Peru.
In 2009, Camila Capriata, Caitlin and Matt Lackett, and Andrew Somerville
spent several weeks with me in Collambay to help develop this project. With them, I got
my feet wet in project logistics and community relations. I am grateful for their
assistance during those few weeks which introduced me to a community who was
apprehensive about a group of mostly young foreigners determined to rent a house in
town and walk through their mountains (and not through their fields!). That experience
xxv
and the relationships it initiated laid the groundwork for this project. Collambay’s
president at the time, Osvaldo Rafael and his family have been important supporters and
friends throughout the project.
In 2010 my initial plans were to begin a community development project and
continue pedestrian survey in Collambay. The community work was a resounding
success thanks to the enthusiasm of Rebecca Filbrandt, Fox Boswell, Jordan Sandoval,
Ehwa Kim, and Zoe Romm. Following the community project, pedestrian survey was
planned, however the discovery of quarrying (yes, literally quarrying) of the site of
Cerro La Virgen in Huanchaco, we were drawn back to the coast where under an
emergency permit we carried out salvage excavation to document what we could of the
site. I am grateful for the support Dana Bardolph and Andrew Bruck provided during
that field school.
In 2011 I returned to Collambay with funding from the UCSD Anthropology
department. Surface collection at Cerro Huancha was carried out with the help of Loren
Teetelli, Caitlin Lackett, Elizabeth Olson. With the help of Melissa Barber, a Peace
Corps volunteer in Simbal, we rented the community’s “Club de Madres” who let me
transform the building into living and lab space, I continued to use that space through
the duration of the project in 2013. As my project got underway and Melissa’s finished,
we kept each other sane. Without Melissa’s introduction to a tight knit Simbal
community, project logistics would have been much more stressful and complicated. I
am especially grateful to the Salinas Castillo and Mostacero Lazaro families who kept
me and my volunteers fed and watched out for us and continue to do so. I have also
benefitted from other Peace Corp volunteers stationed in the area, Jonah Brill and Ian
xxvi
Arzeni who collaborated on community projects, and kept the laughs coming over the
years.
A National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Grant #1228150 funded
excavations and labwork in 2012-2013. Without Jesus Briceño’s help and an
enthusiastic field crew, Kimberly Hinson, Diana Ochoa, Kassie Sugimoto, Diane
Scullin, Patrick Mullins, Tomas de Leon, the 2012 MOCHE Inc/UNC field school and
Collambay community members this dataset would not exist. Simultaneously during
excavations Rebecca Filbrandt directed a community project in Collambay, building
cocina mejoradas. It was a crazy time – but amazing research and community projects
were completed. Perhaps the most important take away for all future project directors,
besides making sure you have a functional spare tire, - if you make everyone smoothies
in the morning no one oversleeps.
For analysis, I setup a lab in Huanchaco. Colin Thomas was a temporary
housemate and I don’t think I could have launched this phase of the project without his
feedback and support. I might still be sitting on the porch drinking Pilsen Trujillo.
Conveniently, when Colin returned to the US, Jennifer Ringberg arrived to carryout
analysis in Huanchaco. I benefitted tremendously having Jen as a roommate throughout
the final months of my lab analysis, both for her meticulousness ceramic analysis
skillset and camaraderie as we found time for dinner on our patio watching the sunset
over Huanchaco beach. She graciously shared her ceramic analysis methodology with
me and patiently answered my questions. Over the years I have benefited from her
archaeological expertise as she first was one of my field school instructors and later
collaborator and great friend.
xxvii
Analysis in Huanchaco would not have been possible without an all-star team of
young Trujillo archaeologists, several of whom I met through Gabriel Prieto. Thank you
for your help Lorenzo Risco, Ernesto Zavaleta, Roy Lezama, and Aldo Pulache for
putting in countless lab hours with me analyzing ceramics, shell and photographing the
collections. Aldo Watanabe also graciously examined a ceramic sherd with residue for
me.
Other colleagues have been gracious collaborators on this project. Analysis of
human remains was carried out by Celeste Gagnon and the 2015 MOCHE
Bioarchaeology Field School. Fauna analysis was carried out by Elizabeth Olson in
2012 and by Arqueobios in Trujillo in 2014. Colin Thomas provided preliminary
analysis on metal artifacts. Luis Tandaipan coordinated mapping of Cerro Huancha MV
900. Dana Bardolph transported my radiocarbon samples to the US. Thank you all for
your help. Fellow MOP/PACO collaborators over the years have been supportive
colleagues and fun to work with, Jennifer Ringberg, Celeste Gagnon, Evan Surridge,
Dana Bardolph, Kevin Kohler, Patrick Mullins, Julio Rucabado, Jean Hudson, and
Roberta Boczkiewicz.
In January 2016 I visited the Phoebe A. Hearst museum and spent several days
studying ceramics from the Max Uhle and Theodore McCown collections from the
Huamachuco area. Thank you to the museum for permission to view the collection and
to Leslie Freund for her help throughout the visit. It could not have gone more
smoothly!
In Lima, Barbara Carbajal and David Oshige Adams have been fantastic
supporters and constant companions over the last 10+ years(!), providing a place to
xxviii
crash and sharing meals, optimism, and expertise as I have made my way to and from
the US and north coast. Camila Capriata has also been a steadfast supporter throughout
this project from the beginning. In Huanchaco, Kate, Borghy, Jeremy, and baby
Rebecca Reyes of Sabes have provided much comic relief over the years. Knowing I
had good company, Sabes pizza, and a strong beverage on weekends served as great
motivation throughout the challenges of fieldwork. Alejandro Camino and his family,
helped facilitate project transportation, tirelessly helped me deal with mechanical issues
on our project vehicle and coordinated a fantastic vacation when my family arrived to
visit from the US. Thank you for your good humor and adoption of Beya, me, and the
mini beastia. The Piminchumo Valderama family and Jose and Rosa Melendez have
played an integral role in MOP/PACO, thank you Julia, Robby, and Mateo for your
willingness to help me over the years! Finally, to Belsy Gutierrez thank you for all your
work that enables ICPAC and MOCHE to work together and for enthusiasm in our
collaboration!
Luckily for me Huanchaco is a place where many researchers pass through. I
have benefitted remarkably from conversations with Michele Koons, Lisa Trever,
Gabriel Prieto Howard Tsai, Enrique Zavaleta, Jorge Gamboa, Eric Rodriguez
Rodriguez, Doug Sharon, Mike McColm, and Tom Love over the years.
In 2014-2015 I had the opportunity to be part of the intellectual and inspirational
setting of Dumbarton Oaks as a Junior Fellow. This provided a stimulating environment
for me as I struggled through data analysis and writing of initial chapters. Thank you
Colin McEwan and my fellow fellows, Caitlin Earley, Sarah Baitzel, Gary Urton, Tim
Knowlton, Jorge Ramos, Jessica Herlich, Michael Mauss, and an amazing Dumbarton
xxix
Oaks staff, Kelly McKenna, Bridget Gazzo, Deborah Stewart for creating an
environment of intellectual discourse with lots of laughter.
At UC San Diego, I have had benefitted tremendously from supportive
department colleagues and fellow graduate students. Without these friendships,
graduate school would have involved a lot less pleasantries and (perhaps) a lot less
beer! Tara Carter, Alex Piel, Ulli Green, Sonja Schwake, Beth Peterson, and other
senior graduate students set excellent examples for a young impressionable graduate
student. I am grateful for the camaraderie and conversations over the years with Sarah
Baitzel, Kyle Knabb, Michael Lettieri, Beth Plunger, Andrew Somerville, Ben Volta,
Ian Jones, Liz Mikos, Kedar Kulkarni, Cat Condliffe Lettieri, Sowparnika
Balaswaminathan, Kiri Haggerman, Kathleen Bennellack, Matt Sitek, Nancy Peniche
May, Misha Miller-Sisson, Lauren Hahn Bussiere, and Megan Pitcavage.
I also must thank my colleagues at Bard Graduate Center and the Metropolitan
Museum of Art for their support as I carried out my final revisions. Thank you Joanne
Pillsbury, James Doyle, Caitlin Earley, Jessica Walthew, and Urmila Mohan.
To my family, who have tolerated my physical absence for summer after
summer for many years and mental absence as this project became all-consuming
through the writeup stage – thank you. Thank you for your support of me throughout an
experience during which I am sure that I occasionally sounded insane. I don’t say it
enough – your support means the world to me and I could not have done this without it.
My dog, Beya, from Huanchaco, experienced the majority of this dissertation research
and was a steadfast companion and persistent mountain climber throughout the
adventure. Finally, this complete dissertation would not be possible without the support
xxx
of my partner Aaron Gidding, who also created the maps in this dissertation. While I
did the work, his enduring support pushed me through.
xxxi
VITA
2005 Bachelor of Arts, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
2008 Master of Arts, University of California, San Diego
2016 Doctor of Philosophy, University of California, San Diego
Fellowships and Grants

2016-2017 Andrew W. Mellon “Cultures of Conservation” Postdoctoral Fellow
Bard Graduate Center and Metropolitan Museum of Art
2014-2015 Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections Junior Fellow
2012 National Science Foundation, Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant
2011 F.G. Bailey Fellowship, Department of Anthropology, University

of California, San Diego
2011 Dean of Social Sciences Travel Grant

University of California, San Diego
2008 Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies Pre-Dissertation Travel
Grant, University of California San Diego
2007 Dean of Social Sciences Travel Grant, University of California, San

Diego
Appointments
2016 Adjunct Instructor, Department of Anthropology, California State
University, Dominguez Hills
2013-2014 Graduate Research Assistant, Center for Global Justice, University of

California, San Diego
2006-2013 Teaching Assistant, University of California, San Diego
Publications
Boswell, Alicia
xxxii
2016 Book Review Relics of the Past by Stefanie Gänger, Journal of Field
Archaeology 41(3): 386-388.
Boswell, Alicia and Paul Goldstein
2011 “Social Identity in the Frontier: A Case Study from Moquegua, Peru” in
Ethnicity from Various Angles and Various Lenses, Vol. 2 Christine Hunefeldt
and Leon Zamosc, eds, pp. 45-57. Sussex Press.
xxxiii
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
Chimú and Inca Frontier Interactions: A Local Study of the Moche Valley chaupiyunga,
north coast of Perú.
by
Alicia Marie Boswell
Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology
University of California, San Diego, 2016
Professor Paul S. Goldstein, Chair
On the north coast of Perú in the foothills of the Andes the polity of Collambay
lived in a frontier zone between the Pacific coast and the highlands. On the eastern
frontier of the coastal Chimú empire, in the Moche Valley, Collambay occupied a
unique ecological niche, known for its production of coca, a prestige resource in the
Andes. Andean strategies of political economy indicate this coca producing zone would
be one that empires would want to access however, few studies have occurred in the
xxxiv
chaupiyunga. My doctoral dissertation examines the relationships between the local
community, Collambay and two successive empires, the Chimú (AD 900-1470) and the
Inca (1470-1532). Prior to my investigation no archaeological excavations had been
carried out in the Collambay area. My multi-dimensional study examines Collambay’s
occupational history through settlement patterns and excavations at two sites, Cerro
Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. My excavations document the
occupational history of the region and focuses on Collambay’s local economy and
group identity, examining changes and continuities in the region throughout the
duration of the Chimú and Inca Empires. My study indicates that Collambay maintained
exchange relationships with the Chimú empire that developed into a political alliance,
benefiting both parties. As a result of this relationship Collambay gained political power
in the region. Upon the Chimú fall to the Inca, Collambay underwent another significant
shift, undergoing reorganization to maintain an Inca state storehouse. Throughout these
interactions with imperial powers Collambay maintained local traditions and material
culture reflecting a unique, hybrid identity. This study contributes to a growing field of
case studies that priorities understanding local populations in local-imperial interaction.
It also is one of the few case studies to occur in the north coast chaupiyunga, a region
whose sociopolitical history is significant for understanding experiences of populations
on the political margins.
xxxv
1 Introduction to Project
This dissertation examines relations between two Andean empires—the coastal
Chimú (AD 900–1470) and the highland Inca (AD 1470–1532)—and Collambay, a
small polity located in the chaupiyunga zone in the Sinsicap Valley of Peru. Collambay
is located in the Sinsicap Valley a tributary of the Moche Valley on the north coast of
Peru in the modern day department of La Libertad near the city of Trujillo (Figure 1.1).
The chaupiyunga zone is an ecological niche located between the coast and highlands in
the foothills of the Andes. Few archaeological studies have occurred in the chaupiyunga
of the north coast of Peru; however, the dynamics of this zone make it a unique place. A
politically marginal zone between coastal river valleys and the highlands, it is a frontier
where interregional interaction between local, coastal, and highland groups occurred
throughout prehistory. Lau (2004, 179) highlights three principal characteristics of the
chaupiyunga zone:
• It was a contact zone for coast and highland peoples (Proulx 1982; Topic
and Topic 1983 and 1985)
• It is an area where intake canals for coastal irrigation systems is located
(Moseley and Deeds 1982; Shimada 1994)
• It has the ideal climate for cultivating desirable crops, such as fruits, chili
peppers, and coca plants (Dillehay 1979; Marcus and Silva 1988).
Ethnohistoric documents indicate the chaupiyunga was a contested political
zone throughout prehistory and in the early Colonial period (Rostworowski 2004).
1
2
Archaeological research in the chaupiyunga on the central coast of Peru has
documented the presence of coastal, local, and highland groups occupying the
chaupiyunga zone throughout prehistory (Dillehay 1979; Szremski 2015). A political
frontier, throughout prehistory the chaupiyunga was under the jurisdiction of coastal or
highland polities, and occasionally members of these different groups lived peacefully
side-by-side in the zone, along with local groups.
Figure 1.1: Collambay, Moche Valley, Peru (with other locations mentioned in
text)
• Collambay
The Moche Drainage has three principal tributaries from north to south, the
Sinsicap, Cuesta, and Upper Moche rivers (Figure 1.2). These are fairly narrow river
3
valleys, and in the Sinsicap Valley, the largest area of irrigable bottomland is adjacent
and south of the modern town of Collambay, between Collambay and the town of
Simbal. Up valley from Collambay, the valley continues to narrow, much land is not
irrigable due to the extreme slope, and much of the upper Sinsicap Valley today is not
under cultivation. The limited areas that are under modern cultivation are irrigated by
springs. Rainfall agriculture may provide one harvest per year. The modern population
in the Sinsicap Valley is concentrated just above the valley, around the town of San
Ignacio or in the Collambay basin region.
Collambay was a Colonial Hacienda established early in the sixteenth century,
with origins as an important area of coca cultivation dating back to the prehispanic
periods. Today, this entire region, from the town of Simbal located at the confluence of
the Sinsicap and Cuesta tributaries, to the town of Sinsicap is part of the territory of the
Comunidad Campesina de Emilia Gonzalez Obregoso de Collambay, which was
established during Peru’s Land Reforms of the 1970s (Figure 1.2). Collambay is
mentioned in early Colonial documents, therefore I assume this has been the name of
the region since the time of the Inca (Archivo de la Nación, hereafter referred to as
ANP, Aguas 3.3.10.68, ff 86–132). I refer to Collambay as both a region, and the name
of the local group of people who lived in Sinsicap Valley/Collambay region during the
prehispanic period although it is likely the region had another name prior to the Inca
period.
4
Figure 1.2: Collambay in Moche Drainage (with other sites mentioned in text)
Colonial documents provide information about Collambay that has implications
for Chimú and Inca relations with Collambay. A Colonial document lists Collambay as
the location of an Inca tambo, or state facility with storage facilities to supply state
administrators and the Inca army, (Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, hereafter BNM, M.S.
3035, Rostworowski 1987). Another document reports that an Inca king and his mother
had coca fields in Collambay (Netherly 1977; Rostworowski 1988 and 2004).
Therefore, it appears that under the Inca, the Collambay polity was responsible for
maintaining a state storehouse and growing coca for the Inca king and his mother. Coca
is a plant that only grows in specific ecological niches, and is a prestige commodity in
the Andes, and the variety that grows on the western slopes, Erythroxylum
5
novogranatense var. truxillense, or sweet coca was highly valued. Coca is still grown in
Collambay today (Figure 1.3)
Figure 1.3: Modern Coca Plants in Collambay in background of photo
Prior to Inca expansion in the northern coast and highlands of Peru in the 1460s,
the north coast was under the control of the Chimú Empire (AD 1000–1470). The
Chimú capital, Chan Chan, is located in the lower Moche Valley, only 40 kilometers
from Collambay. The Chimú had extended their control north and south of the Moche
Valley, consolidating the north coast for the first time under one rule. Little is
understood about Chimú eastward expansion and Chimú relations with populations on
the eastern front of their empire. However, Chimú sherds are found at sites with
highland sherds in the upper tributaries of the Moche Valley in the chaupiyunga zone
(Billman 1996; Topic and Topic 1982 and 1985).

6
Coca played an important role in both Andean rituals and daily life (Allen
2002). As an important growing region for prestige crops and the evidence that the coca
fields had belonged to an Inca king in the following period, it is suggested that Chimú
elites would have also had or wanted access to Collambay’s coca fields. Therefore, this
project investigates Chimú-Collambay relations, providing insight into Chimú imperial
strategies on its eastern front and interactions with populations outside the coast, as well
as Chimú interests in management of prestige resources, i.e., coca.
The Inca defeated the Chimú and incorporated the north coast into their empire,
Tawantinsuyu, in 1470, controlling the region until their fall to the Spanish in 1533. The
north coast formed part of Chinchasuyu, one of the four quarters of the Inca Empire.
While it is well documented that the Inca overtook the north coast and northern
highlands of Peru, their administration of the north coast is only beginning to be
understood. This investigation is an opportunity to better understand Inca administration
on the north coast and the impact that the Inca empire had on local communities.
Colonial documents indicate that the Inca established state infrastructure in Collambay
(Rostworowski 1987), and Collambay residents produced coca for the Inca (Netherly
1977). Does the archaeological record corroborate this? Did the establishment of Inca
state infrastructure in Collambay result in reorganization of Collambay residents? Did
the regional economy change?
This project provides a rare opportunity to examine the relationships between
one community and two Andean empires, the Chimú and the Inca. It also documents a
polity living within an understudied ecological niche whose culture history has
implications for understanding regional dynamics between the coast and highlands.
7
Another theoretical issue relevant to this study is the examination of imperial interaction
with local groups, to understand imperial strategies and local agency. The chaupiyunga
is a political, cultural, and ecological frontier—a place where groups from different
ecological zones resided contemporaneously. The interregional dynamics between
groups will provide information about chaupiyunga zone residents and their society.
This study contributes to a better understanding of the interregional interaction in a
frontier zone.
I present settlement patterns and the results of excavations in the Sinsicap
Valley. Between 2009 and 2013, I carried out the archaeological research presented in
this dissertation, conducting pedestrian survey in the Sinsicap Valley and excavations at
two sites, Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. I build upon pedestrian
survey carried out by Billman (1996) and Briceño and Billman (2009). My excavations
are the first in the Sinsicap Valley. In addition to the recovered archaeological data, I
also consider ethnohistoric, linguistic, and ethnographic information to inform my
study. Previous research by John and Theresa Topic in the upper Moche Valley and the
work of their students, in addition to other studies of imperial expansion and imperial-
local interaction, helped me to formulate the four models to understand Chimú-
Collambay and Inca-Collambay interactions. The models are dynamic and flexible, a
variety of scenarios are considered for each model, and each model has several testable
hypotheses. I provide a brief overview of the four below, and in Section 2.4 I elaborate
on these models and provide archaeological correlates that will be used to examine
these hypotheses.
8
• Exchange-Alliance: Local populations in the Sinsicap Valley maintained
exchange relations with the Chimú that may have evolved into a political
alliance and patron-client relationship during certain time periods. This model is
not plausible for a Collambay-Inca relationship, as Collambay was definitively
part of the Inca Empire. Exchange and a patron-client relationship may have
been formulated over imperial economic interests in the region. While Andean
polities are not known for having market economies, exchange systems are
embodied in Andean political and social relations (Murra 1982 and 1985). A
patron-client scenario implies that both participating parties benefitted from the
relationship.
• Tributary Province: The Chimú and/or Inca polities established a tributary
province. This model assumes residents in the region were subjects of the state,
and the state had economic interests in the region and required subjects to pay
tribute. This could have occurred under various scenarios, including bringing
non-local groups into the region.
• Defensive Outpost: The Chimú and/or Inca may have established defensive
settlements in the Sinsicap Valley in their own interests. Defensive outposts
were established to protect the Chimú eastern front of the empire or the
Collambay residents allied with highlanders in the La Libertad highlands with
the Inca.
• No Interaction: A final fourth model is that no influence or interaction between
Collambay and the Chimú or Inca state occurred, and the polities did not directly
impact Collambay.
9
1.1 Significance of Study
This case study is one of the first investigations of north coast chaupiyunga
groups. Previous research on the north coast has considered coastal-highland relations
(Lau 2012; T. Topic and J. Topic 1982 and 1985; Masuda, Shimada, and Morris 1982).
Yet few studies have occurred in zones in between the coast and highlands (e.g., Tsai
2012), an optimal area to understand interregional interaction between coastal and
highland groups as well as local residents in the chaupiyunga. This project documents
local chaupiyunga residents’ production and cultural traditions. It also documents
coastal and highland group interactions in the chaupiyunga groups. Collambay’s close
proximity to the Chimú Empire provides an opportunity to understand Chimú imperial
strategies with non-coastal groups on its eastern front. Also, given the Colonial
documentation of Collambay’s service to the Inca Empire, the coca fields, and a state
storehouse, this case study provides an opportunity to contribute to understanding Inca
administration of the north coast. Previously only one case study has reported on Chimú
and Inca interaction with local groups (Sapp 2002); therefore, this project also enables
comparison of Chimú and Inca interaction with the same polity and may provide insight
into both empires’ management of imperial resources.
1.2 Outline of the Dissertation
My dissertation is structured in twelve chapters. The first four chapters provide
context for the following seven chapters which describes methods, fieldwork, analysis
of recovered material culture and interpretations of fieldwork findings. Following this
introduction, Chapter 2 situates the reader in the theoretical grounding of the study,
10
which focuses on imperial strategies and expansion, interregional interaction between
groups, frontier dynamics, and a local, bottom-up perspective of these dynamics. It also
introduces my four models for understanding Chimú and Inca interaction with
Collambay residents. Chapter 3 introduces the environment and geopolitics of the case
study. While I review what is known about the Moche Valley chaupiyunga and
Collambay I also highlight the environment and culture history of the Moche Drainage
and La Libertad highlands. This is especially important to this study as Collambay lies
between these two zones and residents from these regions also interacted with
Collambay residents and may have lived in the chaupiyunga at points throughout
prehistory. In Chapter 4, I highlight the “outside” imperial players in this case study, the
Chimú and Inca Empires. I review Chimú and Inca interactions with local groups from
other case studies to better understand what might occur in Collambay.
Chapters 5-11 introduce my research program. Chapter 5 reviews methods used
throughout the study from fieldwork to ceramic analysis. Chapter 6 describes settlement
patterns documented during pedestrian survey of the Sinsicap Valley. Chapter 7
describes the archaeological site of Cerro Huancha MV 900’s site sectors and surface
collection. Cerro Huancha MV 900 is where the majority of excavations during the
project occurred. Chapter 8 describes excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900. Chapter 9
describes excavations at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 the other site tested during this project.
Chapter 10 focuses on the ceramics recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 and Chapter 11 presents the findings from other artifact classes that
were analyzed. Chapter 12 includes a discussion of the data in reference to the models
11
presented in Chapter 2. I describe the project findings and conclude with suggestions for
further research and the contributions of this study.

2 Imperial Expansion, Frontiers, and a Bottom-Up Approach
This dissertation engages with several themes that are relevant to
anthropological archaeology and the social sciences more broadly. It investigates the
context of relationships and interactions between different groups. These interactions
occurred in a frontier context, a scenario known to result in unique sociopolitical,
economic, and cultural relationships. The parties engaged in the Collambay frontier
include imperial powers and local populations. While the pretexts of and types of
interactions between Collambay and the Chimú and Inca empires remain unclear this
chapter develops a theoretical framework for understanding empires, mechanisms of
imperial expansion, frontiers, approaches to the study of the local-imperial interaction
and describes four models to consider in examining Collambay’s relationship with the
Chimú and Inca.
2.1 Empires and Imperial Expansion
Empires are defined as “geographically and politically expansive polities”
(Sinopoli 1994, 159). Made up of a diverse group of communities and ethnic groups
that are unified, in the sense that they operate under the same political system, however
they have different cultural traditions and speak different languages, amongst other
differences. Attempts to understand the mechanisms by which empires form, expand,
consolidate, and collapse have a long history within archaeology and the social sciences
(Alcock et al 2001; Carneiro 1970; Fried 1967; Service 1975; Wittfogel 1957).
12
13
A defining feature of an empire is expansion beyond a core area. Empires are
strategic when selecting areas for expansion, and many factors are considered, including
the perceived needs of the empire, available resources, political significance, and local
political conditions. Scholars have posited numerous motives for imperial expansion
focusing on processes at the center, periphery or relations between the two (Doyle
1988). Others hypothesize that defense is the main motive for expansion (Hassig 1992),
and that a polity expands to eliminate outside threats to borderland areas of the polity or
state ideology (Conrad and Demarest 1984; Demarest and Conrad 1992). Other primary
motives suggested are economic, including acquisition of more resources, like both
staple resources and prestige goods, or protecting resources (e.g. Algaze 1993; D’Altroy
and Earle 1985; Earle and D’Altroy 1989; Ekholm and Friedman 1979). Models such as
Wallerstein’s World Systems Theory (1974), which examines core-periphery
relationships, and the emergence of capitalism in the sixteenth century have played an
important role in how scholars conceptualize imperial access to resources (e.g. Algaze
1993; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Doyle 1988; Ekholm and Friedman 1979).
Imperial strategies are tactics implemented by an empire to enable expansion
and the strategies used to maintain control over groups in the empire. These tactics
involve actions that affect political, economic, social, or cultural aspects of the local
group. Regardless of motivation, expansion occurs through force and military conquest
or diplomatic negotiation (Hassig 1998; Luttwak 1976; Mann 1986). In other words,
force may be overt or covert (Schreiber 1992). Different methods are implemented to
enable successful incorporation of groups or regions into the empire and maintain
control over them.

14
A model that is appealing to understand imperial strategies is D’Altroy’s (1992),
territorial-hegemonic model which he describes for the Inca empire. This model
considers relationships between an expansive polity and subject territories to be
flexible. A ruling polity may employ varying degrees of control over subject polities
rather than assuming that a ruling polity would employ the same tactics with every
territory it incorporates into the empire. One end of the spectrum is the hegemonic (or
indirect) system which requires a “core polity (usually a state) and client polities that
are responsible, with varying degrees of autonomy, for implementing imperial policy,
extracting resources for imperial consumption, and providing security out of their own
resources,” (D’Altroy 1992, 19). On the other side of the spectrum, territorial control
(or direct control) involves more hands-on governing and occupation of subject
territories. The core polity is accountable for administration. Hegemonic and territorial
strategies may be used in varying ways in different parts of an empire, depending on
circumstances including the central polity’s organization, organization of subjects,
spatial distribution of resources, and imperial goods (1992, 19). An examination of the
type of relationship between economic, military, and political modes of power enables
recognition of hegemonic or territorial strategies.
The investigation of imperial strategies employed by empires plays an important
role in understanding complex societies and interactions between the empire and
subservient local group. However, consideration of local groups’ agency, actions and
interests are also essential to understanding imperial-local interaction. In Sections 4.2
and 4.3 I review case studies of Chimú and Inca imperial expansion and interaction with
15
other groups elaborating on this further and in specific reference to what is known about
Chimú and Inca imperial tendencies.
2.2 Frontiers
The American historian Frederick Jackson Turner (1893) presented the idea of
frontier studies based on his study of colonial relations in Wisconsin during the period
of American western expansion. Turner (1921) argued that 19th century America was a
product of its frontier experience, rather than an extension of Western European
civilization. Turner’s work emphasized that American character was represented in
white frontiersmen self-reliance and freedom, experiences driven by the economic
incentives of the fur trade. There have been varied reactions to Turner’s work, like
criticisms of its ethnocentric perspective. However, the concept of frontiers and
implications of the diverse phenomena they produce which impacted groups in and
outside of the frontier demonstrates the importance of studying frontier dynamics to
understand past societies. Frontier studies have evolved from Turner’s initial
publication of 1893, which viewed a frontier as a geographic space devoid of
institutionalized authority in opposition to a core, to one that is not limited to a
geographic region and space where unique interactions occur.
Today, frontiers are studied across space, time, and academic disciplines
(Rodseth and Parker 2005, 3; Eaton 1993; Donnan and Wilson 1994 and 1999; Guy and
Sheridan 1998; Parker 2006). Frontier studies present the opportunity to understand
varieties of interactions between different groups – whether they are between states and
non-state societies, or different ethnic groups (Cusick 1998; Green and Perlman1985;
16
Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Rodseth and Parker 2005; Stein 2005). Scholars have
recognized that the phenomena that occurs in frontiers inform studies of archaeological
frontiers and hinterlands. Populations in frontiers experience transformation, and these
transformations impact societies outside of frontiers, there is no typical or normal
pattern (Rodseth and Parker 2005, 4).
I define frontier as a liminal space where local agency drives interaction
between groups as opposed to top-down political forces. While the participating parties
interacting in a frontier zone may not live within the frontier, the social, cultural,
political, and economic interactions between groups are not under direct control of
complex polities. A zone of unique circumstances where resources and cultural
influences are funneled and unique hybrid identities are often created, frontiers are
pivotal to understand the dynamics of intergroup relations, interregional interaction and
also imperial systems (Cusick 1998; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Rodseth and Parker
2005; Stein 2002).
Frontiers are not necessarily limited to a geographic region, although they are
found in politically autonomous geographical areas. They may be located on political
fringes or at the interstices of competing polities. However, it is a politically marginal,
liminal zone that enables an environment of “socially charged places where innovative
cultural constructs are created and transformed” (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995, 472).
Colonies and diasporas may be located within a frontier and frontier contexts may be
referred to as peripheries, borders, and borderlands. Another aspect that may, but not
necessarily, play a role in creation of a frontier zone is the geography and different
ecological zones (Hall 2000, 250). For example, James Scott’s (2009) work in
17
Southeast Asia demonstrates that geographical location and landscape plays an
important role in establishing a frontier setting. This is worth noting as the Andes
region, topography impacts subsistence practices and available resources in each
ecological niche (see Chapter 3 for further discussion).
A final characteristic of frontiers comes from World Systems theory, which
recognizes both external and internal frontiers (Hall 2000; Mikesell 1960). The internal
or external label refers to whether the frontier is geographically located within or on the
exterior of a world-system. An internal frontier is geographically located within an
expanding system (Hall 2000, 251-252). It is also plausible for frontier zones to be
enveloped within an empire. Liminal zones may be within the territory of an empire,
however, this does not imply that the zone is no longer a frontier, in scenarios where an
empire may manage indirectly, from a distance, the processes which occurred prior to
becoming incorporated into an expanding polity may not impact local dynamics. An
external frontier indicates that the frontier is on the periphery of the world system, to
clarify it is not a periphery within the system. Therefore, consideration of dynamics in
frontiers over the longue durée may demonstrate that a frontier may become enveloped
and at a later time could become an external frontier due to sociopolitical dynamics that
may have occurred within the frontier or dynamics outside the frontier.
This understanding of frontier is influenced by world systems theory but more
so by social theory, “alternative” histories, and postcolonial studies which investigate
the experiences of populations living in political margins (see Rodseth and Parker 2005
for a review of these studies). In archaeology, this has resulted in prioritizing local
actors and the adoption of cross-disciplinary, comparative frameworks (Lightfoot 2005;

18
Parker 2006; Stein 2005). More recent progressive perspectives applied to study
marginal groups include economically driven models, studies of cultural diffusion,
acculturation, and ethnic identity in the patterns of material culture (Cusick 1998).
While previous studies have been criticized because of their focus on the inequality of
power relations between indigenous and colonizing groups in frontier areas (Rodseth
and Parker 2005), these works are a step forward in prioritizing indigenous groups as
actors and drivers in relationships with outside groups. Of course, as frontiers have no
predictable model, cultural acculturation and diffusion may not occur in frontier
scenarios. Barth’s (1969) work highlights that interactions with other groups may
reinforce group ethnic identity and practices in frontier scenarios despite being exposed
to different ideas and practices. Goldstein (2005) has identified these processes in a
Tiwanaku diaspora in the Moquegua Valley of southern Peru.
Culture contact studies are well suited to evaluate theoretical and
methodological approaches to culture change in archaeology (Lightfoot, Martinez, and
Schiff 1998). Historically speaking, within frontier studies and in local-imperial studies,
local groups are often overshadowed by their more powerful neighbors due, in part, to a
more well-documented archaeological record, which may overshadow strategies
implemented by local groups in response to interactions with outside groups.
Identifying local level cultural phenomena and strategies of resistance, acculturation, or
a combination of both is essential to understanding interaction between groups,
especially between local populations and imperial powers (Lightfoot 2005; Morrison
2001; Smith 2001). Researchers are attempting to address this issue, for example,
prioritizing bottom-up approaches (Rodseth and Parker 2005; Stein 2002) and
19
examining coping strategies of intermediate elites (Elson and Convoy 2006; Marcone
and Lopez-Hurtado 2015). Frontiers are a dynamic zone and interactions between non-
local and non-local groups within this zone often result in unique phenomena. The
processes within this zone are best understood by consideration of the processes of
participating parties, including mechanisms and motivations.
2.3 Bottom-Up Approach: Prioritizing a Local Perspective
Incorporated provinces and communities were active in shaping imperial
strategies by impacting the core region in ways that go well beyond providing them
with economic commodities. Within imperial-local interaction, there are multiple social
groups, each with different goals (Brumfiel 1992 and 1996; Dietler 2005; Gasco 2005;
Yoffee 2005). Approaching these relationships with a bottom-up study highlights the
transformations that may occur in local groups as a result of their interaction with
empires by providing a more detailed account of the inherent agency in local processes
(Alcock et al. 2001). Agency-centered models combine elements of processual and
post-processual theory to apply a multi-scalar framework that focuses on the historical
trajectory of subject populations, viewing them as active agents in imperial interactions
(Bermann 1994; Jennings 2010; Sinopoli 2001; Stein 2002). An agency-centered
approach is exemplified in culture contact, as well as frontier, hybridity, and “bottom-
up” colonial studies (e.g., Alcock et al. 2001; Cusick 1998; Deagan 1996, 2001; Dietler
1998; Mattingly 1997; Parker 2006; Rice 1998; Rodseth and Parker 2005; Schortman
and Urban 1992; Stein 2005).

20
The social and historical context of a community must be examined before
attempting to explain regional or global phenomena especially in the case of imperial
interaction with populations in frontiers (Morrison 2001; Rodseth and Parker 2005, 120;
Sahlins 1989; Wolf 1982). To identify imperial-local interaction, prioritizing a local
perspective in the archaeological record, I conducted excavations within the local
group’s territory. To gather information on groups living in frontier zones over time, I
propose a multi-scalar model, documenting local levels of production and cultural
traditions over time, through consideration of changes and continuity in public and
household architecture styles and varieties, and the makeup of the material culture
assemblage, subsistence trends, and mortuary traditions.
Consideration of all of these aspects of local communities will provide sufficient
data to understand local identity and traditions as well as the changes that the
community may undergo as a result of their relationship with imperial powers.
Households in particular are a desirable locale for examining interregional processes. A
continually active, dynamic space the household unit provides insight into both the
public and private domain (Blanton 1994; Kent 1990). Material culture from domestic
contexts provides information about habitus or daily practices and activities, social
reproduction, and societal power relations (Bourdieu 1977). In the Andes the household
is the basic unit of society reflecting social identity and traditions. Households are
active members of communities and provide insight into community dynamics
(Aldenderfer and Stanish 1993). Activities that are identified in a household unit
correlate with community experiences, linking to larger societal, economic, political,
and cultural processes. In the Andes domestic economies of household units are the
21
economic basis of society. Changes in production and consumption in the household
economy are tied to larger political processes (Hastorf and D’Altroy 2001). Examining
material culture and identifying changes and continuity in domestic economies over
time provides an understanding of local household experiences and their reaction to
external stimuli (Bermann 1994; Hastorf and D’Altroy 2001; Stanish 1989; Wilk and
Rathje 1982). Tracking changes in production and cultural traditions within households
over time will highlight the various ways local groups interacted with empires on
frontiers. Without understanding activities prior to interaction with outside groups
understanding of changes or continuity is unclear. In fact, especially in this case study,
which examines a period of 500 years and involves multiple polities a longue durée
approach is essential (Ames 1991, Braudel 1980).
2.4 Models and Hypotheses
Four models and hypotheses have been formulated to understand interregional
interaction in Collambay between the local population and Chimú and Inca Empires.
Previously, no archaeological excavations have occurred in the zone, therefore there are
many questions which remain open including the type and timing of interaction between
local and non-local groups is not clear. One unknown is if there are groups living in the
Collambay area prior to the Chimú era (Late Intermediate Period, hereafter LIP) during
the Middle Horizon (MH). Another unknown factor is if relationships between local and
non-local groups change throughout the Chimú and Inca empires’ eras (Late
Intermediate Period/Late Horizon or LIP/LH), a period of several hundred years. A
variety of scenarios are considered to understand interregional interaction in the

22
Sinsicap Valley between local groups during the MH and LH. Four models are
proposed for the Chimú-local relations, and three models with slight modifications are
proposed for Inca-local relations.
Three of the four models examine the dynamics of large-scale imperial
expansion into frontier areas and also consider the history, culture, and domestic
production of the local population prior to, during, and after their contact with imperial
societies. These models are dynamic and flexible. Analytical flexibility is crucial
because it is plausible that aspects of each of these models will be reflected throughout
the LIP/LH in the Sinsicap Valley, as more than one non-local group may be present in
the Sinsicap during different time periods. Additionally, each non-local group may have
a different set of motivations for interacting with/or settling in the region. These models
differ by the variables considered.
Each of the four models has its own set of corresponding archaeological
correlates, see the following sections and Appendix E. In my research, I test these
models as multiple temporal and spatial scales and rely on settlement patterns and data
recovered from excavations in architectural compounds. The categories of
archaeological correlates that I consider in this project include site location, public and
domestic architecture, domestic production and subsistence patterns, and mortuary
practices, all considering the cultural material assemblage and artifact classes as proxies
for understanding behavioral patterns in the Collambay area.
In the following sections, I describe each model by presenting testable
hypotheses to the research question generated by each. I then provide the archaeological
23
correlates that will be used to examine these hypotheses and offer predictions as to what
may be encountered in the archaeological record if a hypothesis is correct.
2.4.1 Exchange-Alliance
One plausible scenario is that local populations in the Sinsicap Valley
maintained exchange relationships with the Chimú. These may have evolved into
alliances or a patron-client relationship during certain time periods with the Chimú
Empire as patron and Collambay the client. Exchange relationships may have
intensified over time and developed into a political alliance between Collambay and
outside groups. Collambay elites are expected to be the principal participants in this
exchange relationship with the Chimú groups, which may have developed throughout
the late MH and LH. The Chimú likely engaged primarily with Collambay elites; non-
elites in the Sinsicap Valley would have had minimal to no interaction with Chimu
representatives. The types of economic exchanges in this model include exchange and
gift giving, in which both parties benefitted from the relationship, despite one being
subservient to the other.
While formal exchange relationships can be a major part of an empire’s
economic strategy, like it was for the Aztec empire of Mexico (Smith and Berdan
1996), Andean polities like the Inca are not known for having market economies or
entrepreneurial classes1 (Murra 1980 [1955]; Stanish 1997). Inca and other Andean state
trade systems are often described as embodied in Andean political or social relations
1
Recently Andeanist scholars are reconsidering these notions (see Hirth and Pillsbury 2013).
Also, ethnohistoric sources report that the Chincha of the south coast were in charge of a large maritime
trading system from the south coast of Peru to Ecuador (Rostworowski 1970).
24
(Godelier 1977; Murra 1982 and 1985). A patron-client exchange relationship would
have provided the imperial group access to the unique agricultural resources of the
Sinsicap Valley and/or monitored trade through the chaupiyunga for the Chimú.
Collambay elites received prestige items in return for monitoring trade and highly
valued agricultural products. Collambay would benefit from this position and with an
elevated political role in the region, ally of the Chimú. For the Chimú this is a low cost,
indirect strategy.
Archaeological correlates that support this model all suggest local continuity.
There would be no changes in local-style public architecture through time, indicating
that if Chimú influence is present, it is limited. If storage is located in Collambay
households, rather than associated with public or elite architecture, this would reflect a
more decentralized local political organization than the redistributive economic
organization of the Chimú or Inca polities, and absence of a political alliance. Chimú
material culture is expected to be found in elite households in both scenarios, but only
in limited quantities, likely as trade goods, prestige items.
Collambay household architecture will have little change in style from the
MH/LH. Household assemblages will reflect local traditions, using local sources, and
show minimal influence or presence of foreign traditions and material culture. Local
fine and utilitarian wares will dominate the expected ceramic assemblage in households
with a minimal presence of non-local fine wares and prestige goods in elite households.
Chimú fine ware vessels are expected in elite mortuary contexts, as an exotic item.
However, most vessel styles will remain consistent with minimal influence of non-local
styles. Under an exchange scenario, local production levels may ramp up in response to
25
the trade economy. Artifacts and refuse reflecting food production, spinning and
weaving, tool production and religious artifacts will reflect local tradition, and there will
be minimal variation in this style over time. Chimú stylistic influence and imported
artifacts from the Chimú groups may be limited to elite households and are attained
through exchange.
Under a Chimú-Collambay patron-client relationship, elite and non-elite
household styles remains the same, however, local production may increase as a result
of Chimú demand. In Collambay, this may mean evidence of increased agricultural
production such as an increased number of storage bins or storage vessels present in
households. The amount of storage space and quantity of storage vessels is greater than
local demand. Collambay craft production may also increase as a result of Chimú
demand. This will be identified through remodeling or expansion of households
dedicated to production activities, as well as increased areas of storage. In this scenario,
Collambay subsistence patterns depend on primarily local resources, including camelid
and guinea pig, however, marine resources/non-local resources are present in limited
quantities in elite households as a result of trade relationships. See Appendix E for more
details on archaeological correlates.
2.4.2 Tributary Province
This model posits that the primary motivation for imperial-local interactions was
economic in nature. The Chimú and/or Inca incorporated Collambay into its empire,
imposing tribute payments and potentially intensifying local production. Cerro Huancha
MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 served as locales for an imperial tributary
26
province during the Late Andean period, perhaps in order to establish enclaves in
attitudinally defined zones as Murra (1972) has suggested for southern Andean polities.
Both the Aztec and Inca empires established economic colonies as part of their imperial
strategies (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Hirth 2016). These strategies enabled a
consistent supply of bulk and prestige commodities (Earle and D’Altroy 1989). The
establishment of a tributary province in the Sinsicap Valley would result in two
economic advantages: (1) direct access to and control of agricultural production in the
Sinsicap, and (2) the ability to directly monitor and regulate traffic and goods that
passed through the Sinsicap Valley between the highlands and the coast. It also would
be able to support/provide resources for the dominant polity. One of the key differences
between this model and the patron-client model is that Collambay is assumed to have
intensified local production in response to obligatory tribute payments and received
goods/products through the Inca redistribution network as part of the imperial system.
During the Inca Empire, Collambay had an Inca tambo (Rostworowski 1987),
and Inca coca fields (Netherly 1977) which suggests Inca state infrastructure was
present in Collambay. There are four plausible scenarios for the establishment of a
Chimú and/or Inca tributary province in the Sinsicap: (1) local groups continued to
occupy Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 and worked directly for
the Chimú or Inca; (2) non-local groups occupied Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 and established households in separate site sectors from local
populations to also work for the Inca; (3) non-local groups cohabited with local
populations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000, assimilating with
local groups over time; and (4) non-local groups occupied Cerro Huancha MV 900 and
27
Cerro Ramon MV 1000, and the local population was moved to another location under
control of the empire.
While preliminary evidence from the Collambay region suggests that Collambay
was occupied by the same group during the LIP and likely through the LH, case studies
from other regions of the Inca empire indicate these other three scenarios are also worth
consideration in this in this study. Non-local groups under the Chimú could be Chimú
people or a mitmaq group. Under the Inca, the non-local group would be a mitmaq
group. These groups may have only resided in the region during part of the year, during
harvest time, following Julien’s model for Inca coca plantations (1988), see Section
4.1.1. While this model has a variety of possible scenarios and different archaeological
correlates for each; it suggests that residents of the Collambay region were required to
support the Chimú or Inca through economic means.
The archaeological correlates linked to this model include significant
remodeling of architecture at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 in
relation to increased local production. This includes increased amount of storage in elite
households and administrative sectors, likely including a location with centralized
storage. This may include evidence of mitmaq colonies moving in and local groups
moving out of the region, or the two groups working side by side. Mitmaq colonies
were other groups within the empire who were moved strategically to increase
economic production in a region or if a group was problematic may be resettled
elsewhere (see Section 3.9 for more information).
This increased production may be detected on a household level as well as in
specialized workshops, depending on the type of production. If Collambay people and a

28
mitmaq group occupied the site contemporaneously, site sectors associated with
households of each group will be identified through differentiation in architectural style
and artifact assemblage. Architectural styles of elites and administrative structures will
provide insight into supervising tactics of the tributary province. Supervising elites may
have been local or Chimú and/or Inca elites. If a tributary province was instituted by the
Chimú, Chimú fineware and utilitarian ceramics would be expected in elite and
administrator households, and the presence of Chimú administrative architecture, and an
audiencia would be expected. If this tributary province was established by the Inca,
Imperial Inca and Provincial Inca ceramics would be expected in elite and administrator
households; and remodeling of administrative architecture would be expected. See
Appendix E for more details on expected archaeological correlates.
2.4.3 Defensive Outpost Model
Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 may have served as
defensive outposts to protect the eastern front of the Chimú polity during the LIP or as
the western front of highlanders allied with the Inca during the LH. In the Andes, “state
settlement patterns are typically non-defensive except at frontiers or provincial
colonies,” (Arkush and Tung 2013, 334) indicating that Collambay may be a scenario
where a defensive outpost may have been established. The Sinsicap Valley may have
attractive to either or both of the Chimú and/or Inca for defensive purposes because of
its strategic location between coastal and highland polities. Establishing imperial
outposts in this frontier zone could have been carried out to protect local populations or
29
create a buffer zone. This was a strategy known to be employed by the Aztec empire
(Smith and Berdan 1996).
Creating a buffer zone in the Sinsicap Valley may have been of interest to the
Chimú to protect the eastern front of their territory or by the Inca in case of uprising by
the Chimú. This may have occurred in two ways: (1) arranged through negotiations
between Collambay elites and Chimú or Inca polities, or (2) occurring through force by
the Chimú or Inca polities.
There are various scenarios in which a defensive outpost may have been
realized.
1) Collambay was a defensive outpost maintained by local community members to
defend Chimú or Inca interests.
2) At times a standing army may have occupied the region, living alongside locals.
These soldiers may have lived separately from the local population or moved
into local households, intermarrying with locals.
The presence of a Chimú army in the Sinsicap in preparation for the Inca arrival,
or perhaps as a result of threats from highland polities.2 While there are no ethnohistoric
sources that present a Chimú description of the Chimú and Inca at war, Cieza reports
that a “fierce battle in the valley of Chimor – the present-day Moche Valley – in which
the Inca forces were almost defeated,” did occur (1932, 195 in Netherly 1977, 311).
Chimú outposts have been identified in the middle Moche Valley (Boswell, Billman,
and Fariss 2009; Mullins 2012; T. Topic 1990; Topic and Topic 1987). It is possible
2
There is no evidence to support this possibility.
30
that Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 are associated with these
outposts, but evaluating whether these Chimú outposts are linked to Huancha and
Ramon is beyond the scope of this dissertation. The Chimú are defending their own
front, but may have also established outposts to protect Collambay residents as well,
Collambay residents may have provided coca or other resources in return for protection.
I rely on material culture at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 to
assess this scenario.
Another possible scenario is that the Inca may have established a defensive
outpost as a result of continued Chimú rebellion after they were conquered (Rowe
1948). The extensive Chimú investment in fortifications that the Chimú would have
been well prepared to fight the Inca. As a result, the Inca may have relied on Cerro
Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 to support troops, or maintained troops
to be prepared to battle the Chimú or demonstrate their preparedness for a Chimú
rebellion. If this were the case, material culture recovered may include material of a
new non-local group who the Inca introduced to the region. For example, the Inca could
have installed members of the Chanca of Andahuaylas or another group noted for their
impressive fighting ability to subdue Chimú rebellions.
In either scenario, Collambay and a non-local army would have constructed
defensive outposts to protect themselves from coastal or highland polities during the
Late Andean period. Architecture and material culture from Cerro Huancha MV 900
and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 will indicate whether the sites served as defensive outposts
for the Chimú and/or Inca.

31
If Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 served as Chimú or Inca
defensive outposts, it would be expected that non-local defensive architecture such as
walls were constructed quickly and strategically to defend the site from attack. This
defensive outpost may have not only been maintained by local groups if a standing
army was present, barrack-like households may have served as housing for soldiers and
may be in separate site sectors from local population, and stylistically differentiated
from local households. A high percentage of local utilitarian wares would be present,
much more so than local fine wares. Weapons such as piles of slingstones would be
expected to be present in high quantities at opportune locations on site for defense. See
Appendix E for more details on archaeological correlates.
2.4.4 No Influence/Interaction Model
A fourth model is a “No influence or interaction” model. This model assumes
that neither the Chimú nor Inca polities directly interacted or affected Collambay during
the LIP/LH. Local traditions would be expected to be maintained throughout the
duration of both empires. If there is an absence of non-local wares in the region, as well
as no evidence of change in local production, architecture, or local activities throughout
the LIP/LH, neither the Chimú nor Inca empires greatly influenced the population in
Collambay. While Collambay was incorporated into the Inca Empire, it is possible that
nothing changed at a local level that is visible in the archaeological record. See
Appendix E for more details on archaeological correlates.

32
2.5 Empires, Frontiers, and Models
This chapter provides a theoretical framework for the case study. The principal
theoretical issues of the project ask about the relationship between imperial and local
groups over time. An understanding of the mechanics of both parties through previous
case studies and prioritizing a longue durée study is an approach that enables a bottom-
up perspective and considers the dynamics of both groups as active players – something
which has not always been prioritized in the past. The context of interregional
interaction between Collambay and imperial powers is another theoretical issue that is
also important to consider in this study as frontier zones are unique scenarios where
sociopolitical dynamics and relationships are not easily predictable as they occur
outside of more typical contexts. The four models provide archaeological correlates for
four potential scenarios with consideration of potential variations in interregional
dynamics. With this information in mind, Chapter 3 provides background information
on the environment and regional history of the Moche Drainage to better understand the
environmental setting and cultural history of the region.
Previously, there has been very little research in the upper Moche drainage,
where Collambay is located. This, in addition to this study’s investigation of
interregional interaction in Collambay makes it necessary to provide background on the
natural environment and culture history of adjacent coastal and highland regions. This
chapter outlines the environment of the Moche Drainage and La Libertad highland
regions. This includes a review of the natural environment, previous archaeological
investigations in the Moche Drainage and La Libertad highlands, and current
understanding of regional history. I also present ethnohistoric, ethnographic, and

33
linguistic information about the Collambay region that provides information about the
area’s late prehistory. I begin by defining the study zone and its ecological niches.
3 Study Area: Moche Valley and La Libertad Highlands
The Moche River is one of 13 rivers on the north coast of Peru between the
Huarmey Valley and Lima. The drainage is 102 km long including the drainages of its
three principal tributaries: Sinsicap, Cuesta, and Upper Moche rivers. The confluences
of these tributaries are in the upper part of the middle Moche Valley. The watershed of
the valley is 25 by 96 km with a total area of 2,708 square km (ONERN 1973, 32). It is
not a large river compared to other north coast valleys like the Jequetepeque River, but
the Moche watershed encompasses diverse ecological zones. The lower, middle, and
upper valleys are compact, rising 4,200 meters in 55 km, especially in comparison to
other north coast valleys (Boswell et al. 2011). While the Moche watershed is rarely
higher than 4,000 masl, the terrain is rugged and geologic composition is varied.
Mountains are actively forming, are very steep, and are rich in metals (ONERN 1973).
These diverse ecological zones in the Moche Drainage have different economic
possibilities. At 1,600 masl and below, agriculture is limited to irrigation agriculture
because of arid and semi-arid conditions. Warm weather year-round allows for the
cultivation of at least two crops a year of a wide variety of cultigens. Above 1,600 masl,
rainfall agriculture is possible but cultivation and the types of crops are limited by cold
temperatures and extreme topography (Billman 1996, 27).
The Colonial city of Trujillo is located in the lower Moche Valley. Events of the
last 50 years, such as terrorism, and economic development, have significantly
increased the size of Trujillo. The expansion of new neighborhoods and slums, without
34
35
appropriate urban planning, has resulted in the destruction of hundreds of
archaeological sites in the lower Moche Valley (Billman et al. in prep; Gamboa
Velasquez 2015). Inland from Trujillo, in the middle Moche valley and the upper valley
region, the compressed topography encompasses multiple ecological niches in the
highlands of the department of La Libertad. The La Libertad highlands consist of
diverse topography that includes steep river valleys, highland basins and valleys, and a
large plateau, the Carabamba plateau.
Several regions of the La Libertad highlands have undergone archaeological
investigation including the Otuzco/Upper Moche area3 (J. Topic and T. Topic 1983 and
1985), the Carabamba Plateau (J. Topic and T. Topic 1979; Haley 1979), the Alto
Chicama Valley, which is the main branch of the Chicama river, (Krzanowski 2006),
and the Huamachuco Region (J. Topic 1986, 1998, 2009; T. Topic and J. Topic 1987,
1987; T. Topic 2009). All four of these areas are located in the department of La
Libertad, a modern political jurisdiction, and I will refer to these regions as within the
La Libertad highlands.
The Otuzco/Upper Moche area is the area around the town of Otuzco in the
Upper Moche Valley which sits just above the Upper Moche Valley, at 2650 masl, on
the principal highway to the city of Huamachuco today. South of the Otuzco/Upper
Moche area is the Carabamba plateau, which looks down on the Moche and Virú
valleys. The plateau is between the Moche River on the north and the Huacaapongo
branch of the Virú River on the south; the Carabamba branch of the Virú divides the
3
The Topics have also surveyed the lower part of the Upper Moche Valley. I review this work in
Section 4.4.
36
plateau in half. Elevation on the Carabamba plateau is 3400 to over 4000 masl, and on
its northwest, west, and south sides, it has an extreme descent to the coast.
The Alto Chicama Valley is northeast of the Carabamba plateau. It is the main
branch of the Chicama River, and also feeds the Sinsicap River. The region around the
city of Huamachuco has the most well-known prehistory in the La Libertad highlands.
The Inca established Huamachuco as a provincial capital; today it is the largest city in
the La Libertad highlands, at 3160 masl. It is between the eastern and western
cordilleras, sitting at the southern end of the Condebamba-Cajamarca drainage basin. It
is separated from the headwaters of rivers such as the Chicama, Moche, and Virú,
which descend west to the Pacific Ocean. The Condebamba River flows north, joining
the Cajamarca River. These two rivers flow east into the Crisnejas River and then the
Marañon into the Amazon. My review of the natural environment and regional cultural
history includes the Moche watershed as well as four regions in the La Libertad
highlands, which have undergone some previous archaeological investigation (Figures
1.1 and 1.2): the Otuzco/Upper Moche Area, the Carabamba plateau, the Alto Chicama
Valley, and the Huamachuco region.
3.1 Paleoclimate and El Niño Flooding
In the Andes, the Humboldt Current, which runs along the pacific coast of South
America creates a rain shadow along the coast, creating a desert like environment. As a
result of the rain shadow little precipitation falls on the coast and lower valley regions
of the Central Andes. In the Moche Valley, temperature and precipitation averages 20°
Celsius and 4 mm, respectively, near the ocean. The highlands at 3,700 masl in the
37
upper Moche watershed have a more extreme temperature range of temperatures. It is
about 7° Centigrade and precipitation has a 4,000 mm annual mean (ONERN 1973, 65).
Within the quechua zone in the Alto Chicama valley, precipitation is between 600 and
800 mm, with an annual average temperature of 12–16° Celsius (Krzanowski 2006, 20–
23).
The Moche Valley is one of the smaller valleys on the north coast in terms of
irrigable land, with 20,026 ha of irrigable land and a drainage area of 1,525 km2. For
comparison, the neighboring Chicama Valley is one of the largest, with 40,371 ha of
irrigable land and a 3,004 km2 drainage area. For populations living in the rain shadow
of the Andes, seasonal rains from October to April in the highlands feed irrigation in the
middle and lower valleys, enabling two planting seasons: December–May, which
typically has river discharge sufficient to irrigate all fields, and June–November, during
the dry period of the year, which is a time where low river levels do not permit all fields
in the lower and middle valleys to be planted. In the Moche Valley in the modern day,
only one-fifth of the lower valley fields are planted in this second season (Billman
1996, 41).
Irrigation agriculture requires coordination and cooperation among populations
living in the upper through lower valley. Today in the Moche Valley, each community
has a water committee, which delegates within the community how many hours each
community members’ fields will receive water every week. The water committee is also
responsible for negotiating access to water with other communities. During the time I
lived in the Moche Valley, the water committee of Collambay was the most active of all
38
local political committees, constantly traveling up valley to meet with other water
communities to negotiate water access.
An environmental threat in the modern day and throughout the prehispanic era is
El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) or El Niño. During El Niño, the sea surface
temperatures rise and, as a result, the normal rain shadow disappears, leading to intense
rainfall on the coast. The rise in sea surface temperature results in pelagic species dying,
affecting the maritime food chain. The torrential rains rush through coastal valleys,
destroying crops, flooding dry quebradas, and causing landslides on the coast and
drought in the highlands. El Niño events occur every 2–8.5 years (Rodbell et al. 1999).
More extreme events occur every 15 years or so; the most recent severe El Niño events
in the twentieth century occurred in 1982–83 and 1998–99, resulting in the
displacement of many communities whose villages flooded.
El Niño flooding and anti-El Niño droughts are less severe in the Moche Valley
that in the majority of other coastal valleys. A study by Waylen and Caviedes (1986) of
13 north coast valleys’ (Ecuador border to Casma valley) annual volume of runoff in El
Niño and anti-El Niño years showed minimal differences in volume, and had the
smallest difference in runoff of the 13 valleys in the study. Waylen and Caviedes
propose this is because the Moche Valley is less affected by El Niño events, because El
Niño and anti-El Niño and precipitation and elevation are negatively correlated. El Niño
rainfalls occurs in lower elevations, below 1,000 masl, in coastal river valleys. The
larger the total area of a river’s watershed below 1,000 masl, the greater the volume of
flood runoff during an El Niño. Since the majority of the Moche Valley’s watershed is
above 1,000 masl, and 50% is above 3,000 masl, the impact of El Niños except for
39
extreme events is less than the impact in other coastal valleys with lower watersheds
(Billman 1996, 26–27).
How El Niño events affected Andean societies continues to be debated by
scholars. Based on responses from modern governments that have struggled with
assisting displaced populations who have lost everything as a result of this
environmental catastrophe, severe El Niño events did greatly affect prehispanic polities
and populations (Moore 1991). While they certainly would have caused abandonment
of some communities, they likely also played a role in the collapse of polities such as
the Moche and Tiwanaku, which collapsed in the ninth century when a large El Niño
event occurred (Kolata et al. 2000; Moseley et al. 2008) and affected Chimú imperial
strategies (T. Pozorski and S. Pozorski 2006). Evidence of rituals associated with El
Niño events have been documented in the archaeological record in the Moche Valley
(Bourget 2001; Prieto et al. 2014).
3.2 Natural Regions of Moche Valley and La Libertad Highlands
The Andes is one of the most diverse ecological regions in the world. Generally,
the Andes can be classified as “three natural regions”: the coast, sierra, and jungle (or
selva) (Rostworowski 2004, 17). However, there is incredible diversity within these
three regions. A more detailed classificatory scheme such as the one proposed by Javier
Pulgar Vidal, a Peruvian geographer, highlights the different ecological niches within
the three regions. Vidal’s system divides Peru into eight natural regions based on
climate, altitude, and indigenous land use. Vidal realized many indigenous names were
used for similar ecosystems throughout the Andes and adopts these terms for his
40
classification system (Montoya Zavaleta 2004, 159). Vidal’s system is similar to the
botanist and climatologist Leslie Holdridge’s (1967) universal “life zones,” which
classify land use and make it comparable worldwide. Holdridge’s model is intended to
be universal, while Vidal’s is specific for the Andes. Vidal’s classification system is
frequently used by researchers; in particular, it us utilized in indigenous agro
biodiversity and geo-spatial ordering of cultural-environmental informatics (Zimmerer
and Bell 2013).
Vidal’s eight regions from Peru’s Pacific coast eastward to the jungle are chala
(0–500 masl), yunga/chaupiyunga (500–2,300), quechua (2,300–3,500 masl), jalca/suni
(3,500–4,000 masl), puna (4,000–4,800 masl), and janca (4,800 masl to the highest
point in the Andes) on the western side of the Andes. Descending on the eastern slopes
is the rupa-rupa or ceja de selva—Spanish for “the eyebrow of the jungle” (400–1,000
masl)—and selva baja or amazon (400 masl and below) (Pulgar Vidal 1972; Sandweiss
and Richardson 2008). Vidal’s ecological zones within the Moche Valley watershed and
La Libertad highlands include the chala, yunga/chaupiyunga, quechua, and jalca/suni
zones.
3.2.1 Chala (0–500 masl)
The chala is characterized as a coastal desert found along the Pacific shore into
lower river valleys. The zone extends from the coast and lower Moche Valley, nearly 30
km inland. Little rainfall occurs in this region, due to the rain shadow created from the
high Andes and Humboldt Current. This zone is known for heavy cloud coverage. In
41
winter, this heavy fog covers the chala until at least mid-morning, providing moisture.
The thick cloud stratum moves inland from the chala to the yunga zone covering
quebradas and river valleys up to 800 masl (according to Vidal), but in the Collambay
area it has been noted up to 1,000 masl (Figure 3.1). On the central coast of Peru,
lomas—low coastal, mountain areas where heavy fog provides moisture for
vegetation—are in the chala zone. Cultigens produced in the chala include cotton,
squash, and maize, and maritime resources are available.
Figure 3.1: Fog ascending from the chala zone into the Collambay chaupiyunga,
view from Cerro Huancha at 1000 masl (August 2012)
3.2.2 Yunga/Chaupiyunga (500–2300 masl)
Just inland from the chala, the yunga maritima or chaupiyunga is characterized
by having a “brilliant sun” for the majority of the year (Vidal 1972, 31). In fact, yunga
42
means “warm land” in Quechua. Vidal describes the chaupiyunga as the same zone as
yunga, elsewhere, the yunga is defined as the lower valley zone, the chaupiyunga is the
middle zone between 600 and 2000 masl (Marcus and Silva 1988, 2). For this study I
use Vidal’s definition of the chaupiyunga’s elevation, 500-2300 masl4.
Chaupi means “in between” or “middle” in Quechua (Marcus and Silva 1988).
Yungas is a term also commonly found as part of place names in references to the
eastern slopes of the Andes that are within the rupa-rupa or yunga fluvial. The yunga
maritima (hereafter referred to as the chaupiyunga), has a different climate and
topography from the yunga fluvial of the eastern slopes.
The chaupiyunga is an environment of constant sun and rain in the summer
months, and has no risk of frost. Farmers use irrigation agriculture, relying on river
water and underground springs. At higher elevations in the chaupiyunga, rainfall is also
relied upon during the summer in addition to irrigation (Vidal 1972, 55–71). The
chaupiyunga climate is ideal for growing many crops, including those that grow in the
chala as well as highly sought after resources including fruit, ají peppers, and “sweet”
coca or Erythroxylum novogranatense var. Truxillense, which is the most highly sought
after variety of coca (Rostworowski 1988). “Sweet” coca also known as “Trujillo” coca
can be grown between 200 and 1800 masl on the north coast (Marcus and Silva 1988,
7).
In the Moche Valley, the chaupiyunga begins in the middle valley and
encompasses the remaining valley zones in the upper valley and tributaries—the
4
Elsewhere I have used Marcus and Silva’s (1988) elevation range to define the chaupiyunga zone
(Boswell, Billman, Surridge 2011).
43
Sinsicap, Cuesta, and Upper Moche. The tributaries of the Moche Valley rise
dramatically in elevation in the foothills of the Andes. While the Sinsicap Valley is a
tributary of the Moche river, it is also in close proximity to the Upper Chicama Valley
and Alto Chicama Valley (the tributary). The Cuesta and Upper Moche north-south
communication routes are more direct to the Huamachuco region.
In the Sinsicap, Cuesta, and Upper Moche tributaries, the valley narrows and
there is limited land for irrigation. Within the tributaries, it is commonplace to see
agricultural terraces, which are used during the rainy season. Prehistoric agricultural
terraces that would have been fed by irrigation are also present in the Collambay area,
although they are not currently used. During the dry season, slopes that do not have
constructed agricultural terraces are barren, with the only plant growth being several
varieties of large cacti. In the area around Collambay, the valley floor and lower
mountain slopes where crops are being grown ranges between 500 and 1000 masl.
Further up valley, there is greater variation in elevation of crops grown as the
topography becomes more extreme.
3.2.3 Quechua (2,300–3,500 masl)
The quechua zone is considered the lower sierra (Vidal 1972, 75) and is also
considered part of the upper valley (Topic and Topic 1985, 2; Marcus and Silva 1988,
2). Considered by Vidal a “temperate and comfortable” climate, the quechua has clear
differences in the temperature between the day and night due to elevation. Especially in
the lower sierra, the topography is quite narrow. In the summer, the quechua region
experiences much cloud coverage and rain. Populations living in this area rely on
44
irrigation and rain-fed agriculture. Some of the most important crops in this zone today
are indigenous plants—potatoes, oca, olluco, maize, and squash—among other crops
(Vidal 1972, 73–88). In the north coast, this zone often contains forests. Vegetation
types include grasses, bush, and shrubs as well as trees (Krzanowski 2006, 20–30). In
the Moche watershed and La Libertad highlands, the quechua zone includes parts of the
upper Moche Valley and upper tributaries into the highland areas. It also includes parts
of the Carabamba plateau, as well as the Alto Chicama Valley and Huamachuco region.
3.2.4 Jalca/Suni (3,500–4,000 masl)
The jalca or suni zone, both terms are used alternately to refer to a single zone,
has a more severe climate than the previously described ecological niches. The jalca has
a cold climate with thin air due to elevation. A few parts of the Carabamba plateau and
Huamachuco region are within the jalca zone, but the majority is within the quechua
zone. In the jalca, farmers rely on rainfall for their crops. The high elevation limits the
type of resources that can be grown in this extreme environment primarily to tubers,
potatoes, and quinoa (Vidal 1972, 91–102). In the jalca and quechua zones it is
common in areas where the topography is steep to see agricultural fields that appear to
be almost vertical. In this zone, basin areas are preferred zones for agriculture. Camelid
herding is a common activity in this zone. Traditionally the janca zone, which is located
above the puna zone, is the traditional pastureland for camelids.
The 500–1,600 masl zone is 1,184 km2, or 17% of the three tributaries.
However, irrigation agriculture is limited by severe topography, and only 2,160 ha or
0.3% of this zone is irrigable (ONERN 1973, 59–61). The 1,600–2,600 masl elevation
45
is 824 km2, or 11.9% of the three valleys. Only 4,730 ha, or .6% of this zone, was under
cultivation in the early 1970s. I suggest that less of it is under cultivation today.
Between 2,600 and 3,700 masl in elevation, ONERN estimates there are 24,560 ha of
arable land in the three valleys. This is an area that is greater than the 22,000 ha under
irrigation in the chala. However, only 15% of this zone is suitable for farming. 23,100
ha are suitable for pasture land. Finally, the jacla (3,700–4,200 masl) covers 536km2, or
7.7% of the three valleys (ONERN 1973, 63–66).
The Moche Drainage is one of the smaller drainages on the north coast in size.
The valley is compact, rising 4,200 meters in 55 km, especially in comparison to other
north coast valleys (Boswell et al. 2011). This puts the ecological niches described,
especially the chala, chaupiyunga, and quechua in much closer proximity than other
larger valleys. This issue is raised to consider that the natural environment itself and
close proximity of ecological niches puts populations with different subsistence
practices and different resources – irrigation farming to agricultural terraces to
pastoralists in closer proximity to each other compared to other valleys. This close
proximity to other ecological zones may naturally heighten the interaction between
coastal, chaupiyunga, and highland groups compared to larger valleys.
3.3 Chronological Framework: Horizons and Periods
Andean archaeological cultures are separated temporally as phases referred to as
periods or horizons. “Periods” refer to times of regional cultural trends in material
culture such as ceramics, iconography, and architecture that is associated with regional
and independent styles. “Horizons” are phases that refer to material culture trends that
46
are widespread in the central Andes and associated with cultural traditions that
influenced these styles (Rowe 1962; Rowe and Menzel 1967). The Rowe-Menzel
system has seven phases, which provides a general framework for the Andes; however,
each region has a unique chronology (Table 3.1). The Peruvian archaeologist Luis
Lumbreras (1974) offers an alternative framework. I rely on the Rowe-Menzel
framework to discuss culture history for the Moche Valley and La Libertad highlands; I
also discuss regional phases within the north coast and highlands, highlighting the
regional differences in chronology between coast and highlands. In the next section, I
review a brief history of research within the Moche Valley and La Libertad highlands,
which have been areas of research for archaeologists dating back to the late nineteenth
century.
47
Table 3.1: Andean Chronology (After Billman 1996 and 2002; Krzanowski 2006;
Ringberg 2012; Rowe 1962; J. Topic 2009)
North Coast
Andean Moche Huamachuc Alto
Year Regional
Chronology Valley o Chicama
Phase
Late Horizon Santa
Inca Chimú-Inca
1500 (1438-1532) Barbara
Late Yuraccama
Intermediate Late (Yigueda)
Tuscan
Period (1100- Intermediate
1438) Chimú
Period
(900-1470)
1000
Late
Middle Middle Huamachuco
Horizon (600- Horizon
1000) ?
Amaru
Moche Early
500
Huamachuco
Early
Intermediate Early
Period (1-600) Intermediate
Gallinazo
A.D. Period Mollepata
Purpucala
0
B.C. Late Salinar
Early
Early Horizon Salinar
(800 BC - 1
500 AD) Sausagocha
Totorapamba
Early Horizon Guañape

