SEED Findings Summary

stocktondemonstration.org

Preliminary Analysis:
SEED’s First Year

AUTHORS: CONTRIBUTING RESEARCHERS:

Dr. Stacia West, Mina Addo, Mae Carlson,
Dr. Amy Castro Baker, Conway Homes Residents Council,
Sukhi Samra, Pandora Crowder, Meagan Cusack, Stacy Elliott,
Erin Coltrera Daniel Horn, Jenna Steckel, Tooma Zaghloul
 Preliminary Analysis: SEED's First Year

Executive Summary
“ Poverty is the biggest issue. Everything we deal with stems
from that. There’s so many people working incredibly hard,
and if life happens, there’s no bottom. “ —Michael D. Tubbs

The Stockton Economic Empowerment Key Findings Include:

Demonstration, or SEED, was the nation’s
• Guaranteed income reduced income volatility,
first mayor-led guaranteed income initiative.
or the month-to-month income fluctuations
Launched in February 2019 by former Mayor
that households face.
Michael D. Tubbs, SEED gave 125 Stocktonians
$500 per month for 24 months. The cash was • Unconditional cash enabled recipients
unconditional, with no strings attached and no to find full-time employment.
work requirements.
• Recipients of guaranteed income were
This Randomized Control Trial (RCT) pilot is being healthier, showing less depression and anxiety
evaluated by a team of independent researchers, and enhanced wellbeing.
Dr. Stacia West of the University of Tennessee
• The guaranteed income alleviated financial
and Dr. Amy Castro Baker of the University of
scarcity creating new opportunities for
Pennsylvania, and funded by the Evidence for
self-determination, choice, goal-setting,
Action Program at the Robert Wood Johnson
and risk-taking.
Foundation.
SEED sought to confront, address, and humanize
Our primary research questions are the following:
some of the most pressing and pernicious
How does guaranteed income impact
problems our country faces: inequality, income
income volatility? How do changes in income
volatility, and poverty. We hoped to challenge the
volatility impact psychological health and physical
entrenched stereotypes and assumptions about
well-being? How does guaranteed income
the poor, and the working poor, that paralyze
generate agency over one’s future?
our pursuit of more aggressive policy solutions.
We believe that SEED provides an opportunity
In March 2021, SEED released its preliminary
to imagine a more fair and inclusive social
findings from the first year of the experiment.
contract that provides dignity for all. Everyone
These findings encompass the pre-COVID
deserves financial stability – SEED proves that
time period from February 2019 through
a guaranteed income is one way to achieve it.
February 2020.

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 stocktondemonstration.org

SEED Overview /
Implementation
SEED was born out of the simple belief that the
best investments we can make are in our people.
In February 2019, 125 residents began receiving
a guaranteed income of $500 a month for 24
months. A hand-up, rather than a hand-out,
SEED sought to empower its recipients financially
and prove to supporters and skeptics alike that
poverty results from a lack of cash, not character.

125
Residents

500
Dollars

24
Months

3
 To qualify or
be considered
+
for SEED,
recipients
had to
18 $
3
Live in a
1 2 neighborhood
Be at least Reside in with a median
18 years old Stockton income at or
below $46,033

Selection Criteria & Process

To qualify or be considered for SEED, recipients had these mailers were translated into the five most
to be at least 18 years old, reside in Stockton, and commonly spoken languages in Stockton: Spanish,
live in a neighborhood with a median income at or Tagalog, Laotian, Hmong, and Khmer.
below $46,033.
Households who were interested in participating
We chose $46,033 because it is the city’s median completed a web-based consent form that
household income. Centering ourselves on this asked for demographic details. From the pool
number allowed us to be inclusive of residents of recipients who completed this process, a total
across the city while ensuring that resources of 125 were assigned to receive the guaranteed
reached those in need. While our selection process income. Of this pool, 100 comprised the core
targeted neighborhoods at or below the median research sample; and 25 served as a politically
income, there was technically no limit on individual purposive, or storytelling cohort, or who publicly
household income. Recipients from these neighbor- spoke about their experience with SEED. We also
hoods could be earning more or less than $46,033 included an additional 5 recipients for medical
and still participate in SEED. attrition, in the event that an individual is no longer
able to continue participating due to a pre-existing
Based on the above criteria, our evaluation team medical condition, a terminal diagnosis, catastrophic
randomly selected 4,200 residences who were injury, or the onset of a chronic illness. Another 200
invited to participate in SEED via a physical mail individuals were randomly assigned to our control
notice. The mailer was not addressed to any one group, or a group of Stockton residents who are
person in the residence; rather, each household participating in our compensated research activities.
decided whether to participate and who within the The table shows some demographic data of the
household would respond. T​o increase accessibility, treatment and control groups.

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 stocktondemonstration.org

Treatment Control
Women 69% Women 69% Women
Kids in HH 48% 53%
Average Age 45 40
Single 59% 59%
Partnered 13% 15%
Married 27% 26%
White 47% 44%
Black/AfAm 28% 33%
API 13% 7%
Other 12% 17%
Hispanic/Latinx 37% 36%
Renters 50% 65%
Homeowners 25% 18%

Disbursement
SEED’s disbursement was issued on, or close to, behaviors in Stockton. From 2013 to 2017,
the 15th of every month. This was based on approximately 9.7% of Stocktonians did not have
community feedback about how Stockton families a bank account. Given this data, we decided against
handle household finances; large expenses, like issuing the disbursement via direct deposit to
rent, are often due at the beginning of the month recipients’ personal accounts or via electronic apps
and benefits, like CalFresh, rarely meet a family’s such as Venmo and CashApp, which also require
needs for the entire month. As such, a mid-month users to have bank accounts. We also decided
disbursement was optimal to alleviate the financial against writing checks because we did not want any
stress families face as the month progresses. of the $500 stripped away by predatory check-cash-
ing service fees. Prepaid debit cards were the most
SEED’s disbursement was administered via a universally accessible option, and could be issued
Focus Card, or a prepaid debit card issued in each regardless of banking status and imposed zero cost
recipient’s name and provided in partnership on the recipients. They also offered recipients the
with the Oakland-based nonprofit Community opportunity to transfer all or some of the $500 to
Financial Resources. Our decision to use prepaid their preferred banking institution or financial
debit cards was driven primarily by banking service they know and trust.

From 2013 to 2017,

this amount of Stocktonians
9.7% did not have a bank account.

