Cultures of the Hindu Kush

BEITRAGE ZUR SODASIENFORSCHUNG

SODASIEN - INSTITUT
UNIVERSITAT HEIDELBERG

BAND 1

www.maharaka.com

F R A N Z STEINER VERLAG . WIESBADEN

1974
 ISBN 3-515-01217-6
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
Ohne ausdriickliche Genehmigung des Verlages ist es auch nicht gestattet, das
Werk oder einzelne Teile daraus nachzudrucken oder auf photomechanischem
Wege (Photoko~ie,Mikrokopie usw.) zu ~ervielfalti~en @ 19 74 by Franz
Steiner Verlag GmbH, Wiesbaden Satz und Druck: Druckerei Wolf, Heppenheim
Printed in Germany
This photo may symbolize the Conferenee: From right to left
Professor Georg Morgenstierne, Oslo, President of the Conferenee,
Ahmad Ali Motamedi, Director General of the Antiquitie~ of A f g h b t ~ I -
stan, Ahmad Yusuf Nuristani f r o ~ ~ N i s h e i g F o mstudent
, of the U m i v e r s i -
ty of Kabul, ~ i t t f n gmound a t h e elentss o2€ 9 reaaam4mzok-
iom a f r WaFg~aliiArmem im %he pa Mws,vlse; ( P k m h ~P ~ s b a n'&3.re$rug
ram 9,
 CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTION (K.Jettmar) .................................... IX

I. LINGUISTIC INTRODUCTION
G.Morgenstierne: Languages of Nuristan and Surrounding
Regions ...................................... 1

11. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF NURISTAN

K.Kristiansen: A Kafir on KAfir History and

Festivals .................................... 11
R.F.Strand: Native Accounts of Kom History ............ 22
Wazir Ali Shah: Invasions Preceding the Conquest of
Nuristan ..................................... 24

111. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE PROBLEM OF THE PRE-MUSLIM RELIGION

OF NURISTAN

Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk: The Cosmology of the Red

Kafirs ....................................... 26
G.Buddruss: Some Reflections on a Kafir Myth .......... 31
W.Lentz: Western Parallels to the Deeds of Imra ....... 37
K.Jettmar: Iranian Influence on the Cultures of the
Hindukush .................................... 39

IV. CONTRIBUTIONS TO A SOCIOLOGY OF NURISTAN

S.Jones: Kalashum Political Organisation .............. 44

R.F.Strand: Principles of Kinship Organisation among the
Kom Nuristani ................................ 51
R.F.Strand: A Note on Rank, Political Leadership and
Government among the Pre-Islamic Kom ......... 57
A.R.Palwa1: The Kafirs' Ranks and Their Symbols ....... 64
V. KALASH RELIGION AND FOLKLORE

Wazir Ali Shah: Notes on Kalash Folklore .............. 69

Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk: Kalash Mythology ............. 81
P.Snoy: DIZILA WAT! ................................... 84
H.Siiger: The Joshi of the Kalash. Main Traits of the
...........
Spring Festival at Balangru in 1948 87
A.R.Palwa1: The Harvesting Festivals of the Kalash
in the Birir Valley ........................... 93
 page
VI. CHITRAL - FOLKLORE OF THE KHO

Shahzada Hussarn-ul-Mulk: .............

Chitral Folklore 95

of Shahzada Hussarn-ul-Mulk (J.~ott) ..........

Annex: Some Notes on Personality and Achievements
116

VII. MATERIAL HERITAGE AND THE FUTURE OF THE MOUNTAIN PEOPLES

Wazir Ali Shah: The Future of Nuristan and Kalash

Areas ........................................ 118
L.Edelberg: The Nuristani House ....................... 120

-
L.Edelberg:
-
The Traditional Architecture of Nuristan
and Its Preservation (Clan Houses and Temples) 124
E.Hansen: Preservation of the Architectural Tradition
in Nuristan .................................. 127

ANNEX: Hindu-Kush Cultural Conference 1970

Participants, Lectures, Resolution ........... 131
PLATES
NOTES ON THE PLATES
WORKS REFERRED TO IN THE VOLUME
INDEX
MAP by L.Edelberg (after G.Morgenstierne)