1800 - 400 Pelón
1000
BC
Initial Period
Colpa (? -
(1800 BC - 800
900 BC)
BC)
?
Initial Period
1500
48
3.4 History of Research
The Moche Valley and La Libertad highlands are two areas that were the focus
of some of the earliest archaeological studies in the Andes and remain a hotbed of
archaeological investigations. Initial documentation of archaeological sites in the region
dates to the Colonial Period. Bishop Martinez de Compañon had paintings of Chan
Chan completed to accompany the documentation of aspects of life in the Trujillo area
in the mid-18th century—including plants, food, and landscape—that was sent to the
King of Spain (Berquist 2013; Pillsbury and Trever 2008). Edward Squier visited the
north coast in the 1860s, creating drawings of the Huacas de Moche in the Moche
Valley as well as other sites (1877). Chan Chan, on the coast of the Moche Valley, and
the largest monumental center, Marcahuamachuco, in the Huamachuco region, were
visited by foreign travelers throughout the nineteenth century, many of whom published
drawings and descriptions, including Wiener (1890) and Middledorf (1895).
With the professionalization of the field of archaeology in the early twentieth
century, many of the founding fathers of Andean archaeology, Max Uhle, Julio Tello,
Rafael Larco, Alfred Kroeber, and Wendell Bennett, conducted excavations at
monumental centers such as Chan Chan, the Huacas de Moche, and Marcahuamachuco.
The Virú Valley, the next valley south of the Moche, was home of the Virú Valley
archaeological project led by Gordon Willey, William Duncan Strong, and Wendell
Bennett, and included many significant archaeologists in the history of American
archaeology (Collier 1955; Ford and Willey 1949; Strong and Evans 1952).
Following the groundbreaking collaborative Virú Valley project, the Harvard/
Chan Chan-Moche Valley project was the next large-scale project in the region,
49
directed by Michael Moseley and Carol Mackey. This was one of the largest research
projects in the Andes, and project members mapped and excavated the Chimú capital of
Chan Chan, and surveyed and conducted excavations at numerous sites in the lower
Moche Valley. A number of dissertations and other publications from this project
remain invaluable in both methodology and understanding of north coast prehistory
(Bawden 1977; Day 1973; Keatinge 1973; Klymshyn 1976; Kolata 1978; Kus 1972;
Moseley and Day 1982; Moseley and Cordy-Collins 1990; S. Pozorski 1976; T.
Pozorski 1976; Ossa 1973; J. Topic 1977; T. Topic 1977).
Following the Harvard/Chan Chan project, Michael Moseley and Thomas and
Sheila Pozorski carried out the “Programa Riego Antiguo,” investigating the Moche
Valley and other north coast canal systems (1976–1979). Survey and excavation of
canals, fields, and associated structures in the Moche Valley and the south side of the
Chicama Valley were carried out to create a sequence of canal construction and
understand its relationship to archaeological sites in the area. This project documented
evidence that El Niño events damaged Chimú irrigation systems and other systems on
the north coast (T. Pozorski 1987; T. Pozorski and S. Pozorski 1982 and 2003).
The La Libertad highland area has not been subject to as much extensive
research as the Moche Valley. Following participation in the Harvard/Chan Chan
project, John and Theresa Topic initiated the Northern Peru Fortifications Project and
Huamachuco Archaeological Project throughout the 1970s and 1980s. The Northern
Peru Fortifications Project (1978–1980) included a survey of prehistoric fortifications
focused primarily in the middle and upper Moche and Virú Valleys. This survey
included about 4,000 km2 in the Upper Moche and Upper Virú valleys (J. Topic and T.
50
Topic 1983, 237). This project provides the only available settlement data for the Upper
Moche Drainage, the Otuzco/Upper Moche area, and Carabamba plateau (Coupland
1979; DeHetre 1979; Haley 1979; J. Topic and T. Topic 1978, 1982, 1983, and 1985).
The Huamachuco Archaeological Project (1981–1989) builds on initial research by Max
Uhle, with Julio Tello,5 Theodore McCown (1945) and John Thatcher (1972, 1974,
1977, 1979a and 1979b) in the Huamachuco region, and provides the only available
settlement patterns for these areas in the La Libertad highlands. The only other
settlement pattern data for the La Libertad highlands comes from Andrzej Krzanowski’s
survey in the Alto Chicama in the late 1970s (1977, 1985, 1986, and 2006). Between
1973 and 1976, Andrzej Zaki also carried out survey and test excavations in the area of
the Upper Moche, Otuzco/Upper Moche area, Alto Chicama, Quiruvilca, and Santiago
de Chuco; however, he has not published a full cultural sequence or much information
about his findings (Zaki 1983). The rest of this chapter is dedicated to reviewing current
research and understandings of the prehistory of the Moche Valley and parts of the La
Libertad highlands.
Research at Chan Chan continues under the Proyecto Especial Complejo
Arqueológico Chan Chan, formed under the Executive Unit N°006 in Peru’s Ministry of
Culture.6 Cristobal Campana directed the project between 2006 and 2011 and has
several publications on Chan Chan architecture and ceremonies (2006, 2012a, 2012b).
Little information has been available from this research, and only in the last few years
has the project’s research become more transparent and accessible to the public.
5
Uhle’s fieldnotes are in the Phoebe Hearst Museum at UC Berkeley. McCown presented Uhle
and Tello’s findings.
6
Previously the project was under the Unidad Ejecutora N° 110 in Peru’s Ministry of Education.
51
Several other long-term projects are currently being carried out in the Moche
Valley: Proyecto Huacas de Moche, Moche Origins Project/Proyecto Arqueológico
Cerro Oreja (MOP/PACO), and the Chan Chan Proyecto Especial Complejo
Arqueológico. The Proyecto Huacas de Moche at the site of Moche is directed by
Santiago Uceda and Ricardo Morales of the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo. This
project began in the early 1990s, carrying out excavations at Huacas de Moche, the
capital of the Moche polity in the Moche Valley. Over the last twenty years, this project
has provided essential insight into a Moche center, documenting its monumental
construction phases, religious traditions, and urban life. The project is a model research
program that incorporates teaching and research, and is at the forefront of mural
conservation and museum and public outreach (e.g. Uceda and Morales 2006, 2007,
2011).
Another long-term project in the Moche Valley is directed by Brian Billman and
Jesus Briceño. Billman’s dissertation (1996) combined the Harvard Chan Chan/Moche
Valley project lower valley survey data with his own survey of the middle Moche
Valley, which extended into the lower Sinsicap tributary to investigate the formation of
the Southern Moche state. Billman and Briceño have continued this survey as part of
MOP/PACO into the Moche Valley tributaries (Briceño and Billman 2009).
MOP/PACO has many ongoing projects in the Moche Valley, with outstanding
researchers (Dana Bardolph, Barker Fariss, Celeste Gagnon, Jean Hudson, Patrick
Mullins, Jennifer Ringberg, Julio Rucabado) investigating the pre-ceramic through LH
periods.
52
Several other important projects have been carried out in recent years in the
Moche Valley, and their findings will be highlighted in the prehistory of the region in
the next sections (Lockard 2009; Nesbitt 2012; Prieto et al. 2014). Additionally, various
salvage projects directed by the previous National Institute of Culture have occurred
over the years (i.e. Carcelén 1995). It is an exciting time to be working in the Moche
Valley, with so many ongoing research projects. Collaborative efforts in the next few
years could establish a Moche Valley ceramic seriation, to complement and expand on
the Virú Valley project’s Virú valley seriation, which has increasingly been called into
question (Downey 2015) and its applicability to the Moche Valley doubted (Nesbitt
2012).
3.5 Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon in the Moche Valley
The EIP was a time of the rise of urbanism, expansionist polities, and regional
traditions. In earlier periods, populations had become sedentary and constructed
monumental architecture for religious practices and further significant social
developments occurred during the EIP. For the first time, settlements were in defensive
locations and fortifications appear. Technological innovations in pottery, metalwork,
and water management occurred through the period, as did social complexity and social
hierarchy. The EIP has also been characterized as a time of “insularity, describing both
the balkanization of art styles and group territories” (Lau 2010, 6). In the Moche Valley
and La Libertad highlands, the EIP was a time of significant political, ideological, and
economic shifts, with the rise of new polities and an increase in population.
53
3.5.1 Early Intermediate Period
In the Moche Valley, the EIP consisted of the Salinar phase (200 BC–AD 200),
Gallinazo phase (AD 100–400), and Moche period (AD 200–800). Each phase has
distinct settlement patterns and material culture. There is limited information available
about life in the Moche Valley during the Salinar and Gallinazo phases, which preceded
the Southern Moche State (Billman 1999 and 2002; Brennan 1978 and 1980; Fariss
2012; Gagnon 2006 and 2008; Gagnon, Billman, Carcelen, and Reinhard 2013; Gagnon
and Wiesen 2013; Millaire and Morlion 2009; S. Pozorski and T. Pozorski 1979;
Ringberg 2012). During the Salinar period, religious and societal traditions shifted.
Monumental centers, characteristic of the Initial period and Early Horizon, are
abandoned, and the first large towns are established. Religious practices change from
large public rituals in monumental architecture in the Initial period and Early Horizon to
smaller-scale and more private settings in structures built for small groups. This change
correlates with settlements moving to defensive positions and construction of
fortifications, suggesting the Salinar phase was a time of conflict. There is also
investment in valley irrigation systems (Billman 2002).
In the Moche Valley, settlement patterns suggest population aggregation and
expansion of settlement in the lower valley, with a large percentage of the valley
concentrated at Cerro Arena, a 200 ha site with one of the largest residential areas on
the north coast (Brennan 1978, 1980; Briceño and Billman 2012; Mujica 1975). By the
end of the Salinar phase, the Moche Valley’s Salinar population moved from being
concentrated at Cerro Arena to Cerro Oreja, located in the middle valley at the valley
54
neck, a key defensive location (Billman 2002). Neckless ollas, short-neck jars, and
hemispheric bowls characterize Salinar ceramics. The exteriors of rims often have
inscriptions or punctuation designs; see Billman (1996, 187–188) and Brennan (1978),
and descriptions in Collier (1955) and Strong and Evans (1952).
A three-tiered settlement hierarchy of sites in the Moche Valley is established
during the Gallinazo and early Moche phases with Cerro Oreja as the capital of the
valley. Cerro Oreja has one of the longest occupations in the Moche Valley. It was
initially occupied in the late Guañape (Initial period), has occupations from the Salinar
phase through the Late Moche, and was reoccupied again in the Middle Chimú period
(LIP). During the Gallinazo phase, coastal settlements are concentrated in a series of
fortified settlements in the middle valley and this reorganization is thought to
potentially be the result of the arrival of highland migrants in the middle Moche Valley.
Highland settlements are identified in the middle Moche Valley for the first time
(Billman 1996 and 2002) and are also reported in the adjacent Virú Valley (T. Topic
and J. Topic 1982). In the Moche Valley, highland sites are clustered in three areas of
the middle valley: the (lower) Sinsicap, Cruz Blanca, and Quebrada del León. Coastal
sites are found interspersed among highland settlements (Billman 1996, 290). Highland
and coastal settlements are distinguished by their ceramic assemblages, burial practices,
and the layout and construction style of masonry household structures (Gagnon et al.
2013, 195; Ringberg 2012).
The two most well-known Gallinazo phase ceramic types are Castillo and
Negative, although they are reported in different distributions. Castillo wares are
frequently found throughout the north coast in association with Moche contexts, and are
55
found at both coastal and highland settlements in the Moche Valley. An unfurnished
plainware with incised and appliqué designs, Gallinazo Negative or Virú Negative is
limited to the Virú, Moche, and Chicama valleys (Kaulicke 1992; Bawden 2004;
Millaire and Morlion 2009). Highland ceramics identified at Cerro Leon have different
vessel forms and pastes, and are consistent with descriptions of ceramics from the
Huamachuco region by the Topics (1982) and Thatcher (1972) (Ringberg 2012, Chapter
Six).
Highland sites, however, were abandoned during the emergence of the Moche
polity. Originally, settlement patterns seemed indicative that highlanders were forced
out of the middle valley by warfare by the Moche polity (Billman 1996, 290). However,
excavations directed by Billman in the Quebrada del Leon cluster at the site of Cerro
Leon MV 225 between 1998 and 2007 demonstrate that highlanders from the
Otuzco/Upper Moche area lived peacefully in the middle valley among coastal
Gallinazo phase groups for two centuries. Cerro Leon’s ceramic assemblage suggests
that Cerro Leon was occupied in Moche Phase II but abandoned sometime in Moche
Phase III (second century to fifth century AD) (Ringberg 2012, Table 5.7.1). Material
culture and cultural traditions documented at Cerro Leon indicate that residents
remained connected to the highlands. Highland settlement patterns in the middle Moche
Valley, which initially were interpreted as defensive in nature, may not have been for
defensive purposes; perhaps, rather, this was a time of irrigation expansion, which
lessened competition between groups and supported a larger population (Fariss 2012).
Why did highlanders move into the middle Moche Valley? One suggestion is to
pursue coca cultivation in the middle valley (Billman 1996 and 2001). During this era,
56
Cerro Oreja primarily has coastal affiliation and ceramics are predominantly of coastal
styles (Billman 1996; Briceño et al. 2006; Carcelén 1995). Analyses of oral health
(Gagnon 2006; Gagnon and Wiesen 2013) and stable isotopes (Lambert et al. 2012)
from skeletal remains from the Cerro Oreja cemetery (Carcelen 1995; Gagnon 2006)
suggest that maize production and consumption increased dramatically during the
Gallinazo phase (Gagnon and Wiesen 2013). Oral health of individuals buried at the
Cerro Oreja cemetery suggests more coca chewing occurred among males in the late
Gallinazo phase than among males in the Salinar phase. Gagnon, Billman, Carcelen,
and Reinhard (2013) suggest this may be tied to the highland groups’ abandonment of
the middle valley. This allowed males of the local Gallinazo phase population more
direct access to coca than had existed previously when highlanders were living in the
middle valley.
There is no evidence, however, of increased coca mastication among females
during the Gallinazo phase (Gagnon et al. 2013). Dental wear patterns differentiate
between sexes in the Cerro Oreja cemetery, suggesting that by the end of the Gallinazo
period, males and females had distinct diets (Gagnon and Wiesen 2013). Therefore, the
biological record suggests that distinct social hierarchies were emerging within coastal
society tied to control of coca production by emerging Moche elites, which may be tied
to the formation of political hierarchies in the Moche period (Billman 1996, 1999, and
2002). I highlight this scenario in the EIP as there may be similar dynamics at work in
the Collambay region during the LIP.

57
3.5.2 Late Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon in the Moche Valley
The Moche culture emerged in the Late Early Intermediate Period between AD
100–200 in the Moche Valley and spread throughout the north coast, as far north as the
Piura Valley and south to the Nepeña Valley. Moche society collapses at the end of the
EIP but some material cultural traditions continue into the subsequent MH period. The
MH is identified by the presence of Wari material culture, a polity from the central
highlands that expanded throughout the Central Andes on the north coast and La
Libertad highlands.
The Moche culture’s hallmark characteristics include elaborate monumental
architecture, large adobe pyramids, or huacas, with mural paintings, elaborate elite
burials and ceramics whose fineline paintings and realism provide insight into Moche
society from AD 200–900 (Bawden 1996; Castillo and Donnan 1994; Castillo and
Uceda 2008; Pillsbury 2001; Shimada 1994). During the Moche phase, in the Moche
Valley the primary center moved from Cerro Oreja to the site of Moche, a few km down
valley. The site of Moche, or Huacas de Moche, has two large monumental architectural
complexes made of adobe, Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna, and an urban center
that housed 6,000–9,000 people. The monumental temples were built in multiple
phases; Huaca de La Luna was constructed in at least six phases, with each phase built
over the previous, often reconfiguring platforms and resulting in wider and taller
structures. Original interpretations were that the Huacas de Moche site was the capital
of a centralized state, which collapsed around AD 600 (Larco Hoyle 2001; Stanish
2001).
58
Moche art depicted warriors and battles, and this iconography represented the
reality of Moche society dominating the north coast. However, with a plethora of
Moche studies occurring in the last twenty years, it appears that Moche material culture
is not homogenous and there is greater variability in Moche material culture than
previously thought (Quilter and Koons 2012). Therefore, it seems likely that Moche was
made up of single valley or multi-valley polities who shared religious ideology and
potentially political affiliation between AD 200 and 900, perhaps in a city-state type
model.
There are two major Moche cultural regions, the northern and southern region.
Working hypotheses suggest the northern region (north of the Paijan desert) was
composed of independent polities, while the southern region was a unified polity
(Bawden 1996; Castillo and Donnan 1994; Castillo and Uceda 2008; Donnan 2010;
Pillsbury 2001; Quilter and Castillo 2010; Swenson 2004). The southern Moche state
would have consisted of the Chicama, Moche, Virú, Chao, Santa, and Nepena valleys;
this remains open to debate, as Koons’ recent research at Licapa II in the Chicama
Valley suggests the Chicama Valley’s Moche population had more similarities to the
independent polities of the Northern Moche region (2012 and 2015; Koons and Alex
2014; Quilter and Koons 2012).
Rafael Larco Hoyle established a five-phase sequence of Moche ceramics, based
on changes in the shape of spouts on stirrup-spout bottles and changes in the form of the
stirrup-spout vessel (1948). The sequence was based on his own excavations in the
Chicama Valley, but he did not stratigraphically excavate the entire sequence.
Researchers have correlated changes in iconography on vessels that correspond to

59
Larco's sequence (Donnan 1976; Donnan and McClelland 1999; McClelland et al.
2007).
In the Moche Valley, during the Middle Moche period, the volume of
ceremonial architecture constructed is nearly twenty times that of the Gallinazo and
Early Moche Phases (Billman 1996, 317–318 and 2002, 392). Billman’s analysis of
settlement survey in the Moche Valley characterizes Moche as a highly centralized
hierarchically organized polity.7 Economic power is demonstrated by the construction
of public works, including temples, roads, and canals.
Moche society was hierarchical and violent. Religious rites included human
sacrifice, depicted on ceramics and murals of temple complexes. This power also
produced extensive quantities of wealth goods for leaders for households and burials.
Craft specialists produced goods in unprecedented volumes in the Andes. Moche
society was more stratified than any previous civilization in the Andes. Ideology
emphasized public monuments for public display and rituals. Public display occurred on
material culture and monumental centers with large public spaces for viewing of
ceremonies. Investment in monumental architecture in the Moche Valley and
neighboring valley such as the Chicama was massive.
Moche leaders’ residences and burials contained wealth goods produced by craft
specialists, including fineware ceramics and metal adornments in unprecedented
quantities. In addition, laborers constructed elaborate residences for elites (Chapdelaine
2009; Uceda and Armas 1998; Van Gijseghem 2001). The urban sector at Moche is
7
No Moche settlements have been identified in the Sinsicap Valley.
60
well organized, with streets, plazas, public buildings, and residential compounds that
included workshops. Activities carried out by specialists included adobe production,
ceramic production, metallurgy, weaving, lapidary workshops, beer brewing, and
herding llamas. It is unclear if agriculturalists lived at Moche. However, the site is
located close to small villages, including fishing villages. Agricultural and marine
resources are assumed to be readily available to residents, and it is clear that Moche was
not an urban center isolated from the rest of the valley’s population. These goods appear
to have been readily available for the urban class. The exchange system is unknown, but
it likely occurred within plazas in the urban center between elites, specialists, and
neighboring farmers and fishermen. Storage does not appear to be directly controlled by
the state. Decentralized storage within the city might be a transitional stage in
development of a more controlling state political economy (Chapdelaine 2001, 2006,
and 2009). Excavations in the urban sector have been primarily limited to Moche Phase
IV, and excavations have not uncovered foreigners or different ethnic group members.
It may be that by Phase IV all ethnic groups that may have been incorporated into the
Moche state had assimilated to Moche traditions. No ethnic markers were identified
outside of Moche, while at other places, like in the Santa Valley highland, textiles have
been documented (Chapdelaine 2001, 2006, and 2009).
Contemporary with the Middle Horizon, during Moche IV and V, a series of
droughts and strong El Niño events occurred (Bawden 2001; Dillehay and Kolata 2004;
Moseley and Deeds 1982; Moseley et al. 2008; Shimada 1994). Scholars have
suggested these circumstances weakened the power and authority of the ruling class and
caused major reorganization throughout parts of the north coast, as the population
61
abandoned the religious system that had previously enabled them to flourish (Bawden
1996; Shimada 1994). Pampa Grande, a large center in the Lambayeque Valley, was
founded during this transition to Phase IV and V pottery in the sixth century (Shimada
1994). In the Moche Valley, Galindo, up valley from the Huacas de Moche, also
developed into a major political center sometime after AD 600. The site grew
dramatically from a rural settlement to a large center with civic/ceremonial architecture
(Bawden 1977 and 1982; Lockard 2009). Initially it was thought that this became the
center in the valley after the abandonment of the Huacas de Moche (Bawden 1996).
However, radiocarbon dates suggest Galindo was expanded during Moche V, and then
abandoned suddenly in the ninth century.
These radiocarbon dates indicate that Moche Phase V ceramics were being used
at Galindo, and Phase IV ceramics continued to be produced at Huacas de Moche
(Lockard 2009). This suggests that the Moche Valley was separated into two centers in
the eighth century—one center at Galindo in the middle valley, producing Moche V
ceramics, the other at the Huacas de Moche producing Phase IV ceramics. The social
and political dynamics between Galindo and Huacas de Moche at the end of Moche
society are not understood at this time (Lockard 2009).
Between AD 750 and 900, Moche culture disappears from the north coast. There
is about a hundred-year gap between the abandonment of Galindo and the founding of
Chan Chan in AD 900, the start of the LIP. It is likely that during this hundred-year gap
in the Moche Valley, residents that abandoned Galindo and Moche were living with
fellow kin groups, with no type of centralized political organization in place (Lockard
2009). During the gap in the history of the Moche Valley, two new regional traditions
62
on the north coast emerge. South of the Moche in the Casma and Santa Valleys, the
Moche sites of Guadalupito and El Castillo de Santa are abandoned (Chapdelaine
2008), and a new regional tradition, Casma, emerges (Fung and Williams 1977; Mackey
and Klymshyn 1990; Vogel 2011; Wilson 1988). North of the Moche Valley in the
Lambayeque region, the Lambayeque culture8 emerges around AD 900 at the sites of
Batán Grande, Túcume, and Chotuna (Heyerdahl et al. 1995; Shimada 1995).
Moche culture characterized the north coast through the late EIP from Piura
south to Nepeña. However, elsewhere in the Central Andes, expansive traditions of the
MH coincide with this period. The MH is characterized by “interregional exchange and
shared cultural influence” (Jennings 2010, 1). Two polities, the Wari, from the central
highlands, and Tiwanaku, from the south-central highlands, emerged and expanded
their influence throughout parts of the Andes. The types of encounters and interactions
between Wari and Tiwanaku polities with polities and groups outside their homelands
remains debated (e.g., Castillo and Jennings 2012; Isbell and McEwan 1991; Jennings
2010; Nash and Williams 2004; Schreiber 1992 and 2001; J. Topic and T. Topic 2010;
Vranich and Stanish 2013). Archaeological evidence indicates that, of these two
polities, the Wari was the only one to interact with northern Peru’s coastal populations
(Castillo, Fernandini, and Moro 2012).
The Wari were originally characterized as a hierarchical, militaristic society
(Schreiber 1992). However, with further research throughout the Central Andes over the
last twenty years, different perspectives are offered that counter the traditional model
8
Referred to as Sican by Izumi Shimada.
63
(Castillo, Fernandini, and Moro 2010; Jennings 2010). Wari material culture has been
reported in elite funerary contexts on the north coast in the Huarmey Valley, the
Jequetepeque Valley, and Huaca de la Luna (Castillo, Fernandini, and Moro 2012;
Giersz 2014; Rucabado and Castillo 2003; Shimada 1990; Uceda and Morales 2013).
Several Wari style vessels were recovered from tombs in two platforms in the Urban
Sector between Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna (Uceda and Morales 2013).
Previously Wari ceramics were reported by Uhle (1913). Uceda and Morales date the
tombs in the Urban Sector to after Huacas de Moche was abandoned (2013, 352). These
are the only Wari ceramics found in the Moche Drainage and Billman (1996) did not
document any Wari ceramics during his survey of the middle and lower valleys. I did
not encounter any Wari ceramics in my survey in the Sinsicap Valley. New data
suggests the relationship between Wari and Moche was varied throughout the north
coast, and the impact of each polity upon the other at this time is unclear (Castillo,
Fernandini, and Moro 2012; Castillo and Jennings 2012).
3.5.3 Other Middle Horizon Groups
Following the Moche polity collapse, two new polities emerged during the
Middle Horizon north and south of the Moche Valley, Lambayeque and Casma polities.
While there is not evidence for either of these groups establishing communities in the
Moche Valley, I briefly mention them as they are relevant players in north coast
regional politics.
64
The Lambayeque, also known as Sicán, culture (800–1375) emerged in the
Lambayeque region of the north coast and persisted through the LIP until it was
conquered by the Chimú. Made up of four river valleys, Motupe, Zaña, Lambayeque,
and La Leche, the region contains one-third of the irrigable land on the north coast
(Kosok 1965). The Lambayeque region has more than fifty adobe huacas. (Heyerdahl et
al. 1995). Research at the sites of Batán Grande, Túcume, and Chotuna (Heyerdahl et al.
1995; Shimada 1995) have provided significant insight into the Lambayeque tradition.
Originally most Lambayeque material culture was misidentified as Chimú;
however, with investigations ongoing in the region for the last 30 years, Lambayeque
material culture can be recognized as distinct from the Chimú. Lambayeque ceramic
styles are similar to Chimú—they also have blackware vessels, but their iconographic
representation of the “Sicán Deity” is distinct. Their paddle-stamping technique on
ceramics was adopted in the Chimú region during the LIP.
Contemporaneous with Wari and Lambayeque polities, the Casma polity
developed on the southern edge of the north coast. While Casma ceramic style and an
urban center, El Purgatorio, in the Casma Valley, were documented in the mid-
twentieth century (Tello 1956, Collier 1962), little is known about the Casma culture
(Vogel 2011). There is regional variation in ceramic styles in the region, which has led
Vogel to argue that uniformity in style and settlement patterns suggests a common
cultural identity and that the Casma polity was a “heterarchical confederation of semi-
autonomous regional elites united by common cultural practices” (2011, 206).
Architecture in the Casma region includes rectangular compounds and agglutinated
room complexes, a tradition that dates back to the EIP and continues through the LH
65
(Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). Fung and Williams (1977) characterized Casma
architecture as walled compounds and terraced slopes with residential structures, with a
spatial division between compounds and residential terraces. This tradition is also found
at Cerro La Cruz, a small site on the Casma frontier in the Chao valley (Vogel 2003). At
El Purgatorio, geometric friezes are found on some inner compound walls. Other shared
architectural attributes between Chimú, Lambayeque, and Casma are construction
styles, with a combination of adobe and uncut stone as well as case-and-fill technique.
Casma style ceramics include blackware and plainwares. Four decorated types
have been identified: Casma incised, Casma molded, Black-white-red, and Serpentine
applique (Collier 1955 and 1962; Daggett 1983; Kroeber 1944; Proulx 1973; Tello
1956; Vogel 2003, 2011 and 2012; Wilson 1988). While understanding of Casma polity
and material culture continues to evolve, its architectural and material culture stylistic
traditions follows common coastal traditions (Pacifico 2014; Vogel 2012).
3.6 Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon in the La Libertad Highlands
In the La Libertad highland region, archaeological research suggests the
Huamachuco has the largest population and monumental architecture in the EIP and
MH. The other areas of the La Libertad highland region that have undergone
archaeological investigation suggest the region had smaller populations. The elevation
of sites suggests groups practiced agropastoralism. These regions have had limited
archaeological study and warrant further investigation.

66
3.6.1 Otuzco/Upper Moche Area
During the EIP (and also the LIP), populations moved into the Otuzco/Upper
Moche area, on the western slope below the Huamachuco region. The Topics consider
the Otuzco/Upper Moche area a buffer zone between coast and sierra. Ceramics found
in this region are similar to those in the middle valley (Billman 1996; T. Topic and J.
Topic 1982; Ringberg 2012); however, subsequent publications have emphasized the
LIP occupation and paid little attention to the EIP and MH occupations (Coupland
1979; DeHetre 1979; J. Topic and T. Topic 1979a, 1979b, and 1982). In an early report
of the Topics’ Fortification project, they suggest early EIP sites in the Otuzco/Upper
Moche area were watch stations, large walls, and ditches, and residents (likely
herdsmen) were defending themselves against each other and from populations coming
from the continental divide (1979b, 9–10). Later publications emphasize these sites as
playing an important role in the prehistoric network between the highland and coastal
regions during the early EIP (Topic and Topic 1983 and 1985). There is no commentary
on Moche interaction with the Otuzco/Upper Moche area and there is a lack of evidence
of Moche interaction with other regions in the La Libertad highlands. Several sites in
the Otuzco/Upper Moche area date to the MH;9 however, little has been reported on
them (DeHetre 1979; J. Topic and T. Topic 1979a, Table 1).
9
The Topics do not describe the ceramics they are using to date MH sites in their initial inventory
of sites from their survey (J. and T. Topic 1979a, 1979b). In a later publication, they describe the Middle
Horizon (Phase III) as the most poorly defined in the four-phase ceramic sequence developed during the
Fortifications project and report an absence of Wari and Moche IV sherds in the survey area,
encountering only a single Cajamarca sherd in an LIP context (J. Topic and T. Topic 1982, 15–16). Wari
sherds found in the La Libertad area have only been reported in Huamachuco (J. Topic and T. Topic
2010; J. Topic 2009).
67
3.6.2 Carabamba Plateau
The limited survey in the Carabamba plateau reports at least three sites dating
definitively to the EIP, and possibly two others (Haley 1979; J. Topic and T. Topic
1979a, Table 1). Haley suggests these are simple farming communities with an
agropastoral subsistence economy, carrying out hillslope agriculture and herding.
Several of the EIP sites are also occupied in the LIP. No MH ceramics (i.e., Wari) have
been identified in the Carabamba plateau, although MH sites are listed in the Topics’
initial survey (J. Topic and T. Topic 1979a, Table 1). Haley characterizes the region as
an “economic and political backwater ignored by major powers through time” (1979,
244).
3.6.3 Alto Chicama
The reported Alto Chicama settlement pattern reflects a similar pattern to the
Carabamba plateau. There are few sites in the Alto Chicama during the EIP or
Mollepata phase (450 BC–AD 550). Only two small sites date to the Mollepata phase—
AC-11 Mollepata, 2.2 ha, and AC-29, 3 ha. No architecture was identified at either site,
and AC-29 has modern homes and corrals (Krzanowski 2006). The few sites in the Alto
Chicama dating to the EIP suggest there is a very small population living in the Alto
Chicama, especially in comparison to the Huamachuco region and Moche Valley.
Ceramics from this phase are characterized by white on red negative, black on red, or
kaolin ceramics from Cajamarca III. Rims are frequently ribbed, and neckless ollas and
everted neck vessels are present. Colanders appear during this period in the Alto
68
Chicama (Krzanwoski 1986 and 2006). Krzanowski’s research has not recovered any
evidence of a MH presence in the Alto Chicama valley.
3.6.4 Huamachuco
In the La Libertad highlands the majority of information available about
highland groups comes from Huamachuco. Settlement patterns in the upper Moche
valley indicate a small population. The Carabamba plateau and Alto Chicama report a
few sites potentially dating to the EIP (Haley 1979). In contrast in the Huamachuco
region, the EIP is a time of heightened social complexity with the construction of
multiple monumental sites and movement of populations during the Purpucala
(200 BC–200 AD) and Early Huamachuco phases (AD 300–600). The MH consists of
the Amaru phase (AD 600–800) and Late Huamachuco Phase (AD 800–1000).
The Purpucala phase is contemporaneous with the Salinar phase on the coast.
Settlement patterns indicate that populations moved into and formed towns in new
territories in Huamachuco, located near main routes towards Santiago de Chuco and the
Callejon de Huaylas (J. Topic 2009, 218). The subsistence economy during this period
is a mixed agropastoralism. Sites are found at three elevations—3200 masl, 3400 masl,
and 3600 masl—to access both agricultural fields and camelid herds (220). Architecture
dating to the EIP is typical Huamachuco-style characterized by circular, rectangular,
and curvilinear buildings. This architectural style persisted through the LH (J. Topic
2009). Ceramic styles were influenced by the Recuay highland region south of
Huamachuco and Cajamarca cultures.

69
During the Early Huamachuco phase, there was a dramatic increase in total site
area occupied and the average size of sites, suggesting population growth in the region.
Site clusters from the previous phase are abandoned, and population aggregation occurs
around the modern town of Huamachuco, potentially related to changing subsistence
strategies. Populations settle at 3400 masl (J. Topic 2010, Table 13.9a). Site locations
are connected to roads, which are used through the LH. A local shrine, Catequil, was
founded during the Early Huamachuco phase. It became a widely known oracle in the
late Prehispanic period and worshiped into the Colonial period (Topic et al. 2002).
Marcahuamachuco is a monumental center about 8 kilometers northwest of the
city of Huamachuco that eventually reached 240 ha in area. Located at 3500 masl, the
earliest construction of the site dates to AD 400, construction continued through AD
1000. The majority of construction occurred at Marcahuamachuco during the MH,
when new buildings were added. Construction culminated in the MH with the
completion of the Castillo building in the center of the site. Originally,
Marcahuamachuco was thought to be the capital of the Huamachuco polity (T. Topic
and J. Topic 1986); however, further research by the Topics interpret the site to be a
monumental center that brought all of the Huamachuco lineages together throughout the
EIP and MH periods (T. Topic and J. Topic 1984, 1986, and 1987). They suggest that
construction was a cooperative process that happened annually and was an important
element of Huamachuco society, as the ritual cycle enabled reaffirmation of traditional
ties between groups and individuals in Huamachuco society (T. Topic 2009, 252).
The Huamachuco polity in the EIP and MH is similar to a middle-range society
without a strong centralized authority (T. Topic 2009, 244). Huamachuco society was
70
made up of ranked lineages that controlled land and resources in the southern
Condebamba Basin. Rankings were based on size, power, resources controlled, and
connection to ancestors (J. Topic 2009, 227). Each lineage likely had a gallery or
designated space at Marcahuamachuco where their ancestors were interred. Domestic
residences at Marcahuamachuco were in long, multistoried galleries, where many
households lived under a common roof. The Topics propose Marcahuamachuco had a
seasonal occupation with a maximum population of 6,000 people, as the arable land
around Marcahuamachuco is insufficient to support a year-round population and water
sources are also limited (T. Topic 2009, 243–244). Ninety-seven percent of ceramics
excavated in EIP contexts at Marcahuamachuco were undecorated. Common vessel
shapes include jars and ollas with short, straight, and flaring rims. Frequent decoration
on vessels is a red band on the lip and neck-join. Bands are found on almost all wares.
Negative resist painting black on red with red dots is frequently found. Face-neck jars
with earspools are common. Caolin ring base bowls are present; they are assumed to be
imported from Cajamarca (T. and J. Topic 1987, 23–24).
During the MH, Amaru, and Late Huamachuco Phases, Wari ceramics have
been documented in the Huamachuco region at Viracochapampa and Cerro Amaru (J.
Topic 2009). Originally thought be an intrusive Wari administrative center,
Viracochapampa was constructed in the early MH. Viracochapampa is the only
archaeological site in La Libertad with Wari-style architecture. Early researchers in the
Huamachuco region, Uhle and McCown (1945), believed Viracochapampa was an Inca
site based on its grid layout; however, Thatcher’s work dated the site to the MH 1B and
2a (1972, 88 and 1974). The Topics’ excavations at Viracochapampa suggest it was

71
constructed during the Cerro Amaru phase. Niched halls and rectangular galleries are
common Viracochapampa architectural elements that are also found at
Marcahuamachuco, while others consider these elements Wari-derived. The Topics
argue that Viracochapampa’s construction style is Wari influenced, but the plan also has
types of buildings that are found in the Huamachuco area in the Early Huamachuco
phase that are not present in Ayachuco (Wari Heartland) until Middle Horizon 1B (J.
Topic 1986 and 1991; Topic and Topic 1986 and 2000).
The site of Cerro Amaru, which dates to the Early Huamachuco phase of the
EIP, is a shrine where Wari ceramics have also been documented as well. Cerro Amaru
began to decline in importance during the Amaru phase, as Marcahuamachuco grew in
influence. J. Topic postulates, based on different burial practices between Cerro Amaru
and Marcahuamachuco (Topic and Topic 1992), that local elites, perhaps from Cerro
Sazon, another site in the region, may have initiated construction of Viracochapampa, in
association with the Wari, in efforts to create a centralized chiefdom, competing with
Marcahuamachuco; however, Marcahuamachuco won out (J. 2009, 227). Cerro Amaru
contained a mausoleum with highly valued burial goods, while Marcahuamachuco had
wall tombs with few grave goods. These differences in burial patterns seems to reflect
that Cerro Amaru may have been an “individualizing chiefdom,” while
Marcahuamachuco’s niched halls represent a “community-oriented” chiefdom,
supporting their multiple lineage hypothesis (Topic and Topic 1984, 1992, and 2000; J.
Topic 2009, 227). J. Topic concedes this model needs further testing (2009, 227).
During the Late Huamachuco phase, Marcahuamachuco was at its peak in terms
of area occupied. The phase is characterized by the decline of Cerro Amaru and Cerro
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Sazon, two middle range-size sites which begin to decline during this period (J. Topic
2009, 227). Community autonomy and ancestor veneration characterized by
Marcahuamachuco ultimately won out at Huamachuco.
It is difficult to differentiate between Cerro Amaru phase ceramics and the Late
Huamachuco phase. Wari ceramic influence may appear in small falling straight-sided
bowls decorated with black lines, sloppily applied. In the collections available, it is
difficult to tell what is local influence and what is Wari. Late Huamachuco ceramics are
also very similar to Early Huamachuco ceramics. The same forms persist; however,
there is a new range of appliqué lugs and ornaments on orange wares. Jar rims become
more curved, and caolin bowls are now rare (T. Topic and J. Topic 1987, 24).
At the same time, as Huamachuco’s lineages are building Marcahuamachuco in
the Moche Valley, the Moche polity continues to evolve on the coast. It is notable that
there is very limited direct evidence of Huamachuco-Moche interaction. Both were
expanding during the same two hundred years and coexisted for several centuries (J.
Topic and T. Topic 1985, 62).
3.7 Late Intermediate Period
The LIP is characterized by regional polities throughout the Central Andes,
including the Chimú and Inca polities (Covey 2008). During the second half of the LIP,
the Chimú became a dominant polity on the north coast, overtaking the Lambayeque
and Casma polities, as the Inca began to consolidate the Cuzco region. In the La
Libertad highlands, new polities appear in the western slope area of the Moche
Drainage (J. Topic and T. Topic 1983 and 1985) and Carabamba plateau (Haley 1979),
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as well as the Alto Chicama valley (Krzanowksi 1977 and 2006). Monumental
construction in Huamachuco ceases (J. Topic 2009, T. Topic 2009). I also review
previous LIP hypotheses and investigations in the Moche Valley chaupiyunga followed
by known LIP history in the La Libertad highlands.
3.7.1 The Moche Valley and Chimú Empire
The Chimú were one of the longest lasting states in the New World and the
second largest polity to develop in South America after the Inca (Mackey 2009;
Moseley 1990). Emerging about one hundred years after the collapse of the Moche, the
Chimú also called the Moche Valley home, establishing their capital, Chan Chan, in the
lower Moche Valley around AD 900. The Chimú expanded north and south of the
Moche valley, overtaking the Sican and Casma polities, bringing the north coast under
one rule and establishing a four-tier settlement hierarchy above the village level
(Mackey 2009). The Chimú controlled the north coast until 1470, when they were
defeated by the Inca and incorporated into the Inca Empire.
Few Colonial sources discuss the Chimú Empire; the Anonymous History of
1604 (Vargas Ugarte 1936, 232–233), however, provides the most complete depiction
of the Chimú (T. Topic 1990, 179). Taycanamo, a foreigner from the north who arrived
in the Moche Valley via balsa raft with his retainers, allegedly founded the Chimor
dynasty. Taycanamo took a local wife and founded Chan Chan (Rowe 1948). This
founder’s myth has several parallels to the founding myth of the Lambayeque dynasty
(Netherly 1990; Rowe 1948; T. Topic 1990). Other myths suggest that the Chimú had a
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strong, hierarchical class system (Calancha 1977 [1638]). The Chimú maintained
distinct architectural, iconographic, and material culture that differed from Moche,
although they retained similar themes of maritime iconography and motifs in
monumental architecture and material culture that was commonly found among north
coast societies (Jackson 2004; Pillsbury 1993).
Chimor was an economically specialized polity that was ruled by dual and
quadripartite hierarchies of local lords. In the highlands and north coast, late
Prehispanic sociopolitical units were ranked, kin-based subgroups referred to as
señorios (Netherly 1977, 1990, and 1993; Ramirez 1985; Ramirez-Horton 1981;
Rostworowski 1977). On the north coast, a subgroup of a señorio are is referred to as a
parcialidad, a term meaning a part of a whole. Parcialidades were themselves divided
into ranked moieties—often two moieties, although sometimes three.
Each parcialidad had its own leader, lord, or cacique. A second person (segunda
persona) was in charge of the lower-ranking moiety in the parcialidad. The leader or
cacique principal would be responsible for the entire polity and the highest ranked
parcialidad. Under the cacique principal and segunda persona were a series of lower-
level lords. Local lords facilitated exchange and redistribution of specialized products.
In contrast, occupational specialist communities are not reported in the highlands.
Examples of occupational specialist communities are potters, metalsmiths, fishermen,
etc. Excavations at Chan Chan have found artisan specialist households and workshops
adjacent to Chimú elites’ monumental architecture (J. Topic 1977 and 1982).
Chan Chan occupies 20 km2, with a 6-km2 urban monumental core on the edge
of the Moche Valley (Moore and Mackey 2008; Moseley and Day 1982). The most
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populous site in the empire, it is estimated that 30,000–40,000 inhabitants lived at Chan
Chan, more than at any other Chimú settlement (Moseley 1975; Topic and Moseley
1983). The city grew throughout the LIP (Conklin 1990; Kolata 1990; Moore 1996a),
although it has been argued that the city was never fully occupied at one time
(Tschauner 2006). As the center of the empire, the city contained palaces, storerooms,
craft production workshops, and residences for elites, craftsmen, and retainers. Four
classes of adobe architecture stand out in Chan Chan: (1) Ciudadelas, (2) elite
architecture, (3) audiencias, and (4) SIARs or small, irregular, agglutinated rooms.
Ciudadelas, or palaces, are large rectangular walled compounds. Ten
ciuadadelas make up the monumental core of Chan Chan (Topic and Moseley 1983).
Each Chimú king allegedly built his own palace where he lived, ruled, and was buried
upon death. Within the palace walls were multiple plazas, state administrative
architecture, audiencias, storerooms, walk-in wells, and quarters for the royal family
(Moore and Mackey 2008). The addition of burial platforms in ciudadelas where the
king was interred transformed the ciudadela from a palace to a funerary complex
(Ramirez 1996). Ciudadelas serve religious and administrative functions and are argued
to represent a royal ruler (Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). Ciudadelas functioned as both
administrative and religious centers; however, the complexity of ciudadela architecture
indicates it was a place with highly controlled access and separate from the rest of Chan
Chan (Day 1982, Moore 1992). Limited access implies very few members of Chimú
society saw the interior of Chan Chan ciudadelas.
Elite architecture was smaller and less elaborate than ciudadelas. Walled
compounds, these structures included audiences, ramps, benches, and storerooms. These
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architectural units are interpreted as the residences of non-royal elites who oversaw
administrative activities at the lower level (Klymyshyn 1976 and 1982; Moore and
Mackey 2008).
Audiencias are three-sided niched structures that at Chan Chan are often found
in ciudadelas and elite architecture. Their exact use is not understood, but they are
thought to be administrative in nature (Day 1982; Keatinge and Conrad 1983;
Klymshyn 1973 and 1974; Kolata 1990; Mackey 2009; Mackey and Klymshyn 1990;
Moore 1992).
The majority of Chan Chan’s residents lived in Small Irregular Agglutinated
Rooms (SIAR). SIARs are found throughout the city between elite architecture and
ciudadelas. They served as non-elite residences and specialists’ workshops. SIARs’
foundations are made of cobblestones, and residences and workshops are made of cane
wattle and mud daub walls. Forming multi-room clusters, SIARs included kitchens,
patio, and living areas in addition to workshops for copper metallurgy, textile
production, woodworking, and other crafts. Craftsmen produced these products for the
Chimú state elites (J. Topic 1977, 1982, and 1990).
Pottery production workshops at Chan Chan are noticeably absent (J. Topic
1982, 165); however, Colonial documents from the north coast provides a list of 24
specialized occupations present in north coast parcialidades in the sixteenth century in
the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque region (Ramirez-Horton 1981, 291–292, and 1982,
Table 1; Netherly 1977, 157, and 1984, 231; Rostorowski 1977 and 1989). This
diversity of craft production reported in the ethnohistoric record indicates specialization
and barter was commonplace in north coast societies, and division of labor was a
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principal part of social organization (Rostworoski 1989, 273). These specialists,
however, only make up 5–6% of a population that was primarily focused on agriculture
(Ramirez 1982: 115). Ethnohistoric documents suggest that farmers’ and lords’
relationships were similarly conceived as a sort of sharecropping or rental agreement,
with the permission to work specific fields in return for an exchange of the harvest to
the local lord (Cock 1986; Rostworowski 1989, 34; Ramirez 1996, 51).
The timing and extent of control of the Chimú Empire remains under debate, as
does the administrative model utilized by the imperial power. Various models based on
both ethnohistoric and archaeological evidence have been proposed for Chimú
expansion (see Moore and Mackey 2008, Table 39.1 for an overview of the models).
The majority of Chimú expansion models focus on the extent and timing of northern
and southern expansion of Chan Chan along the coast. This previous research has
primarily focused on the culture history and interaction between Chimú and local
groups in lower and middle valleys of north coast valleys. There has been little
consideration of Chimú expansion along its presumed eastern border zone in upper
valley regions and relations between Chimú leaders and residents in this zone (T. Topic
1990; J. Topic and T. Topic 1985 are exceptions to this).
Expansion of the Chimú polity has been identified through the presence of
Chimú-style architecture. Chimú regional centers were identified in part by their large
compounds similar to Chimú palaces and their architectural features as well as
audiencias (Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2009), while the timing and extent of
control of the Chimú remains under debate, as does the Chimu’s administrative and
economic system. Audiencias are through to represent Chimú administration and are
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found at all levels of settlement hierarchy of Chimú sites above the village level.
Audiencias are found associated with storerooms, at Chimú regional centers, and at
rural administrative centers (Keatinge 1973, 1974 and 1975; Keatinge and Day 1973).
They have been proposed to have served administrative purposes (Moseley and Day
1982) and may have been structures that kept administrative records (J. Topic 2003).
Moore opposes this idea, arguing, “there is no statistically significant spatial association
between U-shaped rooms and storerooms” (1992, 108), suggesting the function and
meaning of audiences be reconsidered. While this may be the case, it is still widely
accepted that these structures represent Chimú administration.
All models of Chimú state expansion agree that the first stage of Chimú
expansion was the consolidation of the Chimú heartland, the Virú, Moche, and Chicama
valleys (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Moore and Mackey 2008; Rowe 1948; T. Topic
1990). This occurred during AD 900–1200 (Moore and Mackey 2008). The Chimú used
military conquest and alliance to extend their empire north and south, taking over other
coastal polities, which retained some aspects of their cultural identity after Chimú
takeover (Mackey 2011). Chimú initial expansion outside the heartland went north,
overtaking the Lambayeque polity in the Jequetepeque Valley by 1320, reportedly
through military force. They then expanded south of the Moche, overtaking the Casma
Valley through alliance by 1350.
The Chimú then returned north, pushing beyond the Jequetepeque to the La
Leche Valley through force sometime during 1360–1400 (Moore and Mackey 2008,
Table 39.1). Within their acquired territory, regional centers were established in the
Jequetepeque Valley at Farfan, Manchan in the Casma Valley, and Tucume in the
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Lambayeque Valley. Ethnohistoric sources propose Chimú expansion extended south to
the Chillon Valley (Rowe 1948), although this seems unlikely. Chimú ceramics are
reported in this region, but there is no current evidence of Chimú administrative
architecture (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). A similar situation is in Tumbes, close to
the border of modern-day Ecuador, where spondylus princeps, a highly valued shell
considered a prestige resource, originates. By 1450, the Chimú have influenced the
Tumbes region; however, there is no evidence of Chimú infrastructure in the region
(Moore et al. 1997; Moore and Mackey 2008).
In the rural Chimú heartland, initial interpretations of Chimú settlement patterns
in the Moche Valley indicate the Chimú were a centralized state that heavily regulated
subjects’ economic activities. This is demonstrated through settlement patterns
(Keatinge 1975), administered water access (Keatinge 1975), and labor investment in
public works projects, as demonstrated through its extensive investment in canal
construction (Ortloff et al. 1985; T. Pozorski and S. Pozorski 1982). Chimú sites in the
Moche Valley fall into one of three categories: administrative, village, or fortification
(Billman pers comm 2010; Keatinge 1974, 1975; Keatinge and Day 1973). Settlement
patterns in the Moche Valley indicate the Chimú had centralized control over the rural
economy. Administrative centers are located separately from habitation sites and close
to canal intakes, suggesting they were principally focused on monitoring canal
construction and water regulation (Keatinge 1975; Pozorksi and Pozorski 2006). While
settlement patterns for the Chimú occupation of the Moche Valley have not yet been
published, there are a series of Chimú forts in the middle valley in addition to
administrative and domestic sites (Billman pers comm; Mullins 2012; T. Topic and J.
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Topic 1982). Comparing Chimú ceramics from the surface of Fortaleza Quirihuac (MV
55), a Chimú fort in the middle Moche Valley, with those published by Keatinge (1973)
and J. Topic and Moseley (1983), Mullins (2012) tentatively dates Fortaleza Quirihuac
to 1100–1470, appearing in the time when the Chimú were consolidating their
heartland.
Keatinge reports the presence of three rural administrative centers in the Moche
Valley: El Milagro de San Jose, Quebrada del Oso, and Quebrada Katuay. Each varies
in construction style and technique but is distinguished by the presence of audiencias,
location close to canal intakes, and subsequently, in state fields, and isolation from other
Chimú sites (Keatinge 1973, 1974; Keatinge and Day 1973). Several Chimú villages in
the Moche Valley have been identified, although only one, Cerro La Virgen has
undergone excavation (Billman, Keatinge 1975).
Canal construction carried out by the Chimú maximized the agricultural
potential of the Moche Valley. They invested in the Three-Pampa area, developing it
into a large zone of canals and fields that extends from modern cultivation to the ocean.
They also built the Chicama-Moche Intervalley canal, an effort to divert water from the
Chicama River 20 km north of the Moche and channel it to the Three-Pampa area
(Pampa Esperanza, Pampa Río Seco, and Pampa Huanchaco), which is fed by two
major canals north of the Moche River. Debate surrounds whether Chimú engineering
was successful in bringing water to the Three-Pampa area (Kus 1972 and 1984;
Moseley 1992; Ortloff; et al. 1982 and 1983; T. Pozorski and S. Pozorski 1982). A
major El Niño event during 1300–1350 damaged the Moche-Chicama Intervalley canal.
Excavations by the Programa Riego Antigua documented efforts to repair the canal;
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however, they argue it was never functional again and may be one of the reasons the
Chimú adopted alternative strategies. Rather than investing in their available labor in
agriculture in a marginal environment, they invested in extracting tribute, especially
artisan goods (T. Pozorski and S. Pozorski 2006, 179–181). The Pozorskis note that
within 150 years of the El Niño flooding of AD 1300–1350, the Chimú had quadrupled
the area they controlled.
In addition to canal construction, public works also focused on construction of
long Chimú walls throughout the Moche Valley that do not necessarily appear
connected to a site or have a clear function; they run along mountain ridges and cross
floodplains. Suggestions for these walls’ function include corrals for state herds of
llamas, territorial boundaries, or symbolism of the state (Brian pers. comm 2010).
The rural village of Cerro La Virgen is located just north of Chan Chan on a
Chimú road close to state agricultural fields in the Three-Pampa region. The community
could not have been established without the state as there were no water resources
available for irrigation without the irrigation canals built by the Chimú. Excavations by
Keatinge (1973, 1973b, 1975) and Sheila Pozorski’s analysis of Cerro La Virgen
subsistence patterns (1976 and 1982) initially suggested Cerro La Virgen was an
agricultural community, responsible for producing cotton and foodstuffs for Chan Chan.
This model fit well with the idea of rural Chimú villages in the Moche Valley heavily
regulated by the state. It is clear that the population of Chan Chan, which was made up
of elites and specialists, had to be supported. Recent investigations, however, indicate
that Cerro La Virgen households pursued a mixed strategy of farming, fishing, weaving,
and perhaps limited herding. While these are not specialist households, it appears that
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household members carried out multiple activities to sustain themselves. While they
were likely paying tribute to Chan Chan, if they were a community that supplied Chan
Chan with the necessary agricultural resources to sustain its population, their
relationship is unclear (Billman et al. in press).
Various models of Chimú administration have been proposed. The principal
models are a bureaucratic model and a señorio model. The bureaucratic model relies
principally on information from Chan Chan and attempts to correlate archaeological
evidence with state institutions described for the Inca in ethnohistoric documents (Day
1982; Keatinge and Day 1973). This model proposes the Chimú employed a top-down
administration that operated through Chan Chan and its regional administrative centers.
The model replicated the administration at Chan Chan through a network of
administrative centers throughout the empire; the economy was managed by the state
and controlled the flow of goods through “redistribution, production quotas, corvée
labor, and surplus accumulation and dispersal” (Moore 1985, 144–145). Keatinge’s
research in the Chimú heartland and the results of the Moche Valley/Chan Chan Project
support this model (Moseley and Day 1982; Keatinge 1973, 1974, and 1975; Keatinge
and Day 1973).
In contrast, the señorio system is based on ethnohistoric sources about
indigenous coastal political organization (Netherly 1977, 1984, and 1990;
Rostworowski 2004 and 2005). This model argues for a more local level administrative
political organization based on kinship rather than state control. While powerful kings
characterize the political organization in this model, political authority is tied to
individual position and economic base within a network of parcialidades. In the señorio
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system, exchange dominates the flow of goods and local lords are responsible for
redistribution and tribute. Labor is based on reciprocal obligations within this system.
These two models of Chimú administration are not mutually exclusive. Topic
(2003) adopts aspects of both models, arguing that the bureaucratic system operated at
Chan Chan and the señorio system was utilized in the provinces of the empire. Both
models have been criticized—the bureaucratic model is based wholly on ethnohistoric
sources of Inca institutions of highland Cuzco, and the north coast environment is very
different from Cuzco, as was north coast social organization of parcialidades.
Additionally, the bureaucratic model was developed when little was known about
provincial Inca studies (D’Altroy 1992; Earle and D’Altroy 1989). A principal criticism
of the señorio model is that it is not based on state organization; rather, it is based on
the equivalent of Spanish repartimientos, part of the Colonial system. During the 90
years prior to the Colonial documents that are the models for the señorio system, coastal
populations had undergone major social change under Inca rule and Spanish presence
(Conrad 1977; Moore 1985, 149; Ramirez 1986). Finally, Murra’s (1972) vertical
archipelago has been posited as a model for understanding Chimú imperial
administration. Also based on ethnohistoric documents that describe highland polities,
this model suggests group members occupied different ecological niches, sharing the
products and resources produced in each niche, emphasizing a redistributive system
(Murra 1968 and 1972). This model contributed significantly to the current
understanding of prehistoric subsistence and political economic patterns for highland
polities such as Tiwanaku and Inca (Goldstein 2005; Murra 1980). It may be useful for
understanding the Chimú presence outside of the chala ecological zone.