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Preliminary Analysis: SEED's First Year

Commitment to
Preserving Benefits
As such, SEED took a series of steps, based on
We at SEED firmly believe conversations with legal counsel, social service
that unconditional cash administrators, institutional review boards,
must supplement, rather and other cash transfer pilots, to protect
against potential benefits losses. These steps
than replace, the existing were supplemented by research recruitment
social safety net. and sampling decisions that maximized
self-determination in protecting benefits
(Castro Baker, West, Samra, & Cusack, 2020)¹.

Where possible, the SEED team pursued waivers

that exempted the guaranteed income from
being included in benefits eligibility calculations.
For example, we secured a waiver for CalWorks,
a welfare-to-work program that provides cash
aid and services to eligible families, by working
closely with the San Joaquin County Human
Services Agency. This waiver exempts SEED
disbursements from consideration as income
for all CalWorks services, including supportive
services (child care, transportation, and
counseling/therapy) and family stabilization
(intensive case management).

There were, however, limits on which benefits

could be preserved through the waiver process.
To ensure no harm, SEED provided individualized
benefits counseling during the onboarding process.
This benefits counseling detailed exactly how the
additional $500 might impact the other benefits so
that potential SEED recipients could make informed
decisions prior to enrolling in the study.

While we were confident that we took every step

available to minimize the impact of guaranteed
income receipt on other benefits through
productive partnerships with local agencies,
we also know to prepare for the unexpected.
¹ These strategies were presented at the 2019 American Public For that reason, SEED established a Hold Harmless
Health Association annual meeting. Castro Baker, West, Samra, & Fund to reimburse recipients for any unanticipated
Addo. (2019). Mitigating Loss of Health Insurance and Means-Tested
Benefits in an Unconditional Cash Transfer Experiment:
benefits losses.
Implementation Lessons from Stockton’s Guaranteed Income Pilot.
In American Public Health Association. Philadelphia, PA.

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 stocktondemonstration.org

Implementation and
Take-up: The Role of Trust
Trust drove program implementation, take-up, and
interaction with the debit card. Mistrust impacted
whether or not people opened the recruitment
mailers, completed their on-boarding appointment, Recruitment:
moved money off the card into cash or another “One day I received the mail and I took the letter
institution, and believed that the money was truly out at night and I was telling my husband, ‘Oh my
theirs. People like Mary feared an undisclosed catch goodness,’ I said, ‘I’m gonna send it back…I had
and likened it to frightening prior misbehavior to call and he said, ‘You know that’s a lie, right?’
There’s like scams that, they want this, this, this,
by companies, like the time her employer made
this, this, you now, and then you’re like, ‘no,
mistakes with coworkers' paychecks and asked
I’m not going to do all that.’”
them to pay it back after the money had been
spent. Several recipients described ripping up and
Onboarding:
tossing the recruitment mailer, only to pull it out of
the garbage after reading about SEED elsewhere. “I was thinking ‘I hope it works…I’m probably not
even going to get it,’ you know, and I was so
Spouses, more frequently women, responded to
anxious because I had a disconnection for the
the mailer when their partner refused to or mistook
water within two days and I wouldn’t get paid for
it for a predatory scam. four. I kept crying waiting to see if the debit card
would load. I didn’t know if we’d have water.”
In many cases, recipients articulated that although
they mistrusted the idea of money with no strings Two Payments In:
attached, their decision to respond was driven
“[A SEED staff member] came to my job
by the strain of their current financial situation.
personally….I told my coworkers, ‘I gotta meet
Variations on Jackie’s ² comment that, “the money somebody outside, like they’re coming, I just got
came right in time” were replete in early interviews to get something from them. If I don’t come back
and reflected the constant state of financial in, come look for me.’”
precarity many were living with prior to SEED.
Recipients struggled to reconcile their mistrust in
SEED with the reality of constant financial strain.
As illustrated by Monica’s experience, it took several Stocktonians’ experiences with risky lending,
months of consistent payments and relationship institutional disinvestment, and lack of trust is
building to outweigh fear and mistrust. Even after far from unique. Rather, it is a common feature of
she had received two payments, attended an American financial life in communities locked out of
in-person session for enrollment, and regularly upward mobility for decades, while simultaneously
spoke with SEED staff on the phone, she still being targeted for wealth extraction and risk
remained fearful when meeting in person. (Castro Baker, 2014; Saegert, Fields, & Libman,
2009; Servon, 2017). The human connection
with staff embedded in the Stockton model
(Castro Baker, West, Samra, Cusack, 2020), and
² Pseudonym. Per the IRB, all names included in this manuscript are the consistency of communication from program
pseudonyms for confidentiality. Recipients identified by their first and staff functioned as key pathways for building
last names are members of the political purposive (storytelling) sample
N=25 who consented to share their experiences publicly through the enough trust to facilitate program take-up.
duration of the pilot. Their qualitative data remains separate from the
main treatment group.

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Year 1
Research Overview

The key questions driving this experiment are:

1 2 3
How does GI impact To what degree do changes How does GI
income volatility? in income volatility alter financial generate agency
wellbeing, psychological distress, over one's future?
and physical functioning?

We hypothesized that the GI intervention would Approach

lead to reductions in monthly income volatility and
The research approach included three strands:
provide greater income sufficiency, which would
(1) parallel quant + qual,
in turn lead to reduced psychological stress and
(2) sequential (quant –› qual –› quant) and
improved physical functioning. We used a mixed
(3) community based PAR. Research activities
methods randomized control trial (RCT) with
are ongoing through September 2021.
participatory action research design to answer
these questions. Participatory Action Research
Strand I:
(PAR) groups, alongside an objective to create new
conversations around deservedness and inequality, Parallel quant + qual. Baseline quantitative data
led to the inclusion of analyses of how individuals were collected three months prior to the random
used the $500. All research activities were approved assignment to groups that occurred in February
by the Institutional Review Boards of the University 2019, and were collected at three intervals
of Tennessee-Knoxville and the University post-randomization. Participants also completed
of Pennsylvania. brief monthly SMS surveys to measure income
and mental health changes. A purposive qualitative
sample of 50 participants were selected to
participate in 1:1 semi-structured interviews to
determine how decision-making about the
$500 was weighed alongside existing network
responsibilities and safety net thresholds.

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 stocktondemonstration.org

Strand II A: Quantitative Analysis

Sequential (quant –› qual –› quant): Strand II utilized Given the preliminary nature of this report, basic
early quantitative measures on coping, income descriptive and inferential statistics are presented
volatility, and agency to generate a nested purposive for quantitative data. Additional statistical analyses
qualitative sample determining how participants will be conducted, per the pre-analysis plan,³ at the
interpret changes associated with GI. The aim was conclusion of the study and will be presented in a
to understand the strategies, processes, and sense final report. In quantitative analyses of Strands I &
of agency over one’s future associated with the II, income volatility was calculated by the coefficient
intervention. The sequential component captured of variation, as used by the U.S. Financial Diaries
the lived experiences of income volatility alongside study. To determine the coefficient of variation, we
coping strategies and health behaviors. It consisted divided the standard deviation of monthly income
of semi-structured interviews with a purposive by the mean of monthly income (Morduch & Siwicki,
sample of the treatment and control group. 2017). Between and within subjects effects of the
Interview protocols were informed by a social stress SF-36 and Kessler 10, our measures of psycholog-
process model and existing economic insecurity, ical distress and physical functioning, were tested
coping mechanisms, and network literature. with a t-test at baseline in December 2018 and in
Thematic analysis of themes associated with the February 2019. Descriptive statistics were calculated
aforementioned domains (Braun & Clark, 2006; for employment changes and financial wellbeing.
Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2008) informed the In qualitative analyses of Strands I & II, thematic
development of a narrowly focused quantitative analysis informed by structural coding was used to
text-based inquiry that occurred monthly (Hall, capture social network relationships and decision
Cole-Lewis, & Bernhardt, 2015). pathways were used alongside value/affect coding
(Saldana, 2009) to determine how participants
Strand II B: interpret receipt of cash in the context of stigma
Mixed-methods integration of quantitative and and shame ordinarily associated with accessing
qualitative data from year one generated new benefits (Keene, Cowan, & Castro Baker, 2015).
research questions that we were unable to answer
with the existing data set. Therefore, an additional
sequential step of purposive interviewing was
added in year two. These research activities are
currently ongoing.

Quantitative Measurement
Income volatility data were measured monthly
through self-reporting via SMS. The health
indicators of physical functioning and psychological
distress were measured quantitatively via the SF-36
and the Kessler 10 (RAND Corporation, 2018;
Kessler et al., 2002) within the longitudinal survey
every six months and qualitatively through in-depth
interviews. Data on financial wellbeing, including
employment and ability to cover a $400 emergency,
were collected via self-reporting in the quantitative
survey at six month intervals.

³ https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/wp-content/
uploads/2019/08/SEED-Pre-analysis-Plan.-8.6.19-1.pdf

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Preliminary Analysis: SEED's First Year

Qualitative Methodology Stage 2:

There were three stages of qualitative data After respondents were randomized into treatment
collection and analysis in year one: open-ended and control, SEED program staff invited potential
questions on the baseline survey, semi-structured members of the treatment group for 1:1 intake
interviews after intake, and semi-structured sessions in a community-based setting.
interviews throughout the first year with members All recipients who enrolled into the treatment group
of the treatment group.⁴ Interviews were also received invitations to participate in a semi-struc-
conducted with the control group and are part tured interview as a component of SEED’s
of ongoing research activities. All qualitative implementation. Thirty-six consented. Interviews
methodology was theoretically rooted in a social were 15-20 minutes long to minimize participant
stress model with a specific focus on scarcity and fatigue, digitally recorded, and professionally
strain (Mani, Mullainathan, Shafir, & Zhao, 2013; transcribed. The protocol incorporated questions
Shah, Mullainathan, & Shafir, 2012). on general demographics, trust, social networks,
program uptake, and decision-making. Thematic
Stage 1: analysis at the semantic level was conducted in
Dedoose following the same phases used in stage
Open-ended questions were included in the initial
one (Braun & Clark, 2006). The codes used in
baseline survey before recruitment respondents
this phase represented an extended version of
were randomized into treatment and control.
those used in stage one. The additions included
The prompts were informed by the literature on
architectural codes capturing sequence and
deservedness, shame, and blame associated
decision-making, and revised value codes
with the safety net (Baumberg, 2016; Seccombe,
capturing one’s perspective of public discourse
James, & Walters, 1998; Tach & Edin, 2017).
on deservedness (Saldana, 2009).
These open-ended sections were designed to (1)
guide protocol development for the semi-structured
interviews, (2) guide text-based data collection, (3)
start identifying household decision-making
patterns, and (4) determine how guaranteed income
may be interpreted differently than safety net
benefits. Responses (N= 478) were recursively
coded in Dedoose following Braun & Clark’s (2006)
five phases of thematic analysis. This included three
rounds of comparative coding using descriptive
codes for substance (Saldana, 2009), emotion codes
capturing decision-making (Goleman, 1995), and
values codes reflecting public discourse literature.⁵

⁴ Open-ended questions were also asked during text-based data

collection. These will not be reported on until the conclusion of
the study as they are part of on-going research activities.
⁵ Early qualitative findings from stage 1 were presented at the 2020
Society for Social Work and Research conference. Castro Baker, A.,
West, S., Addo, M., Carlson, M., & Elliott, S. (2020). Renegotiating
the Social Contract: Perceptions of Deservedness in a City-Led
Guaranteed Income Experiment. Society for Social Work and
Research. San Francisco, CA.
 stocktondemonstration.org

Stage 3: prompts on process, meaning-making, strategies,

All members of the treatment group were invited pooling of material and immaterial resources, trust,
to participate in a semi-structured interview and social networks. The original 5 stage thematic
approximately halfway through the first year of analysis (Braun & Clark, 2006) that was employed
treatment. This included targeted outreach to those in stages 1 and 2 was altered during codebook
who indicated prior or current experiences with the development based on the first two stages of
social safety net to ensure adequate representation analysis and early quantitative signals. In keeping
from that group. Recruitment ceased when the with the iterative aspect of a mixed-methods
target sample of 50 was reached. The aim of stage approach (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2008; Teddlie,
three was to understand the strategies, processes, Tashakkori, & Johnson, 2008), we adjusted our
adaptations, and sense of agency over one’s future approach to incorporate grounded theory for
associated with guaranteed income. Interviews latent analysis (Charmaz, 2014) alongside thematic
were digitally recorded, professionally transcribed analysis at the semantic level. This methodological
verbatim, and lasted one to three hours depending approach was chosen when analysis in stage 1
on how people answered questions. Most were and 2 indicated that recipients were experiencing
interviewed in their homes, but some elected to guaranteed income as an unfolding phenomenon
interview in a community-based setting to that lacked common language and shared
maximize privacy. Two individuals elected to do their understanding (Charmaz, 2014). The final codebook
interviews over the phone when personal plans included process codes, values codes, focus coding
changed at the last minute. Constant comparative (Thornberg, Perhamus, & Charmaz, 2014), and
memo-writing occurred throughout the entire theoretical coding (Glaser, 1978; Charmaz, 2014).
interview and analysis process (Charmaz, 2014; All coding occurred in Dedoose.
Strauss, 1987). The interview protocol incorporated
Year 1 Findings
Aggregate Spending Consistently, the largest spending category each
month was food, followed by sales/merchandise,
Each month, aggregate spending data were
which were likely also food purchases at wholesale
collected from the prepaid debit card to determine
clubs and larger stores like Walmart and Target.
how recipients spent the $500. Those data were
Other leading categories each month were utilities
categorized into merchant category codes (MCC)
and auto care or transportation. Less than 1% of
that corresponded to the transaction type.
tracked purchases were for tobacco and alcohol.
For example, Costco had a MCC of “wholesale clubs”
The table below shows the percentages of tracked
and was categorized as “sales or merchandise.”
disbursements in each spending category, starting
Safeway had a MCC of “supermarket” and was
with the first disbursement in February 2019 and
categorized as “food.”
ending one year later.