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While these models provide a varied image of Chimú administration, each
model implies that the Chimú were well organized and maintained a capable
communication system. Tribute was acquired through subject parcialidades, either
regulated by local lords or, in the Moche Valley, funneled through Chan Chan.
Excavations at regional centers and rural sites in the last 15 years provide insight into
Chimú administration. Three Chimú provincial centers, Farfan, Manchan, and Tucume
(Mackey 2009; Moore and Mackey 2008), were all monumental centers for local
polities prior to being part of the Chimú Empire. At all three of these centers, the type
of Chimú architecture constructed and its location and relationship to local elite
architecture has led to interpretations about Chimú administration of these regions.
The Chimú Empire reached its height in the fifteenth century, directly
controlling about 600 km and influencing 1,000 km of the coast, overtaking other north
coast polities and establishing a four-tier settlement hierarchy. They endured at least
one large El Niño event in the first half of the fourteenth century (Moore 1988 and
1991; Moore and Mackey 2008), and craftsmen at Chan Chan produced some of the
most highly desirable metal goods for elites (Lechtman and Moseley 1975; Shimada
1985; Topic 1977, 1982. The Chimú were more politically and economically complex
than any other polity the Inca faced at that time. The Inca were attracted to the Chimú
craft production system and artisans (Rostworowski 1999). In contrast, the Inca
economy was primarily staple-based.
Sources regarding the Inca conquest of Chimor differ with regard to details of
the campaign, its leaders, and Chimú response. When the Inca attacked Cajamarca
around 1461, the Chimú ruler Minchançaman sent soldiers to aid Cajamarca (Rowe
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1948, 43). When Cajamarca fell to the Inca, they had to face the Chimú to hold
Cajamarca. The Chimú, in order to maintain their own empire, had to remove the Inca
from Cajamarca. Calbello de Balboa’s (1951[1586]) description of the conquest reports
the Inca army went south from Cajamarca to Huamachuco then descended to the coast
through the Moche River and entered Chimor, where a battle was fought and won by
the Inca. Other Chroniclers provide similar accounts. It is generally accepted that the
Chimú were not willing to submit to Inca rule. A Chimú revolt is reported after their fall
to the Inca (Zárate 1983[1581], 50). The Inca retaliated by executing Chimú Capac and
forbidding north coast people to carry weapons. In Spanish Visitas, the Colonial period
government reports, informants told Spanish officials they did not provide labor service
to the Inca armies because they were from the north coast (Rostworowski 1990). This
highlights the animosity between the Chimú and Inca. I discuss what is known about
Chimú’s reorganization under the Inca in Section 3.9.1.
3.7.2 Moche Valley Tributaries
Previous archaeological research in the Moche Drainage chaupiyunga region
has focused on the LIP period in the Upper Moche valley. Survey by the Topics and
their project members including excavations at one site, Lomos Shingo, directed by
Alfredo Melly (1983). Lomo Shingo is located on the north side of the Moche River in
the Upper Moche Valley just west of and across the river from Poroto. Its location in
the valley is similar to Cerro Huancha MV 900 in Collambay (see Section 6.2.1). A
hilltop site with defensive features, Lomo Shingo also has extensive investment in
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terracing. Today, on its lower slopes, pineapples are grown, but when walking through
these fields, sherds are visible, and I imagine the lower areas were inhabited and/or
potentially used as agricultural terraces. The Topics identified Lomo Shingo as a well-
planned defensive site whose construction was initiated by the Chimú (1980, 6).
Melly’s (1983) investigation led him to interpret that Lomo Shingo was a local
population center with defensive features. He reports that 60% of the ceramic
assemblage was Chimú, compared to 40% highland, interpreting this information as the
site had two occupations. The first was an MH/LIP highland occupation, as ceramics he
encountered were similar to LIP archaeological sites reported in the Otuzco area and
Carabamba area on the western slopes (11–12). He proposes that Lomo Shingo’s initial
settlement was for coastal-highland trade. The second occupation at Lomo Shingo
during the LIP took place when Chimú took over the site, incorporating it into the
Chimú Empire and displaying defensive features. He reports evidence of Chimú
ceramic production on site (Melly 1983). Billman’s survey in the Moche middle valley
and into the lower Sinsicap Valley and Cuesta Valleys recorded many sites with both
Chimú and highland ceramics (personal comm 2009), as the Topics have also reported
in the Upper Moche Valley (1982 and 1985). The Topics (1985, 63) argue that the
Chimú wanted to control trade and therefore pursued control of inland trade routes into
the highlands. Archaeological evidence of Chimú administration extends through the
mid-Moche valley, and the Topics have reported a series of Chimú fortifications in the
middle valley (See Section 3.8.1).
As previously stated, models considering Chimú eastern expansion are few;
however, Theresa Topic proposes one option based on the Fortifications survey (1990).
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Early consolidation, AD 900–1050, by the Chimú in the middle Moche Valley is
represented by features such as Chimú walls and defensive features that also
represented territorial limits and ethnic divisions (1990). Coastal ethnic groups on the
west side of this defensive architecture, and chaupiyunga or highland groups on the
eastern side of the wall up valley. In the next phase, 1130–1200, the Chimú pushed
further up-valley and built fortresses and a settlement on Cerro Maria, and a lookout at
Cerro Pedregal. This was just below the confluence of the Sinsicap/Cuesta and Upper
Moche tributary.
Late Phase 2/Early Phase 3 is when the Chimú expanded north into the
Jequetepeque Valley and south to Chao, and extended their control in the Moche Valley
inland, pushing 10 km up-valley. T. Topic reports the presence of ring bases, indicating
it may be late Phase 2 (187). Phase 3 dates from 1300–1400. This 10 km would include
Collambay and the rest of the chaupiyunga zone. T. Topic characterizes this zone in the
Upper Moche Valley as having remains of Chimú fortifications and fortified settlements
on top of hills with evidence of considerable occupations. Sites have a mix of Chimú,
highland, and local sherds (188). This up-valley push enabled the Chimú to have more
direct control of roads into the highlands (187) and there is a “string of forts” in the
Upper Moche tributary up-valley 1,600 masl and 4,000 masl between the Chicama and
Moche Valleys (See also Section 3.8.2). Topic reports these sites are under local
control, although Chimú sherds are present (188).
This final expansion phase permitted Chimú control of both coast and highland,
eliminating the chaupiyunga middlemen from exchange networks. Phase 3 also
permitted Chimú coastal lords control of coca fields (188). By Phase 3 the Chimú
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controlled 40 km inland from the coast and made efforts to control coast-highland trade,
yet there is no evidence for Chimú territorial control of this sierra (192).
T. Topic does mention the Sinsicap Valley and Collambay’s Inca coca fields;
however, she states that the Fortifications project did not survey the Sinsicap Drainage
because its north-south communication route is not as direct as the other tributaries
(188). Her model emphasizes militarism in Chimú expansion, but she believes the
Chimú saw the highlands as so different from the coast that controlling the highland
was likely never a goal. Rather, they Chimú used other means to access raw materials,
goods and highland resources (192). T. Topic’s model for the Upper Moche
chaupiyunga fits implications of my exchange-alliance model and tributary province
model, however a defensive outpost is not applicable during the Chimú era in T.
Topic’s view (see Section 2.4). The
3.7.3 Otuzco/Upper Moche Area
As previously described in Section 3.8.2, during the LIP, a series of fortified
sites along a coastal-highland prehistoric road have been identified in the Upper Moche
chaupiyunga and into the Otuzco/Upper Moche area. The survey work of the Topics’
Fortifications project members presents evidence of a series of settlements in the
western slope region dating to the LIP and evidence of some of these sites on coastal-
highland routes interacting with the Chimú (Coupland 1979; DeHetre 1979; Mackenzie
1980; T. Topic and J. Topic 1982; J. Topic and T. Topic 1985).
Survey by Coupland (1979) in the quechua zone extended from 2600 masl to
3800 masl. Six fortified sites were identified, and a prehistoric road that has walls
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remaining in certain areas connects the sites located along the ridge of the Upper Moche
and Cuesta Valleys. Coupland interprets these LIP sites as part of a small polity situated
to control trade between the coast and the highlands. Carpaico was the central
administrative site and had both Chimú and Cajamarca III and IV designs present in
addition to local style ceramics, making up less than 5% of the entire collection (1979,
125–126, 144).
No excavations have occurred at Carpaico. The presence of Chimú ceramics at
the site is interpreted as the result of exchange. Carpaico is situated to take advantage of
traders and gain wealth, serving as a toll-booth as coastal-highland trade appears to have
become more heightened as a result of Chimú interests. Coupland (1979) assumes the
role of monitoring coastal-highland trade-enabled Carpaico development into a local
polity, as a result of redistribution of wealth from interregional exchange. Carpaico’s
local identity flourished with the “threat” of Chimú traders during this heightened
period of militarism (144, 147). Mackenzie, who surveyed north of Coupland, considers
Carpaico the capital of a small redistributive chiefdom about 210 km2 in the north bank
of the Moche River, including the north half of the Otuzco/Upper Moche area in areas
of rainfall agriculture, extending to the La Cuesta Basin (1980, 111). She argues that
this area is made up of seven or eight provincial regions, each with its own center (111–
115). Coupland and Mackenzie do not have the data to substantiate these claims.
Vessel forms in the western slope region are fairly uniform. Three forms are
common: large jars with flaring necks, jars with incurving necks and bowls with round
colander cutouts, and incurving neck jars often with oval lugs on the lip. Everted jars
are often found decorated with a single band on the interior of the lip. The band is often
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a thick paint, unevenly applied, that is frequently red, occasionally orange, and rarely
black and orange (T. Topic and J. Topic 1982, 16).
Ceramics noted at Carpaico are common for the highland region and include
some small bowls, ollas, ring bases, and colanders—medium ware, often brown.
Painted decoration was not common, but most frequently was a single broad line at the
lip of the vessel, sloppily applied. Coupland does not specify if it is on the interior or
exterior, or both sides of the rim. Color combinations include red on orange, orange on
brown, and red on buff. Occasionally, white on red or brown, black on gray, red on
black, red on black on buff, and red and white on buff are present. Rim sherds also
occasionally had an incised line near the lip, as well as intentional roughness on the
surface of sherds (Coupland 1979, 125). This research in the Otuzco/Upper Moche zone
indicates that residents in this zone were likely working with those in the lower
chaupiyunga region of the valley.
3.7.4 Carabamba Plateau
During the LIP, the Carabamba’s population is much larger; the majority of sites
identified in this region date to this period. The Topics refer to this as a “population
explosion” (J. Topic and T. Topic 1979a, 14). They identified 88 sites in aerial
photographs and visited 45 of them (J. Topic and T. Topic 1979a, 9). There are several
site clusters, which they refer to as polities, Cuidista, Chamana, Cerro Sulcha, Mache-
Julcan. Each polity is about the size of 150–200 km2. The Topics define these polities
based on surface collections at visited sites, site locations, and roadways.

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All sites are located on hilltops, and the polities are made up of a series of
habitation sites with some defensive features, as well as hilltop forts. Walled footpaths
connect sites. No test excavations have been undertaken in the region. See Haley 1979
and T. Topic and J. Topic 1987 for settlement pattern maps of the region. Haley
provides site descriptions for sites in the Sulcha polity, the polity located on the western
ridge of the Carabamba, which has a clear communication route with the Virú Valley
(T. Topic and J. Topic 1987, 13). There are more LIP sites reported in the Carabamba
than in the Alto Chicama, Otuzco/Upper Moche area, and Huamachuco areas during the
LIP. Limited surface ceramics were encountered during survey, which is likely the
result of site formation processes. The relationship of the Carabamba to Otuzco/Upper
Moche and lower valleys are unclear at this time.
3.7.5 Alto Chicama
During the LIP, a large new population moves into the Alto Chicama Valley.
Fifty-four sites date to the Yuraccama phase (AD 900–1532). Prior to the LIP, all sites
in the Alto Chicama were smaller than four ha in area. In the LIP, multiple sites are
thirty ha or larger. Multiple sites are often found in close proximity to each other,
forming site groups, with each site complex dedicated to independent groups
(Krzanowski 2006, 37). Settlements tend to be located on ridge tops, and while this
could be interpreted as defensive, Krzanowski interprets this location to enable a mixed-
subsistence economy. The higher elevation is ideal for pastureland, and there is
extensive investment in terrace construction for agriculture in the region (2006, 37).
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Many of the Yuraccama phase sites could date to the LH as well, LH ceramic
styles do not change from the LIP. Ollas from the Yuraccama phase have very flared,
arched rims. The most frequent decoration is Huamachuco Impressed, impressed
concentric circles on the neck and shoulder of the vessel. Sometimes in addition to the
circles, lines in chevron form are found around vessel necks (T. Topic and J. Topic
1987, 24). Forms are similar to those reported by Thatcher (1972) from the
Huamachuco region (Krzanowski 1986). In the early LIP/late MH, Cajamarca and
Chimú black wares are reported, suggesting a connection between Alto Chicama and
these regions (Krzanwoski 2006, 35).
3.7.6 Huamachuco
In Huamachuco, the LIP is known as the Tuscan phase (1000–1470) and is
characterized by two changes: 1. there is no monumental construction at
Marcahuamachuco, although part of the site is still occupied and 2. new ceramic styles
appear in the Huamachuco region. During the LIP, the shrine of Catequil, an oracle, has
regional importance. Settlement patterns have three site clusters. Within each cluster,
one site has more elaborate architecture than the others, suggesting two-tier site
hierarchy. These site clusters have site locations within three elevation zones,
suggesting each site may have been economically specialized—high pastureland for
herding and low elevation for agriculture (J. Topic 2009).
There appears to be a population increase in the Huamachuco region during this
period; the site size grows between the previous Purpucala and Tuscan phases (J. Topic
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2009, 230–231). Marcahuamachuco remains the largest site in the Huamachuco area; all
other sites are significantly smaller, ranging from 3.2 to 6.4 ha, significantly smaller
than those on the western slope area (J. Topic 1998, 119).
There are two distinct ceramic traditions in this phase, which may be tied to
different ethnic groups in the Huamachuco region, Huamachuco Impressed and
Huamachuco-on-white (T. Topic and J. Topic 1987, 24–25). Huamachuco Impressed,
previously described in the Alto Chicama LIP section, is found in hard orange or grey
pastes; often, vessels have an orange surface and gray core, which appears to come from
the Alto Chicama Valley (T. Topic and J. Topic 1987, 24). These ceramics have been
found in low quantities at Marcahuamachuco and in an unmixed assemblage south of
Marcahuamachuco at Cerro Chico south (24).
Huamachuco-on-white is described as having a hard light paste and rocky
temper. “Surfaces are slipped with streaky white slip, and over this are painted bold
circles and net-like motifs in deep red and brown” (Topic and Topic 1987, 24). Wide
strap handles are frequently found on large jars. Some jar and ollas forms continue from
the Late Huamachuco phase (from the EIP). Tuscan styles continue through the Santa
Barbara phase (LH).
Settlement patterns during the LIP in La Libertad suggest that overall the
population has increased and are more dispersed throughout these different areas than
reported in previous periods. The movement of populations into the Carabamba plateau,
especially the Cuidista area, and in the Otuzco/Upper Moche Area suggests settlement
patterns may be driven in part by exchange with coastal groups. J. Topic comments that
there is a clear shift in economic focus toward the western slope. Sites are located close
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to roads from the coast that emerge out of the chaupiyunga into quechua and zone of
rainfall agriculture (1998, 119). The exception to this trend is in Huamachuco, where
LIP sites are not near major roads.
Non-local ceramic styles, Chimú and Cajamarca ceramics, are reported in the
Otuzco/Upper Moche area as well as the Alto Chicama Valley and Huamachuco.
Chimú ceramics were recovered by Uhle at Marcahuamachuco in burials (McCown
1945). The Topics report much larger numbers of Chimú sherds in the Otuzco/Upper
Moche area and upper valley coastal-highland route than in the Huamachuco region
itself (J. Topic and T. Topic 1985). It is clear that during the LIP, the La Libertad
highland population is engaged in interregional exchange.
3.8 Late Horizon: Chinchasuyu, Northwest Quarter of the Inca Empire
The Inca polity emerged in the LIP in the Cuzco Basin, however the Inca’s
arrival on the north coast in 1470 (Rowe 1948) is the onset of the Late Horizon period
on the north coast. Research over the last 20 years has documented the archaeological
record of the early Inca polity in the Cuzco Basin to understand Inca state formation and
compare it with the ethnohistoric record (Bauer 1992; Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey
2003). Research in the provinces of the empire over the last decade also provides
insight into Inca administration, interests, strategies, and relationships with local groups
(D’Altroy 1992; Malpass and Alconini 2010; Malpass 1993). A complete account of
Inca political dynamics and material culture is beyond the scope of this dissertation;
however, a basic account of Inca institutions and political history provides the necessary
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background to present researchers’ current understanding of the Inca’s impact and
administration on the north coast and La Libertad highlands.
The capital of Tawantinsuyu was Cuzco, which is quechua for the “four
quarters.” Quechua, an indigenous Andean language, was the lingua franca of the
empire. Divided into four quarters or suyus, Tawantinsuyu was composed of Antisuyu
(east, the Amazon), Collasuyu (south), Cuntisuyu (west), and Chinchasuyu (north). The
territory of the Chimú Empire, and the rest of the north coast, as well as the La Libertad
highlands and the northern Andes, were part of Chinchasuyu, which was the most
populous region of the empire.
The Inca Empire was extended by multiple leaders over several generations to
encompass two million km2 in an area including at least 86 different ethnic groups
(Rowe 1946; Shimada 2015). Today, this area includes the modern nation-states of
Bolivia, Argentina, Peru, and as far north as the Ecuador-Colombia border.
The Inca practiced split inheritance, meaning a ruler’s successor obtained
political power as king; however, the deceased ruler maintained control over the land he
conquered during his life. The mummies of deceased Inca kings were kept in their
palaces and retainers continued to care for them. These mummies continued to be
consulted by Inca leaders and participated in state rituals. Split inheritance is one of the
arguments for the initial expansion of the Inca Empire, as a new king is required to
build his own palace and win land and wealth from new territories (D’Altroy 1992).
Such an expansive empire required a significant investment in infrastructure and
well-organized administration. The Inca employed a decimal administrative system—
based on the number 10. Each suyu was made up of multiple provinces, which was
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based upon ranked divisions. Ideally these divisions consisted of one hunu or 10,000
people (males/taxpayers/head of households), which was subdivided in turn into
smaller, ranked decimal units based on 5,000, 1,000, 500, 100, 50, and 10 (D’Altory
2002, 232–234; Julien 1988). Each level had a leader headed by a curaca or local lord.
The Inca required tribute payments from subjects, which included grain, textiles, wares,
etc. The Inca also relied upon a corvée labor tax, or mit’a, on public works projects.
Male heads of households were required to spend a set number of days a year working
for the state. These taxpayers built and maintained the Inca road system, or Qhapaq
Nan, which also had state way stations or tambos that included facilities with storage
and sleeping quarters for traveling administrators and the army. The Inca road system
was 25,000 km, which enabled rapid communication throughout the empire and
connected all four quarters of the empire with Cuzco (Hyslop 1984, 1990). Messengers,
or chasquis, were stationed at tambos throughout the empire to relay messages quickly.
Various strategies regulated the empire’s subjects in Inca interests. Ethnic
groups within the Inca Empire were required to maintain groups’ traditional dress and
hairstyle. This strategy enabled clear identification of cultural affiliation and reinforced
social hierarchy in the empire. The Inca also resettled groups throughout the empire.
This tactic was used to control problematic groups, taking them outside their homelands
and resettling them elsewhere in the empire. The Inca also brought loyal groups into
provinces that were composed of problematic groups. Groups that were resettled by the
Inca were called mitmaq. Mitmaq groups were also moved into some areas to intensify
staple agricultural production throughout the empire. This included the Mantaro,
Urubamba, Cochabamba, and Colca valleys (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Wachtel
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1982). Inca provincial policies were determined by the resources available, political
complexity of the subject group, proximity to Cuzco and threat that that polity presented
to the Inca (D’Altroy 1992, 217). One of the Inca hallmarks is Inca architecture, stone
masonry cut precisely so no mortar is needed (Protzen 1983, 1993). While the highest
quality of masonry is found in the Cuzco region, it is also found at provincial centers
throughout the empire, although Inca masonry is absent in the Chimú heartland. Inca
architecture identified at some provincial capitals include ushnus and kallankas. An
ushnu is a sacred platform structure used for Inca ceremonies, serving as a type of stage
where kings and leaders facilitated rituals demonstrating their religious and political
authority. Kallankas are roofed buildings that served as spaces for public gatherings.
They are often found adjacent to central plazas with multiple doors along one side
opening up to the plaza. A locale for feasting events, kallankas could house large
groups of people (Shimada 2015).
3.9 Moche Valley under the Inca Empire
The Inca took over the north coast and La Libertad highlands by 1470. Initially
Inca rule on the north coast has been interpreted as indirect, as there is continuity in
settlement patterns and material culture between the LIP and LH on the north coast, and
an absence of imperial Inca masonry. Inca reorganization took advantage of the
preexisting structure of the north coast. Inca consolidation of the Chimú Empire
provided new challenges; however, evidence suggests they used similar methods of Inca
administration in other conquered areas (D’Altory 1992; Rowe 1982; Schreiber 1992).
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There is little archaeological evidence of new Inca-period settlements on the
north coast. Excavations at Farfan and Tucumé suggest the Inca transformed regional
centers, installed Inca bureaucrats, remodeled existing and constructed new buildings,
and imposed Inca ideological traditions (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss, and Narvaez 1995;
Mackey 2003). Farfan has a burial platform with aclla, or Inca-chosen women interred
(Mackey 2003). Chosen women from elite families engaged in textile production and
produced chicha beer for state-sponsored ceremonies and festivals. Acllas have been
identified at Inca regional centers throughout the empire. However, there is an absence
of Inca imperial architecture and extensive material culture in the Moche Valley.
The Chimú were a clear rival of the Inca. To maintain control over the north
coast, the Inca reorganized Chimú top administration, but kept lower-level provincial
administrators and local lords in their positions, removing the upper level of
administrators (Conrad 1977; Mackey 2003; Netherly 1977; Ramirez 1990 and 1996;
Tate 2006). Chan Chan rulers continued to maintain court life at Chan Chan (Vargas
Urarte 1936, 232). The Inca kept Minchançaman’s heirs as puppet rulers until the
Spanish arrival (Moore and Mackey 2008). The Inca moved Chimú craftsmen to Cuzco
and other provincial centers to produce sumptuary goods for Inca elite (Pease 1982;
Rostworowski 1990). Some north coast people were relocated as mitmaquna throughout
the empire.
This initial interpretation of Inca indirect rule is coming into question as more
researchers have examined the Inca occupation throughout the north coast in the last
two decades or so, enabling researchers to begin documenting the recognizable
archaeological signatures of the Inca Empire on the north coast (Hayashida 2015;
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Kremkau 2010, 2011; Mackey 2003; Tate 2006). Inca period ceramic manufacturing
centers have been identified (Donnan 1997; Hayashida 1995, 1998 and 1999). In the
Chaman drainage on the north side of the Jequetepeque Valley, Kremkau reports a
number of small sites founded in the LH period. He argues that the Inca’s choice of site
location, size, and function was designed to try not to alter the preexisting social and
political dynamics of the valley, however (2010 and 2011). Tate reports that in the
Chicama Valley, despite the absence of Inca direct rule, local elites who remained in
power under the Inca had new economic opportunities that were not available under the
Chimú system (Tate 2006). These studies demonstrate that despite the absence of
classic imperial Inca architecture and material culture in the north, there was still a
significant impact on local communities, and should be considered in the Moche Valley,
whose Inca period occupation is not clear.
With the Inca takeover, they placed the chaupiyunga zone under the control of
Cajamarca and Huamachuco, down to 300 masl, giving highland polities jurisdiction
over the middle valley region (Netherly 1977, 314–316, 1998, 94). Netherly highlights
that canal intakes are located in this zone, although she notes that no Inca period sites
are associated with these intakes (314). I extend this discussion in Chapter 4.
Chan Chan appears to have remained partially occupied; however, the Inca
reorganized the organization of the north coast economic system. No Inca
administrative center has been identified in the Moche Valley. Chiquitoy Viejo, an Inca
administrative site, was built in the Chicama Valley. Chiquitoy Viejo is a speck of an
administrative site in contrast to the size and immense monumental center and urban
city of Chan Chan. The site is 1 km in size, and a small fraction of the site is occupied
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by architecture. The main compound is 300 m x 250 m; a walled compound with
internal subdivisions for retainers, an administrative area, and a burial platform makes
up the site (Conrad 1977).
Chiquitoy Viejo is located along a walled access road that connects to the main
Inca road. This coastal Inca road was the primary communication and transportation
route to and from Chan Chan. Excavations by Conrad indicate it had a very short
occupation, arguably the lifetime of one official, and was likely abandoned during the
life of his successor due to the social and political disruption of the Spanish conquest
(Conrad 1977, 15). Overall less than 10% of the ceramic assemblage is Inca-related. In
the burial platform and administrative sector, varieties of LH ceramics make up 15.9%
of the ceramic assemblage (Conrad 1977, 14).
Conrad argues that the lack of evidence of facilities for permanent storage and
connection to the roadway indicates the site operated as a checkpoint location for high-
status goods being transported from Chan Chan to Cuzco. Ethnohistoric sources state
that goods from the Moche Valley to Cuzco were shipped via Cajamarca, which served
as the indirect center for control of the north coast (Conrad 1977, 16). Therefore, while
the Chimor dynasty continued to rule as local provincial administrators in the Moche
Valley, goods produced and shipped were inspected at Chiquitoy Viejo within a few
hours of leaving the Moche Valley, sending a message to Chimú elite from the Inca that
was explicit, “we are your masters, we are here, and we are watching you very closely”
(Conrad 1977, 17). The presence of Chiquitoy directly contradicts interpretations that
the Inca adopted organizational principles of Chimor (17).

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In the Moche Valley, twelve Chimu-Inca burials are described by Donnan and
Mackey (1979). Multiple Chimu-Inca burials were encountered at Chan Chan during
the Chan Chan/Moche Valley Project, as well as by the Colonial Church in Huanchaco
excavated by Dr. Francisco Iriarte. Intrusive Chimú-Inca burials were also encountered
at Huacas de Moche, and Cabello Muerto (Donnan and Mackey 1978, 356–376;10
Menzel 1977). While Chimu-Inca burials have been encountered, no Inca period
settlement had been excavated in the Moche Valley outside of Chan Chan until my
excavations in Collambay. The reference to an Inca king’s coca fields in Collambay and
an Inca tambo in Collambay are the only other Colonial references to an Inca
occupation in the valley (Netherly 1977; Rostworowski 1977). Netherly (1998: 96)
reports that Michael Moseley has said there is a small Inca site on the north side of the
Moche River. Billman, however, did not encounter Inca ceramics during his pedestrian
survey of the Moche Valley (pers. comm 2010). There has been some speculation that
an Inca period site is located underneath the Plaza de Armas of Trujillo.
3.9.1 Late Horizon in La Libertad Highlands: Huamachuco Province
Encomienda grants made by Francisco Pizarro in the early Colonial period
provide insight into LH sociopolitical units in Huamachuco. These grants were made
prior to the Spanish having any detailed information about the region, and relied on Inca
informants (J. Topic 1998, 119). Therefore, the encomiendas were determined by Inca
sociopolitical units, assigning native lords and their people to the encomendero, not the
10
In April 2016 excavations by Gabriel O. Prieto adjacent to the Colonial Church in Huanchaco
encountered additional Chimu-Inca burials.
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territory. Huamachuco was given as a “single unit,” which is the definition of the
province of Huamachuco (119). The province of Huamachuco includes all of the
different sectors of the La Libertad highlands that I have highlighted previously—the
western slopes region, Otuzco/Upper Moche area, Carabamba, Alto Chicama, and the
area around the town of Huamachuco itself.
The chronicles mention a town of Huamachuco as well as a province.
Incorporated into the Inca Empire around the same time as Chimor, the town of
Huamachuco was likely built under the control of the Inca ruler Huayna Capac (1483–
1527), who is reported to have had houses in Huamachuco by Guaman Poma (1980,
1094–1103). It was during this time that the modern town, adjacent road system, and
storehouses outside of town were likely constructed by mitmaquna. Descriptions of the
town of Huamachuco by chroniclers (Cieza de Leon 1976, 235–236; Garcilaso de la
Vega 1966, 342) led to expectations of finding a substantial Inca presence in the
Huamachuco area. However, the Topics (1993) note that few archaeological remains of
the Inca Empire are present in Huamachuco, providing little about Inca provincial
organization. As the modern town of Huamachuco sits upon the original Inca capital,
archaeological investigation has not been possible.
Huamachuco the modern town, is located on a key north-south road, its principal
plaza is trapezoidal in shape, an Inca trait, and outside of town there are extensive Inca
storage buildings, which would have supported the regional capital during the Inca
period. Inca ceramics are found in the area, especially around the plaza (J. Topic and T.
Topic 1993; Topic and Chiswell 1992). Based on the Topics’ research, they believe
Huamachuco was a medium-sized center with a large plaza, or ushnu, and likely had
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two kallanka-type buildings, perhaps including a royal enclosure (1993; Topic and
Chiswell 1992).
Colonial documents and modern toponyms and place-names enable some
modeling for how the Huamachuco province under the Inca was organized. This can be
compared to the settlement patterns documented by the Topics in the region (J. Topic
1998, 2009; J. Topic and T. Topic 1993; T. Topic and J. Topic 1982).
Colonial documents report that under the Inca the province of Huamachuco was
given jurisdiction of the Virú and Moche valleys down the western slopes of the Andes
to 300 masl (Netherly 1977 and 1998), which includes the chaupiyunga zone and all
Moche Valley tributaries and the Collambay area. This is supported in another Colonial
document written by Gregorio González de Cuenca in 1567 that reports that Collambay
is an Inca tambo within the province of Huamachuco (BNM, M.S. 3035; Rostworowski
1987).
Under the Inca, Huamachuco became a “multi-ethnic mosaic” (J. Topic 1998,
120), the province was made up of seven guarangas, the Inca administrative unit of
1,000 heads of households or tribute payers. The seven guarangas are made up of four
guarangas of local Huamachuco people, one guaranga of mitmaq from the coast, one
guaranga of mitmaq from the highlands (not from the Huamachuco region), and one
guaranga from the chaupiyunga (Espinoza Soriano 1974, 34). Mitmaq from
Huamachuco were sent to Chimbo, Ecuador along with mitmaq from Cajamarca and
Gumbos (Miguel de Cantos 1965[1581], 255 cited in J. Topic 1998, 120). Based on
toponyms of huacas and landscape features in the Huamachuco province (including the
chaupiyunga zone), J. Topic attempted to determine geographical boundaries of each

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guaranga (J. Topic 1992; J. Topic 1998, Figure 1). Settlement patterns in the region
have suggested that the organization of Huamachuco guarangas described did not
actually live up to the Inca idea of 1,000 households, nor was it representative of the
total population in the Huamachuco province (J. Topic ad T. Topic 1993, 19).
One of the four indigenous guarangas to Huamachuco, Llampa, is hypothesized
to have been located in the Alto Chicama area (Espinoza Soriano 1974, 34).
Unfortunately, the information available does not allow identification down to the
señorio level. Settlement patterns and archaeological evidence of reorganization of the
La Libertad population under the Inca are not very clear. Many sites occupied in the LIP
are likely occupied through the LH. Material culture is very uniform between the LIP
and LH (like the north coast), with the only Inca period material signatures being
aryballoid shape vessels, animal head lugs, and occasionally distinctive paste (J. Topic
and T. Topic 1993, 18). Tuscan phase ceramics are present during the LH.
During the LH in the Otuzco/Upper Moche area the local center, Carpaico is
abandoned and the polity’s new center is at Rogoday, 2 km north of Carpaico
(Coupland 1979; J. Topic and T. Topic 1978). Rogoday is located within the boundaries
of Llampa guaranga territory. Rogoday covers an area of about 5 km2 and is a series of
six small sites associated with agricultural terraces. There is some continuity between
rooms and general tomb types with Carpaico tradition. The Topics argue that the Inca
relocated Carpaico’s elites, shifting their focus to agricultural production (J. Topic and
T. Topic 1978, 618).
Krzanowski (2006) does not report any sites dating to the LH in the Alto
Chicama region, and LH ceramics are absent, despite Colonial documents reporting
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Alto Chicama is the guaranga Llampa of the province of Huamachuco (Espinoza
Soriano 1962). Huamachuco incised pottery and Huamachuco masonry style is
somewhat correlated with Llampa guaranga (J. Topic 1998). In the Huamachuco region
extending to the Alto Chicama Valley J. Topic has identified a division in cultural
material, which runs along the continental divide, areas with Chimu sherds and areas
without. This division cuts across the boundaries of the Llampa and Guacapongo
guarangas some areas within each guaranga have Chimú sherds, while others do not.
In Huamachuco the LH corresponds with the Santa Barbara phase (1470–1532).
Archaeological evidence for reorganizing the population is not very clear, and few sites
have been identified that may correspond to non-local mitmaq settlements. However,
Inca colcas, storehouses, are found on the slopes surrounding the town of Huamachuco
(Topic and Chiswell 1992). At one time there were probably 215 colcas, averaging 4 x
5 m. Other sites related to the Inca occupation are identified by LH sherds, and sites
with LH sherds that correspond to places referred to in Colonial documents, like a
mitmaq settlement, are reported at a place called San Marcos de Chuco, which is
Topic’s Site #179 (Marcochuco). The ceramics appear locally made and have heavy
Inca influence. Place names have also been used to identify local sites, and many
Tuscan phase sites continue to be occupied (Topic 2009: 231–233).
Santa Barbara phase sites are identified based on LH ceramics and Inca period
architecture with “low, unchanged double-faced stone walls. Rooms are about three
meters on a side [sic] arranged in conjoined rows and rows of rooms often bounded one
or two sides of an open space,” which is also typical of the organization of rooms in the
Huamachuco area (J. Topic and T. Topic 1993, 34). Two sites may correspond to
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mitmaq settlements: Cerro Cañaris and Alto Corazon. Topic does not explain why these
sites are potentially mitmaq residences, presumably because of different architecture
and new variety of material assemblage in the region.
Tuscan ceramic styles continue to be used in the LH. Jars in the Tuscan phase
have animal head lugs at rim join, suggesting Inca influence. Inca aryballoids have been
found at some sites in the region, and a variety of Inca forms are present in
Huamachuco, including aryballoids, hemispherical bowls, everted lips, horizontal
handles, and double-chambered pots.
Overall, it appears that in the Huamachuco province during the LH the modern-
day town of Huamachuco was founded as the provincial capital. Extensive storage
facilities outside of town present the largest capacity of storage close to the Moche
Drainage besides Chan Chan. Ethnohistoric documents provide information about the
organization of Huamachuco during the Inca period—seven guarangas, four of which
are of populations indigenous to the Huamachuco region. In the archaeological record,
however, settlement patterns and ceramics do not indicate many changes during this
period. It is assumed that the majority of sites occupied in the LIP remain occupied in
the LH, although the Topics’ identification of Carpaico’s population shift from
monitoring coastal-highland traffic to agricultural producer suggests that perhaps
populations on the western slope oriented towards trade were more frequently relocated
than other population in the La Libertad highlands. On both the north coast and northern
highlands, differentiating between LIP and LH material culture is challenging, as many
forms and styles persisted through both periods. However, Inca rule on the north coast
was just over 60 years, a very short period of time to detect in the archaeological record,
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and the empire was already affected by the Europeans’ arrival in the New World. A
plague (likely smallpox or another European disease) killed the Inca ruler Huayna
Capac around 1525. The Inca Empire would be thrust into civil war as Huayna Capac’s
sons, Huascar and Atahualpa, battled with their respective allies against each other to
succeed their father. Atahualpa defeated Huascar on what essentially was the eve of the
Spanish conquest.
3.10 Colonial Period: The Spanish Arrival in Peru
While the Spanish did not physically arrive in the Andes to overtake the Inca
Empire until 1532, they arguably began their takeover of the Inca Empire several years
earlier, potentially even decades. As Huayna Capac expanded the Inca Empire north
into Ecuador and east to Chachapoyas, the Spanish established a base in Panama in
1513 and overtook the Aztecs in 1519. South American populations died by the
hundreds of thousands as Spanish diseases were carried south. Pizarro took an initial
expedition in 1524–25 and another in 1526–28, which provided him with the necessary
information about the immense wealth of the Inca Empire. This information financed
his expedition in 1531–1532.
The Inca Empire that Francisco Pizarro and his men encountered had been
transformed prior to the Europeans’ physical arrival in South America in the middle of a
civil war, and the population was already suffering from Spanish diseases. Landing at
the Tambo of Zaña, the Spanish headed towards the highlands. Ten days later the
Spanish waged war on the Inca in Cajamarca, captured Atahualpa, holding him for
ransom for a room full of gold. Pizarro would break his promise and execute Atahualpa
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in July 1533. Pizarro’s troops marched south to Cuzco, fighting battles along the way,
and installed Manco Inca as their puppet emperor. Several decades of conflict would
continue with rebellion by the Inca and conflicts between the Conquistadors. As part of
their victory, many Conquistadors became encomenderos, individuals given right to
extract tribute from subjects, and were granted huge land grants. However, the Spanish
crown, King Charles V, was concerned about the indigenous population and the power
wielded by the former Conquistadors, and looked for ways to control them, issuing new
laws that established a ruling council and viceroyalty in Lima. The new laws were
unpopular and the initial viceroy was killed.
Spanish diseases continued to plague the native population. It is difficult to
determine the demographic impact of European diseases. Between 1570 and 1620, the
north coast experienced a 71% loss of its tributary population (Cook 1981, 118, table
27). In the north coast, there was a high degree of variability in population decline due
to disease transmission, social conflict, and internal migration. Calculating the
cumulative demographic impact is difficult in part because estimates for prehispanic
demographics vary; however, between three and 32 million people are estimated to
have died (Cook 1981, 13).
In 1569, Francisco de Toledo, the fifth appointed viceroy of Peru, arrived with a
mandate to bring the Andes region more strongly under control of the Spanish crown.
Toledo’s reforms of the sixteenth century included a general census or Visita General,
and a plan to formalize a labor tax on native people and to reorder (reducer) all native
peoples in the viceroyalty into identical villages. The implementation of the Reducción
movement native people were moved into newly constructed towns or reducciónes.
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These town were on a gridded plan of streets centered on a plaza, a parish church, and
civic institutions—a jail, an inn, and a house for the local cacique. These elements were
believed to create public order and good government. How these elements, most of
which were completely alien to the traditional Andean ways of life, actually affected
indigenous peoples has only recently begun to be investigated by archaeologists
(Wernke 2007 and 2011). VanValkenburgh’s research on Colonial period settlements in
the Zaña valley is beginning to inform us about what Colonial life on the north coast
was like (VanValkenburgh 2012). Native people were relocated to Spanish reducciónes
and, if they survived Spanish diseases, would be forced to work on an encomienda for a
Spaniard or for the Catholic Church, which would become a significant landowner on
the north coast. In the Moche Valley, the city of Trujillo was founded in 1535 by
Pizarro, and it would become the principal urban center on the north coast.
VanValkenburgh’s research in the Zaña valley demonstrates that the reducción system
resulted in settlement nucleation and indigenous population decline, affecting traditional
Andean social organization (2012). In the Moche drainage, multiple reducciónes were
founded, chaupiyunga residents were moved to the reducción, Simbal.
3.11 Collambay: ethnography, ethnohistory, and local toponyms
Ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and local toponyms in the Sinsicap Valley provide
information about the prehispanic past in the region. See Section 3.8.2 for a review of
previous archaeological investigations and hypotheses in the chaupiyunga zone of the
Moche Drainage. Ethnographic studies document the chaupiyunga as a locale for the
exchange of resources throughout history, in addition to being a coca-growing zone

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(Gillin 1947; Prieto 2009). The town of Simbal, the Spanish reducción, where Moche
Valley chaupiyunga groups were moved in the sixteenth century, remains occupied
today, with Colonial period homes lining the streets around the Plaza de Armas. Simbal
is located at the confluence of the Sinsicap and Cuesta Valleys, a few kilometers south
of Collambay. Today, it remains a center of local government, as the capital of the
municipal district, of the same name.
3.11.1 Ethnography and Ethnohistory
During the early 1940’s, an American ethnographer, John Gillin, was living in
the fishing community of Moche, south of Trujillo. He reported that members of Moche
and Huanchaco, another fishing village just north of Chan Chan in the Moche Valley,
would travel to Simbal for trade and intermarriage between coastal and highland
communities. Gillin hypothesizes that this tradition of exchange and intermarriage
between interregional communities was one that had been in place since “antiquity,
undoubtedly previous even to the Chimú conquest of the region,” (1947, 80). In fact,
there are ethnohistoric documents that report exchange occurring in Simbal in the 16th
century. In a court case from 1595, fisherman from the Moche Valley testified that they
went to Simbal to exchange fish and other items (Hart 1988, 276–277), suggesting this
was common, and likely was a tradition that extended back into prehistory.
Today this tradition of exchange continues, but only once a year and during a
religious holiday. Members of coastal and highland communities come together in
Simbal during the Simbal celebration of the patron saint, Señor de la Piedad, during the
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month of January. Coastal products are exchanged for highland products. A woman
from Huanchaco, Doña Maria Huamanchumo, who was interviewed by Gabriel Prieto
about the tradition, reported it “was costumbre” (2009, 291). Gillin reports Moche
fisherman exchanged coastal resources, including cotton textiles, for corn, potatoes,
wheat, quinoa, and sheep (1947, 80). Both Gillin and Prieto report that coastal women
are the vendors (Gillin 1947; Prieto 2009, 291). When I attended this festival in 2013, I
witnessed the wife of a fisherman from Huanchaco exchanging totora reed mats for
potatoes with a woman from the highlands on a street adjacent to the Plaza de Armas in
Simbal. These two women did not know each other, but found each other at the
festival.11 This information places coastal, highland, and local groups in the
chaupiyunga for exchange, confirming that through the twentieth century the
chaupiyunga zone plays an important role in coastal-highland exchange networks.
Gillin’s account also documents that intermarriage between coastal and highland groups
was occurring in the early twentieth century.
Traditionally, such exchanges would occur over multiple days of festivals,
feasting, and drinking. These ethnographic examples highlight the role of the
chaupiyunga as a place where exchange between different coastal and highland groups
occurred during the year in the Precolumbian and Colonial eras. As a place of exchange
between coastal, chaupiyunga, and highland groups in the chaupiyunga, I would expect
evidence that Collambay people had access to resources from the coast and highlands.
11
The women participating in the exchange were quite elderly and there was a clear absence of
younger generations participating in this tradition.
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Colonial documents also provide information about non-local polities’ presence
and interest in Collambay. Testimony in Colonial documents reports that the Inca had
fields in Collambay. Local and provincial lords in 1562, 1565, and 1567 confirm that
land titles to three enclosed fields in the Collambay region belonged to the
Encomendero of Huamachuco, Juan de Sandoval (ANP Aguas 3.3.10.68, ff 86–132).12
These three enclosed fields, Guancha, Yapón, and Arensa, located at 800 masl on
terraces on the west side of the river and belonged previously to the Inca king and his
mother. Coca and chili peppers were cultivated in the fields which Netherly claims are
the “nucleus of the sixteenth century [Collambay] hacienda” and 36 hectares (90 acres)
in area (1977, 316). Netherly comments that cultivators in the upper Sinsicap Valley
must have not been permitted to draw water from the river for their fields during the era
of Inca fields in the region and that all water must have been dedicated to the Inca
fields.
Following the defeat of the Inca by the Spanish, Guancha, Yapón, and Arensa
lay fallow for 30 years, until Sandoval’s land claim. Netherly suggests that the post-
conquest period had a shrinking population, and area residents were using other fields
(1977, 318), likely the same ones used prior to the Inca arrival in the valley. However,
as previously described during the Colonial period, it was often that different
indigenous groups claimed lands and coca fields were especially widely sought after,
especially with the movement of different ethnic groups that the Inca had displaced as
part of their imperial strategies (Rostworoski 1988). In the case of the coca fields of
12
Don Juan de Sandoval was a conquistador married to Doña Florencia de Mora, the niece of
Francisco Pizarro. Both individuals were important figures in Colonial Trujillo.
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Collambay, “the long idleness of the lands at Collambay suggests that none of the
highland groups had a prior claim to them,” perhaps because local groups did not
attempt to claim them, while they may have been controlled by the Chimú state or a
Chimú lord before the Inca (Netherly 1977, 318).
By the time of the Colonial period, the Chimú were likely unable to claim these
fields previously held by their antecedents. This may have been because much of the
population was decimated during the Post-Conquest era; additionally, during the
Colonial period, Spanish courts reinforced the political boundaries that were established
under the Inca, including the Inca’s division of political units (Netherly 1977, 318). If
Chimú lords had taken the case to court, they would not have been awarded title.
During the proceedings for Don Juan Sandoval’s land claim, all of the witnesses that
testified on behalf of the Encomendero were from Huamachuco; it is unlikely they
would have mentioned a coastal group ever having lands in the Collambay area
(Netherly 1977, 319). This information does not directly indicate that the Chimú had
coca fields in Collambay, but certainly the history of these fields suggests it is possible
that prior to the Inca arrival on the north coast, the Chimú may have had fields in
Collambay.
Today, coca growing remains a strong tradition in Collambay, despite the legal
obligation to sell all coca leaves to the government’s corporation, Empresa Nacional de
la Coca S.A. (ENACO). Netherly postulated that the coca fields that belonged to the
Inca were on the west side of the valley. Today no coca plants are grown in the town of
Collambay because coca plants require shade and ample water. The majority of coca
fields are located between the Sinsicap River and Cerro Huancha MV 900, just east of
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Collambay and south of Cerro Huancha MV 900. Coca fields are also plentiful north of
Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Collambay on the west and east banks of the river. The
majority of current coca growers reside in a community less than a kilometer up valley
from the pueblo of Collambay called La Travesia. La Travesia is the second largest
concentration of residents in Collambay outside of the pueblo of Collambay13. Today
the majority of coca fields in the region receive water through natural underground
springs and limited irrigation river water. During the Inca period, the Moche and Virú
Valley chaupiyunga was under the jurisdiction of Huamachuco. Colonial documents,
myths, and modern toponyms reinforce a connection between populations of these two
regions in the late Precolumbian period.
An origin myth for the Huamachuco region recorded by Augustinian priests
(San Pedro 1992 [1560]) indicates that the chaupiyunga zone was part of Huamachuco
social memory during the Colonial period (J. Topic 1998). In the myth, the
“Guachemin” who lived in the Huamachuco region were chased out of Huamachuco by
two brothers who are chosen by the supreme god. One becomes Huamachuco’s famous
oracle, Catequil (J. Topic 1998; Topic et al. 2002). Following the Guachemin's
expulsion from the region, the people of Huamachuco are created. Guachemin is still a
toponym for several hills and quebradas on the north and northeast front of
Huamachuco, including the western slopes of the Andes in the chaupiyunga zone. This
fits with a common mythological history in the highlands of chasing previous
inhabitants down into the chaupiyunga or killing them (J. Topic 1992; Taylor 1987).
13
La Travesia may have a larger number of full-time residents compared Collambay pueblo.
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This myth emphasizes legitimacy to the right to an ecological zone as well as a
community social identity and affiliation (J. Topic 1992 and 1998).
The term Guachemin is interpreted by J. Topic as an ethnic classification as well
as an ecological zone associated with coastal groups. He argues that the Chronicler
Guaman Poma refers to coastal fishermen as “wachimis” or “wachime yunga” (1998,
113). Previously, Alfredo Torero (1989, 228–229) associated Guachemin with guaxme,
or fisherman of Domingo de Santo Tomás. The creation myth suggests that
Huamachuco people defined their territory as sierra and themselves as serranos,
contrasting themselves to people from other ecological zones (J. Topic 1998, 113).
This Huamachuco origin myth reinforces Huamachuco highlanders’ social
identity. And the myth may, in part, be in response to the Inca period when
Huamachuco was made up of guarangas with local, coastal, non-local highland, and
chaupiyunga groups, which I previously described the geographical location and
archaeological correlates for in Section 3.9.2 A Colonial document attributed to Dr.
Gregorio Gonzalez de Cuenca, a Spanish administrator, provides information about Inca
presence in Collambay (BNM, M.S. 3035 340r–343v; Rostworowski 1987). The
document dates to 1567, within the same decade as the origin myth recorded by the
Augustinian priests. Gonzalez de Cuenca worked under Viceroy Francisco Alvarez de
Toledo, an effective administrator who centralized the viceroyalty’s government and
laid the foundation for future administration in the 1560’s and 1570’s. He initiated
Spanish royal dominance in the viceroyalty, instituting the reducción system as well as
a number of other reforms to both control and force native peoples to adopt western
tradition, and to disempower the encomenderos. A critical part of these reforms was
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documenting the native population. Gonzalez de Cuenca was responsible for preparing
visitas, or census reports, for the regions between Lima and Piura.
One document written he lists the tambos in the province of Huamachuco under
the Inca (BNM M.S. 3035; Rostworowski 1987). For each of the nine tambos, it lists
the tambo name, assumed to be the town that it is located in or near. It then also
includes information about the responsible guaranga and parcialidades that were
responsible for the tambo, listing the number of individuals assigned to each tambo and
what pueblo they come from. The six Guarangas previously mentioned in Section
3.15.2 are listed. Gonzalez de Cuenca’s list only includes one tambo for the
chaupiyunga guaranga, “Collanbay.” The document reports that ten “chaupi yunga
indios” were responsible for maintaining the tambo: five indians from Collanbay, three
indians from Pugueda, and two indians from San Salvador de Mochal (BNM, M.S.
3035 342v.; Rostworowski 1987, 30). It is unclear where Pugueda was located, perhaps
in the Virú Valley chaupiyunga. Mochal is located near Poroto and Lomo Shingo in the
Upper Moche tributary. The list of tambos is not a sequential list of tambos between
Huamachuco and the coast, but it appears that tambos were located along different
coastal-highland routes within the Huamachuco region.
Gonzalez de Cuenca’s description indicates that under the Inca, no guaranga
mitmaq populations moved into Collambay. Like J. Topic’s (1998) description of the
six guarangas in the Huamachuco zone, the guaranga of chaupiyunga is distinct from
the four local Huamachuco guarangas and two mitmaq guarangas. The four guarangas
made up of local populations, even the two that J. Topic believes the Inca reorganized,
all have individual names listed; for example, Andamarca and Llucho. The other
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guarangas in Huamachuco Province, mitimae, and chaupiyunga guarangas are referred
to by the ecological zone in which these populations were from, as either guaranga
chaupiyunga, guaranga de mitimae serranos or guaranga de mitimaes yungas. It is not
unique to refer to a group by its native ecological zone; however, it reinforces how the
ecological zone was part of group identity and socio-political boundaries.
Gonzalez de Cuenca’s list of Inca tambos within the province of Huamachuco
includes Collambay, reporting that under the Inca it was maintained by the chaupiyunga
population. This is reasonable, as Collambay was administered by Huamachuco under
the Inca. As political boundaries in the Spanish Colonial period generally followed Inca
political boundaries, the area remained under the jurisdiction of the Encomendero Juan
Sandoval. Both the Huamachuco Origin myth, and how guarangas are identified,
distinguish divisions between occupants from adjacent ecological zones who also spoke
different languages. For example, Yunga was spoken in Trujillo and Culle was spoken
in the Huamachuco region (Silva Santesteban 1986; Torero 1989). It is unknown what
language(s) were spoken in the chaupiyunga zone throughout prehistory; however,
several modern toponyms in the Moche Valley chaupiyunga are Culle words.
3.11.2 Toponymns
Culle is an extinct Andean language that was spoken through the early twentieth
century but unfortunately, not much of the language was recorded. Researchers such as
Adelaar (1990), Torero (1989), and Zevallos (1948) have tied Culle to highland areas in
northern and southern Peru and the departments of La Libertad, Ancash, San Marcos in
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the department of Cajamarca, the Condebamba Valley, the Marañon River, and the
southern part of the province of Bolivar, which borders the Amazon (Lujan 2009, 309).
An eighteenth-century list written by the Bishop of Trujillo, Baltazar Martinez
de Compañon, includes Spanish words and these words’ translation into eight other
languages that were spoken in the Trujillo territory. Most Culle words that were
recorded are place names, which may end in “ay,” “on,” “ot,” “en,” “al,” “pe,”
“chacap,” “an,” “te,” “uy,” and “in,” The prefix “kush” or “cush” is associated with
Culle as well (Lujan 2009, 311–313). Toponyms of modern towns in the Sinsicap and
Cuesta tributaries with Culle names are Rasday, Cascaday, Cumbray, and Simbal.
While Simbal is a known Colonial period reducción, these other communities’ with
Culle names suggests they may have been occupied in the Prehispanic period. The
presence of Culle place names in the Sinsicap Valley is not surprising, as Huamachuco
oversaw the region under the Inca; however, the question remains whether these place
names predate the LH period.
Culle speakers may have moved into the Moche drainage chaupiyunga prior to
the LH and remained there under the Inca. Cuenca’s list of tambos refers to occupants
of the Moche Valley chaupiyunga as chaupiyungas rather than serranos (BNM, M.S.
3035; Rostworowski 1987). However, if a highland group from the Huamachuco area or
elsewhere had moved into Collambay prior to the Inca period, especially if it was
during the early LIP period by the early Colonial period that group would have lived in
Collambay potentially over five hundred years. It is likely at that point they would
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consider themselves chaupiyungas and would likely be considered chaupiyunga, despite
potentially still speaking Culle.14
These Colonial documents, myths, and toponyms indicate several characteristics
of Collambay’s residents and leave other scenarios unanswered. Collambay was part of
the Huamachuco Province in the Inca period, and likely home to Inca coca fields and an
Inca tambo. There are Culle toponyms in the region, suggesting highland influence that
could date prior to the Inca period. However, in official Colonial documents, it is clear
that chaupiyunga zone residents are considered distinct from the local Huamachuco
highland population and they are not considered a colony group. The Huamachuco
myth and Colonial documents, reinforces this notion, chaupiyunga people were
considered distinct from highlanders despite potentially speaking the same language.
Do Culle toponyms indicate that highlanders lived in the chaupiyunga zone? They
could, but if so, it would seem that if these highlanders were from Huamachuco, there
may not be official record of their residence in the chaupiyunga. The archaeological
record will provide another line of evidence to understand Collambay interaction with
highland groups in Collambay. Other possibilities have been documented in case studies
in the chaupiyunga zones of other valleys, see Section 4.1.
14
This is not always the case as social identity may be reinforced living outside of the homeland as Barth
(1969) and Goldstein’s (2005) works demonstrate.
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3.12 Moche Drainage and La Libertad Highlands Environment and Culture
History
This overview of the prehistory of the Moche Valley and La Libertad highlands
provides an orientation of the environment and history of the Moche Drainage and
associated region from 200 BC to the early Colonial period. The Moche Drainage is a
geographically compact valley, with multiple ecological niches in close proximity to
each other. The prehistory of the region suggests that coastal and highland polities
emerged throughout prehistory, each maintaining respective cultural traditions.
Interaction between the regions through migration and trade occurred intermittently
throughout prehistory, but it is during the LIP and rise of the Chimú Empire that
settlement patterns and material culture indicates a heightened interaction and the
chaupiyunga zone of the Moche tributaries are the principal venue for this interaction
(Section 3.8.2 and 3.8.3). The 73 years of Inca rule of Chinchasuyu has been portrayed
as indirect, with highland polities empowered by the Inca. While the Inca did not leave
an imperial imprint of Cuzco masonry buildings throughout Chinchasuyu and in the
Moche Valley and Huamachuco province, the Inca impact was certainly felt. Regional
political dynamics shifted as Huamachuco was put in charge of the chaupiyunga zone.
The Chimú were limited to controlling the Moche Valley. The construction of
Chiquitoy Viejo, just north of Chan Chan, as a checkpoint to inspect Moche Valley
goods demonstrated that the Inca were keenly aware of regional activities. While the
Inca were interested in controlling Chinchasuyu, they permitted the continued use of
Chimú ideological canons in material culture, as Chimú press-mold and paddle-stamp
wares and some vessel forms continued to be used through the Colonial period. Recent
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research has demonstrated that the Inca impact was more heavily felt in north coast life
than previously assumed (see Section 4.2.3).
Initial survey in the chaupiyunga zone of the Upper Moche Valley and
Otuzco/Upper Moche valley suggests a series of fortified sites associated with coastal-
highland roadways appears in the LIP. These sites have both Chimú and highland
ceramics. Ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and local toponymns support the presence of
highland population and influence in Collambay. During the Inca period Collambay
maintained an Inca tambo and coca fields for an Inca King and his mother were also in
the region. Modern day toponymns from the now extinct highland Culle language
spoken in Collambay are also present in Collambay and chaupiyunga zone suggesting
Culle speakers may have founded these communities initially, albeit when in the late
Prehispanic period is unclear at this time. Finally, ethnographic research confirms that
the chaupiyunga zone was a locale for trade from late prehistory until the modern day.
This data confirms that the chaupiyunga is a frontier zone of interregional interaction.
4 Previous Case Studies
This chapter expands on the theoretical framework and models provided in
Chapter 2 and regional background of the Moche Drainage and La Libertad highlands
presented in Chapter 3 by describing previous research in the chaupiyunga zone and
studies of Chimú and Inca imperial expansion. As noted in Chapter 3, there is limited
information about chaupiyunga residents in the Moche Drainage, therefore I turn to
previous studies of the chaupiyunga zone on the western slopes and in the yunga on the
eastern slopes to provide insight into intergroup dynamics and relevant scenarios to
consider in the Sinsicap Valley. These previously conducted case studies in the
chaupiyunga zone were carried out on the central and north coasts of Peru and one case
study from the yunga of the eastern slopes is also considered.
I also review previous studies of Chimú and Inca expansion and interaction with
local groups. While none of these imperial-local case studies occurred in the
chaupiyunga zone they provide examples of how researchers have interpreted Chimú
and Inca interaction with local groups in the past. I draw on previous studies of Chimú
interaction with two other north coast polities in the Casma and Jequetepeque valleys.
For the Inca I review Inca expansion in the Upper Mantaro Valley in the Central
Highlands and in the Yampara region on the edge of the Southeastern frontier of the
Inca empire, west of the Bolivian Chaco region. My final case study is a rare scenario
that examines settlement patterns in the lower Jequetepeque Valley, where populations
became subject to the Chimú and then the Inca. There are few case studies that have
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occurred that have examined populations subject to both the Chimú and Inca. The goal
by reviewing these studies is to better understand previously documented sociopolitical
relationships in the chaupiyunga zone as well as the interaction of Chimú and Inca
empires with local groups in other parts of the empire. These case studies provide
examples of potential scenarios that may have occurred in Collambay.
4.1 Chaupiyunga Zone
The chaupiyunga is a dynamic zone and groups from different ecological niches
lived in the chaupiyunga throughout prehistory (Dillehay 1977). Colonial documents
often use terms that refer to peoples from specific ecological niches. Terms such as
“yungas,” “chaupiyungas,” and “quechua” apply to both people and ecological zones.
These terms are not referring to a specific ethnic group, but are used in a general way to
distinguish general ethnic differences (Rostworowski 1990, 13; Topic 1998). For
example, it is well documented that coastal and highland groups spoke different
languages (Heggarty 2008; Rostworowski 1977 and 1999; Torero 1986 and 1989;
Quilter et al. 2010; Zevallos 1941, 1946, 1948, 1993a, and 1993b), and had distinctly
different subsistence patterns and social organization. As was already highlighted in
Section 3.8.1, north coast social organization is distinct from highland social
organizations. However, what about chaupiyunga groups? What do previous studies of
this zone tell us about social traditions and political ties in this zone and with others to
understand interregional interaction in Collambay? Colonial documents refer to people
living in the chaupiyunga, as yungas or chaupiyungas, but they likely have historical
connections to other zones, although they themselves are considered yunga by outside
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groups. Also, another consideration, not elaborated here, however is that the geography
of each valley has a direct impact upon residents’ resources, their social organization,
and the nature of interaction between non-local groups and chaupiyunga residents.
Chapter 1 began with three characteristics of the chaupiyunga zone highlighted
by Lau (2004, 179):
• Contact zone for coastal and highland peoples (Proulx 1982; Topic and Topic 1983
and 1985).
• An area of intake canals for coastal irrigation systems, hence the chaupiyunga has
first access to water before the coast due to their geopolitical position (Moseley and
Deeds 1982; Shimada 1994).
• The ideal zone for cultivating desirable crops, such as fruits, chili peppers, and coca
(Dillehay 1979; Marcus and Silva 1988).
The chaupiyunga is thus a zone of interregional interaction. Ethnohistoric and
archaeological evidence report that throughout prehistory, especially later in the
Precolumbian period, coastal and highland groups lived in this ecological niche in
addition to local groups. Occasionally, there was conflict (Rostworowski 1988), but at
other periods they appear to live peacefully, contemporaneously (Dillehay 1976 and
1979; Tsai 2012). Colonial documents also suggest that at times coastal or highland
groups also held political authority over chaupiyunga groups (Rostworowski 1988,
2004). The chaupiyunga small circumscribed stretches of warm riverine valley with
capabilities of producing coca, a prestige commodity in the Andes, was a contentious
space between groups.

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Lau’s three points are reinforced by investigations of the ethnohistoric and
archaeological records in the chaupiyunga in the Central Andes. To elaborate on Lau’s
first point, the chaupiyunga is located on the geographic fringe of traditionally
conceived limits of coastal and highland Andean polities. The chaupiyunga ecological
niche is seen as a fluid zone that at times was home to coastal, highland, and local
populations contemporaneously (Dillehay 1977; Rostworowski 1988). A producer of
coca, a prestige resource (Rostworowski 1988), it is also a dynamic frontier zone
between the coast and highlands, through which coast-highland trade routes passed.
While several of its characteristics are economically-minded they are also connected to
political power. Finally, a frontier zone, especially the chaupiyunga could be an
excellent buffer zone from which to defend your coastal or highland territory.
4.1.1 Previous Studies in the Chaupiyunga
Ethnohistoric and archaeological evidence from previous studies in the
chaupiyunga on the central coast and north coast, and the yunga zone on the eastern
slopes of the Andes provides useful information to consider the role of the chaupiyunga
in the central Andes and in my investigation of interregional relationships in the
Sinsicap Valley.
The chaupiyunga of the Chillon, Lurin, and Rimac valleys, of the central coast
of Peru, have been subject to more investigations than any other chaupiyunga zone in
the Andes (Dillehay 1976, 1979, and 1977; Feltham 1983; Marcus and Silva 1988;
Rostworowski 2004; Szremski 2015). The archaeological record of the Chillon Valley
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suggests that between 200 BC and AD 540 the chaupiyunga was peacefully occupied
by a mixture of local and highland populations, suggesting a reciprocal economic
arrangement in which highlanders acquired chaupiyunga resources, offering political
autonomy to local chaupiyunga groups, highland products, and potentially their labor
(Dillehay 1976 and 1979). This relationship allowed chaupiyunga groups to remain
politically autonomous.
In the Colonial period there were frequent court disputes between indigenous
groups over the ownership of coca fields (Rostworowski 1988). One of these disputes
comes from the middle Chillon Valley. Prior to Inca conquest of the Chillon
chaupiyunga, the Quivi, the local chaupiyunga group to whom the disputed lands
originally belonged, became subservient to a coastal señorio ruler, the Collique. This
señorio controlled the lower Chillon Valley. The Quivi allowed the Collique access to
Quivi lands and paid tribute to the Señorio of Collique.
The Canta, a highland group, occupied the eastern banks of the middle and
upper Chillon Valley. Under the Inca, a fourth group was brought into the middle valley
region, the Chaclla, highlanders who were a mitmaq (resettled people working for the
state) colony for the Inca. With the Spanish conquest, the Chaclla abandoned Quivi
lands, likely because of threats from the Canta. However, in court in 1558, the Chaclla
claimed Quivi lands as their own. The Canta challenged the Chaclla’s claim, and
eventually the Quivi would as well. The Quivi believed the land that had belonged to
them prior to the Inca should remain under their control. After ten years, the Spanish
court awarded the lands to the Chaclla, recognizing land rights as they were under the
Inca (Rostworowski 1988). This court case highlights four different groups, two of
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which are highlanders, one coastal groups, and local chaupiyunga group. Prior to the
Inca takeover, the chaupiyunga zone is a place of multiethnic coexistence, but also one
of tension. It is unclear how dynamics would have played out if the Inca had not settled
a mitmaq group in the Chillon chaupiyunga. The lawsuit demonstrates how valued the
chaupiyunga land was to different Andean groups and control over coca fields was
contentious and led to conflict. Finally, the case also demonstrates Spanish strategy of
upholding land claims established by the Inca.
Murra (1972) presented the Chillon case study as one of his five case studies in
support of his vertical archipelago model. Dillehay argues, however, that other models
better fit the evidence of the Chillon chaupiyunga than Murra’s vertical archipelago
model (1976, 1979, and 2013). A number of cooperative and coercive strategies rather
explain interregional dynamics. Prior to the arrival of the Chaclla, the relationship
depicted between the Quivi and Collique in the historical record suggests a vertical
archipelago scenario (Murra 1972) or a scenario of resource exchange and protection
agreement between the Quivi and Collique (Dillehay 2013). The Quivi polity who
occupied the chaupiyunga zone allowed the ruler of the coastal Collique polity access to
resources in the chaupiyunga, and the Quivi paid tribute to the Collique polity.
However, it is unclear if Collique people actually labored in the coca fields.
The historical record indicates the Quivi had been threatened by the Canta and
other highland groups, and the Canta were also in conflict with the Collique. These
factors suggest that the Quivi would have sought an alliance and protection from the
Collique. Water rights must also be considered between the Quivi and Collique. The
Quivi controlled middle-valley intakes and could make sure that the Collique fields had
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sufficient water. The Collique in return may have offered protection from highland
groups (2013, 294). Dillehay also suggests the period was marked by armed conflict,
out migration, and strained group relations, among other factors (2013, 294). The
archaeological record and Colonial documents in the Chillon provide contrasting
depictions of the relationship between coastal, chaupiyunga, and highland populations
during the LIP prior to Inca invasion.
During AD 1400–1600, the archaeological record suggests several types of
dominant-subordinate relationships among coastal, chaupiyunga, and highland groups
in the Chillon Valley. Many archaeological sites in the chaupiyunga have evidence of
“highland and coastal coresidency and peaceful relations during this long period”
(Dillehay 2013, 294). One site, Santa Rosa de Quive presents a variety of coastal (likely
Collique and other groups), chaupiyunga, and highland ceramic styles. Dillehay
suggests the site may have been “occupied, visited and/or ruled by different coastal and
highland groups during this time” (2013, 294). Archaeological data indicate coastal,
local, and highland groups lived in the Chillon Valley; however, this does not clearly
demonstrate a vertical archipelago scenario—rather, it is likely that several different
political and economic strategies were utilized throughout history. Dillehay points out
that the archaeological record represents a much longer period of time than the
historical record (2013, 295) and, in this case, the archaeological record does not clearly
support the historical record. Yet both the historical and archaeological record
demonstrate that the chaupiyunga is a dynamic zone of contact for different groups.
Only recently have archaeologists on the north coast begun to note the
importance of the chaupiyunga zone and investigate this region (Billman 1996 and
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1999; Cutright and Cervantes 2011; Cutright 2013; Tsai 2012 and forthcoming; J. Topic
and T. Topic 1985). Thus far, few archaeological investigations of the chaupiyunga
have occurred. The Jequetepeque Valley and Moche Valley are two valleys where
research in the chaupiyunga zone has occurred. As in the Chillon Valley, two recent
investigations in the chaupiyunga zone on the north coast in the Jequetepeque Valley
also demonstrate that the chaupiyunga was ethnically heterogeneous and occupied by
coastal, highland, and local groups during the LAP. Cutright and Cervantes (2011) have
recently begun investigations in the chaupiyunga of the Jequetepeque Valley at the site
of Ventanillas, which has coastal Sican monumental adobe pyramids. In addition to
coastal monumental architecture, the site’s ceramic assemblage indicates a multi-ethnic
occupation, including highland residents as well as a Chimú occupation (Cutright 2013;
Cutright and Cervantes 2011).
Las Varas, another site a few kilometers up-valley from Ventanillas, was a site
with a multi-ethnic population occupied from the Sican period through sometime in the
LIP (AD 700–1300). Coastal, chaupiyunga, and highland cultural traditions are
represented in Las Varas’ public architecture, mortuary traditions, domestic
architecture, and the material assemblage recovered in excavations (Tsai 2012 and
forthcoming). Tsai argues that Ventanillas was Las Varas’ powerful neighbor and the
two likely engaged in peaceful exchange. In fact, further up valley in the Jequetepeque,
more sites with coastal pottery and architecture are found (Ravines 1986), suggesting
Las Varas and Ventanillas are likely not a unique phenomenon. Tsai argues this
indicates that there were permeable boundaries between coastal and chaupiyunga
groups. Tsai uses a study of ethnicity to model group interaction at Las Varas. He
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argues that ritual enabled these ethnic groups from different ecological zones “to mark
[social] boundaries, signal information on identity and set the proper protocols of
interaction,” (forthcoming, 128). He posits that exchange between coast and
chaupiyunga groups were likely frequent, and while his evidence does not support
Murra’s vertical archipelago model, he suggests that the Jequetepeque valley’s
topography, its length and gradual slope led to communities trading and exchanging
goods rather than colonizing multiple ecological zones (2012, 114). Tsai’s hypothesis is
modeled on Brush’s (1977, 10–16) Extended Andean zonation model (2012, 114).
Stephen Brush proposes three types of Andean zonation, Extended, Compressed,
and the Vertical Archipelago, based on contemporary Andean highland communities’
land use and their associated social and subsistence traditions, Compressed and
Archipelago (1977). The “Extended” model proposes that in large, long valleys with
gradual gradient gain, exchange and specialization of agricultural resources would be
the primary mode of interaction, as opposed to highland populations traveling on a daily
basis or migrating to different ecological niches to cultivate different resources
(compressed and vertical archipelago models). Therefore, the geography of the
Jequetepeque reduces competition for land, lending to different ethnic groups
occupying chaupiyunga cooperatively, maintaining exchange relations with each other
and other ecological zones (Brush 1977, 13–14). The scenario currently depicted in the
chaupiyunga of the Jequetepeque Valley by Tsai, Cutright, and Cervantes’ research fits
Brush’s Extended model, in which availability of land decreases the threat of conflict,
and multiethnic communities coexisted peacefully, participating in exchange.

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The geography of the landscape in the chaupiyunga zone impacted the size of
the population that could be supported in the zone which naturally could create greater
competition over land and resources. The Moche Valley does not qualify as an
“Extended” valley as described by Brush due to its highly compressed, steep gradient.
However, Brush’s other Andean zonation models may be applicable in the Sinsicap
Valley. This is not a principal focus of this project, it is a question that may be
addressed with more extensive research in the future.
Catherine Julien’s (1998) research on the eastern slopes of the southeastern
Andes in the Cochabamba and Cuzco area, is also reviewed as her findings may be
informative for understanding chaupiyunga groups on the western slopes. Julien studied
Inca and pre-Inca coca production, and suggests a similar strategy to Brush’s vertical
archipelago model (1976) for social organization surrounding coca production. She
describes Spanish Colonial administrators’ report on the organization and
administration of the Inca state’s coca plantations in an area where tribute was paid in
coca by highland encomiendas during the early Colonial period (1998). During the Inca
period, highland provinces had small groups of people known as camayos living
permanently in the coca-growing lowlands. During harvest times, they were joined by
temporary workers from the highland, called mitayos, who were from the same region
as the camayo. Mitayos rotated per harvest, providing their required labor tax for the
Inca state. The coca was then transported back to the highlands. Curacas from the
Cuzco region told Spanish administrators this system of maintaining fields in the lower
yungas had existed prior to the Inca period (1998, 131).

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Julien postulates that, therefore, the coca-growing yunga zone had a small
permanent population, which increased during harvest time, when other group members
from the home community arrived for the harvest. The required structural infrastructure
for this scenario is minimal, archaeologically speaking. Permanent housing for
camayos, and structures for drying and housing coca leaves and temporary housing for
the mitayo group would have been very modest. Roofed structures would have been
required due to the rainy weather of the eastern yungas (Julien 1998). One document
from Pocona, a town at 3100 masl, 125 km of southeast Cochabamba, documents more
details about the social organization surrounding coca production. Documents indicate
that 50 camayos were in charge of the coca fields of Chuquioma and Chamorro. The
camayos were from the highlands but resided permanently in the yungas to maintain
coca fields. This was a highly valued job, as you received your own plot of coca in
addition to caring for community coca fields. Every harvest 200 mitayos from the same
province of the camayos were sent to help with the harvest. The camayos directed the
harvest, and drying and packing coca for transport. The mitayos who arrived for the
harvest included 160 women and 8–10 children to cook for the laborers. (Julien 1998,
131–136).
Botanical evidence of coca in the archaeological record is difficult to discern
due to archaeological collection techniques and the fragile nature of the plant; however,
Hastorf (1987) has identified three coca15 specimens in storage bins in elite status
contexts during the LIP and LH-Colonial contexts in the Upper Mantaro Valley, 50 km
15
Hastorf identified “ceja de montana,” variety of coca, indicating the coca is from the eastern
slopes of the Andes (1987).
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from the ecological niche where coca can be grown. This is the first documentation of
highland groups having direct access to coca, and could support Julien’s model for coca
access.16 I highlight this case study as this is one plausible scenario of the tributary
province model potentially directed by the Inca, and it could be a plausible strategy for
local La Libertad highland groups to access chaupiyunga resources.
Julien’s research in Cochabamba and Cuzco regions on Inca coca field
management suggests that Brush’s vertical archipelago model may be applicable in
those case studies. The Chillon Valley, like the Moche Valley is significantly smaller
and more compact compared to the Jequetepeque Valley. The chaupiyunga case studies
highlight that a smaller chaupiyunga zone with less arable land may lead to more
conflict between groups than a larger valley with a less steep gradient, where more land
lends itself to less competition over resources. It is likely La Libertad highland groups
would have been interested in accessing agricultural resources, like coca in the
Collambay chaupiyunga.
These case studies from the chaupiyunga of the Jequetepeque and Chillon
Valleys indicate that the chaupiyunga was a contact zone, with permeable boundaries
that included coastal, chaupiyunga, and highland groups, that incurred conflict over
land, but also potentially co-existed and that the archaeological record should be
considered as well as the topography of the zone when modeling interregional
dynamics.
16
Studies have documented coca use based on chemical analysis of hair (Brown 2013; Cartmell et
al 1991) and dental methods (Indriati 1998).
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4.2 Chimú and Inca Empires - Local Interaction
Following the review of the diverse and complicated dynamics identified in the
chaupiyunga zone I briefly discuss previous case studies that have examined imperial-
local relationships with the Chimú, Inca and local groups. These case studies come from
ecological zones outside of the chaupiyunga and include one case study from the
Jequetepeque Valley that was subject to both the Chimú and Inca empires.
The case studies include different types of sites (regional capitals, local centers,
and rural villages) to illustrate different imperial strategies and the response of the local
community. Unfortunately, there have been limited household studies outside of Chimú
centers (e.g., Billman et al. in press; Cutright 2009, 2013, and 2015; Moore 1988 and
1991), while more studies of Inca-imperial interaction have occurred recently,
household-level studies of local communities are rare (Burger et al. 2007; Malpass and
Alconini 2010; Shimada 2015). This has provided a limited understanding of imperial-
local interaction; the diverse processes, changes, and continuities in activities within
households that are a result of imperial interests in the region; and the interests and
actions of the local community to imperial powers. Studies of households enable
documentation of status symbols, diet, architectural styles, and household labor
(D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001) to detect changes that provide insight into relations and
responses of both parties. In order to provide the best coverage of comparative data, the
majority of case studies described in the next sections are not located in frontier zones
or the chaupiyunga. These examples highlight the varied interactions and responses to
imperial-local interaction.
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4.2.1 Chimú Imperialism and Local Interaction in the Casma Polity
An example of Chimú interaction with local groups comes from its southern
expansion overtaking the Casma polity. Limited information is known about the Casma
Valley (see Section 3.6.3). Evidence from the site of Cerro La Cruz in the Chao valley
on the northern margin of the Casma polity indicates local elites adopted Chimú
stylistic elements into their pottery prior to the site being burned and ritually closed
(Vogel 2012a). By mid-fourteenth century, the Chimú had overtaken the Casma polity,
and conquest impacted settlement patterns. The local Casma capital, El Purgatorio, in
the Casma Valley, was abandoned, and Manchan, a new regional center, was founded
(Vogel 2012b). Monumental architecture at Manchan includes multiple buildings that
are Casma style and Chimú style, leading to the interpretations that the Chimú and
Casma had an alliance that co-ruled the region (Mackey 2009). Excavations at Manchan
in lower class households indicated that these households were self-sufficient (Moore
1985).
Available research at this time suggests Chimú interests were in agricultural
production in the region, perhaps to supplement production in the Chimú heartland.
Chimú settlements were established in the lower Casma Valley to focus on agricultural
production (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). Moore’s study of Manchan’s lower class
found that households were engaged in multiple economic activities and were largely
self-sufficient. Labor and production was diverted from households to support elites and
other groups (Moore 1985 and 1991). Following an ENSO event in the mid-fourteenth
century, a Chimú agricultural work camp was established at Quebrada Santa Cristina in
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the Casma Valley, however it was abandoned likely less than 10 years after
construction. A planned community, the houses were built of cane and had communal
kitchens. The limited range of economic activities in households and site location
adjacent to constructed raised fields suggests that occupants were dedicated full-time to
agricultural production (Moore 1988 and 1991).
Therefore, this overview of Chimú-Casma interaction at Manchan and in rural
communities, Cerro La Cruz and Quebrada Sta. Cristina, suggests that the Chimú
interest in the Casma region was primarily for agricultural production, although despite
shifts in settlement patterns little change was detected. While others have suggested the
Chimú were interested in controlling trade routes between the coast and highlands in the
Casma region (Mackey 2009), there is no evidence to support that claim at this time. It
appears that Casma leaders collaborated with the Chimú, establishing the new regional
center of Manchan together. Architecture at Manchan has been interpreted as distinctly
Casma and Chimú, indicating co-rulership. Perhaps Chimú interests were focused on
taking advantage of agricultural production in the region, but this did not directly
impact lower class residents. This case study suggests that Chimú-local interaction was
detected through multiple lines of evidence, architecture, settlement patterns, however,
it remains unclear if local residents were co-opted into an alliance relationship. Another
case study that includes Chimú-local interaction is reviewed in Section 4.2.3.

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4.2.2 Inca-Local Interaction
Different perspectives and approaches to Inca studies present varied depictions
of the Inca state’s expansion and administration (Burger et al. 2007; D’Altroy 1992;
Dillehay 1977; Morris 1972; Morris and Thompson 1985; Murra 1980 [1955]; Zuidema
1995 [1964]). These studies do document variation in Inca interaction with local groups
in different provinces. Recent archaeological studies indicate that the archaeological
record is at odds with colonial Inca narratives in the ethnohistoric literature (Arkush
2011; Bauer et al. 2010; Covey 2008) and that there is a need for more household
studies of Inca communities in the Inca heartland and provinces to understand Inca-
local interaction. Covey (2015) calls for new studies of Inca period settlements and
household archaeology in order to expand what is currently a limited knowledgebase. I
highlight two studies of Inca-imperial interaction in the provinces with local
communities, in the Central Highlands in the Upper Mantaro Valley (Earle et al. 1987;
Costin and Earle 1989; D’Altroy and Hastrof 2001) and in the Yampara region on the
edge of the Southeastern frontier of the Inca empire, just west of the Bolivian Chaco
region (Alconini 2004, 2008, and 2010).
In the Upper Mantaro Valley, located near the modern town of Jauja (3,400–
4,000 masl) excavations at six sites document the impact of incorporation of the local
Wanka into the Inca Empire (Earle et al 1987; D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001). Prior to
incorporation into the Inca Empire, the Wanka II period, the region is characterized as
several large chiefdoms with very hierarchical settlement patterns. After incorporation,
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Wanka III, the Inca took over control of local production from local elites, affecting
both the local economy and ideology.
The Inca moved the population from their original sites at higher, defensible
locations down to smaller sites at lower elevations, located close to agricultural land.
Settlement patterns in the Inca period still have a settlement hierarchy, although
settlements are smaller. Domestic production indicates intensified production of
agricultural resources (Costin 2015; Costin and Earle 1989). Subsistence patterns
comparing elite and commoner access to preferred foods indicate that, prior to the Inca
takeover, elites had significantly greater access to preferred foods. Under the Inca, elites
and non-elites had similar access to preferred foods. Elites lost control of distribution of
highly valued utilitarian craft goods. Local and household storage among elites shrunk
drastically, becoming equal to commoner storage, demonstrating that elites had lost
control of local economic production. Ideological control was lost as Wanka elites no
longer held feasts; household assemblages have significantly fewer serving vessels and
the influx of Inca state symbols in material culture displaced local ideology (Costin and
Earle 1989). Due to the drastic shift in status, local elites appeared to have suffered
through this transition more so than commoners, whose daily lives remained
unchanged.
In contrast to the archaeological evidence in the Upper Mantaro Valley, which
suggests the Inca significantly restructured Wanka economy and social structure, a
study of the Yampara Territory on the Southeast Inca Periphery in Bolivia suggests
local elites retained their political authority and the Inca had little to no impact on the
local economy (Alconini 2008 and 2010). Inca attempts at expansion further east of the
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Yampara Territory into the Bolivian chaco zone, a hot and arid lowland region, was
rebuked by local Chiriguano-Guaraní groups (Alconini 2008; Garcilazo de la Vega
1960). In the Yampara region, the Inca established provincial centers, Oroconata and
Inkarry Moqo, both built with high quality Inca masonry (Alconini 2008 and 2010).
Despite the significant investment in constructing the buildings with Inca
masonry, Yampara Territory provincial center administrators did not appear to affect
local socioeconomic processes. Oroconata does not appear to have a support population.
It had a low storage capacity, and agricultural terraces are absent in the region,
indicating the provincial center was not focused around agricultural extraction and
export (Alconini 2010). An absence of evidence of craft production and other activities
indicates that the local Inca center was “disembedded” from the empire (Alconini
2008). Alconini suggests that Oroconata may have gained importance as a trade
gateway, and the Inca architecture was a symbol of imperial power (2010).
Minimal Inca material culture was recovered in elite households in the region.
The local Yampara economy was dominated by the production of lithic tools, which has
been documented at the household and supra-household level (Alconini 2010). Lithic
manufacture by communities in the Yampara region enabled a level of autonomy and
independence, as well as access to exchange networks in the region. Local elites
sponsored this production, securing their participation in exchange networks and
enhancing their own status (2008 and 2010). It is unclear how Inca facilities factored
into this exchange, but there is no evidence at this time that Inca provincial centers
affected the local Yampara political economy. Archaeological evidence appears to
corroborate ethnohistoric accounts that suggest relations were diplomatic, and Yampara
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elites likely benefitted from this additional opportunity to legitimize their power with
the Inca presence (Alconini 2010, 106).
These studies from the highlands indicate that the Inca used varied strategies in
different regions based on local sociopolitical conditions and their interests. Their
principal interest in the Wanka was for the intensification and control of agricultural
production in the region, undermining local elites. While they did not invest in Inca
architecture in the region, they transformed the sociopolitical and cultural environment
of Wanka elites and non-elites. By comparison, Inca investment in the Yampara region,
constructing Inca architecture, appears to be more symbolic than functional,
establishing a symbol of Inca ideology on the southeastern frontier to emphasize
territorial boundaries. The lack of evidence of Inca influence in the region indicates that
the Inca’s expansion into Yampara is symbolic and political, rather than driven by
economic interests. These two case studies demonstrate that the presence of Inca
architecture may not indicate direct rule, and the lack of evidence impacting local
economic processes may indicate indirect rule. In fact, Inca rule may result in major
socioeconomic shifts albeit without direct evidence of the Inca presence. These studies
demonstrate the importance of understanding a region’s local sociopolitical history and
dynamics prior to interaction with imperial powers to be able to recognize changes in
dynamics.
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4.2.3 Inca and Chimú Empires in the Jequetepeque Valley
Several studies in the Jequetepeque Valley provide insight into both Chimú and
Inca tactics. The Jequetepeque is one of the largest river valleys on the north coast in
terms of arable land and river discharge. The Chimú controlled the Jequetepeque Valley
during AD 1320–1470 and the Inca took over in 1470, remaining in power until the
Spanish arrived in 1532. This is one of the few places in the Central Andes that have
undergone enough research to begin to be able to directly compare how the two empires
interacted with the same local groups. As a result, the case studies from the lower
Jequetepeque Valley offer the best comparisons to Collambay of how a local population
interacted with both groups. Additionally, as a north coast valley, Jequetepeque
Valley’s residents became subject to two successive empires. Their initial interaction
with the Chimú Empire affected how the Inca interacted with the local population as
well as the local populations’ response to the Inca. While it is unclear if the Chimú
Empire over took Collambay, Collambay interacted with the Chimú and became Inca
subjects; therefore, findings from Jequetepeque case studies are useful for modeling
Collambay-imperial interaction.
During the LIP, communities in the Jequetepeque Valley are associated with the
Lambayeque polity, a tradition that emerged out of the Lambayeque Valley, north of the
Jequetepeque Valley (Heyerdahl et al. 1995; Shimada 1995). The sites in which I
highlight imperial-local interaction include Farfan, a regional capital under the Chimú
and Inca (Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, and 2010); Pedregal, a rural Lambayeque village
incorporated into the Chimú Empire (Cutright 2009 and 2015); Cabur, a local Lord’s
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palace occupied during both the Chimú and Inca empires (Sapp 2002); and, finally,
multiple Inca sites, including an administrative center and rural sites in the Chaman
drainage, Research Area 1 and 2, which is considered part of the Jequetepeque Valley a
few km from Farfan (Kremkau 2010 and 2011), Figure 4.1.
Figure 4.1: Sites mentioned in text in the Jequetepeque Valley
When the Chimú took over the Jequetepeque Valley, Pacatnamu, a site on the
lower south side of the valley, was the valley religious center. There appears to have
been a two-ranked settlement pattern of at least two levels preceding Chimú control at
Pacatnamu (Mackey 2009, 330). The Chimú moved the capital across the valley to
Farfan, a Lambayeque period site. At Farfan, the Chimú destroyed the four existing
Lambayeque structures, or razed them and covered them with fill, building three new
buildings on top of them (Mackey and Jáuregui 2004). At Farfan, the Chimú built three
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compounds, which shared architectural features of Chan Chan’s palaces and included
plazas, audiencias, storerooms, and an above-ground burial platform. The number of
audiencias and storerooms at Farfan was much smaller than at Chan Chan; however,
they appear sufficient to support local administrators and host state sponsored rituals
and feasts (Mackey 2009, 330). Recovered cultural material and the construction of
monumental architecture in Chimú style suggest that the Chimú displaced Lambayeque
leaders at the top of the political hierarchy. The construction of Chimú style architecture
and lack of adoption of local traditions established a direct separation of the Chimú
from local leaders.
The Inca elected to retain Farfan as a regional center, and their investment at
Farfan included adding several new buildings and remodeling Chimú buildings. They
constructed typical Inca state administrative structures found at provincial centers,
including an ushnu, an aqlla for chosen women, and residential architecture, which has
been referred to as “Conciliatory,” as it was neither Chimú nor Inca style in design and
was built as an effort to appease local elites (Hayashida and Guzman 2015, 288,
Mackey 2006 and 2010). The discovery of a Yupana, an Inca accounting device, at
Farfan is evidence that the provincial center kept track of tribute goods (Mackey 2003;
Urton 2015; Urton and Chu 2015). While new LH pottery features appear, pottery at the
site is predominantly Chimú-style pottery. Chimú forms are most frequently found
followed by provincial Inca pottery, including aryballoids and plates with polychrome
geometric designs. While the Inca distanced themselves from Chimú rule through
construction and remodeling of Farfan architecture, Chimú ceramic forms continued to

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be produced and used (see Hayashida and Guzman 2015 and Hayashida 1999 for
further discussion).
Storage capacity at Farfan doubled under Inca rule. Storage structures contained
tools for weaving and making ceramics (such as large tinajas—open-mouthed vessels
for chicha, or maize beer, a common alcoholic beverage consumed throughout the
Andes). While the Chimú Empire established their regional center at Farfan, effectively
erasing local architecture and building Chimú style architecture, it is under the Inca that
the site expands. Under the Inca, Chimú administrators were removed and the Inca
installed several of their administrative canons, the ushnu and aqlla; however, they did
not build with classic Cuzco masonry styles. It is clear they transformed the site,
extinguished previous Chimú ideology (with the exception of continued use of Chimú
ceramic styles), and established their own imperial presence. Excavations at Farfan
suggest that local leaders who lost their position during Chimú rule, became Inca
administrators. A Chimú patio was modified to become an Inca cemetery, which had a
higher percentage of aryballoid jars and provincial Inca ceramics than any other burial
facilities, suggesting it was a cemetery for state administrators, it appears there is a new
level of administrator under the Inca at Farfan than there was under the Chimú (Mackey
2010, 246).
To compare Mackey’s documentation of Chimú imperial strategies at Farfan,
Pedregal was a 2.9 ha, rural LIP village in the Jequetepeque Valley that was occupied
by Lambayeque populations prior to and during Chimú rule of the Jequetepeque Valley
(Cutright 2009 and 2015). Chimú rule did impact Pedregal’s residents; however, this is
not directly reflected in community and residential architecture, but rather in

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subsistence patterns and household activities. This study highlights the necessity of the
excavation of households and study of faunal and botanical materials to detect changes
in behavior.
At Pedregal, local public areas maintained local architectural traditions through
the LIP. Excavations in households indicate that production of agricultural cotton and
corn intensified under the Chimú, likely for export and tribute payments. Within
households, over time, no new products appear, and the range of foodstuffs remains
diverse. However, domesticated species made up a significantly greater proportion of
later assemblages than in the earlier LIP assemblage. Over time, wild species are
consumed less and cultivated staples are found more frequently, perhaps as a result of
demand on Pedregal residents for producing and processing maize and cotton (Cutright
2009 and 2015). The demand placed upon households, while significant, did not require
reorganization of households (Cutright 2015). Therefore, the Pedregal case study
indicates that the Pedregal community intensified production due to Chimú demands,
which also resulted in subsistence patterns relying on more domesticated products.
However, the population was not reorganized, no invasive imperial architecture was
constructed, and life in Pedregal continued very much as it had prior to Chimú
expansion.
Cabur, in the Jequetepeque Valley, was the palace of a local lord. Excavations
were limited to monumental architecture. Incorporation of Cabur into the Chimú and
Inca empires did not greatly affect residents (Sapp 2002). Some remodeling of
architecture and new iconography was detected in a building where religious
ceremonies occurred (Sapp 2002). However, Sapp’s study did not extend beyond
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investigating the monumental architecture at Cabur, and therefore the impact on the
local economy and its modes of production is unknown. Sapp (2002) argues that
religious traditions and political power of local lords remained intact. His findings
indicate little changed at Cabur; however, as Cutright’s study of Pedregal demonstrates,
examination of household practices over time provides a clearer picture of local groups’
experiences. Evidence of intensification of production at Pedregal is absent from the
architectural record, yet detected through evidence of subsistence patterns and
household activities. Information from households at Cabur may present a different
picture of local-Chimú relations at the site than the current understanding.
Excavations from Cabur (Sapp 2002) and Pedregal (Cutright 2009 and 2015),
suggest that reorganization at lower levels of the political hierarchy was minimal under
the Chimú as well as the Inca, and that Chimú and Inca impact was felt unevenly
throughout the valley, focused on upper tiers of the social hierarchy. Cabur is a lower
tier elite site, above the rural village of Pedregal but two tiers below Farfan.
However, an additional study in the Chaman Valley, which is a small, secondary
valley located just north of the Jequetepeque Valley, provides another perspective of
Inca-local interaction in the Jequetepeque Valley (Kremkau 2010). The Chaman and
Jequetepeque valleys are connected by the large Talambo Canal, which was constructed
during the EIP, and Farfan is at the mouth of the Chaman River. Besides the valley
center of Farfan, the only Inca period sites excavated thus far in the Jequetepeque are
single occupations, suggesting that outside of the regional capital, the Inca built new
sites as part of their imperial strategy in the Jequetepeque Valley. Kremkau conducted
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surface collection and test excavations at 16 of these Inca period sites located in
Research Area 1 and Research Area 2 of the Chaman Valley (Figure 2.1).
Kremkau (2010) notes several different characteristics of LH sites in the
Chaman Valley based on site location, architecture, and material culture recovered in
surface collection and test excavations. At least one site was a clear administrative
center; one tier below Farfan, it was established to monitor local agricultural
production. Other sites were in positions to regulate water access along the Talambo
canal, adjacent to farmland, and located at valley necks to regulate access and trade.
Finally, several sites are interpreted as ceremonial in nature and connected to sacred
landscape features, located below dry waterfalls. Natural landscape features are sacred
elements to the Inca and other Andean polities. However, within north coast
iconography and traditions, marine iconography is prevalent, highlighting that water or
waterfalls is unusual on the north coast, and Kremkau argues that waterfalls are
connected to the Inca ideology of sacred features on the landscape, or wak’as (2010,
311-312). Sacred water features are common in the highlands, and can be springs or
rivers, and many water features are connected to the Inca ceque system of ritual
pathways beginning in Cuzco and extending throughout the empire (Bauer 1998; Urton
1978). “This transformative power of the water was important to the Incas, linking the
present material world to the natural world of ancestors and deities” as sacred (Kremkau
2010, 311–312). Other sacred features associated with water include springs, rivers, and
rain, and these natural elements “transformed through human agency” for agriculture
(311).
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Kremkau argues that the Inca initiated this investment in the Chaman Valley,
installing local lords in the region who constructed the sites. The Inca are known to
have occupied empty land throughout the Andes (Burger et al 2007; Hyslop 1984 and
1990; Morris 1970; Morris and Covey 2006). This occupation of empty space enabled
“remaking conquered region fit to their imperial mold” (Kremkau 2010, 306). Overall,
there is little evidence in the Chaman Valley of Inca style—the organization of sites are
typical north coast architectural styles, as was the material culture recovered. The Inca
collaborated with local lords to build and occupy these sites. Under the Chimú, coastal
foreigners were these lords’ central authority. The Inca, however, established their own
imperial landscape in the Jequetepeque, which enabled local lords to control their own
lands, giving them more control and self-rule than they had under the Chimú (Kremkau
2010, 314). However, characteristics of the sites, such as ones located close to dry
waterfalls served as a reminder that the Inca Empire was in control.
It is clear that the Chimú and Inca interacted with the Jequetepeque Valley’s
population differently. Kremkau demonstrates that the Inca transformed the local valley
landscape with the construction of new Inca rural settlements and ritual sites. These
small sites are peripheral to a valley center like Farfan, but would have affected local
populations living in the region without disrupting local sociopolitical boundaries. The
local lords would be obligated to rotate turns working the Inca fields, but this appears to
be a minimal investment. While Kremkau makes a convincing case that the Inca
affected local groups by establishing their own Inca landscape in the Jequetepeque
Valley, it is unclear how much the Chimú interacted with locals prior to the Inca. While
intensification of agricultural production is documented at Pedregal, it is unknown if

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Pedregal worked state fields for the Chimú as well. Were Cabur’s occupants obligated
to work state fields?
The differences in Chimú and Inca corporate architecture inform how the
empires interacted with subjects (Moore 1992). Chimú architecture is characterized as
architecture of separation with large walls, and controlled access separated elites from
the lower classes. Large plazas for ceremonies are located in elite compounds, limiting
participation in these events to select groups and individuals. In contrast, the Inca
incorporated large public plazas into many provincial capitals (Bauer and Stanish 2001).
Plazas were divided into sectors to differentiate class and status, but different classes
did come together occasionally. Late Horizon administrative centers in the
Jequetepeque and throughout the north coast generally (e.g. Chiquitoy Viejo see section
3.15.1) are a mixture of the two forms (Kremau 2010, 297).
In comparison to the LIP, the LH occupation of Farfan is much larger and
contains a greater diversity of administrative staff, overseeing a variety of activities that
included craft production, chicha brewing and food preparation, and large kitchens to
feed the large groups of people (Kremkau 2010). The Inca held feasts for subject
groups, but there is no evidence for this under the Chimú at Farfan, suggesting they did
not incorporate local groups into the empire beyond requiring tribute payments, and did
not incorporate local elites into upper levels of administration. Excavations at Cabur
also support this idea, as little change was detected between the Lambayeque and
Chimú periods (Sapp 2002).
Excavations at Pedregal indicate the Chimú did intensify the local economy.
While Chimú ceramics were adapted beyond this, there is no material evidence to
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indicate the Chimú had a significant impact on local traditions or ideology. Life at
Pedregal continued relatively unaffected, suggesting the Chimú did not alter lower level
communities beyond requiring tribute payment.
This is in stark contrast to what Kremkau has documented in the Chaman Valley
under the Inca, where he reports that an Inca administrative center sits strategically
placed for monitoring trade, access, and agricultural production for Inca fields,
supported by local groups who alternate turns carrying out the work (2010, 298).
Kremkau’s findings indicate the Inca did directly affect local groups by
establishing new sites; however, they did so in a way that limited disturbance of
preexisting señorios and social organization. Kremkau’s study is significant, as
traditionally on the north coast it has been assumed the Inca ruled indirectly, as there
was limited evidence of Inca architecture and material culture. While we cannot expect
to find similar settlement patterns like Kremkau in every region the Inca overtook, as
also demonstrated by studies in the Upper Mantaro Valley and Yampara region, his
study indicates how we can begin to identify Inca impact without traditional Inca
imperial correlates. In Collambay, settlement patterns over time will be examined as
well as changes in architectural style, local production levels, and material culture.
What these case studies of Chimú and Inca imperial interaction with local groups in the
Jequetepeque Valley demonstrate is the importance in considering multiple lines of
evidence and also the nuances that a longue durée perspective provide.
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4.3 Imperial and Local Dynamics in the Andes
This chapter has provided an introduction into the dynamics of imperial
strategies, imperial interaction with local groups, and frontier zones, and argues that to
examine the dynamics of imperial-local interaction, a bottom-up perspective is best
utilized. A bottom-up approach provides a more encompassing perspective of local
dynamics to inform shifts in local communities tied to imperial interaction, regardless
of whether they are direct or indirect, in resistance to or acceptance of imperial power
interests. This bottom-up perspective was essential in understanding local dynamics in
Tsai’s study in the Jequetepeque Valley (2012). Likewise, the conflicting information
from the archaeological data and Colonial documents in the Chillon Valley case study
demonstrates that multiple lines of evidence demonstrate the complicated dynamics of
the past.
In my overview of case studies examining Chimú and Inca empires that posit
that the Chimú and Inca had varied interests in different regions and implemented
different strategies, some more direct and territorial than others, based on preexisting
sociopolitical conditions and imperial interests. The evidence presented here suggests
that both empires had varying impacts upon local groups. It is not clear in most of these
cases what local groups’ responses were to the Chimú and Inca. Evidence of resistance
to either the Chimú or Inca in these case studies is not particularly clear either. It is
likely in the Yampara case study, and perhaps at Manchan, that local elites took
advantage of the political opportunity to improve their own status and wealth through
these relationships.
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Evidence from Quebrada Sta. Cristina indicates that the Chimú had an available
labor force, and were interested in exploiting staple resources; Pedregal’s evidence also
suggests this. Did the need for staple resources drive Chimú expansion? It appears to be
one reason for expansion. It is also clear in the Inca case studies in the Upper Mantaro
Valley and the Chaman Valley that the primary interest was in staple resources as well.
The Inca’s direct intervention in the Upper Mantaro Valley, compared to building new
sites in a previously unused area in the Chaman Valley, is likely tied to preexisting
political conditions and Inca strategy as to how best to obtain the products they needed.
In the Yampara case study, Inca presence appears more symbolic than anything else,
and this is likely connected to Yampara’s location on the borderland and the violent
history between the Inca and groups in the Chaco region.
The evidence of imperial-local interaction demonstrates that neither the Chimú
nor the Inca used the same formula when interacting with different groups, but rather
tactics depended on preexisting sociopolitical conditions in the region and specific Inca
interests, and it is likely that local elites were significant participants in this negotiation.
In the case of the Upper Mantaro Valley, the Inca disempowered local elites, either
perhaps because they saw them as a threat, or because this was a natural component of
the tribute requirements they imposed upon the community. In the Chaman Valley,
local elites were put back into power after having been subject to the Chimú, and this
may have been one of the reasons the Inca did not appear to reorganize local lords’
territories. One motivation of expansion that is not demonstrated in any of the case
studies was to protect borderlands or frontiers from enemy attacks. The Aztecs’ creation
of buffer states to protect their heartland from direct threats (Smith and Berdan 1996)
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could also be considered as a motivator for Inca and Chimú expansion (See Sections
2.4.2 and 2.4.3. Other factors that have not been addressed by these case studies, but are
relevant to understanding imperial-local interaction and tactics, include proximity to the
imperial capital. Finally, in both the chaupiyunga case studies, and Chimú and Inca
imperial case studies a better understanding of local processes and imperial-local
interaction is possible through consideration of local dynamics over time, or a longue
durée perspective.
5 Fieldwork Program Overview and Methods
Chapters Five through Eleven describe the research program in the Collambay
region the data collected and analyzed, and offers preliminary findings of this data.
Chapter Five includes an overview of the field and laboratory methods applied
throughout fieldwork and analysis. Chapter Six presents the settlement pattern data
documented in the Sinsicap Valley, Chapter Seven describes Cerro Huancha MV 900’s
site sectors and surface collection. Chapter Eight and Nine describes Cerro Huancha
MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s excavations and the occupational history
documented. Chapter Ten delves into the ceramic assemblage recovered in excavations
at both sites. Chapter Eleven describes the findings of other artifact classes, bone, shell,
etc. recovered in excavations. Chapter Twelve presents this study’s interpretations and
conclusions. This chapter provides overviews of the methods used in pedestrian survey
and excavations, and analysis. I also discuss my excavation strategies and challenges,
provide overviews of the mapping of Cerro Huancha MV 900, surface collection at
Cerro Huancha MV 900, ceramic typology and analysis as well as the methods used in
analysis of other artifact classes.
5.1 Pedestrian Survey in the Sinsicap Valley and Methods
Since 2009 I have directed the Sinsicap Valley Archaeological Project a part of
the Moche Origins Project/Proyecto Arqueologíco Cerro Oreja, carrying out
reconnaissance and initial archaeological excavations within the territory of the modern
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155
Comunidad Campesina de Emilia Gonzalez Obregoso de Collambay in the Sinsicap
Valley. Continuing up valley from where Billman’s (1996) systematic survey ended, in
the lower Sinsicap Valley the MOP/PACO, carried out pedestrian survey extending into
the Collambay area in 2005 and 2006. I continued this pedestrian survey in 2009 and
2010, covering about 80% of the Collambay basin area.
Following Billman’s methodology (1996) we did not survey the valley bottom
as all areas in the survey range are dedicated to agricultural production, with the
exception of the dry river bed17 located adjacent to the Collambay area. In the
systematic survey zone topography was varied, elevations ranged from 400 - 600 masl
on the valley floor to the maximum elevation of 1,831 masl at Cerro Ramon. Thirty
sites were recorded. Site description forms were completed documenting visible
architecture and artifacts encountered on the surface. Photos were taken and diagnostic
sherds, if any were found, were collected to help determine the time period of
occupation. In 2005 and 2006 collection units recovered diagnostic sherds, analysis of
these ceramics has not been completed. Sites surveyed in 2009 and 2010 had so few
diagnostic ceramics that all were collected.
Systematic survey further up valley was not continued due to time constraints;
however, the zone was surveyed informally in 2014 as part of a community project I
directed through MOCHE Inc. This informal survey18 included hiking the territorial
limits of the community of Collambay with community leaders and MOCHE Inc project
17
The confluence of two narrow valleys occurs at this dry, flat river bed. One tributary continues
towards the highland community of Parrapos in the the Chicama Valley, the other runs parallel to the
Sinsicap Valley, ending at the town of Narí.
18
I refer to this as informal because it was not systematic pedestrian survey.
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directors, Patrick Mullins, Guy Duke, and MOCHE Inc volunteers. We recorded
territorial boundaries to help Collambay leaders begin the process to apply for a formal
land title for the community property19. During this survey another eight sites in the
upper Sinsicap region were noted, although little time was spent surveying the sites.
Notes and GPS points were taken recording the site location and a brief description of
the sites. Photos of diagnostic sherds and sites were taken. Figure 5.1 shows the limit of
the systematic and informal surveys.
This research has recorded a total of 42 sites in the Collambay region of the
Sinsicap Valley through pedestrian and informal survey. Sites were counted by location,
if a site had diagnostic ceramics from multiple time periods it was still counted as one
(Appendix C). In addition, MV 336, a site that was recorded by Billman in 1990
(Billman pers comm July 2015). Surface ceramics identified during surface collection
suggest these sites were occupied between 200 BC and the Colonial period. Some sites
appear to have a single occupation, others were occupied during multiple periods, and
some sites did not have identifiable ceramics on the surface to assign a time period of
occupation.
Site numbers correspond with who recorded the site. Briceño and Billman began
numbering sites in the Sinsicap Valley with number nine hundred, separating newly
recorded sites in the Moche Valley tributaries from the sites Billman recorded in his
dissertation field work in 1990-91. In 2006 Jochem and Fariss (MOP/PACO project
members) assigned the site of Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (Jochem 2007). Sites that I
19
This research was sponsored by a 2013 Wenner Gren Foundation grant received by Rudi
Colloredo-Mansfeld and Diego Quiroga “ICRG Program, Territories, Stewardship, and Place-Based
Economies in Andean Communities: Building Participatory Research Capacity”
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subsequently have recorded I assigned in the 1000s20. See Chapter Six for further
discussion of settlement patterns.
Figure 5.1: Sinsicap Valley Survey Area (with sites mentioned in text in Chapter 6)
5.2 Site Selection for Excavation
Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 were selected for
excavations based on information gathered through reconnaissance in the Sinsicap
Valley. The presence of Chimú-style ceramics on the surface of both sites suggested
they were occupied during the LIP and potentially during the LH, however the sites
have contrasting features in both size and geographic location in the valley. Cerro
20
During survey of the Sinsicap Valley the Cuesta Valley has been surveyed. Site number 1001 and 1002
are in the Cuesta Valley, see Briceño and Billman 2009.
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Huancha MV 900 is 10 HA and located on a low hill at 1,000 masl, adjacent to the
Sinsicap river and valley floor. Cerro Ramon MV 1000 is 1.5 HA and is located on the
summit of a mountain at 1,831 masl. Excavations were carried out at both sites to
document each site’s occupation, daily practices, and economy over time. Comparing
the culture history recovered at each site provides a more encompassing perspective of
local dynamics in the Sinsicap valley during the LIP and LH. It also provides
information about relationships with outside groups, such as the Chimú and Inca.
Therefore the rationale behind conducting excavations at both sites was to provide a
more complete understanding of Collambay’s interregional and intraregional dynamics
during the LIP and LH.
5.3 Site Formation Processes
The climate of the chaupiyunga includes annual rainfall and humidity.
Therefore, the only organic materials that were preserved in excavations were
carbonized plant remains. Natural processes and human disturbance have left limited
site architecture standing at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. At
Cerro Huancha MV 900 architecture that remain somewhat intact are less than .5 meter
tall. Modern land snails were frequently encountered in disturbed architecture, and
assumed to have invaded archaeological contexts. A modern plant species found in
archaeological contexts during excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 is a previously unreported wild tuber, related to a sweet potato. The
species was identified by Eric Rodriguez Rodriguez of the Herbarium Truxillense at the
National University of Trujillo as “camote de gentile” and named Ipomoea sagasteguii

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(Convolvulaceae). Locals referred to the tuber as "camote silvestre” (Rodriguez et al.
2012).
5.4 Mapping at Cerro Huancha MV 900
Mapping of Cerro Huancha MV 900 was carried out over several seasons with a
total station. The time allotted for mapping was limited, nevertheless our strategy was to
record as much visible architecture as possible. In addition to the restrictions introduced
by the scant budget for mapping, various factors influenced the quantity of map-able
architecture. The site has 14 site sectors based on topography and cultural features
(Figure 5.2). Due to the topography of Cerro Huancha and the location of visible
architecture, 5 different base points were used while mapping. Initial mapping efforts
were focused on documenting the scope of architecture at the site, recording the extent
of terraces, as well as at least some of the architecture in all site sectors. Once
excavations were underway in 2012, mapping focused on architecture in Sector 1 and
recording excavation units and cultural features in different sectors.
Despite our team’s extensive efforts of clearing architecture in Sector 1 to see
the foundations of buildings21, the combination of compact architecture and extensive
wall fall prevented clear identification of the limits and relationships between rooms.
This made clear identification of rooms in agglutinated compounds difficult. Figure 5.2
presents the extent of architecture recorded, and many sectors do not include details of
the extent of architecture present including, Sectors 1, 2, 3, and 10. In the future
21
95 cubic meters of wall fall was cleared in Sector 1.
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hopefully the details of these agglutinated compounds, and terraces can be added to this
map.
Figure 5.2: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Site Sector
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5.5 Surface Collection Methods
Surface collection at Cerro Huancha MV 900 was designed to identify site
sectors with LIP and LH occupations to collect data to identify what activities may have
occurred in different site sectors.22 Surface collection was carried out in June – July
2011 (PDs 1-78) with the assistance of Loren Teetelli, Caitlin (Smith) Lackett, and
Elizabeth Olson. At 10 HA in size Cerro Huancha is a hill with diverse topography and
cultural features are found on all sides and most elevations. Initial survey indicated that
not all site sectors had material culture, therefore employing a systematic surface
collection would have been a disadvantage as many of the units would have been placed
in sectors nearly devoid of cultural material, like Sectors 7, 8, 9, 13, and 14. Therefore a
stratified, judgmental sampling strategy was used for surface collection. See Chapter 7
for descriptions of site sectors.
While I was particularly interested in identifying LIP and LH occupations to
determine where to excavate, surface collection also provided the opportunity to begin
to document the occupational history of Cerro Huancha MV 900, and identify specific
site sectors with specific time periods of occupation. The total area surface collected
within each sector varied depending on visible architecture, density of material culture
on the surface, and location on site. Due to environmental processes and looting activity
many of the buildings and walls have collapsed, with architectural fall and material
culture falling downslope. Surface collection units were placed within architectural
22
I could not replicate Cerro Huancha MV 900’s surface collection at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 due to site
conditions. No formal surface collection occurred at Cerro Ramon MV 1000, however surface grabs did
occur occasionally.
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compounds. To account for material that had fallen downslope, collection units were
also placed below the sector to collect this fallen material culture. Units located below
site sectors below site sectors were not in areas assigned to other site sectors and were
considered part of the site sector in analysis.
A total of 10,125 m2 or 10.1% of the site was surface collected recovering 1,407
diagnostic sherds23. This included 69 different units of various sizes and shapes in 11 of
14 site sectors (Figure 5.3 and Appendix B). At least 4% of each site sector’s area (that
underwent surface collection) was surface collected. In several sectors, 100% of the site
sector was surface collected. Non-ceramic artifacts encountered in surface collection
units were rare but collected with the exception of large groundstones and lithics. Metal
artifacts noted outside of collection units were classified as surface grabs.
Surface collection did not occur in Sectors 9, 13, or 14. For a description of
analysis of ceramics recovered in surface collection see Section 5.7. Further details
about site sectors collected and ceramics recovered are in Chapter 7.
23
Due to time constraints non-diagnostic sherds were not collected or counted.
164
Figure 5.3: Location of Surface Collection Units

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5.6 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Excavation Strategy
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 was modeled after the Upper Mantaro
Archaeological Research Valley Project, with the goal of sampling entire well-
preserved architectural compounds (Earle et al. 1987) rather than a systematic sampling
of the entire site. This strategy was designed to understand daily practices, establishing
a baseline of activities and resources identifying changes and/or continuity over time.
To do this, large sectors of architectural compounds were selected based on location,
preservation, visible architecture, and the artifacts recovered in surface collection in the
sector around the compound. Excavations focused on exposing entire architectural
compounds, which usually consisted of a patio and smaller rooms in order to document
activities in the entire structure throughout its time of use. Excavations therefore
recorded each compound’s production, consumption, storage, and distribution to
provide a well-rounded understanding of the local economy and activities occurring
within architectural compounds. While this methodology limited the number of site
sectors that could be tested, the data recovered provides a more complete picture of
activities that occurred in the site sectors sampled. This strategy also allowed for
documentation of remodeling.
Excavated compounds were termed “Compounds” and were numbered
sequentially, Compound 1 through Compound 6. Units were ideally 2 x 2 m, but often
were of varied dimensions based upon visible architecture, as nearly all units were
within architectural compounds. One trench, Trench 1 was also excavated. See Section
1.8 for a description of excavation methods. Excavations occurred in four different
sectors—1, 3, 6, and 7, a total of 114.92 m2 was excavated (Figure 5.4 and Table 5.1).
Figure 5.4: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Location of Excavations
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5.7 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavation Strategy
Located at 1,831 masl on a double-saddle, the site Cerro Ramon MV 1000 sites
on the summit of Cerro Ramon. Reaching the site requires a multiple hour hike from the
valley floor making working at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 a challenge in logistics and
excavation strategy. Site conditions and limited time forced me to change my initial
excavation strategy. The initial plans were to carry out the same excavation strategy
employed at Cerro Huancha MV 900, excavation of complete architectural compounds.
This, however was not feasible due to site conditions.
Fallen architecture as a result of natural forces and looters’ disturbance over the
years, has resulted in piles of back dirt and heavy brush cover. At least a month of time
would have been needed to clear the brush and stack wall fall in a single site sector.
However, carrying this out at Cerro Ramon MV 1000, would have potentially
destabilized architecture on the site further. Therefore, concern about destabilizing parts
of the site by cutting down this brush and moving fallen architecture prevented
systematic surface collection and further mapping of the site. In response to these
conditions and limited time the most feasible option was to carry out test excavations
and trenches in looters holes.
Cerro Ramon MV 1000 has three site sectors (Jochem 2007) and excavations
were limited to Sector 2. Sector 2 was selected because it had most recently been a
grazing ground for a herd of goats, and therefore had less overgrown brush than other
site sectors. I excavated a total of 12.95 m2 allowing me to preliminarily document the
duration of Sector 2’s occupation. While this is a very limited sampling of the site, it
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builds on Jochem (2007)’s initial study and establishes a preliminary understanding of
the site’s occupational history.
Table 5.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Area Excavated
Cerro Cerro
Cerro Huancha Ramon
Huancha MV 900 Volume MV 1000 Volume
MV 900 Area Sediment Cerro Area Sediment
Compound Excavated Excavated Ramon MV Excavated Excavate
2 3
s (m ) (m ) 1000 Units (m2) d (m3)
1 4 0.69 1 1 0.15
2 52.95 13.01 2 1 0.11
3 28.97 7.68 Looter Hole 4 0.14
A
4 1.1 2.04 Looter Hole 6.95 1.10
B
5 10 1.10
6 10 1.76
Trench 1 7.9 0.33
Total per 114.92 26.61 12.95 1.50
Site
Total
Cubic
Meters 28.11
Sediment
(m3)
Total Area
Excavated 127.87
2
(m )
5.8 Excavation Methods
Excavations undertaken at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000
in 2012 employed different excavation strategies, however the methods implemented at
both sites followed the same protocol. Every context was assigned a separate
provenience designation number, or PD (Appendices A and B). Excavations followed
natural levels. If no change in sediment occurred, levels were arbitrarily kept at 10 cm

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intervals for control. Features were excavated separately and bisected when possible24.
Each was assigned a sequential number based on the architectural compound in which it
was located. For example, the second feature encountered in Compound 2 is identified
as 2.02. See Appendix A for field and analysis forms.
Soil samples of 4 L of sediment per level were collected within each unit, and
features were sampled as well. All of the recovered soil samples were floated, and light
and heavy fractions were stored for future analysis. All sediment not collected for soil
samples was screened on-site with 1/4” screen. Occasionally, 1/8” screen was used—for
example, when metal fragments were recovered. The volume of sediment removed was
recorded by bucket count, a total of 28.11m3. Cultural material recovered was separated
by material type. Diagnostic and non-diagnostic sherds were separated in the field.
Other material types saved included bone, shell, lithics, metals, charcoal, and organics.
Distinct artifacts, such as beads and spindle whorls, were cataloged as artifacts. All
recovered material culture was cleaned, counted, and weighed in the laboratory and
organized for analysis. Upon completion of analysis in March 2013, all recovered
cultural material was submitted to Peru’s Ministry of Culture’s storage facility in
Trujillo at Huaca Dragon. Subsequent analysis of cultural materials recovered in
excavations is described in the following sections.
5.9 Ceramic Analysis
Ceramics are a link in the behavioral chain of activities that includes interactions
between many people and artifacts, people and people, and between artifacts themselves
24
This only applies to Cerro Huancha MV 900, excavations at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 did not encounter
any features and units were not defined by architectural compounds.
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(Schiffer 1995; Skibo 2013). A more durable material than other material culture
classes that was part of Prehispanic societies, ceramics are often the most frequently
recovered artifact class in excavations. Ceramic assemblages were involved in most
economic activities, production, distribution, and consumption, and their functional
attributes and stylistic elements inform about site activities and cultural associations.
Studies of ceramic vessels or fragments of vessels reveals information about household-
level, community-level, and state-level activities. In this project three ceramic
assemblages were recovered, surface collection at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and the
excavated assemblages at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000
(Appendix C). Methods used and analysis undertaken are described in the following
sections.
5.9.1 Ceramic Analysis Methodology and Protocol
Surface collection at Cerro Huancha MV 900 recovered 1,407 diagnostic sherds
which I analyzed in July-August 201125. Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900
(N=2,775) and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (N=151) recovered a combined 2,926
diagnostics and 34,463 non-diagnostic sherds which were analyzed October 2012 -
March 2013, weighing just over 500 kilos. Diagnostic sherds are defined as parts of
vessels that enable identification of vessel class, or are decorated. Therefore, rims,
bases, handles, appliqués, and body sherds with decoration—molded, paddle-stamped
or painted—are considered diagnostics. Non-diagnostic sherds are all other undecorated
25
Non-diagnostic sherds were not counted or collected during surface collection due to time constraints.
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sherds. I studied this assemblage with the assistance of several recent graduates and
current archaeology students from the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Lorenzo Risco,
Ernesto Zavaleta, Roy Lezama, and Aldo Pulache. Analysis of diagnostic sherds
followed Jennifer Ringberg’s 2012 ceramic study of Cerro Leon, an EIP period site in
the middle Moche Valley. New attributes were added to categories as appropriate.
Both ceramic assemblages, from surface collection and excavations, were
washed with water with the exception of 2 complete and 1 almost-complete vessels
recovered in excavations. Collections were then counted, weighed and studied. Sherds
smaller than ¼” were not included in counts. When possible, diagnostic sherds were
refitted with original mates. Diagnostic sherds underwent a detailed analysis that
recorded each diagnostic sherds’: paste type26, vessel type, part of vessel present,
manufacturing technique, and surface treatment. If a diagnostic sherd was decorated the
part of the sherd decorated, the technique employed, the decorative motif, as well as
color paint used, and the width of the sherd was also recorded. For rims, the shape of
the lip of rim and general classification of the angle of the neck of the rim was recorded.
The surface diameter of rims and bases were recorded as well as the percentage present
of the original rim or base. These attributes were recorded to understand the form and
size of the vessels in the assemblage as well as how they were used. For example, use
wears provides information about how the vessels were used throughout their lifetime,
i.e. – vessels with heavily sooted bases were likely cooking vessels, vessels with lots of
pitting and scratches on the bottom were moved often. Decorative techniques and
26
Preliminary paste categories were established through analysis however, without a petrographic study I
am not confident in my classification.
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stylistic elements were also recorded to document local trends and compare with styles
documented in other regions. Non-diagnostic sherds were preliminarily classified by
ware and the presence/absence of soot. The presence/absence of soot provides
information about whether the fragments may have been originally from cooking
vessels.
Ideally, whole vessels are used as the basic unit of analysis, however studies by
Braun (1980), Plog (1985), and Ringberg (2012) demonstrate that even with only a rim
sherd a vessel’s form can be determined. Therefore, while I report the quantities of parts
of vessels of all diagnostic sherds I focus the majority of my analysis on rim sherds. I
rely on the frequencies and distribution of rims from vessel types to understand what
categories of functional activities occurred in different site sectors.
The majority of ceramic analysis focuses on distribution and frequencies of rim
sherds to inform about site production, consumption, and exchange. Rims are a part of
the vessel that is often more easily identifiable than other parts of a vessel. From a rim
segment (of sufficient size) one can determine what type of vessel the rim came from.
Recovered rim segments that had less than 5% of the rim diameter of the vessel were
often too small a fragment and too eroded to identify a vessel class. Therefore in my
analysis I focus on the rim assemblage with 5% or more of the rim diameter present
with the assumption that identifying vessel class will be more consistent (Table 5.2).
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Table 5.2: Rim counts from all ceramic assemblages
MV 900 SC MV 900 EXC MV 1000

Ct 5% > Ct 5% > Ct 5% >
# Total Rims 1131 1073 1766 1329 105 96
Assigned Vessel
Class 1075 1032 1016 847 68 65
As Table 5.2 indicates, the rim assemblage used in analysis from different
ceramic assemblages varied and in some cases included a large percentage of the total
rim assemblage recovered and in other cases it did not. For example, Cerro Huancha
MV 900 excavation recovered 1,766 rims and only 58% (N=1,016) of those rims could
be assigned a vessel class. Surface Collection at Cerro Huancha MV 900 recovered
1,131 total rims, and 91% of the assemblage (N=1,032) were assigned a vessel class and
had at least 5% or more of rim diameter present27. See Chapter 7 and Chapter 10 for
further details on the ceramic assemblage recovered in excavations and Appendix C for
the raw data.
However, vessels are not always ideally constructed for their intended use and
not always used for what they were constructed for. For example, a cooking pot may
also serve as a storage jar. Therefore, intended and actual pottery function should both
be considered to tell “the story that vessels, individually, and collectively have to tell
about the people who made and used them” (Tite 1999, 181, cited in Skibo 2013, 5).
See Section 1.9.3 for further discussion of analysis.
27
This includes complete vessels.
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5.9.2 Ceramic Vessel Typology
Like my ceramic methods, my vessel typology is also based on Ringberg’s
previous ceramic study of Cerro Leon, an EIP site in the middle Moche Valley (2012). I
utilize Ringberg’s vessel class categories which are defined by broad features including
vessel shape, such as whether it has an open or closed orifice, and include functional
and non-functional vessel class forms. However, several of my vessel varieties are
unique to the ceramic assemblage recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000, and distinct from varieties identified by Ringberg’s at Cerro Leon.
Vessel shape categories identified at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV
1000 are commonly identified in the Andean ethnographic record. I use English and
Spanish nomenclature for vessel classes (Ringberg 2012, 193). See Table 5.3 for
average rim diameter for each vessel type.
Olla (cooking pot): are vessels that generally have a wide mouth with a more
globular body and rounded base. This body shape enables heat to be distributed evenly
to contents. Ollas have shorter necks than jars and are used for cooking, heating,
stirring, and serving liquids, especially stews and soups, informal serving, and short-
term storage of leftovers and ingredients. Four varieties of ollas were identified,
neckless, angle neck, vertical neck, and carinated rim. Surface treatment often includes
burnishing. Handle applique may be attached to the neck and body or the rim and body.
Decoration
Neckless: These vessels have a slightly restricted profile with unmodified or
incurved rims and a thickened lip (Figure 5.5). The vessel wall does not change
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direction defining a neck from body- neckless ollas are like incurved bowls (Ringberg
2012, 213). Both plainware and blackware (reduced fired) varieties were recovered.
Surface treatment may include burnishing.
Angle neck: Angle neck variety is a short neck vessel with an angled flare neck
from where shoulder and neck meets (Figure 5.6). Thing angle ranges from slight to
extreme. This variety of olla is less restricted than all other olla forms and there is the
most variety in surface diameter in angle-rim ollas.
Vertical neck: A more restricted vessel variety, vertical neck ollas have a
straight neck that may be slightly everted or incurved towards the rim (Figure 5.7). This
variation also includes ollas whose neck have a slight bulge either in the middle or
upper part of the neck. The exterior of the rim may be reinforced.
Carinated rim: Carinated rim ollas are a restricted mouth variety. It is a common
olla variety associated with the coast and Chimu culture. Named for the carinated angle
of its rim and neck, variation is found in the height of neck as well as the length and
angle of carination, becoming more pronounced or slight (Figure 5.8).
Figure 5.5: Neckless olla (rim diameter 14 cm)

176
Figure 5.6: Angle neck Olla (rim diameter 16 cm)
Figure 5.7: Vertical neck olla (rim diameter 10 cm)

177
Figure 5.8: Carinated rim olla (rim diameter 12 cm)
Pan (Tostaderos) Pans are a functional category used for cooking and serving. A
utilitarian form, pans are shallow, open vessels with a base that is flat or nearly flat
(Figure 5.9). The sides of pans are everted on a wide angle, and the lip of the rim if
often tapered. The form is fairly standardized. Used for toasting, pans are often found
with the base and walls sooted from being placed over an open fire. However, they also
could serve as a form of serving vessels. In Collambay, pans are plainware, undecorated
vessels, very rarely is burnishing or surface treatment noted. Pans are similar to a form
documented in the highlands, the colander28 (Lau 2010; Toohey 2009; T. Topic and J.
28
Colanders are reported to have cutouts on the vessel, while pans do not.
178
Topic 1982). The colander has been proposed to be used for roasting meat or other
foods (Toohey 2009).
28 cm 30 cm
14 cm
Figure 5.9: Pan Profiles
Individual serving bowl (cuenco) are open vessels with a diversity of utilitarian
and fineware forms (Figure 5.10). Blackware and plainware bowls were recovered. The
body of bowls are more rounded than pans in body shape, and tend to have taller sides
and a smaller rim diameter. The height and angle of the sides of bowls vary greatly.
Sides of bowls range from everted sides to a softer, rounded angle. Bases of bowls are
varied from flat to round. Fineware bowls bases often have a high or low ring-bowl
base. Fine ware bowls recovered were also occasionally painted, slipped, and polished.
Standard utilitarian bowls to not have a special base and lack surface treatment outside
the occasional burnishing. Bowls were likely used on a daily basis for serving both
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individual and groups portions. Bowls are deep enough for serving liquids like stews
and chicha, a traditional corn beer (Cutright 2009; Ringberg 2012). Fine ware bowls are
assumed to be reserved for special occasions.
Figure 5.10: Bowl
Bottle is a restricted form that is not interpreted as having a culinary function,
but part of the assemblage of serving vessels. Bottles have more or less vertical, thin
necks, which is taller than the orifice’s width. Two varieties of bottles were identified in
the assemblage, single-spout and stirrup-spout. Both utilitarian and fineware bottles are
reported. This vessel class may be plainware or blackware, slipped, polished, and be
decorated with paint or press-mold, paddle-stamp designs (Figure 5.11).