Month

Category Feb 19 Mar 19 Apr 19 May 19 Jun 19 Jul 19 Aug 19

Food 36.11% 34.11% 33.65% 39.53% 35.54% 34.18% 38.82%

Sales/Merchandise 24.20% 24.56% 24.09% 21.23% 21.27% 21.14% 18.08%

Utilities 11.78% 10.50% 10.42% 11.76% 7.80% 9.12% 9.48%

Auto Care 9.25% 9.05% 10.19% 9.39% 10.54% 11.23% 11.64%

Services 6.70% 8.37% 8.64% 7.54% 9.12% 6.43% 7.51%

Transportation 3.02% 1.89% 2.48% 2.40% 4.38% 2.54% 2.62%

Insurance 0.55% 4.42% 3.97% 2.14% 2.72% 2.66% 3.42%

Medical 2.23% 4.72% 3.19% 3.50% 3.81% 2.28% 3.38%

Self Care/ Recreation 3.97% 0.81% 2.57% 1.61% 3.46% 3.11% 2.97%

Education 1.95% 0.47% 0.38% 0.66% 1.12% 0.58% 1.63%

Donation 0.25% 1.11% 0.41% 0.25% 0.24% 0.74% 0.46%

Monthly Avg 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%

Month

Category Sep 19 Oct 19 Nov 19 Dec 19 Jan 20 Feb 20 Monthly Avg

Food 39.37% 35.26% 37.74% 33.75% 35.05% 41.76% 36.92%

Sales/Merchandise 22.55% 17.35% 21.46% 25.08% 21.31% 21.71% 22.70%

Utilities 11.23% 14.02% 10.26% 6.07% 12.43% 8.74% 11.34%

Auto Care 10.77% 8.61% 9.18% 8.60% 7.03% 8.70% 8.77%

Services 5.30% 8.60% 7.39% 4.41% 9.08% 4.98% 6.90%

Transportation 0.34% 4.53% 3.79% 10.85% 4.88% 3.99% 3.45%

Insurance 2.90% 5.08% 5.12% 3.64% 3.09% 2.11% 3.28%

Medical 3.29% 3.00% 2.27% 3.68% 2.38% 4.63% 3.06%

Self Care/ Recreation 3.18% 2.02% 2.24% 2.91% 2.23% 1.79% 2.09%

Education 0.59% 0.51% 0.41% 0.37% 1.73% 0.50% 0.83%

Donation 0.47% 1.01% 0.15% 0.63% 0.79% 0.09% 0.65%

Monthly Avg 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%

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Transfer Patterns Pooling Behaviors, Time Scarcity,

and Prioritizing Self
Over the year, approximately 40% of the
money loaded to the prepaid debit card was Semi-structured interviews highlighted patterns in
either transferred to a pre-existing bank account pooling behaviors and shifts in time among families
or withdrawn as cash. Analysis of narrative data and social networks in ways that the aggregate data
indicates that these patterns are attributable masks. Pooling references the ways households
to rational financial behavior. The way people combine and allocate income and resources toward
moved money off of the card reflected their prior expenses within the home, but the vast majority
experiences in the market and prior strategies of pooling research focuses on married or intimate
for avoiding risk while managing household needs. cohabiting partners (Lyngstad, Noak, & Tufte, 2010;
Participants described four reasons for transferring Vogler 2005; Vogler, Wiggins & Brockman, 2006).
the money off of the debit card. First, some In this research, we extended our analysis beyond
preferred relying on existing relationships with pooling among couples to include social ties
financial institutions that they already utilized participants self-identified as members of their
for household budgeting and paying bills. reciprocal pooling network, which is far more
This prompted some to transfer a portion of the reflective of how many get by. Although the majority
money to their primary account, allowing them to of SEED recipients interviewed chose to keep their
manage all income in a single place. Second, others participation anonymous from their friends and
exchanged the $500 for cash, allowing them to family, a small minority chose to tell their partners,
pay rent, divide commonly held bills among family spouses, parents, or a close confidant. Regardless
members, or for covering other bills to local of whether or not someone kept their participation
payees that do not accept electronic payments. silent, their pooling networks shaped decision-mak-
Third, a pervasive lack of trust in financial services in ing pathways and strategies. The $500 spilled into
the community and prior experience with predatory their extended networks in material and immaterial
actors motivated some to quickly remove money ways that alleviated financial strain across
from the card. Stockton, like many racially and fragile networks and generated more time for
ethnically diverse communities, has a concentration relationships. For those with more financially stable
of predatory financial services, like payday lenders, family networks, less pooling behavior occurred.
embedded in non-white and lower income neigh-
borhoods (Mapping Financial Opportunity, 2020). The most common spillover shifts participants
The community experience of ongoing wealth described surrounded food and unpaid care work.
extraction, both through those services as well As reflected in the aggregate spending data,
as the foreclosure crisis, have rightly primed the the majority of money spent on the debit card
community to be wary of any financial services; surrounded food. The narrative data highlighted
and, while SEED was created in coordination with patterns of how families stretched this food to
community members, and widely publicized by patch holes in the safety net and their networks.
the Mayor’s Office, many recipients still worried the Participants regularly described finally being able to
program was a scam. Finally, prior to SEED’s launch, afford enough food to cover their household for the
Ontario’s basic income program was cancelled two entire month, when they previously ran out when
years early and covered extensively by the press monthly food stamps limits were met or when they
(Frazee, 2018). Recipients feared that if Ontario did not receive enough hours at work. Before SEED,
could end abruptly, then SEED might follow suit. these households would then either shift the quality
of food they purchased or borrowed from family
and friends who were also running low.