180
Figure 5.11: Bottle
Jar (Cantaro/Jarra) is a liquid storage vessel. Jars are vessels that are generally
larger than ollas and smaller than tinajas, another vessel type associated with long-term
storage. Characterized by a restricted orifice, both large and small jars have longer
necks than ollas. Generally, the body of a jar is more ellipsoid in shape than an olla
(Ringberg 2012). In Collambay, jar bases were either egg-shaped, rounded, or angled.
Three varieties of jars were identified in the assemblage: everted necks (Figure 5.12),
straight-neck jars (Figure 5.13), and aryballoids.
Everted neck: Large jars with everted, flaring necks. Jars with necks that are
severely everted are typically associated with EIP-LH periods in the northern highlands
(Topic and Topic 1982). This severely everted variety was only identified in plainwares.
Straight-neck: Small, medium to large-sized jars with straight necks.
Manufacture technique includes mold-made and coiling, a typical Chimú style was
documented in the collection. This variety included both blackware and plainware
vessels.
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Surface treatment for both varieties also included burnishing. A variety of
different decorative techniques including painted red orange bands on the interior and
exterior of the rim and neck of both everted and straight neck varieties. Appliqués such
as handles and nubs were found on the neck of the vessel. Occasionally on blackware
vessels face motifs were identified on vessels that appear to be mold-made and incised,
and appliques applied for facial features.
Aryballoid: is a variety of the jar that dates to the LH/Inca period. These small
and medium-sized vessels have a conical-shaped base. A material symbol of the Inca
empire these bottles are usually fine ware vessels and are often decorated with press-
mold designs or painted (Bray 2003).

182
rim diameter = 41 cm
Figure 5.12: Everted Jar Profile Varieties
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Figure 5.13: Straight-neck Jar (rim diameter 24 cm)
Tinaja is extra-large utilitarian storage vessel with open or closed orifices.
Ringberg reports these are the largest vessel class found at EIP archaeological sites and
this is the case in Collambay as well. Two varieties of tinajas were found in Collambay,
necked and neckless. Smoothed or left rough on the exterior, all tinajas recovered were
undecorated. Tinaja is a preferred storage vessel for chicha and dry goods, it is often set
into the ground with the opening just four or five inches above the ground, Figure 5.14
(Mackey 2010, 241; Moore 1985, 66).
Figure 5.14: Tinaja Profile (rim diameter 30 cm)
Rallador (Grater Bowl) is a utilitarian bowl which have incised linear or curved
patterns on the interior. An unrestricted vessel form, the rallador has flat and thick walls
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(Figure 5.15). These vessels are reported on the coast during several time periods but it
is unclear what function the form served. It may have been related to food processing or
some type of activity not associated with food production. Few rallador sherds were
recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900.
Figure 5.15: Rallador Profile (rim diameter = 34)
Miniature Vessel in the form of ollas and jars were recovered at Cerro Huancha
MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (Figure 5.16). The vessels have no clear functional
use with producing, consuming, or serving food but may have been used to hold small
quantities of liquids or dry foodstuffs potentially plants or herbs in small quantities or
for ritual activities.

185
Figure 5.16: Example of Miniature Vessel from Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (rim
diameter 8 cm)
Table 5.3: Ceramic Assemblage Average Vessel Rim Diameter and Standard
Deviation by Vessel Class
Rim
Vessel
Diameter StdDev
Class
(cm)
Olla 12.8 3.8
Pan 17.4 6.2
Bowl 14.7 4.6
Jar 16.4 6.2
Tinaja 29.6 10.1
Rallador 21.3 6.3
Mini 10 1.4
5.9.3 Ceramic Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative
The ceramic assemblage underwent both qualitative and quantitative study. For
Cerro Huancha MV 900’s surface collection I evaluate the distribution of Chimu
stylistic traits in the assemblage to assist with identifying site sectors with LIP and LH
186
occupations to select sectors for excavations. I also apply functional analysis and
correspondence analysis to examine relationships between the ceramic rim assemblage
and site sectors.
I describe local Collambay stylistic traditions in addition to comparing
Collambay’s ceramic assemblage to regional highland and coastal assemblages,
considering vessel form and decoration techniques and motifs characteristic of these
areas. Like Cerro Huancha MV 900’s surface collection, functional analysis and
correspondence analysis are used to better understand the makeup of the excavated
assemblage.
Ceramic form and function provides evidence of how vessels were used which
enables us to understand how vessels’ use is tied to activities carried out by people in
the past. I apply functional analysis to compare the distribution of functional vessel
classes in different site sectors and over time. The distribution of vessel classes
throughout the site provides information about what different functional activities
different site sectors were used for. Functional analysis is used to examine both Cerro
Huancha MV 900’s surface collection ceramic rim assemblage and excavated ceramic
rim assemblage (See Section 7.16 and Section 10.1). These two datasets provide a
robust dataset to document functional activities at the site.
Functional analysis infers the use of a vessel based on its shape, paste, temper,
thickness of walls, and surface finish to understand that vessel’s utility and durability
for particular activities that are part of daily life (Ringberg 2012). Ethnographic and
ethnohistoric information also provides valuable insight to understand how certain
vessel forms may have been used (Arnold 1993; Pauketat 1987; Skibo 2013).
187
Functional categories are typical activities to maintaining a household that specific
vessel classes are assumed to have been used for or associated with, based on vessel
attributes. Identifiable functional categories include: cooking, liquid transport, serving,
short-term storage, long-term liquid storage, dry storage, food preparation, and
presentation/serving (Ringberg 2012). Vessel attributes that provide information about
what activities the vessel may have been used for include vessel shape, paste, temper,
thickness of walls, and surface finish. These attributes provide information about the
vessel’s utility and durability for particular activities. Morphological properties and
mechanical performance characteristics of vessels are also tied to functional categories
(Table 5.4). Many of these attributes are elements studied to determine what kind of
vessel a diagnostic sherd was originally from.
Therefore, functional analysis considers each vessel classes’ function, assigns
vessel classes to a functional category, and compares the quantity of vessels
representing each category. Using only rims that have at least 5% of rim diameter
present I use this method to compare functional assemblages between site sectors
recovered in surface collection to better understand what functional activities may be
associated with different site sectors. I also use functional analysis to compare ceramic
assemblages recovered from excavations in architectural compounds at Cerro Huancha
MV 900. Functional analysis considers vessel class function and allows for comparison
of the distribution of vessel class forms providing information about the ratios of vessel
forms to document what types of activities occurred in different areas. However, my
analysis did not recover enough information about the morphological properties of the
assemblage to separate my ceramic typology’s vessel classes into the six functional
188
categories identified by Ringberg29. Therefore, I lump these six categories into three,
assigning specific vessel classes to each category:
-Cooking or culinary technology includes vessel classes used for cooking and
food preparation. Olla and pan are vessel forms used to prepare foods. Only utilitarian
vessels have been documented to be used for cooking and food preparation.
-Serving includes vessel forms used to serve group and individual servings of
food and liquids for shared drinking. Vessel classes from the typology that serve this
function include bowls and bottles. These vessel forms have both utilitarian and fine
ware varieties. Utilitarian wares would be used on a daily basis. Fine ware varieties
were used for special occasions.
-Storage includes vessel forms for both short-term and long-term liquid storage
for both dry goods and liquids. Vessel classes that are used for storage include jars and
tinajas. Storage vessel classes would be used for long-term and short-term storage as
well as dry goods and liquids. They would be expected to be found in kitchens, patio
spaces, storerooms, and trash deposits.
I compare the distribution of surface collection rims from vessels assigned to the
cooking, serving, or storage categories in each site sector and between site sectors to
explore each sector’s relationship to these functional categories and between them
collectively (Section 7.16). I also compare the excavated compounds distribution
between compounds and site sectors (Section 10.1). This information documents the
29
Not all vessel classes are assigned to a functional category.
189
ratios of functional categories to understand activities in different site sectors at Cerro
Huancha MV 900.
Correspondence analysis complements functional analysis. It is a statistical
applied to evaluate descriptive data. A multivariate method, correspondence analysis
uses a two-way contingency table like the Chi-squared test. I use this this method to
statistically evaluate the relationship between vessel forms and site sectors.
Correspondence analysis identifies patterns between variables, measuring multivariate
relationships of descriptive data with a two-way contingency table like the chi-square
test. Chi-square evaluates whether the expected distribution is or is not present, and
correspondence analysis tries to explain this variation. It presents this data in a table as
well as graphically. See Shennan (1997) and Baxter (1994) for further explanation of
this method for archaeology. Correspondence analysis has become increasingly popular
for developing typological seriation, but has also been used to compare variation of
types to assume functional differences across a site (e.g. Gidding 2016; Klaus 2008;
Neff 1994; Rodning 2009; Shennan 1997; Smith and Munro 2009). I applied
correspondence analysis to evaluate the relationships identified between functional
vessel classes and site sectors from surface collection and excavations at Cerro Huancha
MV 900 (Section 10.1.1). The findings from both functional and correspondence
analysis will be considered in reference to the other datasets available from Cerro
Huancha MV 900 to understand sector levels’ organization of production and
subsistence strategy.
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Table 5.4: Functional Vessel Categories for Cerro Huancha MV 900 & Cerro
Ramon MV 1000: Proposed Morphological Properties and Mechanical
Performance Characteristics
Functional
Category Mechanical Performance/Physical Properties
Cooking • Rounded base and relatively thin vessel walls, texturing of exterior surfaces,
and coarse temper for efficient heat transfer and thermal shock resistance,
• Necks constricted to allow for manipulation of contents but minimize
spilling, heat loss, and evaporation
Liquid • Relatively small for easy lifting/pouring

Transport, • Constricted but straight or flared neck to aid pouring and reduce spilling
Serving, Short-
• Surface treatments (burnishing and/or slipping) to reduce permeability,
Term Storage
evaporation, leaking
• Stable bases
• Range from minimal to significant investment in decoration depending on
social context, has higher visibility.
Long-Term • Large capacity, can be immovable when full

Liquid Storage • Flared necks for ease in tipping/pouring or to act as a funnel for filling
• Constricted orifices to inhibit spills and keep dirt/pests out
evaporation, or leaking
• Lips altered or thickened to aid in covering orifice
• Stable bases
Dry Storage • Large capacity, can be immovable when full

• Stable bases
• Lips altered or thickened to aid in covering orifice
• Relatively thick-walled
• Possibly uniform in size and shape to permit stacking
• Relatively tall and narrow for efficient use of space.
Food Prep, • Open or unrestricted orifices to allow ease of access to contents,

Serving manipulation of contents, or visibility
evaporation, or leaking
Presentation, • Open or unrestricted orifices to allow for visibility, filling or removal of

Serving contents
• Range from minimal to significant investment in decoration depending on
social context (higher visibility)
• Size classes appropriate for one person, family-sized, or possibly for large-
scale gatherings (feasting).
Source: Ringberg 2012, Table 7.3.3.

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5.10 Analysis of Other Artifact Classes
Beyond ceramics, several other classes of material culture from excavations
were analyzed to provide information about Collambay’s local economy and
engagement with outside groups. Study of fauna and shell remains and artifacts (ex.
spindle whorls, metal artifacts) recovered in excavations provide information about
Collambay’s daily activities and local production, distribution and consumption
behaviors. Human remains recovered in excavations from Compound 4, a funerary
structure, were examined to identify how many individuals, their age, and gender were
present in the tomb to better understand this burial tradition reserved.
Study of fauna and shell remains provides information about subsistence
practices including the resources, local and non-local, were available to residents. Fauna
samples selected were from Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 for
analysis included intact and disturbed contexts. Faunal remains from a total of 264
different contexts were recovered, totaling 11.62 kilos of bone, 4.87 kilos were from
human remains in Compound 6. The sample analyzed represents just less than 12% of
the entire fauna sample, too small to make statistical inferences. A sample of the studied
fauna assemblage underwent analysis by Elizabeth Olson in 2012 and Victor Vasquez
Sanchez and Teresa Rosales Tham of Arqueobios at the National University of Trujillo
in 2015 (Appendix D). Olson studied 29 different contexts and Vasquez Sanchez and
Rosales Tham studied 30; both recorded the number of identified specimens present
(NISP), Olson also recorded elemental data when possible. These results are presented
in Chapter 11.
192
All shell specimens recovered were analyzed by Roy Lezama Garcia in 2013. A
total of 1.85 kilos of shell, including marine shell and land snails, were recovered at
Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. Presentation and implications of
shell remains recovered from excavations are presented in Chapter 11.
Celeste Gagnon analyzed human remains in 2015. A description of Gagnon’s
methods and data recovered from human remains at Cerro Huancha MV 900 is
described in Appendix D. I describe her findings in Chapter 11. Colin Thomas provided
preliminary impressions of the metal artifacts recovered from Cerro Huancha MV 900
in 2013 (Appendix D). I analyzed all other artifacts in 2012-2013, this included spindle
whorls, needles, beads, and other unidentified artifacts (Appendix C). Much of this data
is presented in Chapter 11.
This chapter has provided an overview of the various methods used throughout
the fieldwork program. As described in the introduction the following chapters describe
data collection and analysis of recovered information. This project combines a variety
of different methodological scales – from settlement patterns to analysis of single
artifact class recovered in excavations. However, the combination of these diverse lines
of evidence are essential as this is the first archaeological study of the region and
provides a more comprehensive study and documentation of the prehistory of
Collambay.
6 Settlement Patterns in the Collambay region of the Sinsicap Valley
Survey in the Collambay region in the Sinsicap Valley has recorded 42 sites
(Figure 6.1). See Section 5.1 for pedestrian survey and site recording methods, as well
as Figure 5.x 5.1 for area surveyed in the valley. The following sections present
identifiable settlement patterns from this data chronologically. The preliminary dating
of sites is based on surface ceramics noted during survey. 15 of 42 sites, or 36% of sites
recorded could not be assigned an occupational period due to either the absence of
ceramics or unidentifiable ceramics on the site surface. Surface ceramics at 64% of the
sites recorded, however, provide preliminary understanding for settlement patterns in
the valley. Sites associated with the Early Intermediate Period, Late Intermediate
Period, Late Horizon, and Colonial period have been identified. One site is
characterized by petroglyphs, MV 1015, and its date is unclear.
193
194
Figure 6.1: All sites recorded in Collambay region of Sinsicap Valley
6.1 Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon
Eighteen EIP sites have been tentatively identified. 17 early EIP sites and 1
potential late EIP/MH site were recorded during survey of the Sinsicap Valley (Figure
6.2). These sites were recorded in 2005 and 2006. I did not record these sites nor have I
had access to their original survey forms. Analysis of the diagnostics recovered during
this survey has not yet been completed, however a report and publication note 17 of
these sites have Salinar ceramics on the surface, suggesting they correspond to the early
EIP (Briceño and Billman 2006, 2009 and 2012). MV 1006 is tentatively assigned to the
late EIP. A single Moche III or IV figurine fragment was identified on its surface
195
(Billman personal comm 2016; Ringberg personal comm 2016). While the majority of
Salinar phase sites are located on the lower slopes of the valley, four sites have
defensive walls (Cerro Huancha MV 900, 910, 916, 1005) and three of these sites are
located on hilltops in desirable defensive positions that permit excellent views up and
down valley (Cerro Huancha MV 900, 910, 1005). All of the sites identified with
Salinar occupations may also have Gallinazo occupations, as ceramic analysis has yet to
be completed.
Figure 6.2: Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon Sites

196
6.2 Late Intermediate Period
At this time, there is little evidence of a late EIP/MH occupation in the Sinsicap
Valley, with one site, MV 1006, tentatively having a Moche period occupation. There
is, however, a clear occupation in the Late Intermediate Period. A two-tier settlement
hierarchy has been identified for the LIP, with Cerro Huacha MV 900 serving as the
local center. Including Cerro Huancha MV 900 seven sites have LIP ceramics30
(Appendix C), three additional sites likely also date to the LIP based on settlement
patterns and architectural attributes. The LIP sites form a network of sites located in
defensive positions, several of which are situated along prehispanic roads.
All LIP sites, with the exception of MV 1025, are located on hilltops (Figure
6.3). Three sites (Cerro Huancha MV 900, Cerro Ramon MV 1000, Cerro Cabra 1005)
are in defensive locations and have defensive architectural features, including defensive
walls surrounding the site and/or are located at site entrances. All three of these sites
have agglutinated architectural compounds. Grinding stones were noted during survey,
suggesting site architecture was built to support populations in moments of conflict or,
and more likely permanent residents. MV 1025 also has agglutinated compounds and a
wall, but the site’s location on a slope below Cerro Cabra MV 1005 does not appear as
defensive as the other three. Cerro Huancha MV 900, Cerro Ramon MV 1000, and
Cerro Cabra MV 1005 are the largest sites in the valley, all three would have required
an extensive amount of labor investment to build, more than any other construction in
the valley during any time period.
30
I surveyed all of these sites with the exception of MV 336.
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These three LIP sites have much more extensive and intensively occupied
agglutinated compounds compared to EIP period sites. Cerro Huancha MV 900, Cerro
Ramon MV 1000, and Cerro Cabra MV 1005 are the largest sites in the valley, all
would have required an extensive amount of labor investment to build, more than any
other construction in the valley during any time period. Three other LIP sites are also
located in defensive positions but lack evidence of habitation in comparison to Cerro
Huancha MV 900, Cerro Ramon MV 1000, and Cerro Cabra MV 1005. These sites,
Cerro Carrizal MV 1009, MV 1021, and MV 336 likely functioned more as outposts.
Figure 6.3: Late Intermediate Period Sites

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6.2.1 Cerro Huancha MV 900
Cerro Huancha MV 900 at 10 hectares in total area, the largest site in the
Collambay area and Sinsicap Valley. It was recorded in 2005 by MOP/PACO (Briceño
and Billman 2009). Located at 1,000 masl, it occupies a low hill in the middle of the
Sinsicap valley on the east side of the river. With 14 site sectors, nearly the entire hill
has architectural features. Architecture at Cerro Huancha includes standing walls,
terraces, and architectural compounds made up of agglutinated rooms and open plazas.
Not all visible architecture on site was mapped (Figure 5.2). The site has defensive
features including walls built running both vertically and horizontally on the lower
slopes of the site. On the middle and lower east side of the site, there are a series of
constructed terraces that may have also served as walls. I refer to them as wall-terraces.
One of these wall-terraces encircles the entire hill. Initial survey of Cerro Huancha MV
900 produced Salinar, Chimú, and highland ceramics suggesting occupations during the
EIP and LIP. Surface collection was undertaken in 2011 to identify locations with
LIP/LH components (Chapter 7), followed by excavations in 2012 (Chapter 8).
6.2.2 Cerro Ramon MV 1000
Cerro Ramon MV 1000, sits on a double saddle at 1,831 masl and is 1.5 hectares
in area. The site includes the mountain’s summit and runs due north, occupying the
entire summit. Cerro Ramon looks down on the Collambay area and Cerro Huancha
MV 900 as well as the Cuesta Valley. Members of the Chan Chan/Moche Valley
project visited Cerro Ramon MV 1000 in the early 70’s (Billman, personal
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communication 2013), but nothing was published about the site by the project. In 2006
a UNC undergraduate geography honors thesis project by Chris Jochem, mentored by
Barker Fariss (A UNC graduate student) as part of the MOP/PACO project, focused on
MV 1000 (Fariss et al 2007; Jochem 2007). Previous fieldwork by Jochem and Fariss
included limited surface collection and mapping of site architecture. Juliana Quist and I
were fortunate to participate in part of this initial fieldwork in 2006. This initial study
documented a LIP occupation and the presence of Chimú and Highland style ceramics.
Cerro Ramon MV 1000 is built on a very narrow ridgeline. It has three sectors
and is densely covered in architecture. Walls surround the site, which is characterized
by agglutinated compounds surrounding open plazas and patio spaces. The site sits on a
prehistoric road and would have served as a checkpoint for coastal-highland traffic
(Figure 6.3) It is one of several sites that are visually connected across the Moche
Drainage tributaries and likely monitored traffic. From Cerro Ramon looking west the
Carabamba plateau on the other side of the Moche Drainage is visible (Boswell et al.
2009, Boswell in press). When descending from the highlands to the coast and arriving
at MV 1000, travelers were greeted by walls more than two meters high and were
forced to ascend about fifty meters to enter the site. The prehistoric road which runs
along the ridge top from the highlands down to Cerro Ramon MV 1000 ends at the site.
The road then continues down into the valley towards Cerro Huancha MV 900.
Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s location is about a two-hour hike from the modern
Collambay community. I relied on donkeys to transport project supplies, and project
members camped at the site. Looters disturbance at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 over the
years has led to fallen architecture, piles of rubble and backdirt, making it an ideal
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locale for growth of heavy brush. Concern for destabilizing parts of the site (and our
own safety) by cutting down this brush and moving fallen architecture prevented
systematic survey and further mapping of the site. The 2006 study divided Cerro Ramon
MV 1000 into three sectors (Figure 6.4; Jochem 2007), my test excavations and surface
collection were limited to one site sector, Sector 2 where most of the brush had been
recently cleared by a local herd of goats. Excavations and surface collection were
undertaken at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 over three days in October 2012, and is described
in Chapter 9.
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Figure 6.4: Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Site Sectors (Adapted from Jochem 2007, Map
3)
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6.2.3 Cerro Cabra MV 1005 and MV 1025
Cerro Cabra is on the north side of the Sinsicap Valley across from Cerro
Ramon. Two sites with LIP occupations have been identified here, MV 1005 and MV
1025. MV 1005 shares similar characteristics with Cerro Ramon MV 1000, a
mountaintop location, with defensive architecture at entryways and encircling walls
around both sites. Both sites straddle opposite ridgetops, with Cerro Cabra MV 1005 at
1,660 masl, looking down on Cerro Huancha MV 900 and the lower Collambay region
and part of the chain of sites across the Moche Drainage. Like Cerro Ramon MV 1000,
Cerro Cabra MV 1005’s architecture occupies the entire ridgeline and both sites consist
of a series of terraced compounds, with agglutinated rooms around plaza and smaller
patio spaces within the defensive walls. Both sites have defensive entryway features.
Cerro Cabra MV 1005 has a defensive ditch at its entryway. EIP ceramics were
encountered at Cerro Cabra MV 1005, however its architecture is in the same
construction style of Cerro Ramon MV 1000, and I expect that the site was remodeled
and the LIP occupation was much larger than the original EIP occupation.
MV 1025 is a series of agglutinated structures on multiple terraces located on
the slopes of Cerro Cabra, just above a prehistoric canal. The site does not exhibit
defensive features like MV 1005 and likely was a series of habitation structures. Just
below the site a vertical wall, like MV 1008 (See Section 6.2.6), runs downslope, below
habitation terraces into modern agricultural fields.

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6.2.4 Cerro Carrizal MV 1009
Cerro Carrizal is located on the southeast side of the Collambay area adjacent to
the dry wash on the north side of the Collambay area. I define this site as an outpost
because of the evidence of very little investment in site construction. I was introduced
to the site by Sr. Aldo Rafael from Collambay. The entire area of the site is estimated to
be less than 400 square meters. The site is made up of three terraces on the south side
and north side of the hilltop. Ceramic sherds were scattered about, but no architecture
remains (if there ever was) besides terraces. The location of Cerro Carrizal MV 1009 is
well situated to monitor traffic entering the Collambay area from the upper and middle
Chicama Valley.
6.2.5 MV 1021
Located on the northeast side of the valley, just south of Cerro Orga, MV 1021
sits adjacent to a roadway connecting Narí a community just east of Collambay in the
next quebrada east of the Sinsicap valley to the upper Sinsicap Valley. Time did not
permit complete survey of MV 1021 however it appears to have likely served as an
outpost. Little architecture was noted; rather the natural bedrock appears to have been
used as a defensive outpost. Local Collambay ceramics were noted. It is difficult to
estimate the size of the site due to heavy brush coverage, however it is estimated to be
smaller than 200 square meters in area. Its location, would be a key point to monitor
traffic.
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Prehistoric petroglyphs, MV 1015, have been noted in the Narí area close to this
roadway and it is likely there is a prehistoric occupation in the region. MV 1021 sits on
what is likely a prehistoric roadway between Narí and the upper Sinsicap Valley.
Today, the footpath is used by locals to travel between Narí and larger towns in the
upper Sinsicap Valley such as Sinsicap and San Ignacio. It potentially may have been
part of a roadway to connect prehistoric communities in the Upper Chicama valley and
the upper Sinsicap Valley.
6.2.6 Potential LIP Sites: MV 1008, MV 1014, MV 1016
Diagnostic sherds were not recovered at several sites in the Sinsicap Valley,
however, based on site characteristics and settlement patterns I believe that three
additional sites are associated with the LIP period, MV 1008, MV 1014, and MV 1016
(Figure 6.3). MV 1008 and MV 1014 are both walls that run vertically up the slope of
mountains. No additional architecture nor material culture was found associated with
either site. MV 1008 is located down slope of a ridge running from Cerro Ramon MV
1000 to the Collambay valley floor. MV 1008’s association with Cerro Ramon and the
prehispanic road and similar traits at MV 1016’s location suggests these walls date to
the LIP. MV 1014 is located in the Narí quebrada, just north of where the Quebrada
Narí meets the Quebrada Llanten at El Carrizal. These walls may have been a symbol
on the Collambay landscape a visual reminder to travelers and Collambay residents
alike of whose territory they were within.

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MV 1016 is located on the same prehistoric road at Cerro Ramon MV 1000.
Time constraints prevented a thorough survey of the site and no diagnostic ceramics
were noted preventing identification of site’s occupation. Its location on a roadway,
similar to Cerro Ramon, suggests it may date to the LIP. The construction style of
architecture and defensive features at MV 1016 are unclear, although it is located in a
defensible position.
6.2.7 Description of Prehistoric Road and Site Locations
The prehistoric route to Cerro Ramon has already been described (Section
6.2.2). However, when travelers arrived at Ramon the ridgetop road ends and they were
forced to descend into the valley for the next part of their journey descending into the
Collambay valley alongside MV 1008, a wall. Arriving near the valley floor they would
view the north side of Cerro Huancha (Boswell in press; Boswell et al. 2011). Using
ArcGIS intervisibility tool, which considers sight lines of up to 5 km, the sight lines
between LIP hilltop sites were compared, and all sites were visible to each other with
the exception of MV 1021 (Figure 6.5).
The LIP sites in the Collambay basin are all visually connected with each other
and offer vantage points to view and easily interact with travelers traveling through the
valley. This network of sites extends to the Cuesta Valley. Hilltop sites, Cerro Cabra
MV 1005 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 are visually connected, and Cerro Ramon MV
1000 is connected with Cerro Cascaday MV 1001, in the Cuesta Valley. I believe this
network of sites extends across the Moche drainage connecting to the LIP sites reported
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by the Topics in the Upper Moche drainage located along trade routes (Coupland 1979;
Topic and Topic 1982, 1985). These sites all reportedly have Chimu ceramics and thus
the network of LIP sites appears associated with the Chimu.

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Figure 6.5: Intervisibility between LIP Sites (sites with LIP ceramics)
6.3 Late Horizon Occupation
At this time Cerro Huancha MV 900 is the only site identified with a Late
Horizon occupation (Figure 6.6). This is based on diagnostic surface ceramics and
archaeological excavations. In addition, Colonial documents state that Collambay was
home to an Inca tambo and coca fields (Netherly 1977; Rostworowski 1987). One of the
Inca coca fields was named Guancha or Huancha (Netherly 1977, 317). Locals
informed us that Cerro Huancha MV 900 is called Cerro Huancha, indicating perhaps
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that this field was located close to Cerro Huancha, and this area may have been known
as Huancha since the Late Horizon.
Other LIP period sites in the Sinsicap valley may have been occupied in the Late
Horizon; however, at this time surface collection does not confirm that any other sites
were occupied during the Late Horizon31. Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s strategic location
on a roadway suggests it may have been occupied during the Late Horizon, however the
limited material culture recovered in the few test excavations at this site do not indicate
a LH occupation at this time.
31
Other studies on the coast and highlands has documented little change in local ceramic styles between
the LIP and LH (Hayashida and Guzman 2015; Krzanowski 2006; Tate 2006; Topic 2009)
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Figure 6.6: Late Horizon Period Site

6.4 Colonial Period Occupation
Late Colonial period ceramics have been noted on the north side of Collambay
hacienda building, MV 1013. No other Colonial period ceramics were noted during
survey. Colonial documents report that chaupiyunga populations in the Moche, Virú,
and Chao valleys that had been under the jurisdiction of Huamachuco, under the Inca,
were moved to the town of Simbal, founded as San Juan Bautista de Simbal, a Spanish
reducción, in anticipation of the visitador general Francisco Alvarez Cueto in 1574
(Castañeda and Millaire 2015). In 1562 the Encomendero of Huamachuco, Captain Don
Juan de Sandoval Guzman was given permission to use the coca fields in Collambay,
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which were reported to have been planted twice earlier during the early colonial period
(ANP Aguas 3.3.10.68; Netherly 1977, 316). MV 1013, the hacienda building may not
have been built until after 1594 when the property was donated to the Monastery of
Santa Clara in Trujillo (Vega Cardenas 2012). Today, the hacienda’s location, on a
slope overlooking the lower Collambay region is likely the original building’s location
(Figure 6.7).
Figure 6.7: Colonial Period Settlements

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6.4.1 Collambay Hacienda MV 1013
The timing of the original construction of the hacienda building is unclear. The
Collambay hacienda is reported to have been remodeled in the late eighteenth century
when Captain Evaristo Céspedes Noriega owned the property (Cardenas 2012). Captain
Céspedes Noriega was one of the most important builders in the city of Trujillo during
the Colonial period. Today, the Collambay hacienda building has several late eighteenth
century Colonial architectural features (Belsy Gutíerrez Jave pers comm 2015). Its
current location is likely close to its original location. The modern pueblo of Collambay
is founded around the Colonial hacienda building. There are likely other Colonial
period sites in the valley, such as where hacienda workers lived. At this time, however,
the location of these structures are unknown. The modern town of Sinsicap (Figure 1.2)
was occupied during the Colonial period in the 18th century, however it was not part of
the Hacienda Collambay, and it is unclear at this time if it had a Precolumbian period
settlement.
On the east side of the Hacienda building today, there are trash middens with
late colonial period artifacts. Northeast of the building an industrial chimney for
producing chancaca, a sweet sauce from unrefined sugar cane used for preparing sauces
for desserts or meats, is still standing. Chancaca production was a focal point of the
hacienda’s economy during the eighteenth and early nineteenth century when much of
the hacienda’s production was dedicated to sugar cane.
Colonial documents offer a wealth of history about the Hacienda Collambay;
however, that is not the focus of this dissertation. Briefly, however the Hacienda’s
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building location is quite a contrast compared to the hilltop, defensive locations of the
LIP and LH sites. In addition to the Hacienda’s topographic location, its construction
on the east side of the river, close to the modern highway demonstrates one of the
significant shifts that occurred between the Precolumbian and Colonial period. The
Colonial period introduced changes to traditional Andean routes of transportation.
Riding horseback and the use of carts changed transportation routes that gradually have
evolved into modern day transportation routes, with roads built on the flattest sections
of land. The introduction of wheeled vehicles transformed transportation (albeit
gradually) in the Andes. However, footpaths still remain important to many, more
isolated communities. The Colonial hacienda’s location, on a low hill on the east side of
the river, opposite the late prehispanic local center, Cerro Huancha is symbolic of the
dramatic changes that the Andean region’s population underwent during the Colonial
period.
6.5 Implications of Sinsicap Valley Settlement Patterns
This preliminary analysis of settlement patterns over time in the Collambay area
suggests that significant shifts in valley settlement patterns from the early EIP –
Colonial period. Current survey data suggests a significant early EIP occupation
associated with the Salinar culture. Middle EIP, late EIP, and MH occupations are
unclear. Only a single Moche diagnostic sherd has been reported at MV 1006. In the
area of the valley that I surveyed I did not encounter any Moche or Wari ceramics.
Ceramic analysis and further survey will help clarify settlement patterns during these
periods.
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During the LIP there is a two-tier settlement hierarchy with Cerro Huancha as
the regional center. A network of LIP sites has been identified, not all are habitation
sites, but appear to be defensively minded and appear related to controlling movement
through the Collambay zone. This network is likely connected to networks in the other
Moche drainage tributaries. Despite incomplete survey data for the region, overall at
this time it appears that during the LIP, settlement patterns suggest that a new
population moved into the Collambay area.
At this time survey has produced little evidence of a Late Horizon occupation in
the valley. Cerro Huancha MV 900 is the only site with evidence of a Late Horizon
occupation. This suggests a significant shift in settlement patterns from the LIP to LH
suggesting that under the Inca the focus of the Collambay economy changed
significantly. The Colonial period also only has a single site dating to this period, the
Hacienda building.
7 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Site Sectors and Surface Collection
At 10 HA in size, Cerro Huancha is centrally located in the valley and was the
local political center during the LIP and LH periods. The mountain itself dominates the
valley floor as one travels up or down on the valley bottom. Given the importance of the
site in these two periods I focused my investigation on the site, beginning with surface
collection in site sectors. Surface collection was carried out to identify occupation
periods associated with site sectors and establish a preliminary understanding of the
types of activities that may have occurred in different site sectors. Site sectors dating to
the LH and LIP were later selected for excavations.
I defined fourteen site sectors (Figure 5.2) which are described below. This is
followed by a discussion of the surface collection methodology implemented at Cerro
Huancha MV 900, the assemblage recovered, and its implications for the site’s
occupational history and test excavations. Site sectors are measured by area as
represented in Figure 5.2.
7.1 Sector 1
Sector 1 is located at the top of Cerro Huancha and is considered the center of
the site. At 5700 m2 it has the largest flat area on the mountain and has the densest
architecture of all site sectors. The architecture is disturbed due to natural forces, wall
fall, and looting activity. A local informant reports that in the recent past the buildings
in Sector 1 were two stories tall. Based on the amount of architectural fall in the sector
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215
this seems likely, as described in Chapter 5, a total of 95 cubic meters of fallen
architecture was stacked in Sector 1 for mapping.
Old looting activity exposed human remains on the east and south side of Sector
1 suggesting mortuary structures/tombs were within architectural compounds on this
side of the sector, with some rooms in agglutinated compounds serving as tombs, likely
as a secondary use. A typical highland tradition is to bury the deceased in the
household. At Cerro Leon in the Moche Valley both cist tombs and a slab-lined tomb
were identified constructed within elite household compounds (Ringberg 2012).
Architectural compounds, plazas, and walk-ways were visible in Sector 1 after
fall had been moved. On the top of the hill is a large open plaza with small rooms
surrounding it. Architectural compounds made up of agglutinated rooms of different
sizes with patios, often on split-levels when constructed on terraces. Elite households
are potentially located on the east side of Sector 1 overlooking the river. The surface of
Sector 1 also included large densities of ceramics and grinding stones. More grinding
stones were found in this site sector than any other site sector (Figure 7.1 and Figure
7.2)32. Several architectural compounds in Sector 1 underwent excavations, Compounds
1, 2, and 3, see Chapter 8 for excavation descriptions.
32
Not all grinding stones in Sector 1 are included on this map. The largest grinding stone at Cerro
Huancha is located between Sectors 9 and 12, and is unusually large at .75 m x .63m x .75m.
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Figure 7.1: Location of Grinding Stones in Sector 1
Figure 7.2: Grinding Stone in Patio, Sector 1

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7.2 Sector 2
Sector 2 is located in a naturally flat area on the northeast side of MV 900 about
halfway up Cerro Huancha, overlooking the Sinsicap River. About 1360 m2 in area,
Sector 2’s terraces are covered with architectural compounds of agglutinated structures,
made up of patios, which are sometimes split-level with different size rooms
surrounding each. Several smaller plazas are located between architectural compounds.
7.3 Sector 3
Almost a mirror image of Sector 2 in terms of location on Cerro Huancha,
Sector 3 is also located about halfway up Cerro Huancha, in a naturally flat area on the
southwest side of the mountain, overlooking the Sinsicap River. About 900 m2 size,
artificial terraces have been constructed to create a larger flat area to build structures. In
this sector architectural compounds often include split-levels, and are more standardized
in layout than Sector 2. Architectural compounds in Sector 3 extend north into Sector 4.
Most compounds are about 10 x 7 m, and are made up of a patio space, storage rooms,
and a bench (Figure 7.3). Excavations were undertaken in Sector 3 in two architectural
compounds, Compounds 5 and 6.

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Figure 7.3: Typical Architectural Compound
7.4 Sector 4
Sector 4 is located between Sectors 2 and 3, about 8000 m2, on the western side
of Cerro Huancha, from the base of the mountain to just below Sector 1. There are
remnants of constructed terraces located throughout Sector 4, however, due to the steep
incline, rain fall, and collapsed architecture from above sectors, most of these terraces
have been destroyed. There are a few isolated cases where foundations of architecture
remain, however it is unclear if all of the terraces that were in Sector 4 had architecture
compounds or not. One terrace, which was likely the widest terrace on the west side of
Cerro Huancha is well-preserved and at one time likely encircled all of Cerro Huancha.
Today it is best preserved between Sectors 3 and 4, and continues to Sector 2. It is
constructions like these that likely connected different site sectors allowing easy
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movement between sectors. The remnants of architectural complexes, as described for
Sector 3, are still standing on this terrace.
7.5 Sector 5
Sector 5 is about 1,210 m2 in size and located adjacent to and below Sector 1
and above Sector 6. Sector 5 is enclosed by a wall. Within the wall is a large, multi-
level patio, and adjacent are both small and large rooms. It is my impression that this
architectural compound was built later than the architecture in Sector 1 and Sector 6,
and may date to the Late Horizon Period. Ceramic molds and sherds with unique press-
mold designs were recovered in surface collection in this sector.
7.6 Sector 6
Sector 6 is about 445 m2 in area, and located adjacent to Sector 5 on the
northwest side of Cerro Huancha, and above Sector 11. Sector 6 is a naturally flat area
defined by a multi-room rectangular structure on the north side of the sector. South of
the structure is open area.
A concentration of lithic debitage is noted in the open area on the south side of
the structure. Also, disarticulated, fragmented, and sun-bleached human remains from
looting activities are also scattered around structure which is an above ground funerary
structure used in ancestor worship (Doyle 1988; Isbell 2010). Above-ground mortuary
structures are known as “chullpas.” Sector 6’s mortuary structure is oriented towards
north.
The structure has four separate rooms although it is also heavily disturbed from
looting activity. All rooms had a small doorway that opens onto the open space south.
Salvage excavation was carried out in Compound 4 to examine whether any of the
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structure was intact and understand construction of the structure. Sector 6 and Sector
11, both located on the northeast side of Cerro Huancha both have funerary structures.
7.7 Sector 7
Sector 7 is located on the north side of Cerro Huancha, below Sectors 1 and 5.
It is a total of 8,120 m2 in size. Extending from the north side of Huancha to the south
side Sector 7 is characterized by multiple large walls constructed with local rock that
run parallel along the north side of Cerro Huancha and continue to the south side. These
walls are constructed like terraces, and could have been used as defensive features. The
original height is unknown, but they could also have served as a walkway around Cerro
Huancha and are likely associated with the preserved terrace described in Sector 4.
These walls do not have evidence of habitation and, with the exception of a few small
rooms, are devoid of architectural compounds. Along one of the walls there is a break
with, with upright stones, forming a doorway. Rooms are on either side of the doorway,
and this may have been the official or ceremonial entryway to the site. Another note
regarding these walls/terraces is that they would have led visitors directly to Sectors 6
and 11. In Sector 7 one test trench, Trench 1, was excavated to understand wall
construction.
7.8 Sector 8
Sector 8 is about 11060 m2 in area and located on the northeast part of MV 900
below Sectors 6 and 11 close to the base of Cerro Huancha and the Sinsicap River.
Similar in character to Sector 7, Sector 8 has several walls that continue into Sector 7,
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which continue east around Cerro Huancha. It also has at least one perpendicular wall
that runs up from the base of Huancha. No architecture besides walls has been noted in
this Sector and it is practically devoid of cultural materials.
7.9 Sector 9
Sector 9 is 1600 m2 in area and located on the north east side of Cerro Huancha,
below Sector 12. Like Sectors 7 and 8 it is devoid of visible structures, however, rather
than being characterized by large walls, like Sector 8, it has a series of small
agricultural terraces. It is possible that these served as agricultural terraces, there are
modern terraces at the same elevation not far from these terraces.
7.10 Sector 10
Sector 10 is 3735 m2 in area and located on the southeast side of Cerro Huancha,
and is just below Sector 1. Composed of architectural compounds that follow similar
patterns as Sector 1, Sector 10 is made up of plazas, multi-level compounds made up of
small and large rooms with patios. As a result of looters activity, human remains were
noted in the Sector and tombs were likely part of architectural compounds.
7.11 Sector 11
Sector 11 is about 330 m2 in area and located on the northeast side of Cerro
Huancha below Sector 6 and above Sector 2. Like Sector 6, Sector 11 is characterized
by a structure adjacent to open area. The structure, or chullpa, an above-ground
funerary structure, has disarticulated and sun-bleached human remains from looting
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activities around it. There are several differences between Sector 6 and 11. The flat area
that makes up Sector 11 appears to have been constructed, compared to Sector 6 which
is a naturally flat area on the mountain. The Sector 11 structure is the south side of the
sector, oriented north. Two rooms make up the structure, each with a small doorway
facing east that opens onto the plaza. Sector 11’s funerary structure has fewer rooms
than Sector 6.
7.12 Sector 12
Sector 12 is 4910 m2 in area located on the southeast side of Huancha, southeast
of Sector 9 and west and below Sector 8. Sector 12 is a natural plateau and is made up
of a series of architectural compounds. This is the lowest architectural compounds on
Cerro Huancha. Most of the site at this elevation consists of walls or terraces. Sector
12's architecture is less dense compared to Sector 1. However, the sector is heavily
looted and has been subject to much fall from sectors above.
7.13 Sector 13
Sector 13 is located on the northwest side of Cerro Huancha below Sector 2 and
east of Sector 12. This area is about 6000 m2 in area and characterized by terraces.
There is no visible standing architecture and perhaps they were built to prevent erosion.
It is likely that they may be associated with terraces in Sector 4. No material culture was
noted in this sector.

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7.14 Sector 14
Sector 14 is located on the south side of Cerro Huancha, below Sector 3 and 10.
The sector begins just above modern agricultural fields and is about 8770 m2 in area.
Prehispanic canals and small terraces have been identified during survey of the site, but
are not included in the current site map. It is rare to encounter material culture in this
sector. The little material culture that was noted is presumed to have fallen down from
Sectors 3 and 10. The total area reported between all site sectors is 8 hectares, the
remaining 2 hectares is made up by area between site sectors.
7.15 Surface Collection
A stratified, judgmental sampling strategy was employed at Cerro Huancha MV
900 as initial survey of the site indicated this was the most time-effective strategy for
investigating what site sectors were occupied in what period. Surface collection
methods were previously described in Section 5.5. Eleven of fourteen site sectors
underwent surface collection in 69 collection units of various sizes and shapes based on
architectural layouts (Figure 5.3).
A total of 1,407 diagnostic sherds (Table 7.1) were recovered in surface
collections in a total of 10,125 m2 or 10.1% of the 10 ha site. Between 4% and 100% of
each site sector’s total area was surface collected (Tables 7.2). An example of a
collection unit from Sector 4 is seen in Figure 7.4. Sections 5.5 and 5.9 describe the
methods used in surface collection and ceramic analysis.

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Figure 7.4: Surface Collection Unit at Cerro Huancha in Sector 4
Rims are the most frequent part of type a vessel present in the assemblage,
making up 80.4% (n=1,131) of the assemblage. The second most frequent diagnostic
part of vessels recovered was decorated body sherds at 13.4%33 (Table 5.1). Non-
ceramic artifacts are described in Section 7.20. To gain a better understanding of where
different types of activities on site occurred I have calculated ceramic densities per site
sector. I also compare the distribution of functional vessel types using rim frequencies
and correspondence analysis to begin to understand what different site sectors may have
been used for. Finally, I present relevant data recovered in surface collection that
indicates what site sectors were likely occupied during the LIP/LH.
33
Body sherds category also includes necks without rims.
225
Table 7.1 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Ceramic Assemblage

Part Ct %
Decorated
189
Body 13.4
Rim 1,131 80.4
Base 54 3.8
Unknown 33 2.4
Totals 1407 100
7.15.1 Site Sectors Ceramic Frequencies
A breakdown of total square meters collected in each sector, the number of
diagnostics and density of diagnostics per square meter in each sector is in Table 5.2.
Site sectors had an average of between .03 and .19 diagnostic sherds per square meter.
The overall average was 0.14 diagnostic sherds per square meter were collected. Not
surprisingly, site sectors characterized by agglutinated architectural compounds, 1, 2, 3,
4, 5, and 10 had higher densities of diagnostic sherds than site sectors without
agglutinated architectural compounds (with the exception of Sector 11). All of these
sectors averaged at least .10 diagnostics per square meter or greater. At .19 diagnostics
per square meters, Sector 11, a sector associated with ceremonial practices also has a
high density of diagnostic sherds per square meter. All of the sherds collected in Sector
11 were from heavily looted architecture.
Sectors 1 and 10 had the highest concentration of diagnostics recovered with .19
diagnostics per square meter. Sector 1 is characterized by small plazas with agglutinated
compounds. With the densest concentration of architecture on site its location and
architecture suggests it is a primary space of activity for site residents. Similarly, Sector
226
10, adjacent to Sector 1 is also characterized by dense terraced agglutinated
architectural compounds.
Sectors 2 and 3 are smaller sectors than Sectors 1 and 10. Both are located on
the west side of Cerro Huancha at about the same elevation. As small sectors
characterized by agglutinated compounds they both also had higher frequencies of
diagnostics compared to other sectors, at .15 and .18 per square meter. Sector 4, located
downslope of Sectors 1, 2, and 3, is a large site sector with limited agglutinated
architecture preserved. The few foundations of structures remaining suggest
architectural compounds on terraces were less dense in this area, compared to Sectors 1,
2, 3, and 5. The higher density of diagnostic sherds in Sector 4 is likely due to ceramics
that have fallen downslope from Sectors 1, 2, and 3.
On the opposite end of the spectrum, Sectors 7 and 8 have the lowest densities
of any site sector collected at .03 diagnostic sherds per square meter collected. Neither
of these site sectors have agglutinated compounds, they are characterized by wall-
terraces devoid of residential compounds therefore a lower density of ceramics is
expected. Architecture in these sectors suggest they were not used for production
activities on a daily basis such as cooking. Sectors with agglutinated architecture and
higher densities of diagnostic ceramics suggest these areas were more likely to be in use
on a daily basis. Overall this data indicates that site sectors with agglutinated
architectural compounds averaged a much higher quantity of diagnostic sherds per
square meter collected than those without architectural compounds.

227
Table 7.2: Average Diagnostics by Sector, Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface

Collection
Avg.
Area % of
Diags per Total Area
Sector # Collected # diags Sector
m2 (m2)
(m2) Collected
collected
MV 900-1 1693 327 0.19 5700 30
MV 900-2 1360 206 0.15 1360 100
MV 900-3 732 128 0.18 900 81
MV 900-4 1461 147 0.1 8000 18
MV 900-5 1210 192 0.16 1210 100
MV 900-6 445 23 0.05 445 100
MV 900-7 322 10 0.03 8120 4
MV 900-8 552 16 0.03 11060 5
MV 900-
1204 230 0.19 3735
10 32
MV 900-
330 58 0.18 330
11 100
MV 900-
816 64 0.08 4910
12 17
NA* 0 6 0 0 0
Totals 10125 1407 0.14 45770
7.16 Functional Analysis: Comparing Site Sectors
Functional analysis and methods are explained in detail along with my ceramic
typology in Section 5.9. The general principle is that vessel classes are grouped into
functional categories based on vessel form and other physical characteristics (Ringberg
2012; Skibo 2013). I have identified three functional categories and their associated
vessel forms: cooking (ollas and pans), serving (bowls and bottles), and storage (jars
and tinajas). The distribution and frequencies of vessel types associated with cooking,
serving, and storage provides a line of evidence for inferring the relative importance of
228
different activities in each sector. This analysis uses rims with a rim diameter of 5% or
greater that were assigned a vessel class during analysis.
If different activities were carried out in different site sectors I would expect a
varied distribution of functional categories. The average distribution of the assemblage
as a whole offers a means to broadly classify areas of the site based on frequencies of
vessel functions.
Comparing sector distributions to the overall average distributions may
correspond with the following expectation:
• Households at Cerro Huancha MV 900 were likely located in multiple site
sectors.
• Elites are expected to have occupied large compounds in Sectors 1 and 10, site
sectors with the largest compounds at Cerro Huancha MV 900. Larger
compounds were likely public community spaces and elite households. As
community leaders, elites were obligated to sponsor feasting events for the
community and visitors. I expect higher densities of ceramics overall in elite
households and administrative areas compared to commoner households. I also
expect a greater percentage of serving wares present in these sectors than
commoner households.
• Commoner households are expected to be located in site sectors lower on Cerro
Huancha, like Sectors 2, 3, and 12, where agglutinated compounds tend to be
made up of small rooms. Commoner households are expected to have a greater
percentage of their rim assemblage dedicated to cooking and storage than
serving.
229
• Some site sectors may primarily be dedicated to community storage and I would
expect a higher percentage of storage vessels present compared to other site
sectors.
• Site sectors associated with ceremonial activities, like Sectors 6 and 11 may
have an unusual distribution of functional vessels, potentially high in serving
wares, as the architecture present associated with disarticulated human remains
suggests this site sector is a ceremonial space and unlikely location where daily
cooking and storage activities occurred.
Figure 7.5 and Table 7.3 display the distribution of surface collection by
functional category. Table 7.3 also includes breakdown by vessel form, 94% of rims
with 5% or more of rim diameter present were assigned to a functional category.
Overall, 62% of the functional surface collection assemblage were rims from cooking
vessels (Table 7.3). The second highest frequency of rim vessel forms recovered is in
the storage category at 22%. This is followed by rims from the serving category at 16%.
In all site sectors, cooking vessel types are the most frequently encountered rims,
accounting for between 56% and 100% of the site sectors’ assemblages. Following the
cooking functional category, like the overall distribution of rims from surface
collection, many site sectors had vessels associated with storage as the second most
frequently encountered category including Sectors 1, 2, 6, 11 and 12. From this data it
appears that Sectors 2 (28%) and Sectors 12 (38%) have the highest percentage of their
rim assemblages associated with storage. The percentage of rims associated with
serving vessel types is greater than storage forms in Sectors 3, 4, 5, and 10. Sectors 4
(21%) and 5 (22%) have the highest percentage of serving wares among site sectors.
230
Overall, this data suggests that all site sectors that were surface collected, with
the exception of Sectors 7 and 8, had similar frequencies of cooking, serving and
storage vessels activities. While the frequencies in Sectors 7 (N=9) and 8 (N=8) are
consistent with the distribution of the other site sectors’ functional categories
frequencies few diagnostics were recovered in this area. As has been previously noted
these sectors’ wall-terraces and absence of buildings suggests ceramics in these sectors
have fallen downslope into these sectors from sectors located higher up on Cerro
Huancha with buildings.
It is not unexpected that cooking vessel types, in particular ollas, have the
highest frequency among vessel classes as they have more frequent use than other
vessel classes, leading to a higher occurrence of breakage. Returning to my earlier
hypotheses about elite and commoner households, if Sector 1 was an area of elite
households and administrative buildings, and Sector 3 was an area of commoner
households, comparing the distribution of functional categories between the two
suggests that commoner households may have a slightly greater frequency of cooking
vessels, while elite households had more storage, but overall the distribution between
functional categories is very similar. One sector that stands out is Sector 12, which has
nearly 38% of its assemblage dedicated to storage, suggesting this area may have been
primarily dedicated to storage activities. I tested the statistical significance of my
surface collection findings using correspondence analysis.

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Figure 7.5: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Frequencies by Functional

Categories with count
Table 7.3: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Assemblage by Functional Categories by Site Sector
MV 900- MV 900- MV 900- MV-900 MV 900-
Forms MV 900-1 MV 900-2 MV 900-3 MV 900-4 MV 900-5 MV 900-8 Total
6 7 10 11 12
Category
C C
Ct % CT % CT % CT % CT % % % CT % CT % CT % CT % Ct %
T T
Cooking Pan 8 10 4 8 7 0 0 0 75 4 1 3 45
58 58 78 61 60 65 100 65 85 56 62
Olla 128 94 53 54 62 11 9 6 101 16 25 559
12.
Serving Bowl 42 26 9 21 25 2 0 1 27 1 2 156
18 14 12 21 22 12 0 5 17 5 6 16
Bottle 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 2
12.
Storage Jar 50 49 7 17 20 2 0 1 24 2 19 191
24 28 10 18 18 23 0 5 18 10 38 22
Tinaja 7 2 0 2 1 2 0 0 5 0 0 19
NA Other 4 NA 0 NA 0 NA 0 NA 2 NA 0 NA 0 NA 0 NA 2 NA 0 NA 0 NA 8 NA
Unknown 10 2 28 4 1 0 0 0 6 0 1 52
All Rims 249 183 101 106 118 17 9 8 170 20 51 1032
Rims in
235 100 181 100 73 100 102 100 115 100 17 100 9 100 8 100 162 100 20 100 50 100 972 100
Analysis
232
233
7.17 Correspondence Analysis: Comparing Site Sector
Correspondence analysis provides additional insight into the relationship
between functional vessel classes and site sectors. Based on optimal scaling by
establishing rank-order between categories it measures multivariate relationships. In this
case I use correspondence analysis to determine the rank-order between Cerro Huancha
MV 900’s site sectors and vessel classes (based on rim counts). The closer to the axis of
the two planes, the closer the relationship. The further away from the plane and other
variables indicates less association between vessel classes and site sectors.
At Cerro Huancha MV 900 I expect strong relationships between vessel type
and sector to indicate what the function of that site sector was. Correspondence analysis
between Cerro Huancha MV 900 site sectors and the distribution of vessel classes is
statistically significant with a p-value of .003. There are five visible clusters on the
graph, which shows the relationships between site sectors and vessel forms based on
rim counts from surface collection, See Section 5.9.2 for ceramic typology. Below are
some observations.
Some observations from the graph (Figure 7.6):
• Individual serving bowls (2) are strongly associated with Sectors 1, 4, 5.
• Jars (7) and pans (1) are strongly associated with Sector 2.
• Ollas (6) are most closely related to Sectors 3, 7, 8, 10, 11
• Two outliers in the graph are bottles (8) are most closely related to Sector
12, and tinajas (9) are most closely associated with Sector 6
234
For reference see a map of Cerro Huancha MV 900 in Figure 5.2. The results of
the correspondence analysis compliments and contradicts the functional analysis,
adding nuance to initial interpretations of site sectors’ functions. Sectors 1 and 5 are
adjacent at the top of Cerro Huancha. They are both made up a series of agglutinated,
terraced structures. The strong relationship with individual serving bowls suggests that
these sectors may have been locations for feasting. The distribution of functional
categories between Sectors 1, 4, and 5 are very similar.
Sector 4 is located below Sector 1 in a wash. There are several agglutinated
architectural compounds built on terraces that descend towards the base of Cerro
Huancha. The limited remaining architecture in Sector 4 suggests architecture in this
sector was initially much less dense than other site sectors characterized by agglutinated
architecture such as Sectors 1, 5 and 10. During surface collection many groundstones
were found towards the base of Cerro Huancha in Sector 4, having fallen downslope. I
suggest that Sector 4’s association with bowls is likely due to architectural and material
culture falling downslope from Sector 1. However, among all site sectors the close
association of individual serving bowls with these site sectors suggests that while there
is not a clear area designated only for feasting at Cerro Huancha MV 900, these sectors
have the closest relationship with the form, suggesting this could have occurred on site.
Jars are a vessel form associated with liquid storage, and pans are a form
associated with cooking and serving. Their relationship is not surprising given that both
vessel types are used for food preparation and serving. These two forms are most
closely associated with Sector 2, a site sector of common households.

235
The two outliers in the data are attributed to the low counts of these vessel forms
types in the rim assemblage. Bottles are most closely related to Sector 12, but the
functional analysis shows an unusually high percentage of rims from storage vessels.
Bottles and storage vessels are not forms traditionally associated together. The other
outlier is in Sector 6, a site sector associated with ceremonial and ancestor worship
activities. Tinajas, a storage vessel used for storing large volumes of dry and wet goods,
is the vessel type most closely associated with Sector 6. This is also surprising as
fineware vessel such as bottles would be expected associated with ceremonial activities.
The relationship between ollas and Sectors 7 and 8 is surprising. These areas are
characterized by wall-terraces on the east side of Cerro Huancha devoid of buildings. It
is likely that the ceramics recovered in this sector had fallen into the area from Sectors
1,5, and 6, site sectors with buildings located just above Sectors 7 and 8.
The evidence for differentiated relationships between vessel classes and site
sectors suggests certain site sectors were the location of specific activities. The clusters
in the graph highlights (with the exception of outliers) sectors that likely served as
commoner households, elite households, and administrative spaces based on the vessel
types associated with them.

236
Figure 7.6: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Surface Collection Vessel Forms and Sectors
Correspondence Analysis
(1 = Pan, 2 = Individual Serving Bowl, 6 = Olla, 7 = Jar, 8 = Bottle, and 9 = Tinaja).
7.18 Temporal Early Intermediate Period Ceramics
The ceramic assemblage recovered in surface collection at Cerro Huancha MV
900 suggests the site has a Salinar phase occupation. Some Gallinazo phase diagnostic
sherds were also recovered, including Castillo Incised. Surface collection did not
recover evidence to indicate a Moche phase occupation. While diagnostic Salinar and
Gallinazo diagnostic sherds were noted in many sectors of Cerro Huancha MV 90034, it
is likely that the EIP occupation of the site is limited to Sector 1.
34
Ceramic data was not recorded in a manner to quantify the number of Salinar and Gallinazo diagnostics
in the assemblage.
237
7.19 Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon Ceramics
One of the goals of the surface collection was to identify sectors at Cerro
Huancha MV 900 with LIP and LH occupations. I relied on the distribution of Chimú
and Chimú-Inca style ceramics to identify these sectors. Notable characteristics of
Chimu and Chimu-Inca ceramics are that they are often blackware and have press-
molded or paddle-stamped designs. A vessel form associated with the Chimú and LIP
that was also used into the early Colonial period is the carinated rim olla (Figure 5.8).
Another unique vessel form, the aryballoid, is distinctive of the Inca and Late Horizon
period. The presence of these vessel forms in site sectors suggests that those sectors
were occupied during the LIP and/or LH periods.
Utilitarian black or gray wares are produced as a result of firing in a reduced
atmosphere. Blackware ceramics in the Moche Valley are well-documented as
associated with the Chimu tradition. They appear in the Moche Valley in the MH and
are produced through the early Colonial period (Donnan and Mackey 1978). Blackware
ceramics are reported in the Huamachuco/Alto Chicama highlands but are identified as
Chimú sherds and are not produced in those highland areas (Krzanowski 2006; J. Topic
and T. Topic 1985).
Black/gray wares recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 include both utilitarian
and finewares. Of the 1,407 diagnostic sherds collected during surface collection, 6.3%
were black or gray wares, 84.5% plainwares and 9.2% undetermined. Black wares were
collected in all site sectors that underwent surface collection, except Sector 7. However,
238
their absence in Sector 7 likely has little significance as Sector 7 has a very low density
of sherds compared to the majority of other site sectors.
A total of 2.8% of the diagnostic collection (40 sherds total) were either press-
molded or had paddle-stamped designs. Press-molded or paddle-stamped sherds were
found in all sectors that underwent surface collection (Sectors 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11)
except Sectors 7 and 12. The designs included classic Chimú “piel de ganso” or “goose
skin”, or stippling. Stippling appears in various sizes. Other typical Chimú designs
including diagonal press-mold lines with designs, and other geometric designs, are
present. One diagnostic sherd recovered dates to the Late Horizon or Inca period. A
diagnostic body sherd that is painted in Cuzco-Inca aryballoid style was recovered in
Sector 11 (Figure 7.7) indicating this sector was in use during the LH.
Two molds with designs typical for Chimu-style press-molds were found in
Sector 5 (Figure 7.8). It is unclear if these molds correspond to the LIP or LH. Some
unique press-mold designs were recovered and are likely local adaptations (see Section
10.5.3). No other evidence of ceramic production was recovered at MV 900.
Additionally, 10 carinated rims were collected in diagnostic surface collection in
Sectors 1(N=4), 3(N=1), 5(N=2), and 10(N=3). All of these sectors have agglutinated
compounds; the majority are located in the upper area of Cerro Huancha, suggested to
be elite households and administrative sectors. Based on the ceramic data presented thus
far, Sectors 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10, and 11 have surface ceramics associated with the LIP
and/or LH periods. See Figure 5.2 for map of Cerro Huancha. These eight sectors make
up the majority of site sectors with agglutinated architecture on the site.