12
SEED Findings Summary

Sarah “If I fall who's catching me?”

Sarah is a woman in her 60s who works as a CNA. She spends a large portion of her time caring for her brother,
who sustained a traumatic brain injury after an accident. Sarah’s brother was able to buy a property with two
small houses for him and Sarah with a lump sum payment he received after the accident. Since then, he has
experienced severe mental health symptoms, such as paranoia and insomnia. She is responsible for making sure
he takes his medication and helping him maintain personal hygiene, as well as staying on top of household duties
like getting groceries and paying the mortgage and utility bills. When her brother's symptoms are particularly
severe, Sarah has to miss work to stay home with him and make sure he is safe because she is the only person he
trusts. At times, Sarah has had to miss work for up to a week to care for her brother, which drastically affects the
amount of money she sees on her paycheck. While receiving the $500, Sarah has used SEED to help her siblings
buy school clothes for their children and to help her daughter-in-law pay for car-insurance. However, no one in
her network knows she is participating in SEED and using the money to assist them. The $500 has given Sarah the
opportunity to start considering how to balance her own needs with her deep-seated belief in the importance of
giving. Her goal for the SEED funds is to start a savings account, potentially get a working car, and put some
money away for herself in case of an emergency.

In other words, stabilizing food security in just one data, participants regularly articulated that the
house with the $500 generated echoes of food $500 generated time and funds to participate
security for those they ordinarily borrowed from. in American life in ways they would be unable to
The $500 also assisted recipients with stretching otherwise. Nicole described her time changing
resources across their networks to cover the needs this way,
of aging or ill family members, material needs such
as school or sports equipment, and transportation “I’m able to read and write my poetry, and spend
to and from doctor’s appointments they would time with my Mom...You have time. More time
otherwise skip. Unsurprisingly, these strategies to use your imagination, decorate, take time
were more commonly utilized by women who with cleaning, try out recipes, watch a nice movie
traditionally bear most of the burden of unpaid with someone, call your loved ones and give them
care work (Abramovitz, 2018). encouragement. Everyone needs encouragement.”

Narrative analysis also highlighted how freedom Parents articulated newfound time and ability to
from constant preoccupation with scarcity spending engage with their children in small, but normal
shifted how recipients utilized their time, functioned rights of passage that generated dignity and quality
in relationships, and participated in meaningful of life. “Watching tv with my kids instead of yelling,”
activities that Jake describes as “normal things “I can breathe and do homework with them,” “take
that a lot of people take for granted.” While these your kids to the movies,” “be able to say yes to the
trends remain invisible in the aggregate spending ice cream instead of no. My kids have always heard no.”

13
 Penelope
“I'm just making the minimum payments on my bills…
so, to help him out, because my priority is help….”

Penelope is a middle-aged woman who lives with her husband. She has a daughter in her mid-twenties who
lives and works in Sacramento. Her family moved to Stockton from the Bay Area when she was in her late teens.
Penelope lived in Sacramento as a single-mother while her daughter was growing up, and moved back to Stockton
in 2016 when she got married. She uses the $500 to make credit card payments and support her 78-year-old
father, who lives nearby in Stockton in a fairly upscale neighborhood. Penelope remarks that people might
assume her father is well-off due to where he lives, however, he is struggling to pay off his late-wife’s medical bills
with his limited social security income and retirement funds. Penelope and her father cared for her mother from
the time she was diagnosed with a chronic illness in 2006 until her death in 2015. Penelope was responsible for
bathing her mother and taking her to appointments. She says her mother “trusted her with her life” while she
was battling her illness. While she said caring for her mother felt “automatic” and “natural,” the experience was
difficult, and especially tough for her father, which meant that Penelope shouldered the majority of care taking
responsibilities. Penelope worked in the medical field for a long time. She held both administrative and clinical
positions as a nurse and later pharmacy technician. When a back injury she sustained administering CPR was
further compounded by a car accident, Penelope was forced to stop working due to debilitating chronic pain.
She is currently receiving permanent disability benefits. Penelope makes the minimum payment on her own bills
so that she can help her father pay for his expenses. She comments that if she knew she would be receiving the
$500 forever, she would give the entire payment to her father. She describes her family as a “circle” when it comes
to sharing resources and says that they will show up for each other in turn when there is a financial emergency.
Caring for others is a large part of Penelope’s personal and professional identity and the $500 has enabled her to
feel more comfortable engaging in the resources sharing that were central to her life before SEED.

The expansion of time and

the ability to afford things 12

like birthday cakes and

spending time with 9 3

friends socially when they 6

otherwise could not were

common refrains that
highlight how financial
scarcity generates time
scarcity within households
and relationships.

14
Preliminary Analysis: SEED's First Year

Jake “I would still survive without this money but it, it makes life bearable.”

Jake is a man in his early 30s who works as a manager at a wholesale supply company in Stockton. He regularly
works 12-14 hours a day; however, he still struggles to make ends meet. He was born and raised in Stockton and
has experienced the increased cost of living firsthand - his first apartment was around $600 a month and now
he pays $1,300 - $1,400 in rent. He primarily devotes the $500 to his monthly truck payment. Previously, he was
spending most of his income on bills, but the introduction of the $500 and the single burden of the car payment
that it alleviated has given him more breathing room financially. Jake feels less worried about spending time and
money on social outings with friends, whereas in the past, he would watch other people go and stay home so that
he didn’t have to be “that person with no money out there.” He says the biggest impact of the $500 for him has
been the opportunity to do more “just normal things that a lot of people take for granted” like going out for
dinner with his mom or buying her a birthday present. Jake works long hours in order to pay his bills, which,
before the $500, meant that his time and budget for doing anything but surviving was limited. While he still
works the same long hours, SEED has allowed Jake to participate in more of the small social rituals that make life
meaningful. For Jake, the $500 eased some financial pressure, and in turn, created more space for relationships
and activities that have improved his quality of life.