239
Differentiating between Chimu style LIP and LH diagnostic sherds is not
possible at this time. The only clear LH diagnostic sherd recovered in surface collection
is a single Cuzco-Inca aryballoid sherd recovered in Sector 11.
Figure 7.7: Cuzco-Inca aryballoid sherd
Figure 7.8: Ceramic Mold with Press-Mold Design

240
7.20 Other Artifacts
Throughout surface collection, artifacts were collected as well when
encountered in collection units. Surface grabs also occurred when metal artifacts were
noted on site. When surface grabs occurred the site sector collected in was noted, and
when possible the artifact’s UTM location was recorded. Non-ceramic artifacts
recovered included lithics (e.g. hoes, cores, debitage flakes) (Figure 7.9), four spindle
whorls, and metal artifacts including a nose ring (Figure 7.10), and a tupu, or pin.35.
Several hoes were recovered as surface grabs encountered in lower site sectors, the
majority are made of andesite or basalt, occasionally local stone is modified into a lithic
tool. Mudstone lithics are reported in the middle Moche Valley (Surridge 2010),
however none were encountered at Cerro Huancha MV 900. There is no systematic
patterning indicated by the distribution of these non-ceramic artifacts across MV 900
site sectors. Concentrations of debitage was noted in Sectors 6 and 11 in open areas of
the sectors. This is likely a result of shaping stone used as a roof for the above-ground
tomb in this sector. The debitage is the same material as the stones thrown aside by
looters that were likely part of the roof structure of the funerary structures in both
sectors.
35
For descriptions of metal artifacts by Colin Thomas see Appendix G.
241
Figure 7.9: Lithic
Figure 7.10: Nose Ring
7.21 Surface Collection Implications
Several conclusions can be drawn from surface collection at Cerro Huancha MV
900. Site sectors with agglutinated architecture, 1, 2, 3, 5, and 10 had higher densities of
diagnostic sherds (see Section 7.16) than site sectors without agglutinated architecture.
Sectors with higher densities of diagnostics may indicate these sectors were spaces of
concentrated activities, but they also may indicate those site sectors have been occupied
for longer periods of time. If that is the case Sectors 1 and 10 may have longer
occupational periods than other site sectors based on their high density of ceramics.
242
The overall distribution of rims within functional categories, 62% cooking
associated vessel types, 22% storage associated vessel types, and 16% serving, was
fairly representational of most site sectors. The distribution of site sectors without
agglutinated architectural compounds, Sectors 6, 7, 8 and 11, was fairly consistent with
the other site sectors. The low frequencies of ceramics in areas without buildings, like
Sectors 7 and 8, suggest cooking and storage activities did not occur here. Sectors 6 and
11, areas characterized by ceremonial architecture, but dominated by open space, also
do not appear to be areas where cooking and storage activities occurred. Vessel forms
associated with functional categories activities may have been brought into those areas
for other types of activities, or they also may have fallen down into these sectors from
sectors further uphill where these activities did occur.
Functional analysis suggests that site sectors with elite households, like Sectors
1 and 5, may have a higher percentage of storage and serving wares than common
households, like Sector 3. The functional categories however do not highlight specific
site sectors dedicated to a single activity. Only Sector 12 appears to have a large
percentage of its rim assemblage that are storage vessels, and may have principally
served as a storage facility.
Correspondence analysis complements the functional analysis
highlighting close and distant relationships between specific vessel forms and site
sectors. For example, bowls, serving vessel forms are most closely associated with
Sectors 1, 4, and 5. While there are outliers in the analysis, the surface collection rim
assemblage suggests that Sectors 1, 5, and 10 may contain elite households, and
administrative buildings. Commoner households, like Sector 3, had similar vessel

243
forms, but have higher frequencies of cooking forms present compared to serving and
storage forms. Prior to this analysis, relying on sector location and the presence of
architecture I assumed that Sector 2 was also a commoner household as it shares similar
features as Sector 3. However, Sector 2 has a higher percentage of storage than Sector
3, and even greater than Sector 1. Therefore, it is unclear what activities occurred in
Sector 2, was it a commoner household with more storage? Or elite household, or had
another use? Surface collection alone does not answer these questions.
One of the goals of surface collection was to identify types of activities in
different sectors based upon the ceramic assemblage. While my surface collection
analysis does not clearly distinguish what each site sector was used for, it has provided
a preliminary baseline for understanding site sectors’ functions. This analysis was taken
into consideration when site sectors and architectural compounds were selected for
excavations.
Another goal of surface collection was to identify what site sectors were
occupied during what time periods. Coastal EIP diagnostics (Salinar and Gallinazo),
with the exception of Moche diagnostics were recovered in several site sector, however,
Chimú diagnostic sherds are found in nearly all site sectors collected in larger
quantities. I will need to rely on excavations can confirm that all site sectors were
occupied in the LIP and LH, and identify site sectors with Salinar occupations. Chimú
style diagnostic ceramics were recovered in almost all site sectors surface collected (11
of 12), suggesting these site sectors may have been occupied during the LIP and/or LH.
8 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Excavations
Excavations enabled documentation of Cerro Huancha MV 900’s occupational
history, including local practices and activities over time to understand residents’
histories and interregional interaction with outside groups. Excavations recorded
architecture, features, and recovered material culture to understand local practices and
activities changed and/or were maintained from the LIP to LH. Two occupations at
Cerro Huancha MV 900 were identified corresponding with the Salinar/early EIP and
LIP/LH as a result of excavation of 114.92 m2 and 26.61 m3 of sediment in four site
sectors, Sectors 1, 3, 6, and 7 (Figure 8.1, Table 8.1), The LIP/LH occupation is
confirmed by AMS dating (Section 8.6.2). Three phases were identified in the LIP/LH
occupation. Sector 1 is the only site sector with excavated evidence that indicates it was
under use in both occupations and all three phases. Excavations in the other three site
sectors suggest these sectors were constructed in the LIP/LH. This chapter describes
excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 including site architecture, masonry, and
significant features. See Chapter 5 for descriptions of excavation strategy and methods.
244
Figure 8.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Sectors excavated
245
246
Table 8.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Area Excavated

Cerro
Volume of
Huancha MV
Area Excavated (m2) Sediment
900
Excavated (m3)
Compounds
1 4 0.69
2 52.95 13.01
3 28.97 7.68
4 1.1 2.04
5 10 1.1
6 10 1.76
Trench 1 7.9 0.33
Total 114.92 26.61
8.1 Construction and Architecture at Cerro Huancha
The remaining intact architecture at Cerro Huancha MV 900 suggests its initial
construction was well-planned and an incredible amount of labor was mobilized to
construct the site. In Section 5.4 I describe mapping methods at Cerro Huancha MV
900. An overview of Cerro Huancha MV 900’ is available in Section 6.2.1. In Sections
7.1-7.14 Cerro Huancha MV 900 site sectors are described. In the next section I
generally describe terracing construction and architecture identified on site including
agglutinated compounds, plazas, and corridors.
8.1.1 Terraces
Cerro Huancha MV 900 was constructed with material from the mountain the
site was built on. To build buildings on Cerro Huancha, flat areas had to be created on
the hill. At Cerro Huancha MV 900 I identified two ways flat areas and terraces were
constructed:
247
• By quarrying the natural stone of the mountain to create a level, wide area.
Retaining walls, built with quarried stone are located below and above quarried
flat areas against the face of the mountain, to support these terraces. Quarried
stone was also used as necessary to create a level surface. No natural stone face
was left exposed; retaining walls were constructed in Masonry Style I (Section
6.3.2.1), the highest quality masonry identified on site. Retaining walls are the
tallest intact walls on site today, with some retaining walls in Sector 1 standing
at 1.5 m tall. Sectors 1 and 3 are examples of this type of construction. Parts of
Sectors 2, 3, and 10 were constructed in this style.
• On slopes, a wall is constructed to the desired height, sterile construction fills
the area between the wall and mountain slope creating a flat area. At Cerro
Huancha MV 900 these types of terraces tend to be architecture found in Sectors
4, 7, 8, and one terrace encircles Cerro Huancha. Sectors 1, 3, and 7 had terraces
built this way. Construction fill was predominately sterile. Only on rare
occasionally would a sherd or lithic be encountered in the fill.
8.1.2 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Architecture
Three general types of architecture were identified at Cerro Huancha MV 900:
agglutinated compounds, plazas, corridors. These three types of architecture were
identified in Sector 1; corridors in particular were not as easily identifiable in other site
sectors. The majority of architecture at Cerro Huancha MV 900 is built with local stone.
Much of Cerro Huancha MV 900 construction materials came from the southwest side
248
of the hill. Non-local stone to Cerro Huancha was occasionally used in construction,
including up-right slabs for doorways and corners of rooms made from igneous rock,
potentially andesite or basalt36, and occasionally groundstone. When constructing
architectural compounds and preparing floors at Cerro Huancha MV 900 no additional
sediment was brought in, resulting in little depositional stratigraphy in excavations. In
2009, I conducted test excavations in architectural compounds on terraces under
MOP/PACO at MV 224, a Gallinazo period site in the middle Moche Valley. The
excavations documented that sediment from the river or valley floor was brought up to
prepare floors on terraces. My excavations did not document this at Cerro Huancha MV
900.
Agglutinated compounds are the most common form of architecture at Cerro
Huancha MV 900. Constructed on terraces or flat spaces, retaining walls often serve as
one side of the multi-room enclosure or compound. Agglutinated compounds share
walls with the adjoining compound. In fact, the only freestanding or individual
structures at Cerro Huancha MV 900 are funerary structures in Sectors 6 and 11. No
other structures are freestanding they are always associated with a series of agglutinated
compounds.
Agglutinated compounds are typically made up of a large patio space and at
least one room. Large agglutinated compounds like those found in Sector 1 are often
multi-level and have multiple rooms adjacent to the patio space. Occasionally benches
were also identified in agglutinated compounds but are not found universally. Typically,
36
Billman report an igneous rock quarry in the lower Sinsicap valley (MV 309).
249
compounds are somewhat rectangular in shape; often one side is curved following site
topography (Figures 7.3 and 8.2).
Patio spaces within compounds are the largest open spaces within compounds at
Cerro Huancha MV 900. Patios were also multi-level and contained storage bins. They
are likely where the majority of household activities occurred. Excavations documented
activities ranging from preparing and cooking food to weaving in patios. Patios were
likely roofed and some buildings in Sector 1 were at least two stories tall. Walls intact
today are usually less than 1 meter high.
Two other walls that delimited the compound run parallel away from the
retaining wall. These walls delimited compounds, which originally are very large and
open, were subdivided as compounds were remodeled over time. They also often have
uprights slabs at the end of the wall, similar to uprights that form doorways. These walls
often descend down multiple levels of retaining walls terminating at the edge of
construction in that sector, suggesting that these buildings were constructed at the same
time.
Rooms and patios in agglutinated compounds at Cerro Huancha MV 900 varied
in size or shape, ranging from 1 x 1 m, to 3 x 1 m, to 5 x 5 m. The majority of rooms are
square or rectangular occasionally one side is curvilinear. Construction quality and style
of rooms varies extremely. Masonry styles documented in excavations are described in
Section 8.2.2, however there are bound to be other masonry styles on site yet to be
documented. Often times each wall in a room was built with different masonry styles.
Excavations in Sector 1 documented that this is in part because compounds and
rooms become subdivided over time. Consistent masonry styles do not appear to be a
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priority on site. Also, no corner abutments are noted for walls constructed during
remodeling. New walls are constructed directly on to a preexisting wall. Entryways to
compounds are usually directly into the compound’s patio and designated by upright
stones on either side of the entryway.
In addition to agglutinated compounds, plazas are also a common architectural
type found at Cerro Huancha MV 900. Plazas of varying size, between 4 x 5 m and 20 x
10 m, have been identified in all site sectors with agglutinated compounds. The largest
plaza at Cerro Huancha MV 900 is in Sector 1, 20 x 10 m. Smaller open plazas are
located on the northwest, northeast, and southwest sides of Sector 1. Characterized as
open space areas not enclosed by a compound and devoid of other architecture, plazas
are located on both natural and artificial terraces adjacent to compounds and corridors.
Plazas are spaces for community to come together for ceremonies, celebrations, and
carryout communal tasks.
Finally, corridors, narrow open spaces like alleyways, were identified between
agglutinated compounds in Sectors 1 and 10 (Figure 8.3). These walkways enabled
movement through Sectors 1 and 10 between agglutinated compounds and plazas. No
formal corridors were identified in site sectors on the lower slopes but it is likely that
the constructed terraces served as walkways to enable movement between site sectors,
as has been identified in Sector 4 (see Section 7.4). Single stairs and sloped ramps allow
access between terraces on different levels.

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Figure 8.2: Split Level Architectural Compound Sector 1 (room is in foreground)

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Figure 8.3: Corridors – Sector 1 Ground Floor
8.2 Excavations in Sector 1: Compounds 1, 2, and 3
Excavations in Sector 1 occurred on the south side of the sector in Compound 1,
Compound 2, and Compound 3 (Figure 8.4). Compound 1 is located in Sector 1, one
terrace above Compounds 2 and 3. Excavations in this compound were limited to a
single 2 x 2 m unit. Early on in excavation the disturbed nature of the unit was apparent,
which resulted in the unit being backfilled and excavations focusing on Compounds 2
and 3.
Compound 2 is a 52.95 m2 compound, composed of two terraces with patio
sectors as well as two small rooms on the west side of the compound on the lower
terrace. Excavations occurred in 11 units of various sizes, and 12 features were

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identified (Appendix B). Two occupations were identified dating to the Salinar LIP/LH
periods. During the LIP/LH period, two clear phases were identified through features
and remodeling of compound architecture. Units 1, 5, 6, 7, 9, and 10 were excavated to
sterile. Floors and features were documented including hearths and ash dumps.
Compound 2 provides insight into the final phase of occupation at Cerro Huancha MV
900 during the LH period.
Compound 3 is a 28.97 m2 compound that also includes two terraces; however,
the upper terrace component is very small, compared to the terrace in Compound 2.
Compound 3’s lower terrace has a split-level patio and two small rooms on the west
side, with an additional room, Feature 3.16 (1 x 1 m), very poorly constructed in the
lower patio, Unit 5. Excavations occurred in eight units, and 25 features were identified
(Appendix C). A single occupation with three phases was identified, dating to the
LIP/LH. Architectural remodeling and features distinguish each phase. Excavations
primarily focused on the upper and lower patio spaces, documenting activities in these
sectors. Units 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, and sections of Units 5 and 7, were excavated to sterile.
Highlights from Compound 2 include features corresponding to the Salinar
occupation at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and its storage rooms on the west side of the
compound corresponding to the LH. Highlights from Compound 3 include a large in
situ vessel and multiple large hearths, as well as remodeling activities. These highlights
are hallmark traits for different occupations and phases, described in detail below.
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Figure 8.4: Sector 1 Compounds, Units in Compounds 1 (Unit 1), 2 (Units 1-11),
and 3 (Units 1-8)
8.2.1 Compounds 2 and 3: Floors, Features, Architecture, and Occupations
Initial levels of excavation in all architectural compounds included removing
architectural fall from natural processes and looters’ disturbance from the unit. Initial
levels always contained the largest quantity of sediment removed. Excavations
documented that Compounds 2 and 3 had undergone at least two occupations with three
phases occurring during the LIP and LH. These phases were identified through
remodeling of compounds (elaborated in the next section). Two features in Compound 2
(Features 2.11 and 2.12) were identified as dating to the Salinar period; however, no
architecture was associated with the Salinar period in Compounds 2 or 3.

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Excavations in Compounds 2 and 3 each encountered two thin floors, although
they do not appear to correspond to the same occupational phases. Floors were compact,
made with silty sediment and roots, and landsnails shells were often found in sediment
in addition to cultural materials. Features recorded included hearths, ash dumps, and
vessels in association with these floors (see Appendix B) for a list of features
encountered in all excavations). The upper patio of Compound 3 (Units 1 and 2) had the
best-preserved floors in the compound (PDs 116, 124, 167, and 168) (Figure 8.5). The
majority of Unit 2 is dedicated to a large hearth feature associated with the floor. The
later floor was 3–5 cm in thickness and uneven throughout the unit (Figur). Between
floors was a thin deposit of construction fill made up of trash, 1–2 cm in thickness. In
Compound 2, two floors were encountered in Units 9 and 10, each associated with
hearths and complete vessels. Unit 5 had a compact level, made of plaster, dirt, and
rocks (PD 275), which is associated with Features 2.02–2.05. Below this compact level
in Level 9 (PD 342) were two Salinar period features, Features 2.10 and 2.11 (PD 315)
located on a gravel deposit on bedrock.
Excavations detected very shallow occupations and minimal stratigraphy;
therefore, architecture and masonry style is key to understanding remodeling and
occupations during the LIP & LH. Remodeling may occur on a familial level, such as a
family repurposing sectors of their household following the death of a family member
and cultural traditions requiring the closing off of a room in the household to serve as a
tomb. However, the new construction and remodeling of space in Compounds 2 and 3
were connected to local and regional sociopolitical and economic processes.

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Figure 8.5: Floor in Compound 3, Unit 1
8.2.2 Masonry in Compounds 2 and 3
Different masonry styles enable reconstruction of phases of remodeling
Compounds 2 and 3, providing insight into the sector’s activities. A brief description of
masonry styles and architecture will be followed by discussions of associated features.
Section 8.2.3 describes Compounds 2 and 3’s occupations and use of space over time.
Different masonry types did not really stand out in surface collection; however,
excavation of compounds, or what were assumed to be entire compounds, demonstrated
differences in masonry styles corresponding to different phases of construction.
Masonry of Compound 3 will be highlighted, as excavations documented more
frequent remodeling and reuse of sectors there than in Compound 2, primarily because
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limited excavations occurred in the patio sectors of Compound 2. In Compound 3, the
four walls delimiting Unit 1 and Unit 2, which is a patio, all have different masonry
styles, and joint abutments are missing in corners, suggesting each wall was constructed
at a different time as part of compound remodeling, and previously existing walls were
reused or new masonry was constructed or added to older construction during
remodeling. Generally, the remodeling in Compound 3 made the compound smaller
over time, and the compound’s smallest rooms, Units 3, 4, and Feature 3.16, were
constructed during later occupation phases. Also, generally, the quality and technique of
masonry degrades over time, leading the architectural features associated with the final
phases of occupation to be constructed with the poorest quality stonework.
Masonry Style I is the earliest masonry identified in Compounds 2 and 3. This
masonry is characterized by small, thin, rectangular or square-shaped stonework, about
.30 x .10 m in size. There is little variation in size of stone used (as is seen in other
masonry styles). It is the original terracing construction in Sector 1, dating to the LIP.
Masonry Style I is visible in the north wall of Compound 3, Units 1 and 2 and the west
wall of Compound 3, Unit 6. In Compound 2, the north wall of Units 5, 1, 8, 3, and 7, as
well as the south wall of Compound 2, Units 2 and 6 and possibly the east wall of
Compound 2, Units 9 and 10 are also constructed in this style. The best-preserved
example of this masonry style comes from the north wall of Compound 2, Unit 3 (PD
99).
Masonry Style II construction is a mix of small, medium, and some larger
stonework that ranges from triangle to rectangular shape. Smaller stones are found
between larger stones. Masonry II does not have a consistent or uniform pattern of size
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or shape of stones—large rocks found on top of medium rocks as well as medium rocks
on top of large rocks. Masonry Style II is found in the bi-level patio in Compound 3,
and in the southern limit of Units 1 and 2 and the north wall of Units 5 and 7. Style II
also dates to the LIP. It is double-faced; the side facing Units 5 and 7 has finished
masonry.
Masonry Style III is much more uniform than style II. It is characterized by
larger, medium-sized upright stones, usually square or rectangular in shape, for the base
of the wall. Medium and small rectangular-shaped rocks are placed on top of the base
stones. Evenly applied plaster is noted. This masonry style dates to the LIP/LH. A
retaining wall in Compound 3, Unit 7 that bisects the unit north to south is constructed
in Masonry Style III. The wall begins at the north wall of Compound 3, Units 5 and 7,
and when originally built, ended just short of the south wall of Compound 3, Unit 7.
The retaining wall has a small constructed bin feature, Feature 3.25 (see Masonry Style
IV). Sometime after it was originally built, the wall was extended to reach the newly
constructed south wall of Unit 7. There is a clear joint where this extension occurred
and the masonry is very sloppy compared to Masonry Style III. Masonry Style III is
also found in the south wall of Compound 3; the south wall of Compound 3, Units 5 and
7 is also built in Masonry Style III, but the top half of the wall was added with a
different masonry style from the bottom half, assumed to have been added on at a later
time. Perhaps a second story was added to this wall after its original construction.
Masonry Style IV is characterized by small, worked, rectangular-shaped stones,
nearly uniform in shape and size, .15 x .10 m, laid flat, each touching the other.
Sometimes they are stacked on one other or slightly overlapping with part of one sitting
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on the next. It is not clear if plaster was used to construct this style. The construction
style is uniform, and stones used are similar in size and thickness. Masonry Style IV is
found at Bin Feature 3.25 and the low terraces that extend east and west of the wall that
bisects Compound 3, Unit 7. The bin is built against the wall that bisects Unit 7 built in
Masonry Style III. This masonry style dates to the LIP.
In Masonry Style V, one or two large rocks form the base, and small and
medium mostly square and rectangular rocks fill in the remaining space between and on
top of the large rocks. These large rocks are much bigger than those used in style III.
This style is associated with LH construction and is found in the north and east walls of
Compound 3, Unit 3.
Masonry Style VI is made up of medium and small stonework of irregular shape
used to construct the northwest, northeast, and southeast walls of Compound 3. The
southwest wall predates Feature 3.16 and is the west wall of Compound 3, Unit 4. This
masonry style post-dates Masonry Style V and dates to the LH, and is best
demonstrated in Feature 3.16 in Compound 3, Unit 7. This small structure, about 1 x 1
m in size, is sloppily constructed, and uses more adobe plaster than structures of any
other masonry style. Originally it was unclear whether this was a structure or
architectural fall.
Masonry Style VII is a mix of style I and II, as it there is no consistent or
uniform pattern of size or shape of stones in the masonry, with medium rocks found on
small rocks at the base of the wall; however, the rocks are mostly rounded square or
thin rectangular in shape. It is represented by the initial architecture in Sector 3,
Compound 6, Unit 1 and 3. This style dates to the LIP/LH.

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8.2.3 Sector 1: Occupations, Architecture, and Associated Features
Excavations identified two occupations in Sector 1. One occupation corresponds
to the Salinar period, and the other occurred during the LIP through LH. During the
later occupation, multiple remodels and change in use of space occurred. Three phases
have been identified to differentiate phases based on architecture remodeling, excavated
features, material culture recovered. Preliminary evidence suggests these
In the next section, I first discuss Compound 2’s evidence of a Salinar period
occupation and then highlight Compound 3, where remodeling and construction
suggests shifts in use of space occurred during the LIP/LH. The three phases of the
LIP/LH period are described. Phases 1 and 2, found in Compound 3, date to the middle
and late Chimú period. Phase 3, best demonstrated as the final occupation of
Compounds 2 and 3, corresponds to the LH period. Chapters 7 and 8 follow up on this
initial discussion by describing the artifact assemblages corresponding with each phase.
Excavations in Compounds 2 and 3 also recovered Salinar sherds. Features 2.11
and 2.12 in Compound 2, Unit 5—a small hearth and ash dump on bedrock and
gravel—are the only excavated features associated with the Salinar occupation at Cerro
Huancha MV 900. Salinar ceramics were exclusively recovered in excavation of these
features.
No prepared floor or architecture in Compounds 2 and 3 were identified in
association with Salinar finds. It is suggested that during the Salinar phase of the EIP
(200 BC–200 AD), Cerro Huancha MV 900 followed a similar pattern to the one
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described for site MV 910—a defensive hilltop site—and it supported a much smaller
population than during the LIP with the population likely concentrated in Sector 1.
The initial LIP occupation was documented in excavations in Compound 3, Unit
2, corresponding to LIP/LH Phase 1. Masonry Style I, the earliest masonry style
identified in the compound and part of initial terrace construction, is found in the north
wall of Unit 1 and 2, the west wall of Compound 2, Unit 6, and the east wall of
Compound 2, Unit 8 (Figure 8.5). Feature 3.13 dates to this initial Phase 1 occupation
of Compound 3. Feature 3.13 is the base and part of the body of a tinaja, a large storage
vessel, located in the southeast corner of Compound 3, Unit 2. This tinaja has a conical
base, and was set in a conical hole in the bedrock. The diameter of the tinaja’s body is
greater than a meter and a half wide, making it the largest vessel encountered during
excavations. Rather than this large vessel being removed during remodeling of the
architectural compound in LIP/LH Phase 2, it was truncated, with part of the body and
base remaining and filled, and later rooms constructed on top (Unit 3 and Unit 4). Parts
of the remaining intact bottom half of the tinaja was encountered in Unit 2, Unit 3, Unit
4, and in the small structure, Feature 3.16, in Unit 5 (Figure 8.6 and Figure 8.7).
The Feature 3.13 vessel was associated with the initial floor of the patio space,
corresponding to LIP/LH Phase 1 in Compound 3, Units 1 and 2. The thin initial
LIP/LH Phase 1 floor is constructed on bedrock that on the east side of Unit 2 slopes as
much as 50 cm from the northeast to the southeast part of the unit and Feature 3.13. The
initial floor on this side of the unit was leveled, and the north profile of Compound 3,
Units 1 and 2 indicates the floor and construction of masonry are associated (Figure
8.8). Another feature associated with the Phase 1 initial floor is Feature 3.15 in Unit 1,
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an ash dump dug into bedrock. A sample from this feature was submitted for AMS
dating (see Section 8.6.2). In Compound 2, corresponding to the LIP/LH Phase 1 is a
small domestic hearth, circular in shape, built with rock and plaster in Unit 8 (Feature
2.01). Compound 2 has split terraces that were likely constructed in Phase 1, coinciding
with the north wall of Compound 3, Units 1 and 2. This evidence suggests a domestic
occupation in Compound 2 during Phase 1.
Figure 8.5: Masonry Styles in Compounds 2 and 3

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I Wall Cerro Huancha MV 900

Sector 1, Compound 3
II Ash
XU 2 Perfil East
III Ash and Construction Fill
IV Mixed Fill within insitu vessel 1 10 cm
V Bedrock
II
II III
IV
V
IV
Figure 8.6: East Profile, Unit 2, Compound 3, Feature 3.13 truncated in situ
storage vessel
Figure 8.7: Feature 3.13, truncated in situ storage vessel, Unit 3, Compound 3,
Cerro Huancha MV 900
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Figure 8.8: North Profile Units 1 and 2, Compound 3, Cerro Huancha MV 900
8.2.4 Architectural Plan and Access to Compounds 2 and 3 in Phase 1
The construction of large terraces, the north wall of Compound 3, and the north
wall of Compound 2, Units 1, 5, and 8 all date to Phase 1. Compound 3 during this early
occupation was much larger and likely extended west outside of excavations into the
adjacent compound (Figure 8.9). Access to Compound 3 was either through the
compound on the west side of Compound 3 or through Compound 2. Access between
Compound 2 and Compound 3 was through the south half of Unit 3. The varied
masonry of this wall, visible on its east side, indicates this wall and the north half of
Unit 3 and in Unit 4 were built in Phase 3. Compound 3, Unit 8 likely served as a south
limit of the compound. This access way between Compound 2 and 3 was used through
all three phases. Compound 3 did not have a bi-level patio in Phase 1, and the wall
dividing Units 1, 2, 5, and 7 was constructed later. Access to Compound 2 likely
occurred through Unit 6, into Unit 5, where there is a remaining step.

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Figure 8.9: Planview of Compounds 2 and 3 in Phases 1-3
8.2.5 Late Intermediate Period/Late Horizon Phase 1
Compound 3 is the best exposure of the Phase 1 occupation. In Phase 1, the
compound was much larger and likely extended west outside of Compound 3 into the
adjacent compound. While it is unclear what the exact original layout and dimensions
were, it is clear that Compound 3 was an open space containing the large vessel, Feature
3.13, associated with this early occupation. It is unclear if all of Compound 2 and 3 had
prepared floors during this occupation. Limited evidence about Phase 1 in Compound 2
was documented in excavations beyond the presence of a single domestic hearth. It is
possible the large truncated in situ vessel is located within an elite household or
community space for storage; similar vessels have been identified associated with Inca
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state feasting activities at Farfan (Mackey 2010). The domestic hearth in Compound 2
suggests the compound also served as a residence. However, the location of Sector 1 on
Cerro Huancha MV 900 suggests that architectural compounds in Sector 1 may be elite
or administrative structures. While it is unclear if the storage vessel was stored in an
elite household or in administrative area, it is clear that its storage capacity exceeded
that of a nuclear household. The artifact assemblage reviewed in Chapters 10 and 11
provides more insight into Compound 3’s activities during Phase 1.
Phase 2 in Compound 3 is characterized by construction of new architecture and
large hearths. A bi-level patio space was constructed, the north wall of Units 5 and 7—
in Masonry Style II—creating the upper patio, Units 1 and 2, and lower patio, Units 5
and 7. Masonry Style III appears in Unit 7 in the form of a wall that bisects the unit,
running north to south. The wall stops short of the south wall of Unit 7, but part of the
wall is also constructed in Masonry Style III. The west side of the wall is higher than
the east side. Feature 3.25, a small circular masonry bin, is built on the east side of the
wall. The storage bin combines Masonry Styles III and IV. Emerging from under the
southwest side of Feature 3.25 is a low terrace in Masonry Style IV, running on an
angle, which connects to the bisecting wall that extends on either side of the wall
constructed in Masonry Style III (Figure 8.10).
Feature 3.25 is about .70 x .65 m and .40 m in depth from the top of the bin to
sterile at its base. Its walls are stone in Masonry Style III, with Masonry Style IV at the
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top of the feature. Excavations removed loose fill and some architectural fall from the
bin. At the bin’s base was a large worked slab, lying flat. Sterile and loose fill was
found under the slab, which was on top of bedrock. The contents had been removed;
however, it is likely that this bin served as a storage bin for foodstuffs or tools in
Compound 3.
Figure 8.10: Storage Bin in Unit 7, Compound 3, Cerro Huancha MV 900
The Phase 2 occupation contains the first evidence of a prepared floor in the
lower patio of Compound 3, Feature 3, in Units 5 and 7. The floor was located on the
west side of the wall that bisects Unit 7, and associated with this wall and the low
terrace in the south part of the unit. The floor was compact sediment with small rocks,
found on the southeast side of the Masonry Style III bisecting wall, in association with
the Masonry Style IV terrace, but at a much lower level than the west side of the wall.
This compact sediment is also associated with Feature 3.19. Below this compact
sediment was sterile fill, used to raise the level of the west side of Unit 7 up to the
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retaining wall, creating the terrace. This created a split-level terrace in the lower patio of
Unit 7 similar to an architectural feature in Compound 2’s lower patio. While it does not
appear to have a storage bin, Compound 2, Unit 3 also has a small terrace, whose west
side is higher side than the east side. It appears to be a step; however, it is in a parallel
location in the lower patio of Compound 2, Unit 3 to its location in Compound 3, Unit
7. Time did not permit Compound 2, Unit 3 to be excavated; however, it appears that
the lower patios of Compounds 2 and 3 have similar low terraces.
Excavations in Compound 3 also documented two very large hearths associated
with Phase 2, one in Unit 2 (Features 3.03-.06 and 3.08) and one in Unit 5 (Feature
3.19). Feature 3.03-3.06, 3.08 was originally given multiple feature numbers, as initial
excavations were in such a large sector of Unit 2 that it was hypothesized that they were
separate hearths. However, excavations determined that, in fact, this was one large
feature 1.7 x .30 x .65 m in size, covering nearly all of Unit 1 (Figure 8.11 and Figure
8.12). The large hearth was associated with the Phase 2 upper floor in the upper patio of
Compound 3.
Much of the floor in Units 1 and 2 along the edge of the hearth is burnt. The
feature itself was full of white ash. There were multiple depressions in the floor, which
could have been a pot support prior to or before being set on the hearth. Feature 3.08
runs through the middle of the large feature, which may have been the only space used
as a hearth. Intact stones covered in charcoal and ash form a long channel on which
multiple pots could have been set and heated simultaneously. This is the only part of the
feature with rocks that could have served as a base for pots to sit on and be cooked; the
other sector’s depressions may have been stands for pots and/or sectors for dumping
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ash.37 Several cooking pots could have been set on Feature 3.08—it is a narrow and
long hearth, distinct from the domestic hearths excavated at Cerro Huancha MV 900,
which are small and circular in shape. This hearth was much larger and a different
hearth than domestic hearths.
Features 3.03-3.06, 3.08 was full of gray and white ash. Very few fragments of
carbonized organics were recovered, suggesting that cooking occurred at very high
temperatures. In the southeast part of Unit 2, 2,134 liters of ash were removed. An AMS
date was obtained from this feature, see Section 8.6.2.
The other large hearth associated with Phase 2 is Feature 3.19 in Unit 5, which
was deeper and more contained than Feature 3.03-8. Feature 3.19 is .9 m x .35 m and
oval in shape, with a depth of 0.6 m. The feature was full of ash, small rocks, and fill.
Fine white ash from Feature 3.19 was found throughout the southeast side of Unit 5 and
throughout Unit 8. Burning is apparent on the sidewalls of the feature. In Feature 3.19,
part of a base of a utilitarian vessel was found sitting in the west side of the hearth on a
rock (Figure 8.13). This feature predates the south wall of Units 5 and 7. As mentioned
previously, Feature 3.19 is associated with the low terrace in Units 5 and 7, which are
adjacent to the feature. Figure 3.20, is also associated with the low terrace and Feature
3.19. A sample from Figure 3.20 was submitted for AMS dating (Sample AA104557),
see Section 8.6.2.
Smaller domestic hearths and associated ash dumps associated with Phase 2
were excavated in Compounds 2 and 3. Hearths in Compound 2 were clearly for
37
Another possibility is that Feature 3.08 was the final hearth used in the Sector and others
destroyed or broken down after use.
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domestic use, circular in shape, while the smaller hearth features documented in
Compound 3 were not formally constructed with stones. In Compound 2, Units 9 and
10, two vessels were found. One was a cooking vessel adjacent to a domestic hearth and
ash dump (Figure 8.14) and the other is adjacent to an ash dump; both vessels are
heavily sooted from cooking. These vessels were used in Phase 2 and predate the
construction of the east wall of Units 9 and 10. The division of space in Compound 3
and construction of smaller terraces within patio spaces suggest this also occurred in
Compound 2 during Phase 2. While there are fewer noted terraces in Compound 2, a bi-
level patio was built on the west side of the compound.
Figure 8.11: Ash Surrounding Hearth Mid-excavation with Ipomoea sagasteguii

(Convolvulaceae) visible, Unit 2, Compound 3
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Figure 8.12: Large Hearth (Feature 3.03-3.06, 3.08), Unit 2, Compound 3, Cerro
Huancha MV 900
Figure 8.13: Large Hearth with part of cooking vessel (Feature 3.19), Unit 5,
Compound 3, Cerro Huancha MV
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Figure 8.14: Cooking Vessel Adjacent to a Hearth
8.2.7 Architectural Plan and Access during Phase 2
During Phase 2, Compound 3 was accessed from its east side through Unit 8 and
through the south half of Unit 3. A Masonry Style II wall was built dividing Units 1, 2,
5, and 7. Compound 3 was divided into two separate patio areas and direct access
between patios seems unlikely. The entrance to the upper patio (Units 1 and 2) was
accessed through Unit 6 on the east, and this compound would have likely extended
west of Compound 3, including part of Compound 2. Access to the lower patio (Units 5
and 7) was through the east wall of Unit 8, and this compound space extended west of
Compound 3. This suggests that the two patio spaces with the industrial size hearths,
Features 3.03-3.08 in Unit 2 and Feature 3.19 in Unit 5, were in fact accessed through
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different entrances and part of separate compounds. However, it is likely the two patios
were part of the same compound (Figure 8.9).
8.2.8 Summary of Phase 2
In Compounds 2 and 3 during Phase 2 there was extensive investment in
construction of architecture and remodeling of space. This suggests that, between
LIP/LH Phase 1 and 2, Compound 2 and 3 activities shifted significantly, with an
extensive investment in construction, as a multi-level compound and storage bin were
constructed in Compound 3. Two industrial-size hearths whose size and shape suggest
they were used for production activities in both patios of the compound indicate new
activities were being carried out in Phase 2 in Compound 3. Excavations in
Compound 2 do not indicate much about Compound 2’s architecture and access in
Phase 2, except that Units 9 and 10’s east wall was not present in Phase 2, and these
rooms were part of the open patio. Access to Compound 2 on its west side was through
Compound 3, and there was likely access on the east side as well.
The final phase of occupation is characterized by the addition of small rooms
each about 2 x 2 m in size, to the east side of Compound 3 (Units 3 and 4), and
Compound 2 (Units 9 and 10). It is noted that some of the walls in these smaller
structures were in use in the previous occupation, but the space is remodeled during this
third occupation to function as storage structures (Figure 8.9). Of the two sets of rooms
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identified, on the east side of Compound 2’s storerooms there is an entryway, although
it may have been closed off during Phase 3 and storerooms were accessed via ladder
like Compound 3’s two storerooms, Units 3 and 4. Another possibility is that the two
storage rooms are part of the adjoining architectural compound (Figure 8.15). The
original height of the walls is unclear, but they stand just under .70 m today. However,
compound access patterns changed with construction of Units 9 and 10’s eastern wall
and the wall dividing the two units to create two storerooms. Compound 3’s Units 3 and
4 had little original context intact. Unit 4 had been disturbed by looting activity, and in
Unit 3, only a small part of floor was intact.
Excavations in Compound 2, Units 9 and 10, however, revealed that these rooms
served as storage spaces, as Compound 2, Unit 9 had many ceramic vessels remaining
in the room. The collapse of Unit 9’s walls buried numerous vessels, although it is
possible that looters prior to architectural collapse disturbed the room, as the recovered
ceramics were very fragmented. A minimum number of 78 vessels (MNV) was
calculated; however, we were not able to completely reconstruct any of the vessels
recovered in the room, which may suggest this area also served as a trash deposit
(Figure 8.16).
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Figure 8.15: Storage Rooms in Compound 3 (Units 3 and 4) Cerro Huancha MV

900
Figure 8.16: Storage Room with Broken Vessels, Unit 9, Compound 2, Cerro
Huancha MV 900
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Both floors identified in Units 9 and 10 date to this final Phase 3 occupation and
are associated with construction of the wall on the east side of Units 9 and 10. Cultural
material recovered in this level in Unit 9 and Unit 10 indicates it dates to the LH,
Chimú-Inca phase. Chimú-Inca ceramics were recovered, as was a mini llama figurine
(Figure 8.17). Phase 3 floors were constructed over two vessels described in Phase 2, a
photo of one is in Figure 8.14. The wall on the southern limit of Compound 2 was
constructed in this phase. It is set closer to the unit than the previous wall, which is
related to Compound 3, Unit 8’s south wall, creating a narrow walkway.
Following construction of Compound 3’s storage rooms, a new structure and
several new walls were added to Compound 3 in Phase 3, both located in Unit 5. In Unit
7, the retaining wall with storage bin was sloppily extended to connect with a new wall
constructed on the southern limit of Compound 2. This late phase wall runs from Unit 7
east into Unit 5, connecting to a previous existing wall in Unit 8. However, Unit 8 was
closed off on its eastern side during Phase 3. In fact, a bench is built in front of it
associated with a small structure, Feature 3.16, located in the northeast corner of Unit 5.
Unit 8 is covered with intentionally stacked medium-sized and rectangular-shaped
stones (without mortar). This construction suggests that Unit 8 was intentionally sealed
off during Phase 3.
The new, small structure, R.3.16, about 1 x 1 m in size, was built in Unit 5,
abutting the west wall of Unit 4 and the north wall of Unit 5. The south and west walls
are poorly constructed in Masonry Style VI (Figure 8.9). Architectural fall and fill was
removed from the structure. No new prepared floor associated with this new structure
was encountered. The use of Feature 3.16 is unclear, as it is such a small structure.
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Perhaps at one time it served as part of a bench that extended to the southeast corner of
Unit 5. Excavations south of Feature 3.16 on the eastern edge of the unit encountered
similar but lower concentrations of plaster and rocks up to the southeast corner where
Units 8 and 5 meet. This suggests a longer bench that cut off access and use of Unit 8 as
an entryway for Compound 3.
Figure 8.17: Llama Figurine
8.2.10 Architectural Plan and Access in Phase 3
The addition of two small rooms on the west side of Compounds 2 and 3 during
Phase 3 affected access routes in both compounds. While Compound 2, Unit 9 has a
doorway on its east side, into these small storerooms, it appears that, these double
rooms did not have doorways. It is likely that Compound 2’s entryway may have
always been on the east wall of Compound 2, Units 9 and 10’s east limit, and during
Phase 3, this entryway was converted to a storeroom. The Phase 3 entryway to
Compound 2 changed, relying on access through the upper terrace of Compound 2, or
from the lower terrace of Compound 2 in Unit 11.

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In Compound 3, the construction of two small storerooms, Units 3 and 4, on the
east side, suggests that access to the lower patio of Compound 3 was through the west
side of Compound 2. However, Unit 8 is blocked off by the bench that extends from
Feature 3.16. This suggests that access to the lower patio of Compound 3 was limited to
the west side of Compound 3. Access to the upper patio of Compound 3 was through
Compound 3 Unit 6 and possibly the west side of Unit 1.
8.2.11 Summary of Phase 3
Phase 3 remodeling occurred during the LH. AMS dates for this phase are not
available, but datable material culture recovered offer a terminus post quem included
Chimú-Inca ceramics and a small llama figurine (Figure 8.17). These confirm this final
occupation dates to the LH period. Notably during this period, new storage rooms
incorporated previously existing walls with no attempt to use earlier masonry styles,
creating a sloppy hodgepodge of masonry styles. For example, Compound 3, Unit 3’s
four walls show three different masonry styles. It appears that high quality and uniform
masonry was not important during this phase. Also an additional small room was added
to Compound 3 in Unit 5 adjacent to the two storage rooms. The addition of smaller
rooms, which appear to have been used as storerooms, suggests that activities in
Compounds 2 and 3 shifted during this final phase. It is clear that sectors that were
previously used for cooking and preparing food became used for storage as
demonstrated by Compound 2, Unit 9. The only floors clearly associated with this phase
are in Compound 2, Units 9 and 10. Despite this construction of new rooms, the lack of
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investment in new floors suggests perhaps these sectors were not used frequently or
formally, or that this final phase was very brief.
8.2.12 Summary of Sector 1 Occupations
Excavations have identified two distinct occupations in Sector 1. Two features
in Compound 2, Unit 5 correspond to the Salinar period. Only limited evidence for the
Salinar occupation of Cerro Huancha MV 900 was found in excavations. The LIP/LH
architecture in Sector 1 at Cerro Huancha MV 900 is very dense. Excavations at
Compounds 2 and 3 demonstrate the architecture was used through three phases of
remodeling and additional construction. General trends exhibited by Compounds 2 and
3’s masonry show that both compounds featured multi-level patio spaces. Compound 2
has a small step-feature, and Compound 3 has a low terrace and retaining wall with bin
feature, Feature 3.25. Overall, throughout the LIP/LH, both compounds became more
subdivided with distinct spaces.
Access to both compounds changed over time due to remodeling, and this, in
addition to new construction, suggests shifts in site activities as well. The three phases
outlined for the LIP/LH periods in Compounds 2 and 3 indicate new architecture was
built and previously existing architecture was remodeled throughout Phases 1–3. The
initial LIP/LH Phase 1, dated to the Chimú period based on ceramics, is characterized
by the initial construction of large terraces in Sector 1 and the placement of a very large
tinaja and a hearth feature in Compound 2. This is followed in Phase 2, also likely
dating to the Chimú period, when both compounds underwent remodeling and
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construction of split-level patios. Features indicate that sector activities surrounded
Compound 3’s large hearths. A final Phase 3, corresponding to the Inca period (AD
1470), is characterized by construction of small double rooms associated with storage.
One interesting aspect is the investment in remodeling the compounds, and general
trend to subdividing compounds over time. There is a lack of investment in new floors
in Compounds 2 and 3 during Phase 3. The masonry constructed during remodeling
phases is of poor quality.
8.3 Sector 3 Excavations: Compounds 5 and 6
Sector 3 is located on the west side of Cerro Huancha MV 900 about halfway up
the hill, overlooking the Sinsicap River. Significantly smaller in size than Sector 1, it is
made up of six terraces, all of which have architectural compounds with similar layouts.
The lowest, largest, and best-preserved terrace in Sector 3 runs north beyond Sector 3,
through Sector 4 to Sector 2. Sector 3 is nearly a mirror image of Sector 2, although the
layouts of compounds in Sector 2 are not as uniform as those in Sector 3. The typical
architectural compound in Sector 3 is about 10 x 7 m in size and composed of a patio,
bench, and storage room (see planview of Compound 6
(Figure 8.18). Vertical walls have been identified below Sector 3.
Excavations in Sector 3 occurred in two compounds, Compounds 5 and 6, both
located on the lowest terrace of the six terraces that make up Sector 3 (Figure 8.19).
Compound 5 faces west and is characterized by a split-level patio and bench. Two test
units (2.5 x 2 m) were located adjacent to each other on the lower patio. Both units were
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excavated to sterile soil, with the exception of one hearth feature in Unit 2 that was not
excavated due to time constraints.38
North of Compound 5 is Compound 6, which faces west. Compound 6 is made
up of an open patio, a small room located on the northeast side of the compound, and a
bench adjacent to the room. Units 1 and 2, both 2 x 2 m units, were placed in the patio
and a third unit, Unit 3, 2.3 x 1 m, in the small room on the northwest side of the unit
(Figure 8.19). Units 1 and 3 were excavated to sterile. Unit 2 excavations were
terminated after a level of construction fill used for terrace construction was
encountered. The construction fill was sterile, and void of cultural material. Stratigraphy
and architecture in Compounds 5 and 6 indicate both compounds were only occupied
during the LIP/LH. Two phases of occupation were documented in each compound
through remodeling of compound architectural, floors, and associated features.
38
Although we did not excavate the hearth, it exhibited the same features in shape and visible
carbon on the surface that was exhibited by hearth Feature 5.04.
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Figure 8.18: Planview Sector 3, Compound 6
Figure 8.19: Sector 3, Compound 5 (Units 1 & 2) and Compound 6 (Units 1-3)
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8.3.1 Compounds 5 and 6: Floors, Features, Architecture, and Occupation
Two floors were identified in Compound 5, Units 1 and 2. Below the initial floor
was construction fill, with deposits of trash including sherds, fish otoliths, and seashells,
used to level out the patio. This initial below-floor deposit of trash contained marine
resources from the coast, a rare occurrence in the chaupiyunga; the deposit is likely tied
to a ritual event (Figure 8.20).
Two hearths and several ash deposits are associated with the lower floor. One of
Compound 5’s hearths is located on the southeast side of Unit 2, and is circular in
shape, the same as domestic hearths identified in Sector 1 excavations. The hearth,
Feature 5.04, is .55 x .40 m in diameter and constructed with rocks and compact
sediment. Another hearth just north of Feature 5.04 with a similar shape and size was
identified but not excavated. Several domestic hearths in Compound 2 also had a similar
circular form as these two hearths in Compound 5. Chimu-style sherds were deposited
on bedrock in the patio of Compound 5, suggesting that the compound was constructed
during the LIP/LH. A sample from an ash deposit in Compound 5 was submitted for
AMS dating, see Section 8.6.2
Compound 6 underwent at least one remodeling episode, distinguished by three
architectural features. The south side of Unit 2 was disturbed by looters’ activity;
however, the northeast side of the unit was well preserved. The patio of Compound 6,
Units 1 and 2, had two thin floors each about 2 cm thick in the patio sector, and a single,
5 cm thick floor was identified in the room in Unit 3. The floors in Units 1 and 3 were
built on sterile fill and bedrock. The floors extend from Unit 1 to the north side of Unit
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2; however, these floors are uneven, with Unit 2’s floor as much as 3 cm higher than
Unit 1. Also, Unit 2 only has floor on the north and northeast side of the unit. The south
and southwest sides of Unit 2 are disturbed by looting. While the floor is not preserved,
the construction fill was devoid of cultural material. Unit 3 had a thicker, more well-
preserved floor than the other units; this is likely the case because it was covered in
architectural fall, protected from natural elements.
From a distance, the architecture in Sector 3 appears fairly uniform, and I
believe the series of terraces and compounds were constructed at the same time.
Doorways are characterized by upright slabs. The masonry style exhibited in the south
walls of Compound 6, Units 1, 2, and 3 is Masonry Style VII. Unit 3’s north and south
walls (only about 1 m long) was built in Masonry Style I, although more thin square
rocks were used than thin rectangular.
Several features of Compound 6 indicate remodeling occurred during its
occupation. Along the southwest limit of Unit 2 is a bench, adjacent to the small room
(Unit 3). While no excavations occurred on the bench, the wall used to construct the
bench was clearly added after the compound’s original construction. This wall served as
the entryway, before it was sealed, to the small room (Unit 3) on the northeast side of
Compound 6. It is clear this bench is a later addition, as the wall, which the small room
and bench share, changes angle where the room and bench intersect, and the masonry
technique is sloppier than the original masonry of the compound (Figure 8.21).
The sealed entryway into the small room suggests Compound 6 underwent a
new phase, likely tied to changes in practices in Sector 3. The sealing off of the
entryway to the small room (Unit 3) on the northeast side of Compound 6 has several
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associated features documented in Unit 1. Directly in front of the sealed doorway, a
burned area was identified associated with the initial floor, Feature 6.04. Adjacent to
Feature 6.04 just northeast of the doorway between floors 1 and 2 was a small deposit
of sand, likely marine sand—Feature 6.03—that was identified between the two floors.
The deposit may have been placed in a posthole. These data suggest that construction of
the later floor coincided with sealing off of the doorway (Figure 8.22 and Figure 8.23).
The deposit of sand may be a ritual act associated with the sealed doorway and burned
area in front of the doorway.
Figure 8.20: Deposit below Floor in Compound 5, Cerro Huancha MV 900

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Figure 8.21: East Profile Unit 1, Compound 6, Cerro Huancha MV 900
Figure 8.22: Burned Area with sand deposit, Compound 5, Unit 1

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Figure 8.23: Sand deposit between floors
8.3.2 Summary of Sector 3 LIP/LH 2 and 3 Occupations
It is likely that Compound 5 served as a household; however, Compound 6’s use
is unclear. Each compound contains multiple features that suggest Sector 3 was initially
occupied in the LIP, in the middle Chimú period. Compound 6’s multiple features
suggest that Sector 3 underwent two phases during its occupation. The initial phase is
associated with the original floor in Unit 1 and an open entryway into Unit 3. This
corresponds to Phase 2 in Sector 1. The sealing off of Compound 6, Unit 3’s entryway
and the associated ritual acts, and construction of a new floor, indicates a change in use
of the space in Phase 3 during the LH. The bench construction in Compound 6 may also
correspond to Phase 3.
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Excavations in Compound 5’s patio documented two floors; as each floor in
Compound 6 appears to correspond to Phase 2 and Phase 3, this appears to also be the
case in Compound 5. An AMS date from an ash deposit in the initial floor in
Compound 5, Unit 1 indicate the occupation corresponds to Phase 2, the middle-late
Chimú period. There are several lines of evidence of Sector 3 being connected to the
coast and the Chimú. In Compound 5, Chimú-style ceramics and marine fish remains
were recovered below the initial floor, connecting the construction of Compound 5 to
the Chimú era and confirmed by an AMS date (See Section 8.6.2). The deposit of
marine sand in Compound 6, associated with the sealing of the doorway may be another
connection to the coast. The room behind the sealed doorway in Compound 6, Unit 3,
only had a single floor, suggesting it may not have been used after the doorway was
sealed. This may be associated with an era of transition, and the later floors documented
in Compounds 5 and 6 may be associated with Phase 3 and the LH period.
There is much evidence suggesting Sector 3 was initially occupied during the
LIP. Sector 3 did not have as extensive a history of occupation as Sector 1, although it
did undergo remodeling and reuse of space from Phase 2 to Phase 3. Its occupation
resulted in much less accumulation of material culture compared to Sector 1 (see
Section 10.7 for a comparison of quantities of ceramics recovered), including less
depositional stratigraphy than Sector 1, yet the sector is tied to coastal traditions during
Phase 2.
8.4 Sector 6 Excavations: Compound 4
Sector 6, located on the north side of Cerro Huancha MV 900, is a ceremonial
sector with a funerary structure on a plaza. Sector 11, located just below Sector 6, also
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has a funerary structure on a plaza. Sectors 6 and 11 are located above Sectors 7 and 8,
characterized by several long walls running along the east side of Cerro Huancha MV
900 that may have originally extended around the entire hill (Figure 5.4). Sectors 6 and
11 are characterized by their rectangular structures in open spaces, where ritual acts
celebrating the ancestors of Cerro Huancha MV 900 would have been carried out.
Looting activity has disturbed the single structure in the area, Compound 4 (Figure 8.1).
Salvage excavation was undertaken in Compound 4 to determine if part of the
tombs/structure remained intact. As previously described in Section 7.6, Sector 6 is a
flat open space, interpreted as a natural open plaza, with a single structure about 10.2 x
2 m in size on the east side of the plaza (Figure 8.24).
The structure on the east side of the plaza is Compound 4. Originally thought to
be made up of two rooms, excavations revealed the structure was in fact made up of
four rooms, rectangular or square in shape (Figure 8.25, only 3 rooms are depicted).
From south to north, the rooms are 3.2 x 1.60 m, 1.2 x 1.0 m, 1.6 x .80 m, and 1.6 x 1.2
m. Each room has a small doorway on its west side that faces and is open to the plaza.
The doorways are very narrow—.25–.35 m wide—and very low. The remaining
doorway lintels are .45–.60 m tall, not tall enough or wide enough for an individual to
enter the room. Only Room 1’s doorway is depicted in Figure 8.25. Extensive looting
activity has occurred in Compound 4; the sector around the structure and in the structure
was littered with sun-bleached human remains and disturbed architecture.
Salvage excavation was conducted to determine if any sections of the structure
were intact. Looters’ backdirt covered the masonry on the west side of the structure;
clearing this sediment revealed intact architecture on the west side for three of the four
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rooms of Compound 4. Three units were excavated, a unit was placed in three of the
four rooms from the largest, original room on the southern limit, north. No test
excavations were conducted in the fourth room, on the northern limit of Compound 4.
Each unit bisected—or in the case of Unit 1, in the largest room, quartered—the room.
A fourth unit placed just north of Compound 4 confirmed that the visible architecture
was the northern limit of the structure. No intact features were recovered in excavations,
but these excavations assisted in identifying the construction sequence of the structure
and its rooms, and provided clues to those buried in the structures.
Units were excavated to bedrock. While all of the units were in disturbed
contexts, a thin floor of plaster was identified on bedrock in Unit 1. The majority of
material culture recovered included a large quantity of disarticulated human remains,
including men, women, and children; all were heavily sun-bleached and fragmented
amongst other artifacts. See Dr. Celeste Gagnon's report on the human remains
recovered in Appendix D. One other notable feature documented in excavations was the
presence of red pigment, likely cinnabar, on the lower part of the north wall in Unit 1.
Pigment may have been present in other rooms, but Unit 1 was the best preserved of the
structures.
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Figure 8.24: Sector 6 Compound 4

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Figure 8.25: Structure 4, Rooms 1-3 (Room 1 in foreground), Sector 6, Cerro

Huancha MV 900 (Briceño and Billman 2009, Figures 95 and 96)
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8.4.1 Compound 4 Architecture and Occupations
Excavations suggest that Compound 4 was constructed over time, likely over
many generations. The largest room, located on the east side of the structure, was the
original structure. Each of the three additional rooms was added on separately. The
original structure’s north wall is the south wall for the first room that was added on, and
this pattern continues with each additional room sharing its north and south walls with
the adjacent room. Construction over time is indicated through construction techniques.
On the exterior of each room’s corners are upright slabs placed on a long, thin, flat
stone, which are also used for roof construction (Figure 8.26).
Each structure was constructed with rock and mortar but varies in quality of
construction. The masonry was a mix of Style V and VII. Some of the shorter walls
have a large stone with a mix of small and medium square and rectangular shaped
rocks. The longer walls are made up of these small and medium square- and
rectangular-shaped rocks. The original room has the highest quality of construction; the
masonry of the rooms added was not built as well. Originally, these buildings were
roofed. Many of the large, long and flat stones that were used for roofing are still lying
adjacent to Compound 4, thrown aside by looters. Roof supports are still intact in the
interior of the structure in Unit 1. Interior walls are sloppily joined; it is clear that the
exterior of the structure was of better construction quality than the interior (Figure
8.27). Since no intact contexts were discovered during excavation, ceramics found on
the surface and in excavations are the only evidence that suggest when these structures
were built, see Chapter 10 for more details.

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Figure 8.26: West Wall, Exterior Masonry, Compound 4, Cerro Huancha MV 900
Figure 8.27: Compound 4, Room 1, Sector 6, Cerro Huancha MV 900
8.4.2 Summary of Sector 6, Compound 4 Occupation
Evidence suggests the material culture collected during surface collection and
excavations in Compound 4 confirms it was in use during the LIP/LH, but does not
provide a definitive date of its initial construction. Sector 6 and Compound 4 are part of
a ceremonial space at Cerro Huancha MV 900, associated with Sector 11. Compound 4
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is interpreted as a chullpa, which is an above-ground Andean funerary structure of
highland traditions. Chullpas are reserved as funerary structures for prominent ancestors
of ethnic groups and have been interpreted as a symbol of territoriality and social
boundaries (Isbell 1997; Mantha 2009; Salomon 1995). Ceremonies involving ancestor
veneration would have occurred adjacent to the structure. Doyle defines the space used
to interact with ancestors as “machay,” a term which can also mean chullpa, ancestor
burial crypt, natural sacred cave, (1988, 87–134). I use the term chullpa for the funerary
structure and associated space around it used for rituals. Open spaces adjacent to
chullpas in Sector 6 and 11, would be used for ceremonies and it is plausible that the
wall/terraces below in Sectors 7 and 8 may have also been used as part of these
ceremonies.
The architectural style of the chullpas at Cerro Huancha MV 900—single-story,
rectangular structures on a plaza with small doorways—are unique to the northern
highlands. In the Huamachuco and Cajamarca highlands, there have been no reports of
chullpas in this architectural style (T. Topic 2011, pers comm; Watanabe 2011, pers
comm). Additionally, there are no previous reports of chullpas in the chaupiyunga
zones. The only reported chullpas with similar architectural styles are from the central
highlands of the Ancash region and associated with the Middle Horizon period (Paredes
et al. 2000; Ponte 2000). Despite the fact that excavations did not indicate the phase
associated with Compound 4’s initial construction, they did demonstrate that a highland
funerary tradition was practiced at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and likely represents the
local population.
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8.5 Sector 7 Excavations
Sector 7 is characterized by a series of walls running parallel to the hill, adjacent
to Sector 8 and below Sector 1 (Figure 5.4, see Section 7.7). No architectural
compounds have been noted in the sector. Surface collection in the sector recovered the
lowest density of sherds of all sectors at Cerro Huancha MV 900 at .03 diagnostic
sherds per square meter (Table 7.2). Four walls have been recorded in the sector, each
standing about 1.5 m high. Their original height is unclear. It should be noted that these
walls may have had a dual function, as defensive architecture and terraces that enabled
movement/walkways in Sectors 7 and 8. Two of the walls intersect in Sector 7, and as
the walls extend eastward through Sector 7, they begin to converge into one wall. On
the east side of the mountain facing Cerro Ramon MV 1000, one wall continues
southeast into Sector 10, and then around the rest of Cerro Huancha MV 900. Another
possible function may be that this sector may have served as agricultural terraces or
drying terraces for agricultural products such as coca leaves, as Dillehay (1977) reports
from his excavations in the Chillon Valley. One test trench, 7.90 m x 1 m was placed
between two walls, exposing both wall faces (Figure 8.1 and Figure 8.28). Excavation
was conducted to understand the wall/terrace construction techniques, determine the
timing of construction, and explore the possibilities of evidence of occupation or
associated architecture in the sector.
Excavations in Trench 1 revealed that walls were constructed simply by building
a wall on the sloped mountainside. A base was constructed with many layers of medium
and large rocks, with occasional small rocks. The wall was then built in Masonry Style
VII to the height desired. The rocks used for the wall are just like those used for
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buildings, all quarried from Huancha. The space between the wall and slope of the
hillside was filled in with sterile construction fill made up of small and medium rocks
quarried from the hill and the occasional cobbles from the river bed to create a level
terrace (Figure 8.29). All the lower horizontal walls at Cerro Huancha MV 900, many
of which encircle Cerro Huancha MV 900, are constructed in this style.
Excavations did not reveal any evidence of human occupation in Trench 1. A
single core and blackware body sherd was recovered. Based on excavations, it appears
that the walls in Sector 7 may have been multi-functional, serving as a defensive wall
and terrace for moving around Cerro Huancha MV 900. It is unlikely Cerro Huancha
MV 900 residents could have used these terraces for irrigation agriculture, as it is too
high for water to reach. While lower terraces at Cerro Huancha MV 900 may have
supported rainfall agriculture during the rainy season (as water could have potentially
reached the lowest terraces at the slope of Cerro Huancha MV 900), the terraces in
Sector 7 also lack appropriate sediment for agriculture. The stone fill documented in the
terrace would have not been suitable for agriculture. While the terraces could have
served as drying terraces for coca (Dillehay 1977), no direct evidence supporting this
was recovered.
Throughout Sectors 7 and 8, the walls intersect at certain points, creating a path
to ascend Cerro Huancha MV 900 on the north side and eventually arrive in Sectors 2,
6, and 11, or descend the mountain on the north slope. The terraces likely served as
pathways to enter Cerro Huancha MV 900. A doorway was identified on the wall in
Sector 8, with small rooms on either side. It is likely that the Masonry Style VII
coincides with the LIP. The same masonry style is found in both Sectors 3 and 7. In
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fact, the terrace that Sector 3’s Compound 5 and 6 are built on extends north from
Sector 3, through Sector 4, and encircles the mountain running through Sector 7.
Trench 1 excavations documented one of the construction methods of terrace
building at Cerro Huancha MV 900. While no features were found in Trench 1, the
single blackware body sherd and terrace masonry suggest the terrace was constructed
during the LIP. Blackware ceramics date to the LIP but, more convincingly, the terraces
in Sector 7 are part of a terrace system that encircles Cerro Huancha MV 900. The
architectural compounds excavated in Sector 3, with Chimú-style ceramics are built on
a terrace that is connected to the terrace system on the north side of Cerro Huancha MV
900. Additionally, the use of these terraces as a means of entering Cerro Huancha MV
900 on the north side, potentially from the prehispanic road that runs from the highlands
through Collambay, is significant and may have both political and ceremonial
significance.
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Figure 8.28: Trench 1, Sector 7, Cerro Huancha MV 900

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Figure 8.29: South Wall, Trench 1, Sector 7, Cerro Huancha MV 900

301
8.6 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Occupations
Excavations documented evidence of Cerro Huancha MV 900 undergoing
various occupations throughout its history of occupation. I briefly review additional
data that provides insight into the duration of and timing of these occupational phases.
8.6.1 Volume of Sediment per Phase
A total of 26.61 m3 was excavated at Cerro Huancha MV 900 (Table 8.1).
However, a significant amount of this sediment was from disturbed contexts. The actual
excavated volume recovered from excavations of intact contexts was 16.6 m3. Table 8.2
presents the volume of sediment excavated at Cerro Huancha and corresponding
occupations and phases. This information is important to consider as not all excavations
were in intact contexts, and the occupational periods and phases documented were not
equally represented in the archaeological record. In the following chapters the recovered
artifact assemblage from excavations is analyzed. Some occupations and phases have a
much larger assemblage to characterize site activities and behaviors compared to others.
The Salinar occupation had the least amount of sediment excavated at .8 m3. The
remaining excavated sediment from intact contexts are associated with the LIP/LH
occupation, which if all three phases were evenly represented in excavations would
have averaged 5.25 m3 per phase. However, that was not the case, and LIP/LH Phase 1,
the initial LIP occupation recovered 1.2 m3 of sediment. A greater volume of intact
sediment was recovered in subsequent phases, with LIP/LH phase 2 recovering 5.7 m3
and Phase 3, 8.9 m3 had the largest volume of sediment recovered overall.
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Table 8.2: Sediment excavated per occupational period and phase

Sediment
Phase Excavated (m3)
Salinar 0.8
LIP/LH Phase 1 1.2
LIP/LH Phase 2 5.7
LIP/LH Phase 3 8.9
Average per phase
LIP/LH phase 5.3
Total 16.6
8.6.2 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Radiocarbon Dates
Four charcoal samples from excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 were
submitted to the NSF-Arizona AMS Laboratory for AMS dating. Three samples were
from Sector 1, Compound 3 (AA104555, AA104556, AA104557), and one sample was
from Sector 3, Compound 5 (AA104558). The dates are shown uncalibrated in Table
8.3 and calibrated in Figure 8.30 (with calibrated σ and 2σ). All AMS samples are
from features, or associated with features and suggest preliminary timelines for the
remodeling of Compound 3 in Sector 1, LIP/LH phases, and the timing of initial
construction of Compound 5 in Sector 3. They also provide a preliminary chronological
sequence for the three phases identified during the LIP/LH occupation.
Sample AA104556 (PD 243) calAD 1185-1216 (1σ) (Bronk Ramsey 2009 and
Hogg et al 2013) was carbonized twigs that were embedded in the floor adjacent to
Feature 3.15 in Compound 3, XU 1 (see Section 8.2.3). This sample corresponds with
LIP/LH Phase 1, and is the earliest of the four samples. Wood is not ideal for
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radiocarbon dating, but trees living in this region are small and do not live for centuries.
The other three samples correspond with features associated with LIP/LH Phase 2.
Sample AA104555 (PD 146) is from Feature 3.03-3.06, 3.08, a large hearth in
Compound 3, XU 2. The sample consisted of carbonized organic remains, either a
fragment of corn cob or wood, it was not possible to determine. The sample yielded a
result of calAD 1229 – 1271 (Bronk Ramsey 2009 and Hogg et al 2013).
Sample AA104557 (PD 279) was carbonized wood. Also recovered from
Feature 3.20, a burned spot on the floor adjacent to the low terrace in Unit 5 of
Compound 3. The dated wood from Feature 3.20 was a small twig likely from a bush or
small tree. Feature 3.20 is associated with the other large hearth Feature 3.19,
corresponding to Phase 2 (see Section 8.2.6-8.2.8). This sample resulted in an AMS
bimodal range of calAD 1284–1302 (48.8% probability) or calAD 1365–1375 (19.4%
probability) (Bronk Ramsey 2009 and Hogg et al. 2013). Samples AA104555 and
AA104557 dates suggest that Feature 3.03 and Feature 3.19 were used during the same
phase.
Finally, the AMS sample (AA104558) submitted from Sector 3, Compound 5
was a fragment of carbonized corn husk from an ash deposit just below the floor in the
southeast corner of Unit 1 (PD 351). It yielded a date of calAD 1316 +/-43 (1σ) (Bronk
Ramsey 2009; Hogg et al. 2013). This ash deposit is associated with the initial
occupation of Sector 3 suggesting that Compound 5 was constructed in the 14th century,
and is also associated with LIP/LH Phase 2 (see Section 8.3.1).
These four AMS dates establish preliminary time periods for LIP/LH Phases 1-
3. LIP/LH Phase 1 is likely from ~900? to 1229 - 1271, based on Sample AA104555,
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which had the earliest dates for Phase 2. Sample AA104556, from a LIP/LH Phase 1
feature, has a range of 1185-1216 (1σ). The three AMS samples from features used
during Phase 2 are AA104555 (PD 146) and AA104557 (PD 279), and AA104558 (PD
351) which provide ranges of 1229-1271; 1284-1302 and 11365-1375; and 1275-1381.
These ranges indicate that LIP/LH Phase 2 is as long as 250 years from 1229-1470, or
just under 200 years, 1271-1470. While no AMS dates were available for LIP/LH
Phase 3, ethnohistoric documents indicate that the Inca took over the north coast in
1470 (Rowe 1948), therefore LIP/LH Phase 3 is 1470-1532.
Table 8.3: Uncalibrated Radiocarbon Samples Data

Uncalibrated d14 AC
Sample ID Field ID Dates age
AA104555 PD 146 822 BP 30
AA104556 PD 243 891 BP 18
AA104557 PD 279 731 BP 18
AA104558 PD 351 740 BP 44
Figure 8.30: Calibrated dates for Cerro Huancha MV 900 (Bronk Ramsey 2009
and Hogg et al 2013)
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8.6.3 Summary of Cerro Huancha MV 900 Occupations
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 in four site sectors indicates there are
two distinct occupations, the initial Salinar period occupation and a LIP/LH occupation
with three associated phases. The Salinar occupation is only documented in Sector 1,
Compound 2. While Salinar ceramics were noted in the majority of site sectors during
surface collection, the only features and architecture associated with this phase were
documented in Sector 1, suggesting the occupation may have been limited to the top
sector of Cerro Huancha MV 900. The density of the Salinar occupation documented in
excavations does not compare to the later occupations of Sector 1, however this may be
because later occupations disturbed or destroyed the Salinar phase occupation. During
the LIP/LH occupation three phases are distinguished through associated features and
remodeling in Sector 1. Sector 3 excavations documented two phases of occupation.
Four AMS dates provides preliminary dates for the three phases (Section 8.6.2). Below
I summarize distinguishing characteristics for each phase:
Phase 1: ~900? to AD 1229-1271 (AA104556)
• Initial construction of Sector 1 terraces and large agglutinated
compounds.
• Few excavated features correspond to this phase
• Large in-situ storage vessel (Feature 3.13) associated with feasting
present in Compound 3.
Phase 2: AD 1229-1271 to 1470 (AA104555, AA104557, AA104558)

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• Phase 2 is characterized by extensive site expansion.
• In Sector 1 architecture was remodeled including construction of multi-
level patio spaces within agglutinated compounds.
• In Sector 3, Compound 5 was constructed, it is likely all architecture in
Sector 3 was constructed at same time.
• Terraces in Sector 3 that Compounds 5 and 6 were constructed upon
extend around all of Cerro Huancha. Same masonry style suggesting it
was constructed in same phase.
• Excavation of wall/terraces in Sector 7 support this timing.
• This extensive investment in construction of new architecture on the
lower slopes of Cerro Huancha and remodeling of architecture in Sector
1 suggests Cerro Huancha MV 900 emerged as a local center, the
architecture on site dwarfs all other sites in the region.
• Chimu ceramics are found associated with site expansion.
Phase 3: AD 1470 to 1532

• Colonial documents indicate the north coast, including Collambay was
overtaken by the Inca by 1470 (Rowe 1948).
• Architecture in Sectors 1 and 3 underwent remodeling in Phase 3.
• In Sector 1, 2 storage rooms were added to Compounds 2 and 3.
• Masonry constructed during remodeling appears to be carried out hastily
and is poorly built.

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• Remodeling in Sectors 1 and 3, including sealing of doorway in
Compound 6, indicate that activities in site sectors changed under the
Inca.
Excavations suggest that Cerro Huancha MV 900’s occupation may have been
limited to Sector 1 during Phase 1. Architectural compounds were much larger and
more open in Phase 1 than later phases. During Phases 2 and 3, compounds in Sector 1
became more subdivided. Phase 2 is characterized by extensive site expansion.
Excavations documented construction in Sectors 3 and 7, its likely Sectors 2, 4, and 8
were also constructed at that time. Phase 3 remodeling corresponds to the Inca period,
which in Sector 1 appears to focus on storage. It is noted that the amount of storage
documented at Cerro Huancha MV 900 is not comparable to that reported for a
provincial Inca capital, for example, outside of Huamachuco (Topic and Chiswell
1992). Collambay may not have been a principal tambo but it is the only reported tambo
in the chaupiyunga zone. The Spanish defeated the Inca in 1533. The closest Spanish
reducción in the Collambay region, Simbal, was not founded until 1572 (Espinoza
Soriano 1974, 35), so it is possible Cerro Huancha MV 900 was occupied intermittently
until then.39 Cerro Huancha MV 900 underwent extensive site expansion and changes in
site activities occurred throughout the LIP/LH occupation. These changes are
documented in the architecture and features such as construction of new buildings,
walls, and use and abandonment of hearths. Chapter 9 describes excavations at Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 and Chapters 10 and 11 elaborate on the material culture and
39
A few potential early Colonial period artifacts were recovered in excavations but no intact
Colonial occupation was encountered.
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production activities documented by excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 during the
LIP/LH to better understand these changes.

9 Cerro Ramon MV 1000
Excavations at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 occurred over a three-day period in
October 2012. Located at 1,000 masl, on a prehispanic road, the site is hypothesized to
serve as a checkpoint for travelers descending from the highlands into the Collambay
region. The following chapter describes the site’s three sectors, excavation strategy, and
excavations accomplished. From this information I suggest when the site was
constructed and discuss Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s relationship with Cerro Huancha MV
900.
9.1 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Sectors 1, 2, and 3 Construction and Architecture
Cerro Ramon MV 1000 was divided into three sectors based on the summit
ridgeline topography and visible architecture (Figure 6.6; Jochem 2007, Map 3). Access
to Cerro Ramon MV 1000 occurred through the north side of the site in Sector 1, which
is characterized by a series of large, defensive retaining walls over two meters in height.
The southern limit of Cerro Ramon MV 1000 is a large, contiguous wall that runs along
the southern perimeter of the site. Architecture on the summit of Cerro Ramon MV
1000 is 450 m wide, extending 100 m in the southern third of the site. At points on the
south side, it narrows to only 25 m wide as it follows the summit ridge. Survey by
Jochem recorded 3,000 square meters of enclosed, possible habitation space, not
including open patio spaces or raised platforms without architecture. The total area of
the site including open areas without architecture is 10,000 square meters (Jochem
2007, 25).
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310
As noted in Chapter 6, Cerro Ramon’s ridgeline is very narrow, it was necessary
to build terraces to create flat areas to construct buildings. Sector 1 is characterized by
the series of six defensive, retaining walls. South of the retaining walls, Sector 1
includes Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s summit, which is characterized by walls as well as
multiple terraces with both open plazas and terraces with agglutinated compounds.
Sector 2 is the central part of the site and has the densest architecture on site. Like the
south part of Sector 1, the topography narrows to 25 m wide at points. Agglutinated
compounds on raised platforms characterize the architecture in Sector 2, with multi-size
rooms including storage and larger rooms around open spaces. Open spaces are located
throughout the site, occasionally on raised platforms, as well as in the center of the site.
Agglutinated compounds are located on the east and west sides of the site, often on
different levels of terraces. Large grinding stones were noted in Sector 2. Landslides
have severely affected Sectors 1 and 2, destroying retaining walls and, potentially,
architectural compounds.
In Sector 3 the ridge widens. Sector 3 architecture is more irregular and
dispersed compared to the central section, Sector 2. The architecture includes several
walls, terraces, and open spaces. Fariss et al (2007) notes in the south sector are a series
of rooms that were likely used as storage, surrounding an open area that may have been
used for feasting. On the southeast side of Sector 3 there are lined cists and looted
burials (Jochem 2007, 21). I was unable to visit this area in 2012 due to the
architecture’s instability. I did notice in Sector 3 potential mortuary structures, similar
to the chullpas identified at Cerro Huancha MV 900 in Sectors 6 and 11 in Sector 3.

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Sector 3 has a contiguous wall that spans almost the entire southern perimeter of the
site.
Like Cerro Huancha MV 900, Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s masonry was
constructed predominately of local stone, likely from the area immediately surrounding
Cerro Ramon. Terraces were constructed with the same two construction techniques
identified at Cerro Huancha MV 900. One difference in construction techniques
between the two sites is that Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s terraces were built to a much
greater height than Cerro Huancha MV 900. This is due to the severe slope and narrow
topography of parts of Cerro Ramon compared to Cerro Huancha which has a larger
surface area to build on.
Cerro Ramon MV 1000 architecture is generally similar in style to Cerro
Huancha MV 900—rectangular, agglutinated rooms situated around patio spaces and
open plazas. One masonry style noted at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 is Masonry Style VII.
Movement through the site appears to have been primarily through the middle of the
site. Multiple sets of stairs, three to five steps each, were found in Sectors 2 and 3 to
access different level terraces (Figure 9.1).
To enter the site on the north end, through Sector 1, would have required
passing through defensive retaining walls. The only other potential entryway into the
site would be on the south side, although it is unclear if there was an entryway on the
southern limit of the site. Figure 9.2 is a door jamb with niche is associated with the
Sector 3 southern contiguous wall, which may have been the southern entryway,
although it is unclear due to wall fall (Fariss et al 2007).

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Figure 9.1: Stairs
Figure 9.2: Door Jamb with Niche

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9.2 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavations
Excavations included two test pits (Unit 1 and 2) in architectural compounds,
and two trenches in looters’ holes (Looter Hole A and Looter Hole B) to document
Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s occupation. The two trenches, 1.1 x 1.5 m and 2.3 x 1.5 m,
were placed in areas with looting disturbance to expose profiles, to document site
stratigraphy to aide in understanding the occupational history (Table 9.1 and Figure
9.3).
Table 9.1: Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavated Area and Volume
Area Volume
Units Excavated Excavated
(m2) (m3)
1 1 0.15
2 1 0.11
Looter
Hole 4 0.14
A
Looter
Hole 6.95 1.1
B
Total 12.95 1.5
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Figure 9.3: Location of Excavations

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9.2.1 Units 1 and 2
Unit 1 was in the southeast corner of a 4 x 10 m masonry room, on the south
side of Cerro Ramon MV 1000, facing the Cuesta Valley. The room has been disturbed
by looting, but the southeast corner appeared undisturbed, covered in looter’s backfill.
Test Unit 2 was located in the southeast corner of a plaza, adjacent to the room. The
wall on the north side of Unit 2 is the southwest wall of Unit 1, although it is on the
south side of the wall from Unit 1. The wall on the east side of Unit 2 was constructed
off the north wall.
Figure 9.4: Units 1 and 2 Plainview, Cerro Ramon MV 1000

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Both units were very shallow. Two floors were identified in Unit 1, constructed
directly on bedrock. No fill was detected between the two floors. Floor 1 averaged 10
cm in thickness and was made of compact clay 7.5YR 6/6 reddish yellow with a sandy
texture. Floor 2 averaged 5 cm in thickness and was slightly more yellow in color. Both
floors were disturbed by modern plants, Ipomoea sagasteguii or “camote gentil” (Figure
9.4)
Figure 9.4: Floor 1, Unit 1, Cerro Ramon MV 1000 with “camote gentil”
In Floor 2, two small holes, circular in shape, were identified. One was 10 cm in
diameter, the other 20 cm in diameter; they may have been postholes. Cultural materials
were recovered in Floor 1, but they were few and included ceramics, carbon, and bone.
In the architectural fill above Floor 1, a half of a mini olla with resin inside was
recovered (Figure 9.4, PD 419). No architectural fill was recovered in Floor 2. It is
possible that Floor 2 was construction fill for Floor 1.

317
Figure 9.5: Bedrock, Unit 2, Cerro Ramon MV 1000
Unit 2 excavations in the adjacent plaza, about 15 x 10 m in size, did not detect
any prepared floor or construction levels. Excavations were terminated at bedrock
(Figure 9.5). Small diagnostic rims were recovered but the sherds were so small and
eroded that the vessel form was undeterminable. Additional cultural material recovered
included bone and carbon.
9.2.2 Looter Hole A
Looter Hole A was located in the southern part of Sector 2, about 30 meters
south of Test Units 1 and 2 in another architectural compound. Excavations occurred in
the north profile of an old looter’s pit; the profile was 1.5 x 1 m. The profile and looter’s
pit were cleaned and the profile was cut back 25 cm to reveal previously unexposed
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sediment. Excavations revealed a thin floor varying between 3 and 5 cm thick; below
the floor fill was a construction fill made up of ash and small rocks built on plastered
bedrock (Figure 9.6). Diagnostic sherds recovered included several ollas and a
blackware rim from an unidentifiable vessel type. Decorative motifs recovered included
a sherd with piel de ganso and two painted sherds like the Collambay band recovered at
Cerro Huancha MV 900 (see Chapter 10).
Figure 9.6: North Profile of Looter Hole A
9.2.3 Looter Hole B/Trench 1
Looter Hole B40 was located north of Units 1 and 2 on the southeast side of
Section 1 facing the Cuesta Valley. A 1.5 m long area was selected and cleaned, and the
40
Looter Hole B was originally identified as Trench 1. In order to not confuse it with Cerro
Huancha MV 900’s Trench 1, the name was changed to Looter Hole B.
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west profile was cut back 20 cm, resulting in an excavation area of 2.3 x 1.5 m.
Excavations revealed looters’ disturbance, leading to architectural collapse. On the east
side of the unit was a collapsed wall, constructed on bedrock, covered in a thin plaster
(Figure 9.7).
This test trench provides evidence of one occupation and insight into how Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 architectural compounds were constructed. Level 1 is made up of
disturbed, loose sediment with architectural fall, large and small rocks, and cultural
materials. Level 2 is the only identifiable occupation; sediment was more compact than
Level 1 and composed of trash and small rocks. No floor was detected. Level 3 is
construction fill .6 m deep, made up of medium and large rocks. Associated with this
construction fill is the collapsed wall on the east side of the unit constructed on bedrock.
Cultural materials were absent in the construction fill, and the profile suggests that
terraced compounds were constructed using the same method as at Cerro Huancha MV
900. Looter Hole B had the largest fill deposit encountered in any excavations. It also
had a greater density of cultural material recovered than in other excavations because it
included such a large area.

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Figure 9.7: Looter Hole B/Trench 1 West Profile, Sterile Fill and On Architectural
Base
9.2.4 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Occupation and Summary
Excavations at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 were very limited, however, test
excavations suggest the site was constructed and occupied in the LIP. This is supported
by similar masonry style to Cerro Huancha MV 900 noted on site and material culture
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(Chimu ceramics) recovered in excavations, see Chapter 10. No features were
encountered in excavation units and trenches to indicate specific activities or changes in
site use in Sector 2 during its occupation. Cerro Ramon MV 1000 may have been
occupied into the LH; however my excavations do not confirm this. The site’s
placement on a prehistoric road suggests it served as a checkpoint during the LIP but
also potentially during the LH despite lack of evidence at this time of LH occupation.
The site has defensive architectural features however its primary function at this time
cannot be determined to be defensive in nature, serving as a refuge for Collambay
residents.
The extensive investment in terrace construction documented in Looter Hole B
is likely part of building stable constructions. There is also extensive investment in
construction of walls, terracing, platforms, and structures at the site too. Does this
indicate the site was home to a permanent occupation? Again, my limited testing does
not provide conclusive evidence. However, the abundance of artifacts on the site surface
suggests the site was not a temporary refuge but may have sustained a permanent
population.
Despite the physical challenge of hiking to the site for our team, prehispanic
populations would have been more accustomed to this type of hiking. Living in the
foothills of the Andes movement between the highlands and chaupiyunga zone was
frequent among prehispanic groups. Llama trains could have provided a constant supply
of water and food. While the site is located at a relatively high elevation for the region,
residents could have easily descended to the valley floor for farming from the site.
During our brief excavations at the site, we climbed to the site in just 2.5 hours. That
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afternoon our guide descended into the Cuesta Valley to water the donkeys, returning
within a few hours. I have known Collambay community members to check on animals
grazing up on Cerro Ramon and return in the same afternoon to Collambay. While the
climb is intimidating, it is likely that prehispanic populations would have had no issue
descending into the valley from Cerro Ramon MV 1000 to work in agricultural fields or
tend animals for the day. Additionally, pack animals could carry water, food, and other
heavy items for the settlement.
Additionally, a spring has been identified close to Cerro Ramon MV 1000,
located about 500 m north of Sector 141. This may have been a suitable local water
source during the prehispanic era. Therefore, I suggest it is possible that MV 1000 had
year-round residents that were potentially working in the valley. However, further
excavations are necessary to confirm this.
9.3 Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 suggest
both sites were occupied contemporaneously in the LIP. While Cerro Huancha MV 900
is a much larger site with two occupations, Cerro Ramon MV 1000 only had a single
occupation. Radiocarbon dates and material culture confirm Cerro Huancha was
occupied during the LIP and LH. While my testing of the site was very limited I suggest
Cerro Ramon was constructed during Cerro Huancha MV 900 LIP/LH Phase II,
41
It is unclear if this spring is seasonal or has water year-round. Visiting in the tail end of the dry
season in October, it had limited water, and our donkeys were watered in the Cuesta Valley while we
were excavating.
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corresponding with the middle-late Chimú period, contemporaneous with site expansion
at Cerro Huancha MV 900.
It is clear that the two sites are closely associated, their proximity,
contemporaneous occupational history, architecture, material culture and masonry at
both indicate the two are closely tied to one another. Both Cerro Huancha MV 900 and
Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s architecture also exhibits defensive characteristics, in site
location and architectural features and are connected to the coastal-highland roadways,
with Cerro Ramon MV 1000 serving as a checkpoint on a prehistoric road that then
forces travelers to descend into the Collambay area, passing by Cerro Huancha MV
900. While there is a clear LH occupation at Cerro Huancha MV 900, at this time it is
unclear if there was an occupation at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 although assumingly the
roadway continued to be used.
9.4 Conclusion
This chapter described Cerro Ramon MV 1000 and excavations carried out in
Sector 2. This fieldwork indicates that Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV
1000 were occupied during the LIP. Chapters 9 and 10 discuss the artifact assemblage
recovered in excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 that, in
relation to previous information presented, provides a more encompassing
understanding of Collambay practices, local economy, cultural traditions and changes
that occurred through the LIP/LH.

10 Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Ceramics
This chapter presents the ceramic data recovered in excavations at Cerro
Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. Information from the ceramic
assemblage including the distribution and quantities of different functional categories
and vessel classes provides information about site activities. Discussion of local and
regional ceramic stylistic traditions provides information about interregional
relationships in Collambay. These characteristics of the ceramic assemblage enables an
understanding of site activities over time.
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 recovered a
total of 2,927 diagnostic sherds. Table 10.1 displays the distribution of the diagnostic
assemblage by parts. Rims (N=1,871) are the most frequent part of ceramic vessel
recovered, followed by diagnostic body sherds (N=934). Analysis of rim frequencies
and distribution only considers rims with 5% or more of the surface diameter present as
rim sherds with less than 5% present are more difficult to assign a vessel class (Table
5.2). Table 10.2 provides a breakdown of vessel class by the distribution of rims with
5% or greater of rim diameter present.
Ollas and jars are the most frequently recovered vessel forms in the excavated
rim assemblage at both Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (Table
5.2). These two vessel classes together make up over 50% of the Cerro Huancha MV
900 rim assemblage and nearly 50% of Cerro Ramon MV 1000 rim assemblage. Over
30% of each sites’ rim assemblage could not be assigned to a vessel class. The other
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vessel classes present at Cerro Huancha (pan, bottle, bowl etc.) at Cerro Huancha MV
900 make up less than 10% of the rim assemblage. At Cerro Ramon MV 1000 other
vessel classes make up over 15% of the rim assemblage. Excavation strategy at both
sites were significantly different, however, ollas and jars dominate both ceramic
assemblages suggesting these are the two most frequently found vessel forms in the
Collambay region.
Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s excavated ceramic assemblage (Table 10.2) is
significantly smaller than Cerro Huancha MV 900 due to the limited excavations at the
site. The recovered assemblage from Cerro Ramon MV 1000 does not indicate any
significant differences in vessel classes from those documented at Cerro Huancha MV
900. Rims from pans, ollas, bowls, jars, tinajas. A single rallador rim and miniature
vessel rim were also recovered. While no bottle spouts were recovered at Cerro Ramon
MV 1000 one undecorated black ware bottle body sherd was recovered, suggesting
bottles were present at Cerro Ramon MV 1000.
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 recovered 1,329 rims (>5% of rim
surface diameter present), from architectural compounds, see Table 10.3 and Figure
10.1. See Chapter 8 for a review of excavations in Compounds 1-6. The raw totals of
rims in Table 10.3, show that excavations in Sector 1, Compounds 1, 2, and 3 recovered
a significantly greater number of sherds than excavations in other site sectors
(N=1,228). In fact, Sector 1, Compounds 1, 2, and 3’s rim assemblage accounts for
nearly 94% of the rim assemblage from all compounds excavated. However, Compound
2 and 3’s rim assemblage (N= 1,106) makes up the majority of the entire excavated rim
assemblage at 85%. Compound 1 was included, but it was not excavated to intact
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context, which is why in Table 10.3 the rim totals column includes total rims recovered
in Compounds 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, and a separate column includes Compound 1 with other
Compounds totals. The fact that the raw count of rims in Compound 1 greatly
outnumbers the number of rims recovered in Compounds in Sectors 3 and 6 (N=122 to
81) indicate that Sector 1 has greater quantities of material culture denser than other site
sectors42. Additionally, the superficial levels at Cerro Huancha MV 900 was very dense
in material (see Section 10.6 for quantities of rims recovered from intact contexts).
Like noted previously in Table 10.2, the most frequently recovered rim forms
were olla and jars. In Sector 1 olla and jar rims each make up around 30% of each
compounds’ assemblage. This is also the case in Sector 3, Compound 5. The other
excavated compounds, Compound 4 and 6, ollas make up 22.2 and 31% of the
compounds’ rim assemblage. Jar rims make up 10% or less of the assemblage. Further
discussion of the distribution of Cerro Huancha MV 900 rims continues in the
subsequent sections.
Table 10.1: Distribution of Excavated Diagnostic Assemblage

Part MV 900 MV 1000 Totals
Body 894 40 934
Rim 1766 105 1871
Base 66 5 71
Other 22 0 22
Unknown 28 1 29
Totals 2776 151 2927
42
Sector 1 had a much denser occupation than other site sectors combined it certainly had more buildings
many of which were likely two stories.
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Table 10.2: Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Frequency by
Rims
MV 900 MV
Total*
EXC* 1000*
Vessel Class Ct % Ct % Ct %
Pan 38 2.9 7 7.3 45 3.2
Bowl 66 4.9 5 5.2 71 5
Olla 397 29.9 19 19.8 416 29.2
Jar 327 24.6 28 29.2 355 24.9
Bottle 2 0.1 0 0 2 0.1
Tinaja 14 1.1 4 4.2 18 1.3
Mold 0 0 0 0 0 0
Rallador 0 0 1 1 1 <.1
Mini 2 0.1 1 1 3 0.2
Unknown 483 36.4 31 32.3 515 36.1
Totals 1329 100 96 100 1425 100
Table 10.3: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Vessel Forms by Compound
Sector 1 Sector 3 Sector 6 Totals
Compounds All
Compounds 1 2 3 5 6 4 2,3,4,5,6 Compounds
Vessel Class Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct %
Pan 1 0.8 14 3.3 21 3.1 0 0 2 5.5 0 0 37 3.1 38 2.9
Bowl 10 8.2 23 5.5 27 3.9 1 6.3 1 2.8 1 3.5 53 4.4 63 4.7
Olla 40 32.8 135 32.2 200 29.1 5 31.2 8 22.2 9 31 357 30 397 30.3
Jar 42 34.4 116 27.7 157 22.9 4 25 2 5.6 3 10.3 282 23.8 324 24.8
Bottle 0 0 2 0.5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0.2 2 0.1
Tinaja 1 0.8 7 1.7 5 0.7 0 0 1 2.8 0 0 13 1.1 14 1.1
Mini 0 0 1 0.2 1 0.1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0.2 2 0.2
Unknown 28 23 121 28.9 276 40.2 6 37.5 22 61.1 16 55.2 441 37.2 469 35.9
Total 122 100 419 100 687 100 16 100 36 100 29 100 1187 100 1309 100
*Includes rims with 5% or more present
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Figure 10.1: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Rim Distribution by Compounds and

Functional Vessel Class
10.1 Functional and Correspondence Analysis by Sector
Functional analysis provides information about the excavated ceramic
assemblage recovered in Sectors 1, 3, and 6 (see Table 10.4). For a review of functional
analysis see Section 5.9.3. The small samples recovered in Compounds 4, 5, and 6
makes it problematic to compare with Compounds 2 and 3.
Overall, 52.9% of the recovered rim assemblage from all three sectors is
dedicated to cooking (ollas and pans). The second most frequent category represented
by the overall excavated compounds rim assemblage was the serving category (bowls
and bottles) at 39.7%. Finally, storage was the least frequently recovered category,
making up 7.4% of the assemblage. Within each excavated compound the cooking
category is always the most frequently recovered category, representing over 50% of
each sectors’ rim assemblage, Sector 1, 52.3%, Sector 3, 60.9%, and Sector 6, 71.4%
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(see Table 10.4). Comparing the serving and storage categories Sectors 3 and 6 have
similar ratios of rim frequencies. Additionally, fewer rims in Sectors’ 3 and 6 rim
assemblages are dedicated to storage than Sector 1, 30.4% and 14.3% compared to
40.3% (Table 10.4). This suggests that in Sectors 3 and 6, storage-associated activities
occurred less frequently than Sector 1. This is not surprising as Sector 6 is characterized
by funerary ceremonial architecture. Sector 3 is characterized by smaller architectural
compounds when compared to Sector 1. Features documented in excavations in Sector
3, Compound 6 suggest Sector 3 was made up of households. The few rims associated
with typical storage vessels suggests the compounds in Sector 3 were not focused on
storage activities, or if they were, was not a principal sector for storage at Cerro
Huancha MV 900.
Sector 1’s rim assemblage indicates that 52.3% of the rim assemblage is
associated with cooking, while 40.3% of the rim assemblage is related to storage. These
distributions suggest that while the remains of food preparation/cooking, serving, and
storage were found in compounds in Sectors 1 and 3, and that Sector 1 compounds were
principally dedicated to food preparation and storage activities. Excavated features in
Sector 1 include hearths, storage bins, and storage rooms. Excavations in Sector 3
documented domestic hearths but did not identify any designated storage spaces.
Excavations in Sector 6 did not include any features tied to cooking or storage activities
suggesting the rims recovered in this area form other site sectors. Despite the limited
sample size from Sectors 3 and 6, some interpretation from the material culture provides
information about the activities in the zone.

Table 10.4: Functional Categories by Compound and Sector
Sector 1 Sector 6 Sector 3
Comp Comp Comp Comp Comp All Comp Totals
Functional Category Forms
2 3 4 5 6
Ct. Ct. % Ct. % Ct. Ct. % Ct. %
Pan 14 21 0 0 2 37
Cooking 52.30% 71.40% 60.90% 52.9
Olla 135 200 9 5 8 357
Bottle 2 0 0 0 0 2
Serving 7.40% 14.30% 8.70% 7.4
Plate 23 27 1 1 1 53
Jar 116 157 3 4 2 282
Storage 40.30% 14.30% 30.40% 39.7
Tinaja 7 5 0 0 1 13
Other 1 1 0 0 0 2
NA NA NA NA
Unknown 121 276 16 6 22 441
All Rim Sherds* 419 687 29 16 36 1187
Total Rim in Functional
707 100.00% 13 100.00% 24 100.00% 744 100
Analysis
*Surface Diameter >5 % present
331
332
10.1.1 Correspondence Analysis
Correspondence analysis of the frequencies of the six functional vessel classes
(olla, pan, bowl, bottle, tinaja, jar) in Sectors 1, 3, and 6 highlights relationships
between specific vessel forms and site sectors that functional analysis does not. While
the results are not statistically significant, the correspondence analysis amplifies slight
differences between site sectors and rims of different vessel classes (Figure 10.2). See
Section 5.9.3 for a review of correspondence analysis. The large quantity of sherds in
Sector 1 (Table 10.3) compared to other site sectors prevents statistically significant
correlation between the three sectors. As a result, in Figure 10.2, Sector 1 establishes
the “normal” distribution of the three sectors, with the relative quantities of sherds of
Sectors 3 and 6 are compared to Sector 1.
The close proximity of rim sherds of ollas (6), bowls (2), jars (7), and vessel
classes to Sector 1 on the graph indicate these forms are closely associated with Sector
1. Each of these three forms, ollas, bowls, and jars, fall into one of the three functional
categories, cooking, serving, storage. Sector 1 is also associated with tinajas (9) and
pans (1), however tinajas (9) and pans (1) are also the closest vessels on the x and y axis
to Sector 3 indicating a strong correspondence between Sector 3 and tinajas and pans.
While more tinajas were recovered in Sector 1 (N=12) compared to Sector 3 (N=1) the
ratio of tinajas to the total functional rim assemblage in each sector indicates tinajas are
more often associated with Sector 3 (1 of 24 diags) than Sector 1 (12 of 709 diags). The
association of tinajas with Sector 3 is illustrative of why the correspondence analysis is

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not statistically significant. I have already discussed why Sector 3 may have fewer rims
from storage vessel classes compared to Sector 1 previously in this section. I highlight
this finding to demonstrate the issue with the disproportionate sample size from
excavations43.
Figure 10.2: Correspondence Analysis of Functional Categories in

Sectors 1, 3, and 6.
10.2 Varieties of Ollas
43
I also evaluated the relationship between rim assemblages of Compounds 3 and 6 and then Compounds
2 and 3 with correspondence analysis however the results for each test were not significant.
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Four different varieties of ollas were identified (Table 10.5 and Table 10.6) at
Cerro Huancha MV 900. See Ceramic typology in Section 5.9.2 for descriptions of olla
varieties. Not all four varieties were documented in all sectors and compounds (Table
10.5). All four varieties were documented in excavations in Sector 1, Compounds 1, 2,
3, including one complete carinated olla (Figure 10.3) and an angle-neck olla (Figure
10.4) in Compound 2. Carinated rims were not recovered in excavations in Sectors 3
and 6. The most frequent variety present in Compounds 1, 2, 3 was the angle-neck olla,
which made up between 32.5-50% of the olla rim assemblage. Following angle-neck
ollas, Compounds 2’s second most frequent variety of olla was neckless at 34.82%
followed by vertical at 110.26%. Carinated rims only made up 2.96% of the
assemblage, 4 out of 135 rims. Compound 3 had the most olla rims of all compounds
excavated. Compound 3’s distribution of olla varieties is fairly even between angle-
neck, neckless, and vertical neck varieties at 32.5%, 29.5% and 29.5%. Carinated-rim
ollas made up 5.5% of the rim assemblage.
In Sector 3, Compounds 5 and 6, and Sector 6, Compound 4, few olla rims were
recovered. The distribution of olla rims in Compound 5 follows the pattern of
Compound 3, angle-neck rims, are the most frequently variety recovered at 60% of the
olla rim assemblage, followed by neckless and vertical varieties at 20%, making up the
remaining assemblage. In Sector 6, Compound 4 neckless olla rims were the most
frequent variety recovered 44.44%, followed by vertical 33.33%, and angle-neck,
22.22%.
Overall, the distribution of ollas rims recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900
suggest that angle-neck, 37.54%, neckless, 210.47%, and vertical, 25.44%, ollas are
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found in similar frequencies, one olla variety does not dominate the excavated olla rim
assemblage. The olla rim variety frequencies also do not indicate that one olla variety
was the preferred vessel form over another at Cerro Huancha MV 900. The average
diameter of each variety is listed in 10.6. These different olla varieties may have been
used for preparing different kinds of foods, although there is limited information about
preferred olla varieties for preparing different foods, rather these olla varieties may be
connected to social identity. While angle-rimed ollas, are found throughout the coast
and highlands, carinated ollas are a typical coastal tradition associated with Chimú
culture. All carinated rims sherds recovered in excavations came from Sector 1. The
few carinated rims recovered overall suggests they may have been acquired through
trade with coastal groups. Or it may indicate that some residents in Sector 1 were
originally from the coast, and preferred to cook with a traditional olla form.
At Cerro Ramon MV 1000, three of the four olla varieties were recovered
including: angle neck (N=10), straight neck (N=7), and neckless (N=1) varieties. No
carinated ollas were recovered, and previous investigation of the site does not report the
presence of carinated rim sherds (Jochem 2007). This data suggests that carinated are a
rare form encountered in Collambay. The presence of the three other types of vessels
may be related to preparing specific dishes or personal preferences.

Table 10.5: Frequencies of Olla Varieties by Sector and Compound Cerro Huancha MV 900
Sector 1 Sector 6 Sector 3 Total
Compound 1 2 3 4 5 6
Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct %
12.
Neckless 5 47 34.82 59 29.5 4 44.44 1 20 1 12.5 117 29.47
5
Angle-neck 20 50 56 41.48 65 32.5 2 22.22 3 60 3 37.5 149 37.54
Carinated-
3 7.5 4 2.96 11 5.5 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 4.53
rim
Vertical 8 20 26 19.26 59 29.5 3 33.33 1 20 4 50 101 25.44
Unknown 4 10 2 1.48 6 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 3.02
20
Total 40 100 135 100 100 9 100 5 100 8 100 397 100
0
336
337
Table 10.6: Olla Varieties Average Vessel Rim Diameter and Standard Deviation
Olla Rim
StdDev
Varieties Diameter
Neckless 12.3 4.1
Angle neck 14.9 4
Vertical
neck 13.2 4.3
Carinated
rim 10.9 2.9
Figure 10.3: Carinated Olla
Figure 10.4: Angle Neck Olla

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10.3 Storage Vessels
As has been noted in previous sections (Sections 7.15 and 10.1), there is little
evidence of extensive storage vessels in the surface collection rim assemblage and
excavated rim assemblage. A large, in situ storage vessel was discovered in Sector 1,
Compound 3 in excavations, corresponding to LIP/LH Phase 1, however it is unclear
whether it was an open-mouth or closed-mouth vessel. No other vessel was recovered
during the project that was comparable in size to this large vessel. Only fourteen tinaja
rims, all undecorated, were recovered in excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 (Table
10.4). While this in part, is not completely unexpected, fewer tinajas would be expected
at both Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 because such large vessels
have such “low rates of breakage and replacement,” (Ringberg 2012, 227), especially in
comparison to a vessel used much more frequently such as an olla. There still appears to
be a general shortage of these vessel forms however. Which, is why I suggest that at
both sites residents may have used alternate storage strategies, repurposing other vessel
forms for their storage needs. This point is supported by the small, storage room that
was excavated in Sector 1, Compound 2 which held a variety of broken vessels but did
not include any tinajas, rather it included ollas and jars. The absence of tinaja rims in
the rim assemblage has to be considered when reconstructing Collambay subsistence
strategies and available resources to understand local practices.

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10.4 Other Assemblage Highlights
Briefly I highlight other aspects of the diagnostic ceramic assemblage from
Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. Ralladors, miniature vessels, and
musical instruments were also recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900. All three forms
were recovered in Sector 1, Compounds 1, 2, and 3. A fragment of a flute (Figure 10.5)
and an unidentified utilitarian ware ceramic instrument was recovered in close
proximity to one another. Two rims from plain ware miniature vessels were recovered
in Sector 1, one in Compound 2, the other in Compound 3.
Ralladors (N=4) were recovered in excavations in Sector 1, Compounds 1, 2,
and 344. The distribution of rallador rims suggests that production activities associated
with this vessel form was limited to specific site areas (Figure 5.15). Excavations
indicate that ralladors are found in low densities in context, perhaps each household or
compound possessed only one or two of this vessel type.
A highlight of the Cerro Ramon MV 1000 assemblage was four high ring base
bowl base fragments recovered in surface collection, all from the same architectural
compound adjacent to Unit 1 (Figure 10.6). These ring base bowls were in the best
condition/most complete of the high ring bases recovered during the project. Two of the
ring base bowls had small holes drilled in the base on either side, possibly as part of
repair or to be used for hanging for storage or transporting vessels (Figure 10.7). The
interior of two of the bases were painted the orange and red-purple color, typical,
Collambay style, see Section 10.5.
44
Surface collection recovered ralladors in Sectors 1, 4, 5, and 10.
340
Figure 10.5: Flute
Figure 10.6: High Ring base bowl from Cerro Ramon MV 1000
Figure 10.7: High Ring base bowl from Cerro Ramon MV 1000
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10.5 Regional Influences and Local Trends
Analysis of the ceramic assemblages indicates that vessel classes in Collambay
have stylistic similarities to documented ceramic assemblages on the highlands and
coast, in addition to similarities in vessel forms. Decorative styles documented on
vessels in Collambay include unique, local traditions and decoration styles associated
with regional traditions from the highlands and the coast.
10.5.1 Local Collambay Style
Several stylistic characteristics were noted in the studied ceramic assemblages
that are determined to be of local tradition. A painted red band is commonly found on
the interior and exterior of rim and necks at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon
MV 1000. Often a second band is directly below the red band, painted in purple or
orange (Figure 10.7).45 This band has also been identified on the body of ollas, jars, and
bowls (Figure 10.8) and a variety of different types of surface treatments including
vessels with untreated surfaces to highly polished fine ware vessels (Figure 10.9). The
painting is typically sloppily executed. When it is evenly applied it is on a fine ware
vessel, such as a polished bowl. This decoration style is found exclusively on plain ware
vessels; it was not noted on any black ware vessels.
Another noted local motif found on body sherds is a circle design in purple or
red with an orange dot on the interior (Figure 10.10). This is also sloppily applied. Body
45
Jochem 2007 identifies this stripe as Highland Style Phase 4 from Huamachuco (T. Topic and J. Topic
1982). See my discussion of Phase 4 vs Collambay style in Section 10.5.2.
342
sherds noted with this motif have untreated surfaces and appear to be storage vessels.
Both of these painted, decorative trends I refer to as Collambay style or local style. This
decorative tradition however is similar to that reported in the Otuzco/Upper Moche
Area by the Topics (1982), see further discussion in Section 10.5.2.
Figure 10.7: Collambay Style Red Band on Rim with Cream paint on interior of
neck
Figure 10.8: Collambay Style band on exterior of fine ware vessel
Figure 10.9: Collambay style with double band on interior of Jar rim
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Figure 10.10: Collambay style with circle
10.5.2 La Libertad Highland Influences and Shared Characteristics
The Collambay ceramic assemblage shares some characteristics with La
Libertad highland ceramic traditions in both form and decoration. Collambay LIP/LH
ceramics include everted jar forms and some decorative elements that are described for
the La Libertad highland region and Lomo Shingo in the Upper Moche Valley
(Coupland 1979; Melly 1983; T. Topic and J. Topic 1982). Initially I believed
Collambay had a similar decorative style to that reported in the Alto Chicama Valley
and Huamachuco region (Krzanowski 2006; McCown 1945; Thatcher 1972). After
visiting the Phoebe Hearst Peabody Museum at UC Berkeley in January 2015 and
examining ceramics from the Max Uhle and John P. Thatcher collections from the
Huamachuco region I realize that Collambay region has a unique decorative style
distinct from that reported for the Alto Chicama and Huamachuco region. It does,
however have a similar decorative technique and motifs to ceramics reported from the
344
Otuzco/Upper Moche area (T. Topic and J. Topic 1982). While I have not seen any of
these ceramics in person, their description and drawings appear very similar.
The Topics’ Fortification Project in the Otuzco/Upper Moche area produced a
ceramic sequence based on surface collection in the middle and upper Moche and Virú
valleys. Relying on the Topics’ descriptions I note several similarities and differences
between ceramic assemblages in the Otuzco/Upper Moche and Collambay regions for
the LIP/LH periods. Phase 4 in the Topics’ ceramic sequence corresponds to the
LIP/LH periods. The phase is characterized by fairly uniform ceramics. Three forms the
Topics describe are: large jars with flaring necks, jars with incurving necks, and bowls
with round colander cut-outs (T. Topic and J. Topic 1982, 16). Both varieties of jars
described for the Otuzco/Upper Moche area are present in Collambay. Bowls with
round colander cut-outs may be the same form to what I refer to as “pans” are also
present in Collambay, however, there are no cut-outs on the vessel as is described for
this variety of the form in the Otuzco/Upper Moche region, no drawings of this form are
available to compare.
The Topics also describe the incurving neck jars as often having oval lugs on the
rim lip exterior (1982, 16). Oval lugs were encountered in the Collambay assemblage,
however, none were found attached to the rim exterior, nor did any rim appear to be
missing such an applique. Lugs were, however, commonly found on necks, a trait also
present in coastal assemblages. They also report the occasional presence of caolin
sherds in the region, a characteristic of the Middle Horizon period, however, I did not
encounter any caolin sherds at Cerro Huancha MV 900 or Cerro Ramon MV 1000.
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Everted jars are the only vessel form in Phase 4 that may be painted. These jars
are described as commonly having a thick red paint band or a thick orange band on the
interior or exterior of everted jar rims. The paint may be black and orange, and in all
cases is described as unevenly applied (1982, 16). While this does sound similar to the
Collambay style (Section 10.5.1), no black bands were encountered in Collambay, and
the Collambay style is found on additional vessel types in addition to everted jars.
Therefore, while there are similarities between Phase 4 and Collambay decorative
traditions there are noted differences.
Everted jars, like those described for Otuzco/Upper Moche Valley, are present
in Collambay, and are also a common vessel form found in the northern highlands
including the Huamachuco region and Alto Chicama valley. However, there have been
few studies of the Huamachuco and Alto Chicama region which has resulted in limited
information about the ceramics from the area. In fact, the few publications on the region
continuously publish photos of the Max Uhle collection collected in the early 20th
century which is now housed at the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum at the University of
California, Berkeley46. Photos and drawings of two vessels from Uhle’s collection
reportedly from the site of Marcahuamachuco: Jar 12/Hearst Specimen #4-3544 and
Hearst Specimen #4-3541 (Figure 10.11) are published in works by Krzanowski (2006,
Fig 0-16e), Thatcher (1972, Fig 51, Fig 52), and McCown (1945, Plates 20 l, m). From
these publications these two vessels appear to have painted motifs that somewhat
resemble the motifs I recorded in the Collambay assemblage. There is no published
46
An exception to this is Krzanowski’s (2006) survey of the Alto Chicama Valley which includes many
rim profile drawings, but also includes drawings of vessels from the Uhle collection.
346
information on the frequency that this decoration style is noted or if it is found on a
variety of vessel forms in the Huamachuco region. My visit to the Phoebe A. Hearst
Museum enabled me to compare styles between the jars from the Uhle collection and
Collambay style. From this experience I am able to determine while there are general
similarities between the decorative techniques, the styles are distinct and do not appear
related.
For one, the painting on the exterior of the Uhle vessels was executed differently
than in Collambay. Jar 12/#4-3544 is a small jar and does not have any apparent surface
treatment. Hearst Accession #4-3541 is a slipped, fine ware jar. Its neck is shorter than
#4-3544. Both vessels have rounded bodies, and no evidence of use wear. Today both
vessels have holes in their bodies and slightly damaged rims. Both vessels originally
had applique lugs on their shoulders, the #4-3541 is missing its applique lugs, while #4-
3544 “nub” appliques are intact.
The exterior of both vessels’ rims are painted, while the interior is not. The
painted motifs on Specimen #4-3541 (Figure 10.11) are much more complex than #4-
3544. The body of the vessel is divided into sections by sloppy vertical lines and a
horizontal line around the neck. Within each section are motifs consisting of a series of
dots and spirals in purple and red. The other motif (Figure 10.11) is much simpler. The
vessel has a horizontal, purple stripe around the neck. Two large, purple painted circles
on either side of the vessel, that extend from nearly the base to the neck and also
encircles the nub applique. Inside the circle is a smaller, orange circle.
These motifs are quite different from what I described in Section 10.5.1 as Collambay
style. Collambay style is not found on the base of the neck of a vessel, nor did I
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encountered any sherds that had a combination of vertical and horizontal bands with
circle motifs. In fact, over three days of examining sherds from Uhle and McCown’s
collections from Huamachuco I did not encounter any with Collambay style.
A typical decorative tradition of the Alto Chicama and Huamachuco areas is
Huamachuco Impressed (Krzanowski 1986 and 2006), characterized by a row of small
punctuate circles typically found on a raised collar at the base of the neck of a vessel.
Criss-cross incisions are often found between the circles. Only two sherds at Cerro
Huancha MV 900 were found with Huamachuco Impressed. No sherds at Cerro Ramon
MV 1000 were recovered with Huamachuco Impressed. While typical jar forms from
Huamachuco are present in Collambay, decorative motifs and techniques in Collambay
are distinct.
Collambay’s ceramic collection shares the everted jar form known in the
northern highland regions. However, Collambay style appears to be a local tradition.
The presence of Huamachuco impressed style at Cerro Huancha MV 900 suggests that
Collambay residents were in contact with the Alto Chicama and Huamachuco areas;
however, few Huamachuco-trait sherds were recovered in Collambay compared to the
much higher frequencies of Chimú ceramic traditions (see next section), and local
Collambay styles. Collambay ceramics have greater similarities in decoration styles
with their upper tributary neighbors in the Otuzco region/Upper Moche Valley than
with the Alto Chicama and Huamachuco region. This is not surprising given their close
proximity and the road network of the chaupiyunga in the Upper Moche tributaries.
Collambay retains unique stylistic tradition, as a much larger range of vessel forms are
painted in local style than reported in the Otuzco region. Also, few neckless ollas are
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reported in Otuzco/Upper Moche Valley while in Collambay they are encountered
frequently.
A final shared tradition with the highlands is that in Collambay, a potential
version of the highland vessel form, colander in the form of pans or tostaderos is
present. Colanders are a form typically only found in the highlands and not reported on
the coast (Isbell 1977; Lau 2010; Toohey 2009). Ringberg’s study of an EIP highland
colony in the middle Moche Valley also reports the presence of the colander (2012,
166). However, these studies also report the colander to have cutouts (Lau 2010, 172-
173; Toohey 2009, 383; T. Topic and J. Topic 1982, 16), colanders/pans identified in
Collambay did not have cutouts.
Regional ceramic traditions from the Otuzco/Upper Moche Valley and
Huamachuco/Alto Chicama Valley are present in Collambay. Highly everted jars are a
common tradition in all three regions. Another highland vessel form that is reported in
the highlands that Collambay has is the colander. Colanders, tostaderos, or pans are a
vessel form typically found only in the highlands and not reported on the coast (Isbell
1977; Lau 2010; Toohey 2012).

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Source: Courtesy of the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum, University of California, Berkeley.

Figure 10.11: #4-3544 (left) and #4-3541 (right) Vessels from Max Uhle
Marcahuamachuco Collection, Hearst Collection.
10.5.3 Coastal Influences and Shared Characteristics
Proximity to the coast itself suggests coastal influences on Collambay’s ceramic
assemblages’ forms and styles. While the presence of Chimú style ceramics has
previously been mentioned (Section 7.19 and Section 10.1.2), I describe its influence in
more detail in this section. A ceramic form reported in coastal assemblages, including
Chimú sites, that is not found in the highlands is the rallador. What this vessel form
was used for is not understood, however it is not reported in highland assemblages.
Multiple rallador body sherds were recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and a single
rim recovered at Cerro Ramon MV 1000. Other coastal LIP vessel forms and decorative
350
motifs produced by press-molds and paddle-stamping were recovered at Cerro Huancha
MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. Collambay’s ceramic assemblage includes Chimú
forms and styles and Casma style motifs as well. However, of coastal styles, Chimú
traditions are undoubtedly the most frequently encountered in the ceramic assemblage.
Chimú ceramics were likely obtained through trade, perhaps were imported by Chimú
residents living in Collambay, and local imitation of Chimú style ceramics were made
in Collambay. It appears that locals were producing their own designs of press-mold
and paddle-stamped vessels as I encountered several Chimú style motifs that are not
reported elsewhere (Figure 10.12 and Figure 10.13)47.
Chimú ceramics are known for certain attributes and vessel forms, including
black ware vessels, carinated ollas, mass-produced utilitarian bowls, and press-mold
and paddle-stamped motifs (Donnan and Mackey 1978; Keatinge 1973; J. Topic 1976).
All of these attributes and vessel forms are found in Collambay at Cerro Huancha MV
900. About one-sixth of the Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000
diagnostic ceramic assemblages were black ware vessels, a coastal tradition. Another
attribute of Chimú vessels is that some plain ware forms are described as having
sloppily applied white paint around the collar and exterior of the rim. A single example
of this was recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900.
Classic Chimú press-mold plain ware and black ware sherds are found at Cerro
Huancha MV 900. Carinated rim ollas have been recovered in excavations in Sector 1,
see Section 10.1.1. The Chimú were known for vessels made from molds, including
47
The possibility of local Collambay elites emulating Chimú styles was first suggested by Carol Mackey
after I shared several photos of press-mold designs from Cerro Huancha MV 900 (pers comm 2014).
351
jars, ollas, bottles, and bowls. Mold-made vessels of these forms are present at Cerro
Huancha MV 900. At Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 both plain
ware and black ware sherds with press-mold and paddle-stamped motifs are commonly
found. The most frequently encountered design is piel de ganso or goose skin, which are
raised bumps of various sizes (Figure 10.14). The other typical coastal press-mold
designs include raised lines forming triangles with zoomorphic or anthropomorphic
figures inside the triangle. Occasionally, animal appliques were found that were an
adorno on a bottle or jar, also common on Chimú vessels, Figure 10.15 (Donnan and
Mackey 1978). Another coastal tradition in Collambay is from the Casma stylistic
tradition, south of the Moche Valley. Collambay has a press-mold design that resembles
the incised/impressed circle-and-dot stamped design (Figure 10.16) that was recently
reported on molds at El Purgatorio in the Casma Valley (Vogel 2011, Figure 13).
However, Chimú piel de ganso and local press-mold designs are more frequently
encountered on sherds than the Casma circle-and-dot design.
Figure 10.12: Chimú style and local emulation of Chimú style

352
Figure 10.13: Local press-mold design with red slip
Figure 10.14: Chimú piel de ganso
Figure 10.15: Chimú Style

353
Figure 10.16: Circle-and-Dot design
10.5.4 Ceramic Production or Exchange
Without a clay survey in the Collambay region and petrographic study is it not
possible to determine which Chimú style ceramics were imported and which were
locally produced in Collambay. Ceramic production may have occurred at Cerro
Huancha MV 900 during the LIP and/or LH periods. Surface collection did recover two
molds in Sector 5. If ceramic production did occur it took place in a site sector that was
not excavated, as no evidence for ceramic production was recovered in excavations. The
presence of unique press-molded and paddle-stamped designs suggests that ceramics
were produced locally as well as received in exchange with Chimú elites.
It is clear that Collambay residents had access to Chimú ceramics that were
likely obtained by trade. It is possible that Chimú people did reside in Collambay,
perhaps intermarrying with local elites, although if they did they used local ceramics as
well since neither surface collection or excavations recovered contexts with only Chimú
style ceramic assemblages. The presence of ceramics emulating Chimú styles suggests
that Chimú ceramics may have been associated with prestige and political power in
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Collambay. The significance of the different types of Chimú vessels also indicates an
ongoing exchange relationship between Collambay and the Chimú, this is also indicated
by temporal data, see Section 10.6. Collambay admired Chimú style but also created
unique variations of Chimú style suggesting they did this independently of Chimú
control. The relationship with the Casma polity and ceramic styles I s unclear at this
time and could have been introduced to the region through Chimú exchange networks.
The presence of highland vessel forms and stylistic traditions also suggests trade
and affiliation with highland groups. Collambay’s local tradition of colored bands on
the interior and exterior of rims has similarities to the Otuzco/Upper Moche area
however as previously discussed Collambay has its own variation. This design is found
on an extended range of vessel classes. However, highland style vessel forms are
present in Collambay. It seems likely that these vessels were made in Collambay and
obtained through exchange. The parallels to highland traditions suggests affiliation with
the highlands, although whether this extends to political affiliation it is unclear, as there
is such a strong influence of Chimú ceramic styles in Collambay.
10.6 Temporal Trends: Collambay Ceramics Over time
Following discussion of overall distribution of vessel forms and stylistic
characteristics of the assemblage this section focuses on the ceramic assemblage
recovered from excavations and reviews trends identifiable by occupations and phases.
In Section 8.6.1, I presented the sediment volume and density of ceramics recovered in
each phase from Cerro Huancha MV 900. The data (Table 8.2) demonstrates that the
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majority of excavated sediment from intact contexts were in LIP/LH Phase 2 and 3.
Table 10.7 presents the sherd density for each occupation, including both diagnostic and
non-diagnostic sherds. While a total of 1,766 rims were recovered in excavations only
790 rims came from contexts that could definitively be associated with an occupational
phase (Table 10.8). The Salinar occupation and LIP/LH Phase 1 recovered very few
rims and other material culture, making characterization of these periods limited.
Table 10.7: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Rim Frequencies by Occupation and Phase
Phase Total Sherds m3 Sherds/M3
Salinar 374 0.8 467
LIP/LH Phase 1 1103 1.2 919.2
LIP/LH Phase 2 8473 5.7 1486.5
LIP/LH Phase 3 8930 8.9 1003.3
All Occupations 18880 16.6 1137.4
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Table 10.8: Cerro Huancha MV 900 Rim Assemblage by Occupation/Phase
LIP/LH LIP/LH LIP/LH

Occupation/ Salinar Total
Phase 1 Phase 2 Phase 3
Phase
Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct % Ct %
Pan 0 0 1 1.4 10 3.9 16 3.7 27 3.4
Olla 25 86.2 37 51.4 67 26.2 117 27 246 31.1
Bottle 0 0 0 0 1 0.4 0 0 1 0.1
Bowl 1 3.5 2 2.8 6 2.3 19 4.4 28 3.5
Jar 0 0 14 19.4 35 13.7 131 30.2 180 22.8
Tinaja 0 0 0 0 7 2.7 3 0.7 10 1.3
Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0.5 2 0.3
Unidentified 3 10.3 18 25 130 50.8 145 33.5 296 37.5
Total 29 100 72 100 256 100 433 100 790 100
10.6.1 Salinar
Excavations documenting the Salinar phase at Cerro Huancha MV 900 were
limited to Sector 1 in the upper patio of Compound 3, Units 1 and 2, and Compound 2,
Unit 5. The recovered rim assemblage is very small (N=29). The rim assemblage,
however, is dominated by ollas, 23 of the 25 ollas were neckless. The only other
identifiable form was a bowl. The majority of these ollas came from a context
associated with a small hearth and ash dump, Features 2.11 and 2.12 in Compound 2.
This assemblage and associated feature indicates that this Salinar context included
cooking activities. Neckless olla rims are often thickened and raised occasionally with
incision designs like those that have been reported at other Salinar sites (Brennan 1980
and 1982; Briceño and Billman 2012; Mujica 1975).

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10.6.2 LIP/LH Phase 1
LIP/LH Phase 1 has been identified only in the upper patio of Compound 3 in
association with the large storage vessel in situ, Feature 3.13 (Section 8.2, Figure 8.6
and Figure 8.7). The majority of the rim assemblage associated with this phase are
cooking-related forms, including 37 ollas (24 neckless) and one pan (Table 10.8). A
total of 14 jars make up the reminder of the rim assemblage assigned to a vessel class.
As the only identification of a LIP/LH Phase 1 contexts potential interpretation of
general trends associated with this phase are not possible. However, the ceramic
assemblage recovered in association with the large storage vessel suggests that ollas
may have secondarily been used as storage vessels in this space or perhaps the space
served as a trash deposit. Collambay style painted bands are found on the interior and
exterior of rims on bowls and ollas in this phase. A Huamachuco impressed sherd was
also recovered. no Chimú carinated rims were recovered in LIP/LH Phase 1 contexts.
However, a fragment of a Chimú base bowl with piel de ganso as well as other press-
mold motifs on black ware body sherds were recovered.
LIP/LH Phase 2’s ceramic assemblage is characterized by a greater variety of
vessel forms compared to the previous phase. Bowl rims appear more frequently as do
tinajas. In fact, the majority of tinajas recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 are from
LIP/LH Phase 2 contexts (Table 10.8). Carinated ollas appear for the first time in
LIP/LH Phase 2, as do bowl ring bases (both low and high), and a new shape of jar
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base, the egg-shape. All three of these varieties were documented in excavations in
Sector 1 and they are also present in Phase 348.
A new shape of jar base, the egg-shaped base, appears for the first time in Phase
2 (Figure 10.17). This form is similar to Chimú jars documented at San Jose de Moro in
the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2008, Figure 18a-c). This base form was recovered
only from Cerro Huancha Sector 1 in Phases 2 and 3.
A very early highland tradition is potentially revived in the LIP/LH Phase 2 in
Collambay. An applique in the shape of a triangle is found on rims of several vessel
classes, including bowl and jars as well as unidentified forms (Figure 10.18). A similar
applique design is reported in the Alto Chicama and Huamachuco region corresponding
to the Early Horizon period (Krzanowski 2006, Figures 53-2 5, 6). Of course, this
attribute on Collambay ceramics could be a completely independent development of the
earlier tradition reported in the highlands. Coastal ceramic influences are prevalent
during Phase 2 with black ware appearing more frequently than Phase 1. Typical Chimú
and local style press-mold and paddle stamped motifs continue to be present.
Finally, LIP/LH Phase 2 excavations also documented a new secondary use
practice with ollas and jars. Olla and jar vessels are cut in half and the bases were
reused in production activities in Compounds 2 and 3 leaving the interiors of these
vessels are charred with residue49 (Figure 10.19).
48
No carinated rim ollas or egg base jars have been recovered at Cerro Ramon MV 1000, although high
and low ring base bowls were recovered in surface collection. Surface collection at Cerro Huancha MV
900 also ring bases.
49
Not all vessels with evidence of burning on the interior had metal residue as Figure 10.19 does
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Phase 2 is characterized by the introduction of new vessel forms at the site, a
more diverse ceramic assemblage is present than Phase 1. This also includes new and
old decorative elements that suggests continuity with Phase 1, Chimú-style and
Collambay diagnostics are present in Phase 2, like Phase 1. But new varieties of vessel
forms appear, carinated rim ollas, a new variety of jar base, the egg-shape is introduced,
as are bowl ring bases.
Direct evidence of new production activities occurring in Sector 1 are supported
by the presence of the charred interiors of halved jars and ollas indicating secondary use
in some type of production activity. This coincides with new architecture being built in
site sectors at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and remodeling and construction of new
architecture in Compound 3. This information, in consideration of the previously
described industrial-size hearths in Compound 3 demonstrates a shift of new production
activities in association with the remodeling of Compound 3. These new production
activities are suggested to be tied to larger political processes in the region.
Figure 10.17: Egg-Shaped base

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Figure 10.18: Triangle-applique on rim
Figure 10.19: Charred residue on interior of vessel
LIP/LH Phase 3 coincides with the Inca takeover of the north coast in 1470.
Compared to Phase 2, Phase 3 maintains the same diversity in vessel forms. LIP/LH
Phase 3 has the largest rim assemblage of all phases (N=433), (Table 10.8). This
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includes egg-shaped jar bases and triangle-shaped appliques on rims, Collambay style,
and Chimú press-mold and paddle-stamped designs. Significant shifts in the ceramic
assemblage of Phase 3 are the presence of Inca-associated ceramic forms and a new
focus on storage activities in Sector 1, Compounds 2 and 3. This shift from production
to storage in Sector 1 leads to jar rims outnumbering olla rims for the first time in Phase
3.
Excavations in the LIP/LH Phase 3 included a storage room, which contained
many vessels. The assemblage also includes the only two musical instrument fragments
recovered during the project, including a fragment of a ceramic flute from Sector 1,
Compound 2, Unit 5 (previously described in Section 10.4). During LIP/LH Phase 3 for
the first time, jar rims (N=131) outnumber olla rims (N=117). The storage room
excavated with vessels, Compound 2, Unit 9, had a MNV of 78 vessels. The storage
room assemblage included ollas, jars, bowls and unidentified vessels. All four varieties
of ollas were recovered, vertical neck, angle neck, neckless ollas, and carinated. The
absence of tinajas in the storage room, could lead to the interpretation that this was a
trash dump, however, I argue that this space served as a storage space.
A new painting style appears in Phase 3. Some utilitarian plain ware vessels are
slipped grayish black. The paint has an unusual texture, not the typical pigmented slip
which made the vessel look like a black ware vessel from a distance (Figure 10.20).
Many body sherds were recovered with this gray-black slip. The painting has a metallic
sheen not to be confused with burnishing. Few vessels were found with this gray-black
slip compared to the typical Collambay bands of orange, red and purple, however, those
that were all corresponded to the LIP/LH Phase 3.