Finally, women who spend much of their life and basic hygiene for her grandkids. Bunny purchased
time performing unpaid care work within their new shoes for herself while paying someone to
networks described how the twin forces of mow her grass rather than having to do it under
alleviating financial stress alongside an infusion a blazing Central Valley sun with health limitations.
of time allowed them to prioritize themselves in What stands out when women describe these
ways they ignored for years. In many cases this was spending shifts is how clearly they articulate it as
reflected in expected ways such as catching up on focusing on themselves because they desire to
dental work and preventative medical care. after spending extensive time and money caring
However, it also unexpectedly provided newfound for others for free. These women are listening to
freedom to hear and center their own needs, and prioritizing their own desires and well-being
desires, and wants in ways that improved their because it is something they crave on its own.
quality of life - fixing one’s own car instead of This stands in stark contrast to engaging in
someone else’s; money for spending time with self-care so one can perform yet more care work
friends instead of diverting everything for children at the expense of their own well-being and sense
or extended kin. Mona bought diapers for her of self. In Sarah’s words, she can “focus more on
grandchildren and an adequate amount of feminine myself….To focus on me and get everything I need
hygiene products for the first time in months. to be paid in full,” while Bunny says, “I want to make
Like many, she ordinarily bypassed meeting her myself happy more. I want to be more for myself.”

15
 stocktondemonstration.org

Income Volatility and Financial Wellbeing

One year into the program, the treatment group
demonstrated less month-over-month income
Real Madrid
volatility than those in the control group.
The control group experienced nearly 1.5x more
income volatility than the treatment group - the
treatment group’s income fluctuated by 46.4% Real Madrid is a 42-year-old immigrant. He came
to the United States in 2016 from his war-torn
monthly while the control group experienced a
hometown in the Middle East and North Africa
67.5% monthly income fluctuation. These findings (MENA) region by way of another Arab country,
are consistent with findings from the U.S. Financial joining his family that sought refuge in Stockton,
Diaries, which reported greater month over month California before him in 2001. For Real Madrid,
volatility for lower-income households (Hannagan navigating the “American life” underscores a
& Morduch, 2015). In addition, we find that conflict between suitable employment that
households receiving the intervention were better carries dignity and pride, and the hardships of
living in scarcity and lack of “straight” or honest
positioned over time to cover a $400 unexpected
work that pays a survival wage. As the primary
expense with cash or a credit card paid in full than caregiver for his disabled father and sister, he
the control group. At the start of the program, only was soon faced with either taking part in illicit
25% of recipients would pay for an unexpected work or joining college to get a degree in real
expense with cash or a cash equivalent. One year in, estate, a field in which he has about 25 years of
52% of those in the treatment group would pay experience back home but cannot practice here.
for an unexpected expense with cash or a cash Real Madrid took the risk of enrolling as a full-
time student to earn a certificate in Real Estate
equivalent. Comparatively, 25% of the control group
relying entirely on his father’s Supplemental
would pay for an unexpected expense at baseline Security Income (SSI), sister’s food stamps, and
with cash or a cash equivalent. One year in, only the financial aid and student loans for which he
28% of those in the control group would pay for an was eligible as the only sources of income and
unexpected expense with cash or a cash equivalent. financial support. One day, while on his daily
The treatment group was in a more stable commute to run some errands using public
financial position than the control group one year transportation, since he does not have a car or
a driver’s license, he heard about SEED on the
after receiving guaranteed income, as shown by
radio and decided to respond to SEED’s letter
Real Madrid’s story.
accordingly. Getting the USD 500 on a monthly
basis helped him to focus his attention on
“having a decent job” after completing his
graduation requirements while taking care
25% VS. of his family. It ensured that the plans for
52% his vocational trajectory are being embraced,
polished, and executed. SEED not only
enabled him to stay in school and acquire his
anticipated certificate, it also allowed him to
continue his education after applying for an
Associate Degree in Business Administration.
At the start of the program,
only 25% of recipients would pay
for an unexpected expense with cash
or a cash equivalent. One year in, 52%
of those in the treatment group would
pay for an unexpected expense with
cash or a cash equivalent.

16
Preliminary Analysis: SEED's First Year

Psychological distress treatment group experienced clinically and

and physical functioning statistically significant improvements in their mental
health that the control group did not - moving from
The Kessler 10 is a widely used instrument that
likely having a mild mental health disorder to likely
measures psychological distress based on
mental wellness over the year-long intervention.
questions about anxiety and depression.
Scores can range from 10 to 50, with higher
The Short Form Health Survey 36, developed by
scores indicating more severe psychological
the RAND corporation, is a widely used instrument
distress. Scores less than 20 indicate a person
to measure overall health and wellbeing.
is likely to be well, and scores 20-24 indicate a mild
It includes 8 subscales: physical functioning, role
mental health disorder (Kessler et al., 2002). T-tests
limitations due to physical health, role limitations
of the Kessler 10 indicate the treatment group
due to emotional problems, energy and fatigue,
reported lower incidence of anxiety and depressive
emotional well-being, social functioning, pain, and
symptoms than the control group at the fourth
general health (Hays & Shapiro, 1992; Stewart et
observation beginning in February 2020, one
al., 1992). The scores range from 0 to 100, with 100
year after randomization. At the first observation,
representing better health. At baseline, there was
the treatment (M=21.28, SD=9.03) and control
no significant difference in the treatment and
(M=20.72, SD=8.97) group scores on the Kessler 10
control groups’ scores on any of the 8 subscales.
were not significantly different [t(303)=.541, p=.58)].
At observation four, mean scores for the control
group were M=21.15, (SD=10.55) and M=18.43 One year after receiving the
(SD=8.66) for the treatment group, indicating a guaranteed income, the treatment
nearly significant change [t(184)=-1.92, p=.056)]. group showed statistically significant
The effect size for this change, measured as differences in emotional health
Cohen’s d, was -.282, a relatively small effect.
When the control group was compared to
(t(183)=14.85, p=.012), energy over fatigue
themselves as a baseline, there was no significant
(t(186)=7.30, p=.023), emotional wellbeing
change in scores on the Kessler 10 [t(86)=-.997,
(t(191)=7.70, p=.022), and pain (t(189)=7.87, p=.047)
p=.322)]. However, the treatment group showed
when compared to the control group. Effect sizes in
significant improvement in scores when compared
this comparison were slightly larger than detected
to themselves at baseline [t(85)=2.732, p=.008)].
in the Kessler 10. Cohen’s d for emotional health
Cohen’s d for this effect was .29, again a small effect.
was .370, .335 for energy over fatigue, .332 for
Taken together, these findings suggest that the
emotional wellbeing, and .283 for pain. Jim & Pam,
a couple in the treatment group, share their story
about the interaction between financial strain and
emotional and mental health.
The Kessler 10