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Other new ceramic styles in Phase 3 are Late Horizon vessel attributes. Several
Chimú-Ina vessel forms were documented in Compounds 2 and 3, including the adorno
(applique) of a bird for a stirrup spout bottle or jar (Donnan and Mackey 1978, 360),
Figure 10.21. Also, a figurine like Mackey reports at Farfan, was found on the surface
of Compound 2 (2010, Figure 10.13), Figure 10.22. A Late Horizon bottle rim was
recovered as were wide strap handles (Figure 10.23 and Figure 10.24), which have been
characterized as Chimú-Inca traits (Mackey 2003). One imperial Inca style aryballoid
sherd was recovered during surface collection (Figure. 7.6).
The diversity of ceramic forms and decoration styles reported in LIP/LH Phase 2
is also present in Phase 3 at Cerro Huancha MV 900. The big change documented in the
ceramic assemblage is a higher frequency of jar rims, new decorative elements
incorporated into the assemblage, and adoption of some Late Horizon vessel forms.
Phase 3’s ceramic assemblage suggests there is a new emphasis of storage in Sector 1,
which is also documented in remodeling of architecture, and it is likely this shift is tied
to larger political processes as the Inca state assumed control over Collambay.
The Inca were known for strategically moving subject groups throughout their
empire as a means of control. If a new group had been moved to Cerro Huancha MV
900, like a mitmaq colony or perhaps a military unit, new ceramic forms and styles
would be expected to be part of the LIP/LH Phase 3 ceramic assemblage. The presence
and location of gray-black slipped jars on site does not indicate a new population has
moved into the zone as the rest of the ceramic assemblage remains consistent from
Phase 2 to Phase 3. New Chimú-Inca forms were adopted; this is not surprising given
the plethora of Chimú-associated ceramics present in the Collambay region during the
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LIP. Phase 2 vessel forms and Collambay decorative traditions continued to be used in
Phase 3 suggesting that the same population who occupied Cerro Huancha MV 900
during the LIP remained at the site during the LH.
The ceramic assemblage in LIP/LH Phase 3 maintains many traditions from the
previous period, including incorporation of coastal Chimú influence and local traditions.
While LH ceramic forms were added to the existing ceramic assemblage, there were
minimal shifts, suggesting that the same population remained at Cerro Huancha MV
900 during the LH.
Figure 10.20 Late Horizon Gray-Black slip on jar neck
Figure 10.21 Chimú-Inca Bird Adorno

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Figure 10.22: Chimú-Inca Figurine
Figure 10.23: Late Horizon Jar

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Figure 10.24: Chimú-Inca Olla with wide-strap handle and piel de ganso
10.7 Discussion and Conclusion
This chapter has provided an overview of the excavated ceramic assemblages
recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000. This discussion
demonstrates that the ceramic assemblages at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 have similar vessel forms and decorative motifs, confirming close
association. Functional analysis comparing excavated collections from Sectors 1, 3, and
6 at Cerro Huancha MV 900 highlighted that Sectors 1 and 3 are areas where similar
activities took place.
Sector 1 is an area of dense agglutinated rooms on a series of terraces where
elite households were located. The extreme difference in ceramic densities between
Sector 1 and other site sectors suggests this was a place of concentrated activity and
perhaps where the majority of production activities took place at Cerro Huancha MV
900. Sector 1’s ceramic assemblage provides a baseline for determining trends and
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change in the ceramic assemblage over time, as this was the only site sector with a
documented Salinar and LIP/LH Phases 1-3 occupations.
Evaluating ceramic trends at Cerro Huancha MV 900 over time, more types of
ceramic vessel forms appear. Early Salinar period occupation and the LIP/LH 1
assemblages are dominated by cooking vessels; however, later periods include more
vessel forms, indicating a greater range of activities occurring in site sectors. Finally,
LIP/LH Phase 3 jars outnumber ollas as storage takes on a more prominent role in
Sector 1.
The ceramic assemblage forms and decoration indicate some connection to the
coast and the Chimú culture, as well as to the La Libertad highlands, in particular, the
Otuzco region/Upper Moche Valley. This indicates interregional interaction between
Collambay residents and coastal and highland groups, and the adoption of ceramic
forms and styles and their incorporation into Collambay daily life is not independent of
sociocultural, political, and economic interactions between these groups. However,
despite the adoption of outside ceramic forms and designs, Collambay maintains its
own unique traditions, suggesting maintenance of independence from complete
influence of these outside groups.
In Chapter 11 I continue discussion of artifacts recovered from excavations that
inform about ritual practices, subsistence trends, local production activities at
Collambay over time. I continue to evaluate Collambay’s influences from other regions
well as its own local traditions to understand consistencies and changes during the LIP
and LH.
11 Other Artifact Classes
Other classes of material culture recovered during excavations provides
information about the cultural behaviors of residents at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and
Cerro Ramon MV 1000 over time, including production and consumption activities.
Analysis of fauna and shell remains, human remains, and spinning tools provide
information about subsistence trends and activities on site and information about
residents’ access to resources from outside of the chaupiyunga zone. See Section 5.10
for a review of methods and associated Appendices A, B, C, D. This material culture in
addition to features documented in excavations provide information about ritual
behaviors and community practices. I consider the data recovered in Collambay along
what has been documented in other cases studies.
11.1 Interregional Exchange and Subsistence: Fauna and Shell
The chaupiyunga zone is a well-documented place of exchange between local
and non-local groups. For north coast specialist communities, exchange and
redistribution were ways to access food resources. Chimú state infrastructure regulated
this exchange and redistribution in the Chimú heartland (J. Topic 2003), however the
means of which this occurred in the heartland and outside of it still remains debated
(Moore 1989; Netherly 1984 and 1990; Rostworowski 2004). Netherly suggests that on
the north coast during the period of Inca rule, local lords continued to use the exchange
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368
network that was in place prior to the Inca, unless they had been relocated by the Inca
state as a mitmaq colony (1977).
Direct evidence of a new population moving into the Sinsicap Valley in the LIP
and LH was not recovered in excavations. Material culture styles remain consistent
during the LIP-LH suggesting that Cerro Huancha MV 900 residents remained at Cerro
Huancha MV 900. An exchange relationship between coastal groups and the Collambay
community is indicated by the presence of marine resources at Cerro Huancha MV 900
found in association of both EIP and LIP/LH occupations. During the LIP/LH,
Collambay may have acquired marine resources through a formal exchange network
with the Chimú state or on a more informal basis through local lords. Exchange for
marine resources continued during the Inca period as well, demonstrating that
chaupiyunga populations were involved in interregional exchange networks.
Based on analysis of faunal and shell remains recovered at Cerro Huancha MV
900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000, it is apparent that subsistence patterns included local
wild resources and domesticated species, and the population had access to limited
marine resources (Table 11.1). The sample of faunal remains analyzed is too small to
make statistical inferences however it does however provide preliminary information
about local and non-local resources available to Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 residents. As discussed in Chapter 10, ceramic styles and forms
indicate that Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 were both part of the
Collambay polity. Communication from each site likely occurred on a daily basis,
suggesting they likely had access to the same resources in the local economy. The close
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association of these two sites allows me to consider all of the species identified in the
analyzed assemblage as representative for both sites.
The fauna and malacological assemblages include diverse taxa from different
ecological niches, suggesting Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000
accessed resources through exchange. Collambay residents consumed wild animals
native to the region, including white-tailed deer, crayfish, small river crabs, toad, and
owl. Not surprisingly, domesticated llama and guinea pig are well represented in the
fauna sample studied, making up 23.7% of the NISP fauna assemblage. It is likely that
the specimens identified as family muridae, are also guinea pigs. Considering, this
additional 141 NISP (Table 11.1), then domesticated guinea pig and llamas made up
40.7% of the studied fauna assemblage.
Marine resources made up 2.52% of the fauna NISP and included
Shark/Selachimorpha, varieties of Croaker/Sciaena deliciosa and Sciaena sp.,
Sardine/Sardinops sagax, and other unidentified marine fish species. Otoliths and fish
vertebrae were recovered, suggesting entire fish were consumed. Cormorant, a large
marine bird, was also recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900.
Other marine resources, including shellfish, were also documented in the study
assemblage in very small quantities. Of the shell and shellfish assemblage (NISP =
6,374 and MNI =1976), 94.72% is terrestrial and dominated by lands nails. Lands nails
are likely overrepresented in the assemblage (see Section 5.3). Marine species present
make up 5.28% of the sample assemblage, 2% were marine shell, and 3.2% familia
xanthidae, a crab commonly found on the Moche Valley coast. The most frequent
marine shell recovered was Donax obesulus. Two species make up the majority of land
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snail species: Scutalus chiletensis granulatus, 74.79% (NISP) of study assemblage, and
Bostryx turritus turritus, 10.57% (NISP) of the assemblage. Live lands nails were
frequently encountered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 when fallen masonry was cleared at
the beginning of the project at the end of the wet season. While one Collambay
community member collected lands nails to take home to consume,50 the amount of
labor investment in collecting lands nails does not produce a worthwhile return in
calories gained (Billman, pers comm; see Galvez Mora et al. 1993 for an alternative
view). Lands nails were likely incorporated into Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 diet occasionally.
The marine resources identified were consumed as foodstuffs, used in ritual
activities, and production activities, like bead making. Shell beads, in addition to stone
and ceramic beads, were recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 (Figure 11.1). One
fragment of spondylus shell, a highly valued, rare shell from the Tumbes region of Peru
was also recovered. Animal long bones were transformed into tools as well (see Section
11.3). A large portion of the analyzed shell from Cerro Huancha MV 900, 94.72%, is
made up of land snail species potentially invasive to the archaeological context.
The limited analysis of Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000’s
faunal remains suggest that Collambay residents had access to the same resources.
There is no indication at this time if elites had access to different resources or more
marine resources than non-elites during the LIP/LH occupations in Collambay. Marine
resources, including fish and shell, were identified in Sectors 1 and 3. Llama and guinea
50
The informant claimed she enjoyed lands nails with rice.
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pig, two domesticates that likely made up a substantial part of protein sources for
Collambay area residents, were identified in all compounds in Sectors 1 and 3. The
sample studied indicates that residents relied on both local wild and domesticated
resources.
White-tailed deer (NISP = 21) was also identified in the faunal assemblage at
both Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (Table 11.1). Known to
occupy the foothills of the Andes in the chaupiyunga zone, due to overhunting and
development few deer remain in zone in the modern day. However, Moche imagery
depicts elite warriors pursuing white-tailed deer suggesting it was an activity of the elite
(Donnan and McClelland 1999). Information is lacking whether this was the case in
Collambay, the limited sample of fauna analyzed indicates llama was recovered more
frequently than deer remains51. Other wild species native to the chaupiyunga zone
present in the assemblage, include frog, bird, and crayfish (Table 11.1). This data
suggests that a significant part of Collambay subsistence came from local wild
resources as well as domesticated llama and guinea pig.
51
Not all specimens present have elemental data available but multiple antlers were recovered.
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Table 11.1: Fauna and Malacological Species NISP
Scientific Name Common Name NISP MNI*

Mollusks
Balanus sp. barnacle 3 2
Bostryx turritus turritus land snail 674 388
Choromytilus chorus purple mussel 14 3
Donax obesulus tide zone clam 83 6
Drymaeus sp. land snail 1 1
Drymaeus vexillum land snail 13 8
Drymaeus vexillum form. Tigris land snail 224 57
Mesodesma donacium clam 6 1
Olivella columellaris gastropod 1 1
Polinices uber gastropod 1 1
Prisogaster niger gastropod 2 2
Protothaca thaca large clam 2 0
Scutalus chiletensis chiletensis land snail 361 186
Scutalus chiletensis granulatus land snail 4767 1295
Semele corrugata bivalve 8 0
Spondylus princeps bivalve 1 1
Stramonita chocolata gastropod 1 1
Tegula atra gastropod 1 1
Tegula luctuosa gastropod 1 1
Xanthochorus buxea gastropod 1 1
Unidentified Mollusk 5 1
Subtotal 6170 1957
Crustacean
Decapoda Order 4
Familia Xanthidae purple crab 204 19
Family Pseudothelphusidae
Hypolobocera sp. freshwater crab, cangrejo de rio 4
Family Palaemonidae
Cryphiops caementarius freshwater shrimp, camaron de rio 1
Subtotal 213
Fish
Family Sciaenidae
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Table 11.1: Fauna and Malacological Species NISP, continued

Sciaena deliciosa croaker, lorna 3
Sciaena sp. croaker 2
Family Clupeidae
Sardinops sagax pacific sardine 1
Fish unidentified fish 12
Subtotal 18
Reptiles and Amphibians

Bufo sp. toad 1
Iguana iguana green iguana 1
Reptil n/i unidentified reptile 3
Selachimorpha shark 2
Subtotal 7
Birds
Ave Clase
not further differentiated unid. Bird 65
Phalacrocorax bougainvillii Guanay cormorant 1
Strigidae typical owl 1
Subtotal 67
Mammals
Mammailia mammal 42
Carnivora carnnivore 2
Artiodactyla Order even-toe ungulate 67
Camelidae Family
Lama sp. Llama 113

not further differentiated Camelid 27
Cervidae Family
Odocoileus virginianus white-tailed deer 21

Order Rodentia
Caviidae Family
Cavia porcellus domesticated guinea pig 83
Family Muridae
not further differentiated rodent 141
Subtotal 523
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Table 11.1: Fauna and Malacological Species NISP, continued

Unidentified Specimens 238

Grand Total 6997
*MNI was only calculated for mollusks and occasional shellfish found with mollusks
Figure 11.1: Beads
11.1.1 Temporal Trends
Evaluating the representation of taxa by phase there is not a significant change
in between the Salinar and LIP, and LIP/LH Phases 1–3. Marine fish were present in the
Salinar and LIP/LH occupations. Comparing the representation of marine shell present
between the Salinar occupation and LIP/LH Phases 1, 2, and 3, in the Salinar
assemblage marine shell makes up 4.65% of its identified shell. The phase with the
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highest percentage of marine shell after the Salinar period is LIP/LH Phase 2, at 2.72%.
It is not particularly surprising for Salinar occupants to have access to marine resources
as Salinar groups have been documented on the Moche Valley coast to the chaupiyunga
(Briceño and Billman 2012); however, the smaller percentage of marine shell species in
the LIP/LH Phases 1–3 suggests that Collambay residents may have relied on an
exchange network for marine resources. Salinar residents of the Collambay area may
have had more direct access to marine shell resources because of their cultural
affiliation with lower valley Salinar groups (Briceño and Billman 2012). Donax
obesulus and Fam. Xanthidae, a common crab found on the north coast, were present at
Cerro Huancha MV 900 in all LIP/LH phases and compounds.
These two marine resources are commonly found at LIP phase Moche Valley
sites (Briceño and Billman 2012; Prieto 2014; S. Pozorski 1976). Donax obesulus is
very commonly found during the LIP (S. Pozorski 1976) and is commonly noted on the
surface of Chimú sites in the Moche Valley (Billman and Mullins 2014, pers comm).
The quantity of marine animal remains and shell within the study assemblage suggests
that marine resources in Collambay was not common, which suggests resources were
likely accessed through exchange networks with the coastal groups. Once caught on the
coast, fish were presumably dried (Marcus 1987) or may have been salted (Sandweiss
1992) to preserve them, and transported inland for exchange.
11.2 Camelids
If Collambay was directly incorporated into the Chimú Empire, one potential
shift in diet would be the consumption of a greater frequency of domesticated camelid
during the LIP, in addition to evidence of increased access to marine resources within
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elite households. In the Moche Valley, S. Pozorski (1976) has documented that by the
LIP, Chimú sites that were well integrated into the empire had increased access to
camelids, which became the primary meat source, and local sources were abandoned.
Outside the Chimú heartland at Pedregal under the Chimú, there was an increased
representation of domesticated species with fewer wild resources incorporated into local
diet (Cutright 2009 and 2015).
However, at this time, the limited analysis of fauna and malacological
collections at Cerro Huancha MV900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 does not indicate
increased access to domesticated camelid species over time. It does present information
that marine resources were available in very limited quantities in Collambay throughout
its LIP/LH Phases 1-3 occupation. However, further analysis of the recovered
assemblages, including elemental level data for the fauna, would provide a more
encompassing dataset to understand Collambay subsistence traditions over time.
Domesticated camelids are an essential economic and subsistence resources for
Andean communities, both pastoralists and agriculturalists. While there is no direct
evidence for this at this time, it is possible that some of Collambay’s residents
maintained camelid herds. By the Moche period, and arguably much earlier, there is
evidence of coastal populations tending llama herds (Helmer 2015; Shimada and
Shimada 1985; Szpak et al. 2015). Faunal analysis indicates that Collambay residents
had regular access to camelids and the chaupiyunga terrain offers plentiful areas for
grazing52. Tending herds of camelids may have been an important component of
52
Today in the Comunidad Collambay there are several designated areas reserved for community
members’ herds of goats, sheep, and cows. Annually or more often Collambay community members stage
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Collambay’s economy, as they were used as pack animals, and Collambay is located on
a trade route.
11.3 Cloth Production
Camelid wool is also an important resource to Andean communities. Spun from
raw wool, to yarn and cloth camelid wool and cotton fibers were used for making
clothing. There is an extensive literature that discusses the importance of cloth in the
Andes (Costin 1993 and 2011a; Gero 1992; Murra 1962 and 1989; Niles 1992; Stone
2007). Textiles were considered the most important, valuable commodity in the Inca
world; they served as symbols of ethnicity and status, and were given as political gifts
as well as payments for services (Costin 2011). The archaeological (J. Topic 1990) and
ethnohistoric (Netherly 1977) record suggests Chimu elites controlled specialized
textile production at Chan Chan during the LIP. Spinning activities (Cutright 2009;
Moore 1985) and cloth production (Billman et al. in press)53 has also been documented
at the household level in Chimú administrative and village sites, and were likely for
household consumption.
Costin has suggested that in LIP highland polities, cloth production was
principally a household process, with “large, polygynous elite households producing
greater amounts of cloth to underwrite the political aspirations of their male kin”
(2011a, 110). While the social organization surrounding cloth production in the
a surprise “round-up” of the animals grazing in community lands to ensure that only Collambay
community members are using this land.
53
At least one backstrap loom was recovered at Cerro La Virgen and Manchan (Pers Comm. Brian
Billman and Jerry Moore).
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Huamachuco and Alto Chicama region is not documented archaeologically, it is likely
that LIP elite households produced cloth for social distinction, and this appears to have
occurred in Collambay at Sector 1 at Cerro Huancha MV 900. Under the Inca, cloth
production still occurs, however Inca regulations limited the previous production stages
documented in the LIP/LH Phase 2. Unfortunately, the environment of the chaupiyunga
prevents the preservation of textiles and other organic materials in the archaeological
record. However, the tools of the trade provide evidence for an activity whose product
is not available for study.
A number of artifacts and tools associated with cloth production were recovered
at Cerro Huancha MV 900. In contrast, only one spindle whorl and several long bone
tools with surface treatment were recovered at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 (Figure 11.2). A
total of 46 spindle whorls, many of which were broken, two metal needles (Figure
11.3), two metal needle blanks, multiple bone tools including weaving tools associated
with a backstrap-loom were recovered (Figure 11.4). See Appendix D for Colin
Thomas’ description of metal artifacts. The artifact assemblage indicates that spinning,
sewing, and weaving was carried out at Cerro Huancha MV 900, and likely at Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 as well. Two types of spindle whorls are present in the assemblage,
tortero style, which is a disc shape made from a ceramic sherd, and piruros, made of
ceramic stone and metal (Figure 11.5 and Figure 11.6.54 Piruros are smaller than
torteros and more cylindrical. Torteros are preferred to use the drop spindle whorl
technique to make yarn for heavier fibers like camelid wool. Smaller and lightweight
54
No metal piruros were recovered in the Collambay region.
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spindle whorls, like piruros, are thought to be used for spinning cotton fiber (Vreeland
1986).
The presence of both spindle whorl types suggests that processing of both
camelid wool and cotton occurred at Cerro Huancha MV 900. Both types of spindle
whorls have also been reported in the chaupiyunga at Las Varas in the Jequetepeque
Valley (Tsai 2012). In contrast, at Pedregal in the lower Jequetepeque Valley, only
piruros are reported and Cutright (2009) notes the absence of torteros and loom parts.
Surface collection in Cerro Huancha MV 900 site sectors 1, 4, 6, 7, 8, 10, and 12
recovered individual spindle whorls and metal needles, the majority of cloth production
artifacts came from excavated contexts associated with Phases 2 and 3 on the west side
of Compound 2 and the east side of Compound 3, a space of 25 m2 in area. A total of 19
piruros and 13 torteros were recovered in this area. In comparison, only 1 piruro was
recovered in excavations in Compounds 5 and 6.
Figure 11.2: Fragments Bone Tools with surface treatment, several are burn
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Figure 11.3: Metal Needle
Figure 11.4: Long Bone Tool
Figure 11.5 Fragment of Tortero Spindle Whorl

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Figure 11.6: Piruro Spindle Whorl
11.3.1 Cloth Production in Sector 1, Compounds 2 and 3
Compounds 2 and 3 are part of a series of large compounds of agglutinated
rooms and patios that are associated with local elites, based on the size and location of
the structures at Cerro Huancha MV 900. The space is much larger than commoner
households, which are assumed to be located on the lower slopes of Cerro Huancha MV
900. A concentration of weaving related artifacts in a limited area in Compounds 2 and
3 (Compound 2, Unit 5 and Compound 3, Units 1-3) suggests textile production
occurred in this part of an elite household (Chapter 6), during Phases 2 and 3 (Table
11.2). This area contains two patios, open space suitable for using backstrap looms.
While both Phase 2 and 3 had a high concentration of weaving-related artifacts
the area they were recovered in appears to have had different uses over time.
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Table 11.2: Cloth Production Tools in Phases 2 and 3, Compounds 2 and 3

Spindle Whorls Other Weaving Artifacts Total Weaving
Torter Piruro Needle Too Related Artifacts
Phase os s Needle Blank l Per Phase
2 7 3 0 2 5 17
3 4 5 1 0 2 12
Totals 11 8 1 2 7 29
During Phase 2, 10.5 spindle whorls per cubic meter were recovered in this
concentrated area. This included a total of 10 spindle whorls (three ceramic and stone
piruros and seven ceramic and stone torteros), two metal needle blanks, and five bone
tools in these spaces. Also in Phase 2 a large, industrial-size hearth was in use in the
upper patio of Compound 3 (See Section1.2.6). Another industrial-size hearth also
associated with Phase 2 is located in the lower patio. The majority of sediment
recovered from the Phase 2 industrial-hearth was gray and white ash, indicating it
burned at very high temperatures, much higher than would be expected for cooking
food. In addition to these industrial hearths, small fragments of slag and a utilitarian
sherd with metal residue on the interior were recovered in Compound 3 (Figure 10.19
and Figure 11.7).
Metal production has been documented in Chimu households by non-specialists
(Moore 2006); however, the very limited evidence recovered of slag and sherds with
metal residue is insufficient evidence to suggest metal production occurred in
Compounds 2 and 3. One possibility however is that metal residue was used in dye
production for cloth. The presence of an industrial hearth within an area of concentrated
spinning and weaving implements makes it plausible that this hearth may have been
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part of the cloth production process, perhaps used for dyeing fibers55. To my knowledge
there have been no archaeological studies of cloth production to suggest archaeological
correlates for the fiber dying process in the Andes. Fiber is dyed before the weaving
process begins. Specific colors were created through a dye preparation process that
includes plants, pigments, and a combination of metal alloys in a large vessel over fire.
The cloth is then put in the liquid, and wrung and hung to dry before weaving (Arnold
2010). If the industrial-hearth was used for dying fibers during the middle-late LIP then
this area of Compounds 2 and 3 has evidence for the entire cloth production process
during Phase 2.
Figure 11.7: Slag fragment
In Phase 3, during the Inca period, a set of storage rooms in Compound 3
characterizes this same area. In fact, ash from the Phase 2 hearth is visible in the mortar
of the storage room’s west wall. Phase 3 recovered nine spindle whorls (five stone and
ceramic piruros, and four ceramic torteros), one metal needle, and two bone tools. This
is only 3.4 spindle whorls per cubic meter was recovered, nearly three times less than
55
A series of conversations with Colin Thomas led to this idea.
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the density of spindle whorls per cubic meter reported for Phase 2. A comparison of this
data to that reported from the Upper Mantaro Valley when the Inca took over the region
is very striking.
Under the Inca Empire, cloth production occurred at the household level for
mit’a or tax obligations or was carried out at Inca centers where women of the acllawasi
(chosen women) crated high-quality textiles for the state and brewed chicha, maize
beer. In the Upper Mantaro Valley the density of spindle whorls in elite households
doubles with the Inca takeover. Elite households averaged about 1.9 spindle whorls per
cubic meter prior to Inca takeover. Under the Inca they averaged 3.8 spindle whorls per
cubic meter (Costin 2015, Figure 2.5). Commoner households show nearly a threefold
increase in density of spindle whorls with the Inca takeover, matching elite household
production levels during the Inca period. Based on the density of spindle whorls as well
as the distribution of cloth production tools, commoner and elites textile production
intensified in response to Inca tribute demands. Inca storehouses also stored raw wool
and spun thread which was likely acquired through taxing local people as well (Costin
2015).
Current data from Cerro Huancha MV 900 does not correspond with Costin’s
findings. In fact, the spindle whorl densities decrease between the LIP and Inca
takeover. One possibility is that the organization of production and production activities
at Cerro Huancha changed under the Inca. The construction of storage rooms indicates
other activities took priority in the area. The Inca required all subjects to pay tribute
that included cloth, therefore it is assumed that cloth production was moved to another
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part of the site in Phase 3. This example indicates that at least some activities at Cerro
Huancha MV 900 were reorganized under the Inca.
11.4 Collambay Traditions
Ritual practices both reflect and reinforce community identity, traditions, and
beliefs. Excavations documented evidence of ritual practices at Cerro Huancha MV 900
on several different spatial scales. In this section I briefly introduce multiple
occurrences of ritual and symbolic artifacts documented in excavations to provide
insight on local Collambay traditions and social identity. These examples also include
elements from outside influences were incorporated into these practices.
11.4.1 Ancestor Veneration and Funerary Architecture
Highland style funerary architecture associated with ancestor veneration known
as chullpas are distinguishing architectural features of Sectors 6 and 11 (Doyle 1988;
Isbell 1997; Moore 1996a, 1996b, and 2004). See Chapter 7 for a description of site
sectors and Section 8.4 for excavation descriptions of Sector 6. Another possible
chullpa is located in Sector 8.
Ethnohistoric literature suggests chullpas are considered the pacarina, a place
from which sacred ancestors emerge (Doyle 1988, 87). The individuals interred in this
sacred space were the founding ancestors of the lineage, important leaders and
significant members of the community (Doyle 1988). Based on this information it is
likely that the Collambay community’s founding ancestors were buried in chullpas and
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their descendants were likely interred in these structures upon death as well. Ancestor
funerary structures and associated ritual practices that occurred in these spaces that may
involve the human remains have been suggested to be a mechanism to reinforce and
maintain social relationships between lineage members (Isbell 1997). The relationship
between chullpas in different site sectors is unclear; perhaps each area was a chullpa
representing different lineages that lived in Collambay.
The single chullpa structure excavated, Compound 4 had four separate rooms
with doorways. Construction techniques indicate that each room was added on over
time. Perhaps one or two generations of significant lineage group members were
interred in each room, and new rooms were added every few generations. Excavations
in Compound 4 recovered a minimum number of 25 individuals, including children and
male and female adults of all ages. Many small bones, such as toe and hand bones were
also recovered suggesting these bodies were initially interred in the chullpa (see
Appendix D). If these bones were missing it would suggest that the bodies had been
transferred from another location.
Functional analysis (see Section 10.6) documented the presence of more
cooking vessels than other functional categories were recovered in excavation. Surface
collection, however in Sectors 6 and 11 recovered diagnostics that included a variety of
fine ware and utilitarian vessels dating from the early EIP and the LIP/LH, although
there were many more LIP/LH diagnostics than early EIP sherds. These diagnostic
sherds included Salinar rims and the only Imperial Inca aryballoid sherd found at the
site (Figure 7.7). Several other diagnostics were recovered, including Chimú blackware,
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with piel de ganso design, and vessel forms dating to the LH, including a Cuzco
imperial aryballoid sherd.
Larger utilitarian flaring rim jars and ollas and a pan were also recovered. These
non-local ceramics are considered exotic items. Several interred mortuary goods were
recovered in excavations, including two beads—one made of stone, the other of bone. A
small fragment of metal was also recovered in Compound 4. Small Fragments of metal
sheets (copper) were also found adjacent to the potential chullpa in Sector 8.
The presence of nonlocal ceramics and metal sheets indicates that ancestor
funerary traditions at Cerro Huancha incorporated coastal elements. Metal sheets are
often present in elite coastal tombs (Alva and Donnan 1993; Donnan and Mackey 1978;
Moore 1985; Moseley and Day 1982) and while metal sheets are present in the northern
highlands, they have not been found in tombs56 (Toohey 2009, 450).
The ceramic assemblage recovered indicates that the chullpas were used
throughout the LIP and LH. Settlement patterns indicate a new group moved into the
chaupiyunga in the LIP. I argue that these chullpas were constructed in the LIP, with
the arrival of a new population. As they practiced a tradition well-documented in the
highlands, this suggests that Collambay LIP and LH residents were originally from the
highlands.
The presence of the very few Salinar sherds in areas with chullpas is either due
to extensive looting activity and natural forces site disturbance, or these Salinar
ceramics were incorporated into ancestor veneration practice in the LIP. The continued
56
Topic and Topic (1984, 16) report four metal tupus, pins, recovered from excavations in a cist tomb at
Cerro Amaru
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use of these chullpas over time is indicated by the construction of additional rooms to
some chullpas and presence of LIP and LH ceramics. The continued engagement with
the chullpas through the LH supports the argument that Collambay residents remained
at Cerro Huancha MV 900 under the Inca. If a new group was brought into the area and
Collambay residents were relocated as a mitmaq colony, it is unlikely the chullpas
would have been continued to be part of community rituals. The incorporation of non-
local ceramics into ceremonies honoring the ancestors, or their interment with the
ancestors, speaks volumes for political relationships. Both Chimú and Inca ceramics
were found associated with chullpas, suggests these vessels were presented to or
incorporated into rituals for Collambay’s ancestors, symbols of relationships with
outside groups.
11.4.2 Interregional Influences
In Sector 1 and Sector 3, special artifacts were found associated with the
construction of the floors. In the floor of Compound 5, Unit 10, a small llama figurine is
interpreted as an offering interred upon floor construction (Figure 8.17). The
ethnohistoric and ethnographic record reports stone figurines, known as conopas or illas
in ethnohistoric literature, representing livestock or crops and believed to hold
supernatural power (Arriaga 1968[1621], 20-30; Duviols 2003, 112). Illas, specifically,
are stone miniatures of llamas and alpacas kept by herders and used in religious rituals.
I am not aware of an occurrence where these objects were placed within floor
construction outside of my example; rather, they are reported as figurines found in

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wrapped ritual bundles used in ceremonies that involve ancestor veneration (Doyle
1988; Lau 2008; Salomon 1995). I have not encountered descriptions of llama figurines
in the northern highlands; however, they are reported in Ancash highlands (Lau 2002
and 2008; Ponte 2013). Ponte found a llama figurine in association with an Inca period
occupation at the site of Mareniyoc (2013). He was given two other illas by locals who
recovered them while constructing their homes on the site of Mareniyoc. This tradition
is clearly associated with the highlands.
In Sector 3, ritual practices are connected to the initial construction of the floor
in Compound 5 and the ceremonial closing of a room in Compound 6. Both of these
acts include coastal elements that suggest the activities are related to the Chimú Empire.
Both of these ritual deposits have been described previously in Section 6.4. In
Compound 5, below the construction of the initial floor, were several small deposits of
ash with trash. These ash deposits included marine animal bones, including sardine and
croaker remains. Another ash deposit in the same context included marine cormorant,
llama, and even toe bone of an ungulate. Chimú sherds, and local press-mold motifs
were also found with the trash.
In Compound 6, Unit 3 the doorway to the small storage room on the northeast
side of the unit was sealed off. A deposit of marine sand was found adjacent to the
doorway, next to a hearth placed in front of the doorway and another small hearth in the
corner of the room. The marine sand deposit and hearths’ locations in front of and
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adjacent to the doorway suggest these features are connected to the sealing of the
doorway.57
Both of these rituals in Sector 3, Compounds 5 and 6 are connected to the coast
and Chimú culture. I argue that these ritual acts represent the Collambay’s relationship
with the Chimú, who likely sponsored the construction of Sector 3 and other site areas
at Cerro Huancha MV 900. The presence of Chimú material culture and marine
resources deposited below construction of the initial floor suggests Collambay residents
carried out this construction in association with the coast and Chimú. This relationship
is well documented through other material culture recovered in Collambay. The other
ritual act, sealing of the doorway to Unit 3, and associated burning event and deposit of
sand signals the end of this relationships as the Inca overtook political control of the
region, and greatly reduced the role of the Chimú on the coast and in Collambay. With
the beginning of the LH and takeover of the Inca, Collambay transitioned into a new
role. No longer was it focused on monitoring trade. The archaeological record indicates
Cerro Huancha MV 900 became a local storage center for the Inca state, a tambo, one of
the many nodes on the Inca road system, rather than a place where coastal-highland
exchange was monitored and perhaps carried out. These examples highlighted here
demonstrate that Collambay residents maintained traditions associated with both the
coast and highlands.
57
I believe this is marine sand; it was very fine, and a light brown-gray color distinct from the
floor. It had a consistent grain size consistent with the sand found on beaches in the Trujillo area.
However, it is possible this was very fine sand from the river bottom.
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11.5 Collambay Local and Interregional Economy and Traditions
This chapter presented information from much of the artifact assemblage in
Collambay providing further information Collambay residents’ economy and
subsistence patterns. It also describes ritual practices and community traditions which
incorporated elements from other regions. While some of these traditions, such as
building chullpas for ancestor veneration, are traditions that were likely brought to
Collambay by LIP settlers from their homeland, others, such as depositing marine
resources and coastal Chimú ceramics on floors prior to construction of architecture
may be tied to political relationships.
There is no evidence of new groups moving into the Collambay region under the
Inca. There is consistency in material culture styles (Chapter 10). Residents relied on
local, wild fauna in addition to camelids and guinea pig as part of their diet. They also
had consistent access to limited marine resources during the LIP and LH. There is, other
evidence that indicates reorganization of production at Cerro Huancha MV 900 under
the Inca. The change in use of space in Sector 1, Compounds 2 and 3 from cloth
production to an area emphasizing storage suggests that with Inca takeover Collambay’s
economy may have been reorganized. This storage was likely part of the tambo that
Collambay maintained for the Inca state. It is likely that the local political prestige
Collambay elites attained through their relationship with the Chimú was lost under the
Inca. Colonial documents report that Collambay and the entire chaupiyunga zone was
subject to Huamachuco. Locally, Mochal, located in the chaupiyunga of the upper
Moche tributary, was the local authority, therefore Collambay answered to Mochal,
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whom reported to Huamachuco, suggesting Collambay had a very distant relationship
from Inca authority compared to the Chimú.

12 Discussion and Conclusion
This study demonstrates that Collambay was settled by a highlander group in the
LIP. They maintained an exchange relationship with the Chimú and outside groups that
transitioned to a patron-client relationship with the Chimú in the middle of the LIP.
Under the Inca, Collambay became a tributary province. While sociopolitical
relationships changed and new empires came into power over the 500 plus years of
Collambay’s LIP/LH occupation, the local community maintained its own, cultural
traditions despite undergoing significant changes their own economy in relation to these
political dynamics.
However, as part of this investigation being the initial archaeological study of
the region, it was also important to document as much of the culture history of the
Sinsicap Valley as time allowed to understand the historical conditions of local groups
in the Collambay region. This especially was relevant to understanding the potential
dynamics between local-imperial groups in the LIP/LH periods. Also more broadly this
investigation contributes new information about the dynamics of the chaupiyunga zone
on the north coast. In the following sections I summarize my research findings, first
providing an overview of settlement patterns identified in the region and then describing
local-imperial relationships through the LIP/LH Phases 1-3 relying on the initial models
and correlates described in Chapter 2 and evidence from my excavations described in
Chapters 6-11. I also address remaining questions and future research and what can be
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taken away from this case study, presenting several ideas about the role of the
chaupiyunga on the north coast throughout prehistory.
12.1 Collambay Settlement throughout Prehistory
Settlement patterns indicate that initial settlements in the Collambay region
occurred during the Salinar phase in the early EIP. It appears that coastal groups moved
into the region at this time. It is possible that there are also sites with Gallinazo phase
occupations, and one site may have a Moche occupation. While there is limited
information available about this occupational period, at this time there is little ceramic
evidence to indicate that Collambay was occupied continuously by coastal groups from
the early EIP through the LIP/LH. Frankly, the absence of Moche phase ceramics in the
valley is unexpected58. While it is possible that highland groups occupied the valley
from the late EIP/MH through LIP, regional highland ceramic chronologies are thought
to have little variation in form and style from the EIP-LIP, but I argue, this is unlikely.
Regional highland ceramic chronologies are understudied and if Cerro Huancha MV
900 had been occupied continuously for 1500 years, excavations would have
documented evidence of a more extensive occupation period.
Settlement patterns in the LIP are distinct from the early EIP. During the early
Late Intermediate period, the Collambay area was resettled by highlanders. LIP sites
were much larger in area than EIP sites and located in defensive locations on hilltops.
Cerro Huancha MV 900 is the largest site and local center in the area. Sites that were
58
Despite the fact that ceramics recovered by Briceño and Billman remain to be analyzed, Moche
ceramics are easily identifiable and are notably absent from the assemblage.
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likely inhabited full-time had defensive architecture, Cerro Huancha MV 900, Cerro
Ramon MV 1000, and Cerro Cabra MV 1005. LIP sites form a defensive network
including several sites located on a prehistoric road (Cerro Ramon MV 1000 and MV
1016) indicating this network was tied to monitoring coastal-highland roadways. This
pattern corresponds with settlement patterns identified in the Upper Moche Valley
(Coupland 1979; Mackenzie 1980; Topic and Topic 1982, 1985).
It is also likely that many Collambay residents were also living in small
settlements of extended households dispersed throughout the region close to agricultural
fields. Perhaps in similar patterns that modern households in the region are located
today. Although because this area has been under almost continuous use from the
prehispanic era to the present finding evidence of these structures, which were likely
perishable, are unlikely.
Settlement patterns in the LH are somewhat tenuous. It is clear that Cerro
Huancha MV 900 remained occupied by the same LIP population. What is unclear is
whether other LIP sites continued to be used. While the limited excavations at Cerro
Ramon MV 1000 did not document a LH occupation, it is likely that the site remained
under use to monitor coastal-highland traffic. Further excavations to better document
LH material culture are required to better understand the LH occupation of the valley.
Similar to my hypothesis for the LIP, during the LH small settlements of extended
households were likely living close to agricultural fields.
During the early Colonial period Collambay residents were moved to Simbal, a
Spanish reducción. While the Collambay Hacienda was founded in the early 16th
century, it is unclear when the Hacienda building was first constructed and if laborers
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traveled from Simbal or lived closer to the Hacienda. Modern informants who live in
the region and whose families worked for the Hacienda until the late 1960’s and early
1970’s report that their families had been recruited from local highland towns and lived
in the Collambay region. Settlement patterns between the Inca and Colonial periods
shifted dramatically, with potentially the Collambay region forcibly abandoned, and
residents moved to Simbal. The founding of the Hacienda eventually brought laborers
to settle in the region, although at this time it is unclear when that occurred in the 16th
century.
12.2 Collambay and Imperial Interactions throughout LIP and LH
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and Cerro Ramon MV 1000 recovered
material culture associated with two occupational periods, the early EIP and the LIP/
LH periods. However, only a single, Salinar phase intact context was excavated in
Sector 1 at Cerro Huancha MV 900. The LIP/LH occupation was much more extensive
at Cerro Huancha MV 900 and three phases were identified through excavations and
remodeling of site architecture. Excavations at Cerro Ramon MV 1000 documented a
LIP occupation as well and the masonry and material culture recovered indicates a close
relationship with Cerro Huancha MV 900. Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900
provided the majority of data to understand local-imperial interaction. Remodeling of
architecture and masonry styles at Cerro Huancha MV 900 are important components
for understanding the timing of construction of site sectors however the majority of
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material culture recovered in excavations came from Sector 1, which is also the only
site sector where intact contexts from LIP/LH Phases 1-3 were encountered.
12.2.1 LIP/LH Phase 1 (AD ~900? to 1229-1271): Exchange
During the early LIP the Chimú were engaged in an exchange relationship with
Collambay residents, while they were consolidating control over their heartland, the
Moche, Virú, and Chicama valleys (Moore and Mackey 2008). While it is unclear when
Cerro Huancha MV 900 was occupied, in the late MH or early LIP, a single AMS date
(AA104556) of calAD 1185-1216 (1σ) (Bronk Ramsey 2009 and Hogg et al 2013)
indicates the site was in use at that time. I suspect the site may be in use by AD 900.
This initial LIP/LH phase was only documented in excavations in a single patio
in Sector 1, Compound 3. Based on excavations it seems likely that only Sector 1 and
possibly Sector 10 had architectural compounds and were under use during Phase 1
based on masonry styles and AMS dates. Material culture recovered associated with the
LIP/LH Phase 1 occupation suggests that Cerro Huancha MV 900 itself was a venue for
exchange between the Chimú and Collambay.
The archaeological correlates for an exchange relationship described in Section
2.4.1 specifies that no significant changes in public or local architecture would occur
under an exchange relationship. The architecture at Cerro Huancha MV 900 in Sector 1
during the LIP/LH Phase 1 is characterized by large, open compounds and retaining
walls in Masonry I style. Compounds are not yet subdivided as they will become in later
phases. The discovery of a large storage vessel suggests that this was a communal space
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used by extended families or large groups of people. This feature and site architecture
suggests residents lived in extended family compounds and/or these large compounds
may have housed an ebb and flow of people based on the annual ritual and harvest
calendar. Cerro Huancha MV 900’s compounds could have functioned much like an
Inca building often referred to as a kallanka which is a long, rectangular hall typically
adjacent to plazas used for feasting activities and housing large groups of people
(Hyslop 1990: Nair and Protzen 2015). Similar structures have been described at
Marcahuamachuco, which is proposed to have been a center where lineages from the
Huamachuco region came together for specific celebrations throughout the year (T.
Topic 2009).
Another correlate of an exchange relationship suggests that local cultural
traditions are expected remain consistent, however, foreign prestige items would be
recovered in elite households, as a result of exchange relationships. Nonlocal artifacts
were recovered in the limited material culture from Phase 1, however they do not
qualify as foreign prestige goods. These nonlocal materials included utilitarian Chimú
ceramics and limited marine resources. Utilitarian Chimú ceramics are not prestige
goods, they are found frequently throughout the north coast, fine ware vessels are rarer
and were occasionally recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 in Phases 2 and 3. It is also
unclear if marine resources are considered prestige resources to the Collambay
community, however they are nonlocal resources. Marine resources were not frequently
recovered at Cerro Huancha MV 900 suggesting that they were not a readily available
resource and residents relied on exchange relationships to access them. The sample of
the fauna assemblage analyzed suggests community subsistence consisted of local, wild
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species like deer as well as domesticated species, like guinea pig and camelid.
Collambay residents likely maintained herds of camelids and grew crops for subsistence
as well as coca, and potentially other resources, like fruits, for exchange for nonlocal
products like marine resources.
Previously described in Chapter 3, John and Theresa Topic propose that
chaupiyunga groups were independent polities that assumed the role of middlemen
during the LIP, mediating exchange between the Chimú and highland groups (1983 and
1985). Archaeological evidence recovered nonlocal resources, marine resources and
Chimú ceramics, at Cerro Huancha MV 900 assumed to be obtained through exchange.
In addition, site architecture in this phase could have functioned as communal spaces
for hosting large groups of people.
Ethnohistoric and ethnographic evidence also support the argument that the
chaupiyunga was a place of exchange. A Colonial court case reports exchange between
regional groups in Simbal in the early 16th century (Hart 1988). Exchange in Simbal is
also reported in the twentieth century between coastal and highland groups (Gillin 1947;
Prieto 2009). These ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts of exchange indicate that
the chaupiyunga ecological niche was a place of exchange where different regional
groups came together to exchange products from their respective ecological niches, fish
and totora reed mats from the coast, coca from the chaupiyunga and potatoes and
camelid products from the highlands. While this tradition is documented in the 16th and
20th centuries, it is likely that this tradition occurred throughout prehistory. I suggest
that these exchange relationships may have become more formalized with chaupiyunga
residents serving as hosts for such events during the LIP.

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12.2.2 LIP/LH Phase 2 (AD 1229-1271 to 1470): Alliance
Corresponding with the final phase of consolidation of the Chimú heartland in
the 13th century Collambay-Chimú relations developed into an alliance or patron-client
relationship. It is likely that shift from an exchange relationship to patron-client alliance
occurred in relation to the final phase of consolidation of the Chimú heartland which
was occurring at this time. As a client of the Chimú empire, as opposed to an exchange
partner, Collambay received an elevated political position as a Chimú ally. The
archaeological correlates for an exchange relationship and alliance are the same, with
the exception of domestic production (Appendix E). Under a patron-client alliance
scenario evidence of increased domestic production is expected, while no increased
production is expected in an exchange relationship. I highlight this correlate because the
LIP/LH Phase 2 is a period characterized by intensification of construction and
production in the Collambay region.
In fact, excavations documented extensive remodeling and construction of new
site sectors at Cerro Huancha MV 900 during this phase. An AMS date of calAD 1275-
1381 in Sector 3 (AA104558) indicates this sector was in use for the first time during
Phase 2 (Bronk Ramsey 2009 and Hogg et al. 2013). The architecture and masonry style
in Sector 3 is associated with other site sectors indicating Sectors 2, 3, 4, 7,8, 10, 12,
and potentially Sectors 13 and 14 all occurred during Phase 2. In Sector 1, remodeling
of compounds was documented in excavations. Phase 2 also likely coincides with the
construction of other 10 LIP phase sites. Several of these sites are stand-alone walls, but
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3 sites (Cerro Huancha MV 900, Cerro Ramon MV 1000 and Cerro Cabra MV 1005)
are the largest sites in the valley are may have been permanently occupied.
The construction of LIP sites is part of Collambay’s infrastructure established to
regulate coastal-highland trade. There is no direct evidence that this construction and
site expansion occurred at the direction of the Chimú, although all the majority of these
sites have Chimú ceramics on their surfaces. Local ceramics are also present on site
surfaces. However, the timing of this construction which occurred while the Chimú
empire was beginning to expand suggests they are connected. The close proximity of
Collambay to the Chimú heartland suggests that construction in Collambay would not
have occurred without Chimú approval and potentially collaboration.
It is unclear if new group members settled in Collambay during Phase 2 and/or
where the labor for these construction projects came from. If there was a larger
population living in the Collambay region, they are part of the same group as the initial
LIP highlanders who settled in the area. While more diverse forms of ceramic vessels
are found in Phase 2 compared to Phase 1, no new styles are introduced into the region,
and material culture styles remain consistent between Phases 1 and 2.
Excavations at Cerro Huancha MV 900 documented remodeling in Sector 1
including the construction of bi-level patio and storage bin. The artifact assemblage
from these excavations indicates that a greater variety of vessel forms are present in
Sector 1 than the previous phase. The diversity and quantity of cloth-making tools
recovered and large hearths indicates the area became dedicated to cloth production
(Section 11.3). The artifact assemblage included coastal and highland spindle whorls,
suggesting both cotton and camelid wool were spun, in addition to tools associated with
402
looms. Large hearths and bits of slag may have been used to prepare dye for fibers,
indicating the full range of cloth production activities was present in a concentrated area
of Compounds 2 and 3 in Sector 1. Cloth production was likely managed by local elites
and may have been tied to the interregional trade economy Collambay was engaged in.
Like in Phase 1, one of the proposed archaeological correlates for this patron-
client model was that it is expected that Collambay elites would receive Chimú prestige
items, however there is an absence of evidence of prestige items at Cerro Huancha MV
900. As stated previously it does not appear that Chimú ceramics held special
significance in Collambay as they were found throughout the Collambay region. Chimú
craft specialists’ products that were prestige goods included featherworks, special
textiles, or metal regalia may have been received by Collambay elites, however, if they
were received Collambay’s climate prevented preservation of these organic products.
Several metal objects, needles and a nose ring, were recovered during the project but
they do not appear to be prestige goods.
In a patron-client scenario subsistence patterns remained consistent and the
faunal and malacological samples studied confirms the diversity of taxa available is
consistent. There are, more marine resources reported in Phase 2, than Phase 1,
suggesting elites may have received marine resources in exchange. The reality,
however, is that Chimú investment in the Collambay zone was minimal. The absence of
Chimú infrastructure indicates local administration and regulation of trade was under
control of Collambay elites. Like in Phase 1 there is evidence of exchange but no direct
evidence of exchange of prestige goods.

403
Archaeological correlates suggest that little change in Collambay household
architecture and assemblage will occur under a patron-client relationship. Local
traditions will persist with only minimal influence of foreign traditions. Archaeological
evidence documented at Cerro Huancha MV 900 fits these correlates, subsistence
patterns remain the same, and architecture, while new masonry styles do appear, are not
associated with specific outside groups. Local traditions persist in material culture
during Phase 2. However, as previously explained, changes that do occur between
Phases 1 and 2 are an increase in local production.
A patron-client relationship assumes the patron and the client both benefit from
the relationship – initially it was assumed that exchange of prestige resources would
define the Chimú-Collambay relationship. While exchange did occur, Collambay
maintained access to coastal resources and had access to Chimú material culture, which
they emulated in their own style. Yet the greatest benefit may have been the power of
regulating coastal-highland trade networks, enabling Collambay to have political and
economic power in the valley. Site construction in the Collambay region likely occurred
in the interest of monitoring movement through the chaupiyunga. With this
responsibility Collambay interests would have been aligned with the Chimú and they
were likely eager to align themselves with a growing political authority in the region.
12.2.3 LIP/LH Phase 3 (AD 1470 to 1532): Tributary Province
In 1470, the Chimú Empire fell to the Inca (Rowe 1948). My excavations
indicate that despite a short time period under the Inca Empire, 70 years or so, life in
404
Collambay changed. In fact, Collambay residents transitioned from a patron-client
relationship with the Chimú to a tributary province of the Inca, who may have produced
coca for an Inca King and his mother. Archaeological evidence indicates that while
larger political processes changed and site activities did undergo some changes, aspects
of the local economy and community practices did not.
The ethnohistoric record reports that under the Inca, Collambay was part of the
Huamachuco Province and subject to the Curaca of Mochal, another chaupiyunga
group in the Upper Moche tributary. With this shift, Collambay went from a
geographically close, more direct ally of the Chimú to a third tier, distant subject of the
Inca. Settlement patterns shifted in the valley in the LH. At this time there is no direct
evidence of the LIP sites in Collambay being used during the LH besides Cerro
Huancha MV 900. The limited test excavations carried out at Cerro Ramon MV 1000
did not document evidence indicating the site was occupied during the Inca period, but I
suggest it may have been occupied during the LH, due to its location on a road that
continued to be used.
One of the plausible scenarios as a tributary province was the possibility of a
non-local, mitmaq group, to move into the Collambay region to work for the Inca in the
region. This model outlined several scenarios in which this new group lived side by side
Collambay residents, separately, or potentially LIP Collambay residents were moved
out of the region. There is no evidence of a new group moving into the valley under the
Inca as did occur in other coca-growing regions like the Chillon Valley (Rostworowski
1988).
405
The archaeological record suggests that LIP Collambay residents remained in
residence. This is supported by the consistency in styles of material culture recovered
during the LIP and LH, ceramic styles, local Collambay style, continues to be used, like
Chimú style ceramics. Also, there is evidence of continued practice of ancestor worship
at Cerro Huancha MV 900’s chullpas during the LH. In fact, this is the location where
the single fragment of direct evidence of Inca material culture was located, a Cuzco-
Inca aryballoid sherd was recovered. This fulfills one of my outlined correlates for this
model (see Appendix E), the presence of non-local artifacts associated with
ritual/religious production.
As a tributary province archaeological correlates suggest new non-local or
hybrid public architecture was constructed and the presence of mass storage potentially
being located in public architecture. While traditional Inca administrative architecture is
absent at Cerro Huancha MV 900 new architecture was constructed during the LH. This
construction is, in fact, the most significant change documented between the LIP/LH
Phases 2 and 3. New storage rooms were built in series of twos, in Sector 1. These
rooms were often added onto preexisting walls and the masonry style is inconsistent and
often sloppy. Masonry quality was clearly not important in construction of these storage
rooms. The size and quantity of room pale in comparison to the extensive storage
facilities, reported by Topic and Chiswell (1992, 210) located outside of Huamachuco.
However, these storage facilities were likely built as part of the requirements for an Inca
tambo (BMN, MS 3035; Rostworowski 1987). These storage rooms were part of Inca
state infrastructure; they were likely constructed by locals. The small size and limited
number of storage rooms compared to Huamachuco suggests that the Collambay tambo
406
was only of local importance, as has been suggested by T. Topic (1990). The tambo was
likely used by groups traveling to and from the Chicama Valley and Alto Chicama
Valley towards the coast.
As a tributary province, increased domestic production is expected. Site
activities in Sector 1 changed between the Chimú and Inca eras. As expected with an
increased number of storage facilities during the Inca era, there is also an increased
number of jars, which outnumber cooking ollas for the first time in the occupation,
which I believe were used for storage (Section 10.6.4). However, the limited period of
occupation during this phase provides limited information of other lines of evidence of
increased domestic production.
Aspects of the local economy do not appear to have been impacted by the Inca
takeover. Collambay residents had continued access to maritime resources through the
LH period (Section 11.1.1). Also, as was the case throughout the north coast, Chimú-
style ceramic and Chimú-Inca ceramics are used in Collambay. One rare characteristic
of the LH ceramic assemblage is the occasional use of a gray-black slip, which is unlike
any slip encountered in the region in previous phases (Section 10.6.4). Perhaps this is a
local tradition that emerged in this period.
While not all of the tributary province correlates are documented in the LH,
Collambay became a tributary province of the Inca. Part of Collambay’s economy was
reorganized under the Inca, they had to maintain state storage facilities but it appears,
that Collambay had an indirect relationship with the Inca. A distant subject of the
empire, Collambay presumably fulfilled the tributary requirements but it appears that
the very local economy continued as it had prior to Inca rule.

407
12.3 Remaining Inquiries
Several questions about Collambay during the LIP and LH remain unclear after
this study.
• Excavation strategy at Cerro Huancha MV 900 led to the testing of limited site
sectors, what about the occupational history of the untested site sectors?
This is an important question, and testing additional site sectors would provide
more definitive data for understanding the extent of occupation and population size that
occupied Cerro Huancha MV 900 during the LIP and LH. It would provide more
information about the timing of occupation and community social organization and
dynamics. It could also answer remaining questions about Collambay’s occupation
during the MH and its economy during the LH. However, the excavation strategy
employed at Cerro Huancha MV 900 enabled reconstruction of changes in site activities
in architectural compounds over time, which proved essential for understanding how
site activities changed throughout the LIP – LH.
• It is unclear where common Collambay community members were buried
Chullpas were reserved for special individuals, however excavations and survey
failed to locate where common members of the Collambay community were buried.
Sector 1 has evidence of looted tombs within agglutinated compounds, yet there must
be another site sector where individuals were buried, as there is a clear shortage of
tombs for the number of individuals who lived and worked at Cerro Huancha MV 900
for over 500 years. However, the absence of burials supports the possibility that many
408
Collambay community members were living in the valley, close to fields. Highland
burial traditions document that family members are buried within the home, which
would account for the lack of tombs documented at Cerro Huancha MV 900. Another
possibility is that only a small permanent population occupied the site throughout the
year.
12.4 Collambay Frontiers
During the LIP, Collambay was settled by highlanders whom maintained
exchange relationships with the Chimú, which extended to a political alliance and
patron-client relationship by the middle-late LIP. Through this relationship Collambay
remained a border frontier zone, it was located on the eastern frontier of the Chimú
empire and regulated movement of groups between the eastern Chimú front and the La
Libertad highlands. Cultural traditions and material documented identify a community
that practiced highland ancestor veneration and used coastal and highland material
culture in their daily lives. These traditions continued as large-scale political power
dynamics shifted and the Inca took over the region. As a subject of the Inca Empire,
Collambay was no longer located on a political border, rather it became an enveloped
frontier.
By enveloped I mean that while it was a part of the Inca state, under the
jurisdiction of Huamachuco, there is little direct evidence of intervention by outside
groups. There is evidence of reorganization, to serve as part of state infrastructure, a
tambo, but this was carried out through local leadership. Collambay maintained an Inca
warehouse however they remained engaged in the local interregional economy,

409
regulating coastal-highland roadways, and local cultural traditions remained intact.
Without evidence of outside or new cultural traditions influencing the activities in
Collambay it appears that this area maintained its frontier status, but now it was an
enveloped as a part of the larger Inca state.
12.5 Conclusions
This dissertation is the first study of Chimú and Inca imperial strategies in the
chaupiyunga zone on the north coast. It highlighting an understudied region and a local,
minority population’s experiences throughout the late prehispanic period. A dynamic
frontier, the Collambay chaupiyunga was inhabited by both coastal and highland groups
throughout prehistory. A highland group established Cerro Huancha MV 900 early in
the LIP period and as a result of its geographical location and the dynamics of the
period the chaupiyunga was a place of interregional exchange between coastal, local,
and highland groups.
Both Collambay and Chimú benefitted from their relationship and this case
study demonstrates Chimú strategy in control of coastal-highland exchange networks,
something that has been suggested but not been documented archaeologically
previously (Mackey 2009; J. Topic and T. Topic 1990). However, Collambay may be a
unique case study of chaupiyunga groups. The small and compact Moche Valley
situated Collambay in a geographical location in close proximity to the Chimú
heartland, and on average on the north coast, chaupiyunga groups are not necessarily in
such close geographical proximity to coastal polities.

410
The fall of the Chimú to the Inca led to several transitions in the La Libertad
highlands and the Moche Valley. Recent studies of the Inca empire on the north coast
indicate that north coast researchers need to reconsider the assumption that Inca impact
was not directly felt by local groups (Hayashida 2015; Kremkau 2010; Mackey 2010;
Tate 2006). This study demonstrates this as well. Life changed under the Inca for
Collambay residents whom transitioned from living on the edge of empire and
facilitating local exchange networks to subject producer, maintainer of state
infrastructure but also remained a facilitator in local exchange.
This study demonstrates the importance of a bottom-up approach in a local-
imperial interaction in a frontier zone. It is in frontiers that Lightfoot and Martinez
argue that cultural innovation occurs and group identities are negotiated and
manipulated (1995). Collambay’s practice of highland funerary traditions, use of coastal
and highland ceramic assemblages, and their own local ceramic styles demonstrates a
unique hybridity that reflects the dynamics of a community accustomed to interacting
with different groups. Both the Chimu and Inca empires substantially impacted
Collambay’s local economy and community dynamics, yet over more than five hundred
years they continued to use the same material culture vessel, continued to honor their
ancestors at their chullpas, suggesting that while political authorities changed, group
identity was reinforced through these experiences.
My strategy of prioritizing horizontal excavations, excavating entire
architectural compounds limited the number of site sectors that could be tested at Cerro
Huancha MV 900, however it enabled documentation of a compounds’ full range of
production activities, changes that occurred over time, and insight to long-term
411
processes. Documenting the longue durée in Collambay enabled detection of shifts in
behaviors over time, establishing an understanding of the LIP and LH history. There is
still much research to be done to understand the chaupiyunga groups’ roles in the LIP
and LH in the Moche Valley, as well as in earlier time periods. The several hundred
years’ gap in occupational history during the late EIP and Middle Horizon in the
chaupiyunga has great significance for understanding coastal-highland relations during
the Moche period and the role that chaupiyunga groups played in north coast regional
history.
A frontier that was home to diverse groups throughout history, the chaupiyunga
zone’s history provides insight into coastal-highland relations. This case study
exemplifies the diverse dynamics that may impact frontier communities in the Andes
and the documentation of local Collambay traditions introduces a new example about
Andean communities whom maintained coastal and highland traditions. This case study
serves as an excellent example of the important role that chaupiyunga groups played in
LIP geopolitics. Further study of the region will provide essential information about
coastal and highland geopolitics, interregional exchange and Andean economies.

Appendix A: Field and Analysis Forms
Provenience Designation Codes, PD_Codes.doc

Provenience Designation Fom, PD_Form.pdf
Diagnostic Ceramics Codes, 2012.Diag.AttributesList_Appendix.doc
Artifact Codes, Clasificacion de Artifactos.doc
412
Appendix B: Field Logs
Provenience Designation Log, PDLog_Appendix.xlsx
Surface Collection Units Log, SC_Units.xlsx
Excavated Features Log, FeatureExcavated.xlsx
413
Appendix C: Data
Sinsicap Valley Sites, Sinsicapsites_appendix.xlsx

Surface Collection Ceramic Data, SurfaceCollection_Appendix.xlsx
Excavated Diagnostic Ceramic Data, Diagsfinal_appendix.xlsx
Excavated Non-diagnostic Ceramic Data, NonDiag_Appendix.xlsx
Artifact Data, Artifact_Appendix.xlsx
414
Appendix D: Data
Faunal Data, Faunal_Appendix.xlsx

Human Remains Report, HumanRemains_report.rtf
Human Remains Data, HumanRemains_appendix.xlsx
Metal Notes, Metal Notes.xlsx
415
Appendix E: Correlates
Archaeological Correlates, Correlates_2016.doc
416
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Alicia Marie Boswell

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Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. v

List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................................... xiv

List of Supplementary Files ............................................................................................ xv

List of Figures ................................................................................................................ xvi

List of Tables ................................................................................................................. xxi

Abstract of the Dissertation ....................................................................................... xxxiv

1 Introduction to Project ............................................................................................. 1

1.1 Significance of Study ........................................................................................ 9

1.2 Outline of the Dissertation ................................................................................ 9

2 Imperial Expansion, Frontiers, and a Bottom-Up Approach ................................ 12

2.1 Empires and Imperial Expansion .................................................................... 12

2.2 Frontiers .......................................................................................................... 15

2.3 Bottom-Up Approach: Prioritizing a Local Perspective ................................. 19

2.4 Models and Hypotheses .................................................................................. 21

2.4.1 Exchange-Alliance .................................................................................. 23

2.4.3 Defensive Outpost Model ....................................................................... 28

2.4.4 No Influence/Interaction Model .............................................................. 31

2.5 Empires, Frontiers, and Models ...................................................................... 32

3 Study Area: Moche Valley and La Libertad Highlands ........................................ 34

3.1 Paleoclimate and El Niño Flooding ................................................................ 36

3.2 Natural Regions of Moche Valley and La Libertad Highlands ...................... 39

3.2.1 Chala (0–500 masl)................................................................................. 40

3.2.2 Yunga/Chaupiyunga (500–2300 masl) ................................................... 41

3.2.3 Quechua (2,300–3,500 masl) .................................................................. 43

3.2.4 Jalca/Suni (3,500–4,000 masl) ............................................................... 44

3.3 Chronological Framework: Horizons and Periods .......................................... 45

3.4 History of Research......................................................................................... 48

3.5.1 Early Intermediate Period ....................................................................... 53

3.5.3 Other Middle Horizon Groups ................................................................ 63

3.6.1 Otuzco/Upper Moche Area ..................................................................... 66

3.6.2 Carabamba Plateau.................................................................................. 67

3.6.3 Alto Chicama .......................................................................................... 67

3.7 Late Intermediate Period ................................................................................. 72

3.7.1 The Moche Valley and Chimú Empire ................................................... 73

3.7.2 Moche Valley Tributaries ....................................................................... 85

3.7.3 Otuzco/Upper Moche Area ..................................................................... 88

3.7.4 Carabamba Plateau.................................................................................. 90

3.7.5 Alto Chicama .......................................................................................... 91

3.7.6 Huamachuco ........................................................................................... 92

3.8 Late Horizon: Chinchasuyu, Northwest Quarter of the Inca Empire.............. 94

3.9 Moche Valley under the Inca Empire ............................................................. 97

3.9.1 Late Horizon in La Libertad Highlands: Huamachuco Province.......... 101

3.10 Colonial Period: The Spanish Arrival in Peru .......................................... 107

3.11 Collambay: ethnography, ethnohistory, and local toponyms.................... 109

3.11.1 Ethnography and Ethnohistory ............................................................. 110

3.11.2 Toponymns ........................................................................................... 117

3.12 Moche Drainage and La Libertad Highlands Environment and Culture

4 Previous Case Studies ......................................................................................... 122

4.1 Chaupiyunga Zone ........................................................................................ 123

4.1.1 Previous Studies in the Chaupiyunga ................................................... 125

4.2 Chimú and Inca Empires - Local Interaction ................................................ 134

4.2.2 Inca-Local Interaction ........................................................................... 137

4.3 Imperial and Local Dynamics in the Andes .................................................. 151

5 Fieldwork Program Overview and Methods ....................................................... 154

5.1 Pedestrian Survey in the Sinsicap Valley and Methods................................ 154

5.2 Site Selection for Excavation ........................................................................ 157

5.3 Site Formation Processes .............................................................................. 158

5.4 Mapping at Cerro Huancha MV 900 ............................................................ 159

5.5 Surface Collection Methods .......................................................................... 162

5.6 Cerro Huancha MV 900 Excavation Strategy .............................................. 165

5.7 Cerro Ramon MV 1000 Excavation Strategy ............................................... 167

5.8 Excavation Methods...................................................................................... 168

5.9 Ceramic Analysis .......................................................................................... 169

5.9.1 Ceramic Analysis Methodology and Protocol ...................................... 170

5.9.2 Ceramic Vessel Typology ..................................................................... 174

5.9.3 Ceramic Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative................................... 185