10 20 30 40 50

Likely to Mild mental Severe

be well health disorder psychological
distress

17
 stocktondemonstration.org

Jim & Pat “So to me this is the best of times... 'cause we're all together.” – Jim

Pam and Jim are a couple in their late 20s/early 30s who have lived in Stockton for most of their lives. They have
three school age children, two of whom have been diagnosed with developmental delays. Jim recently completed
his bachelor’s degree in criminal justice and hopes to work with youth in programs aimed at preventing them
from entering the criminal justice system. Pam and Jim save money to take their kids on vacation twice a year.
In fact, after some trips to a theme park one of their sons, who was previously non-verbal, started memorizing
maps and socializing more. Pam says, “now he does not stop talking (laughs).” Pam and Jim have struggled with
the restrictions of the social safety net. Jim likens the process of applying for and receiving benefits to jumping
through “fire hoops.” They received benefits like cash assistance and MediCal on and off depending on their
employment situation, which made it difficult for them to build a strong financial foundation as their eligibility
for benefits would change when they started to earn more income through work. Around the same time that they
began participating in SEED, they were approaching the 48-month lifetime limit for cash assistance and Jim was
finishing school and looking for jobs. He says, “We had our backs against the wall.” Stress about their financial
situation and their childcare responsibilities contributed to a growing feeling of anxiety and they both started
having panic attacks (though Pam says “not at the same time luckily”). They primarily use the SEED funds to pay
down their credit card bills. Since receiving the $500, they report that their anxiety has greatly decreased and they
do not fight as much as a couple. In Pam’s words “I had panic attacks and anxiety. I was at the point where I had to
take a pill for it. And I haven’t even touched them in awhile. I used to carry them on me all the time.”

18
Preliminary Analysis: SEED's First Year

Agency, Risk Taking, and Freedom Shifts in employment patterns were tied to
removing material barriers to full-time employment
The final research question regarding how
and removing time and capacity limits created by
guaranteed income may generate agency over
scarcity and precarity. Material barriers included
one’s future was categorized into two domains:
the ability to reduce the number of part-time shifts
1) changes in employment and risk taking, and
or gig work in order to apply for stronger positions.
2) freedom from forced vulnerability, which we
This included completing internships, training, or
conceptualize as circumstantially coerced trust or
coursework that lead to full-time employment or
dependence in people, social ties, or systems out
promotions, or reallocating resources in a way
of necessity and lack of choice. In February 2019,
that facilitates seeking better job prospects.
28% of recipients had full-time employment. One
For example, one man in his mid 30s had been
year later, 40% of recipients were employed full-
eligible for a real estate license for more than a
time. In contrast, the control group saw only a 5%
year, but could not afford taking the time off work to
increase in full-time employment over the same
complete it. With the $500, he says that his life was
one-year period - 32% of those in the control group
“converted 360 degrees… because I have more time
were employed full-time in February 2019; one
and net worth to study… to achieve my goals.”
year later, 37% of control group participants were
As reflected in the spending data, financial scarcity
employed full-time. Though these findings cannot
generates time scarcity. Simply put, when every
point to larger labor market trends, when integrated
dollar of wage work is allocated for bills before it
with qualitative data, they do lend insight into how
is earned, most cannot afford to skip work or take
individuals leveraged the $500 monthly payment to
necessary steps toward better employment
improve employment prospects.
structurally trapping them regardless of individual
effort. While these constraints are widely studied as

Chelsea
“I stayed in a bad marriage for longer than I should have
because I didn’t have the funds or the means to leave."

Chelsea spent most of her adult life in Stockton, is a mother of two young children and laments that she worked
hard to find an apartment that felt both safe and affordable, only to have the landlord continue increasing
the rent. She escaped an abusive marriage a couple years ago, and is the sole provider for her children.
She notes that had something like SEED came along sooner in her life, she would have been able to leave that
abusive relationship several years earlier. In addition to being a Mom, she works full-time plus frequent overtime
to make ends meet. When she first learned she would be receiving the $500, she planned to use the money to get
a few months ahead on her daycare payments for her two kids since daycare is a major expense. However, just
before the first payment, Chelsea’s car blew its engine. Chelsea had been living paycheck to paycheck and had
limited options for securing transportation to get to work, so Chelsea took on a costly title loan on a car so she
could keep getting to her job. When that car broke down, Chelsea had no savings or viable option for buying even
a used car, and ended up leasing a car so she could get back to work as soon as possible.

By the time disbursement began, Chelsea had to make a new plan of immediately putting the Guaranteed Income
each month toward making payments for both the broken down car that sits useless, and the car she is currently
leasing and driving to work. Chelsea explains that after making those monthly car payments, and using her salary
to cover other expenses, the $500 provides enough that there is a little left over each month. Chelsea uses that
small amount of “leftover” SEED money each month to do special little outings with her kids, like taking them to
see a movie or go to a water park—fun activities that previously would have seemed frivolous or irresponsible on
her shoestring budget. Chelsea explains that having this new freedom to spend even a small amount of the $500
on occasional outings with her children is a special newfound joy.
19
 stocktondemonstration.org

limits for saving and asset building (Sherraden et. al, ties (Small & Gose, 2020). The narrative data
2015), these findings indicate that it may also limit underscored these dynamics and illustrated how
how workers react to local job markets. living with constant financial strain creates forced
vulnerability, dependence, and trust in people you
The alleviation of constant financial strain also may not want to engage with or in systems that
generated increased bandwidth for goal-setting and invite unwanted surveillance into your household.
risk-taking, both of which were previously limited by As one Mom put it, “poverty means lack of choice.
scarcity. In Kent’s words guaranteed income means, You’re forced in ways you don’t want to be.” Or, as
“you can take so much risk…The only reason I got Jada describes, feeling compelled by circumstance
the internship was because of me taking the risk of to “choose” between terrible options. In her case
having to quit a job before and knowing that I have this means “opting” to live in unsafe housing she
that money. I could sustain myself until this new calls a “cave” with broken appliances, constant
opportunity came around, and I was able to take it.” vermin, and an absentee landlord rather than
However, the burden of unpaid care work created living in a nicer place with family members
a ceiling on risk-taking for some women supporting whose presence invites more unpaid care work
networks with significant needs left unmet by the and difficult relationships.
market and safety net. In some cases, the strategies
people used for survival were explicitly articulated In contrast, chosen vulnerability and interdepen-
and readily described. But, more often than not, dence hinges on agency, self-determination, and
people spent so many years battling scarcity that authentic trust in the ties you actively choose and
resilient survival strategies functioned as implicit rely on. Once basic needs were met and scarcity
ways of being and getting by. Recipients carried dampened, participants described small, but
these strengths into SEED and, as bandwidth meaningful pathways out of reciprocal ties of
increased, capacity for risk-taking, new goal-setting vulnerability they desired freedom from in favor
pathways, and some freedom from forced of chosen vulnerability and authentic trust defined
vulnerability emerged. For more than 100 years, by choice and a sense of safety. Unlike forced
the social science literature has established that vulnerability that can invite surveillance and
one way those living on the economic margins constrained dependence, Callie describes chosen
survive is by relying on strong networks and social trust, interdependence or vulnerability as, “putting
ties (Eden & Lein, 1997; Engels, 1892; Du Bois, 1899; your all into something and not having to worry
Kornblum, 1974; Raudenbush, 2016; Stack, 1974). about something happening to you from it.” This
While the experience of poverty does not guarantee included the ability to reduce asking for money or
the presence of a strong network (Offer, 2012; van resources from friends and family that people had
Eijek, 2010), and strength of ties for escaping rather strained or difficult relationships with, and to limit
than surviving poverty remains a matter of debate time in and with relationships they remained in
(Desmond, 2012), we do know that drastic increases under duress. While limited, these findings indicate
in poverty, austerity, and rising inequality constrain the potential for guaranteed income to bolster
choice and undermine formation of strong social self-determination and a sense of agency.

In February 2019, One year later,

28% 28% of recipients had 40% of recipients 40%
full-time employment. were employed full-time.

20
Implications
For Replication and Practice opportunities they accept. Guaranteed income
programs using a RCT evaluation may benefit
As additional guaranteed income programs
from approaching control group engagement
emerge across the country, SEED serves as a
with the same care and attention as treatment
human-centered model to follow. Guaranteed
group engagement, beginning during the earliest
income demonstrations, for reasons mentioned
phases of planning. SEED sought to ensure that all
elsewhere, serve as an exercise in trust.
participants in the demonstration understood their
To build trust with participants, SEED maintained
role in the success of the pilot. Messaging and
constant communication and put a premium on
communication that consistently highlights and
establishing relationships between staff and
reinforces control group participation as equally
recipients. SEED staff employed a number of
important to the treatment group, as well as clear
methods, including phone calls, text messages,
communication about the group assignment
emails, physical mail, and, if needed, in-person
process, and the impact of control group data
home visits. We maintained a two-way channel of
collection activities, may help participants feel
communication: (1) the SEED team sent a message
ownership over the process and agency,
prior to each disbursement and research activity,
regardless of which group they are assigned.
and (2) recipients reached out to the team with
questions about their debit cards, or even to share
Finally, guaranteed income pilots must elevate
messages about how they were using the $500
community voice. Key design decisions, including
disbursement. Communication was more frequent
disbursement mechanism and timing, were made
with those in the storytelling cohort, with staff
in consultation with members of the Stockton
inquiring about media interest and sharing
community who were familiar with economic
coverage. Further, program staff not only ensured
insecurity. In doing so, SEED designed a program
the completion of research activities, but also
that was responsive to Stockton’s unique needs
checked in on recipient well-being and positioned
and landscape. Activities like town halls, public data
themselves as a resource for recipients as they
releases, also promoted program transparency and
approached recertification for other benefits.
ensured that Stockton residents knew that research
was being conducted in tandem with, rather than
SEED also centered recipient agency and
on, the community.
self-determination . As such, we practiced ongoing
consent with recipients across all aspects of the
program and recipients were, at any point, allowed
to leave the program. For example, participation
in research activities is highly encouraged and
incentivized through compensatory gift cards,
but no aspect of the research is mandatory and
members of all groups may choose to exit the
research at any time. For those in the storytelling
cohort, ongoing consent also entails choosing how
frequently they engage with the media and which

21
 stocktondemonstration.org

For Policy mitigating the cost of housing through rental

assistance, tenant protections, and increased
The first year findings of SEED are promising,
supply of housing; and ensure that labor is fairly
showing a causal connection between guaranteed
compensated through a higher minimum wage.
income and financial stability, and mental and
All polices should help build an economy that
physical health improvement. The mixed methods
works for everyone, and is rooted in equity
RCT approach not only allowed SEED to detect
for traditionally marginalized populations.
these quantitative effects, but to understand how
guaranteed income operates alongside the existing
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the
social safety net, how recipients maximized the
need for a comprehensive safety net reform.
$500 under extreme resource constraints, and
Households are struggling more than ever to meet
how guaranteed income may promote individual
competing demands of online schooling, high risk
freedom and agency.
work environments, and devastating losses of family
members and friends. Guaranteed income may be
Yet, guaranteed income is not a cure all for the
immediately realized as recurring cash payments to
consistent, market-driven obstacles that prevent
allow families to mitigate infection risk and weather
many American households from achieving
pandemic related income loss.
stability and health.

We found that the $500 made making For Research

rent payments, covering childcare, Additional research on guaranteed income is
and taking care of medical needs more forthcoming, which will help refine policy options.
bearable for recipients, but it was not There are a number of domestic guaranteed
income pilots that launched around the same
nearly enough to cover the exorbitant
time as SEED, including Open Research’s large
costs of these necessities. multi-city pilot, Springboard to Opportunity’s
Magnolia Mother’s Trust, and the multi-city Baby’s
This means that guaranteed income should First Years project. While each of these studies
not be considered as a singular approach for were launched with similar hypotheses, that
household stability, but rather as one policy option guaranteed income may stabilize families and
to be implemented alongside others to shore up improve wellbeing, there were no modern studies
market failures. Additional policies to implement of guaranteed income in the US to predicate those
alongside a guaranteed income include: protection hypotheses.⁶ These data presented in this report
against predatory financial actors and instruments should be considered a preliminary insight into how
like caps on adjustable interest, second-chance guaranteed income may improve financial stability,
banking, third-party targeting of financially health, and psychological outcomes. It should serve
vulnerable populations, and exorbitant fines and as a launching point not only for the final report of
fees from the criminal justice system; address the SEED, but for other communities running or
unique barriers that women face in the market preparing to pilot guaranteed income.
through paid family leave and universal child care;

⁶ The most recent RCTs of guaranteed income conducted in the US

were the Negative Income Tax Experiments, which concluded in 1982.

22
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