- VIII -
 INTRODUCTION

Karl Jettmar

The mountain valleys south of the main range of the Hindukush and
east of the Anjuman Pass belong to the moat inaccessible areae of the
world. They are generally much narrower at their mouths than higher
up. At these embouchures it is often difficult to find a pathway
beside the torrent which issues between overhanging rocks. In addit-
ion to this, the enormous rush of water during the summer months from
numerous and extensive glaciers impedes communication, the bridges
being shaky and easily destroyed.
To this description taken almost verbally from the first pages of
Biddulph's famous book it may be added that even most of the passes
across the main ridges and connecting the individual valleys are
steep, difficult and open only during the short weeks of midsummer.
In presenting these most outstanding geographical features the fact
- not often duly recognized by the historians - can be explained why
this area never formed an integral part of any of the Great Empires
of Asia, and why even the most experienced conquerors, like Timur,
fought here with little or no success. Only in the 19th century
foreign control was established everywhere.
On the other hand, however, these valleys are near to two of the
most important migration routes used by the Indo-Iranian invaders:
the Oxus/Wakhan corridor in the north, and the Kabul valley in the
south. Moreover, the tendency to establish time-saving connections
between Central Asia and India had the consequence that some strenuous
and only temporarily passable routes were used for commercial exchange
and for pilgrimage.
The dominant ethnic element in these valleys are speakers of the
Kafir and Dardic languages, belonging to the Indo-Iranian stock and
sharing such religious traditions as we know them from the Avestan
and Vedic texts. Among these mountain peoples, however, the common
heritage has been re-modelled in a very peculiar way, accepting and
repelling influences of foreign traditions in accord with experiences
gained in their unique tremendous geographical setting.
The process of transforming and its fascinating results with its
full implications for scholarship became known in Europe towards the
end of the 19th century. However at this very moment the conquest
by the Afghans of the last politically independant valleys and the
forcible conversion o f their population to Islam seemed to destroy
all hope for further investigation. Kafiristan, i.e., the Land of
the Unbelievers, became Nuristan, i.e., Land o f Light, and was
virtually closed to all foreigners for a long time. S o one got used
to considering the valleys o n the southern flank o f the Afghan
Hindukush as a lost paradise for ethnology, and to being content
with the splendid material collected by Robertson, the last European
visitor who in the nineties had seen this area i n its full bloom -
a bloom including, it is true, cruel warfare, but also sumptuous
feasts of merit.
Gradually, later on i n the 20th century it became evident that the
over-pessimistic comments about the irreversible effects o f conquest
and religious conversion have been, i n some respect, premature. Over
the decades it became apparent that worthwhile studies could still b e ,
and have been, undertaken in this region with notable success. A
survey of their nature and their bearing on the present state of
scholarship in this field seems i n place here.
1. It appeared that i n Nuristan proper some persons o f old age re-
membering traditions of the pagan religion were still alive up to
the fifties of the 20th century. Some of them although derided by
the younger generation h a d , i n fact, remained faithful to the creed
of their ancestors. G.Buddruss had the good chance of interviewing
men who were earnestly waiting for Imra's return. G.Morgenstierne,
L.Edelberg and others had similar experiences with an astonishingly
large number of "last Kafirs". This means that w e n o w can work on a
much broader basis of data including many mythical texts. Of course
the fact that this "frozen" material had been transformed before its
salvage documentation should not be ignored.
2. I n a remarkably delayed process, the existence of a truly pagan
people in the Hindukush, side by side with the already converted
Kafirs, was perceived by ethnographers: the Kalash. They formerly
populated and dominated the whole of southern Chitral, but are n o w
restricted to three secluded valleys. Only after World War I1 the
Kalash were thoroughly studied ethnographically. It could be shown
that their religious system bears similarities t o , but is not identic-
al w i t h , those of former Kafiristan. I t , too, will be destroyed s o o n ,
and this not only through the missionary zeal of its neighbours but
as much through the influence of tourism and modern development.
3. Besides the Kalash other Dardic peoples in this region who have
been converted more or less completely to the Islamic Faith have
preserved so many pre-Islamic traditions that an earlier religious
stratum with a specific regional differentiation could be recognized
underneath the Islamic layer. As confirmed by ruined stupas, rock
inscriptions and by other monllments of the past, this region had
been for a long time under Buddhist domination, but this domination
had been shaken off in a sort of nativistic reaction, a process
which had perhaps a more than casual affinity with the rise of the
reformed Bon religion in Tibet.
4. The important progress in the linguistic field achieved by
Morgenstierne and others taking up his line should not be unnoted,
as this will form the foundation for all further research, even
in ethnographic studies.
Despite the progress in so many fields the publicity of studies
undertaken in this area has been relatively restrained. The number
of scholars working on relevant problems had increased considerably,
but there had been n o common platform for them. Moreover, the
publication of the results obtained during the last decades could
not keep a pace with the fast progress of investigations ur~derway.
Communication between scholars has been restricted to a mostly
regional level; the most active group were our Scandinavian
colleagues who were so fortunate to be led by G.Morgenstierne.
The University of 6lrhus had built up a centre for relet-ant etllno-
graphic study. Here is a museum full of important objects from the
Hindukush, surprisingly well fitted into the general frame of the
other collections, mainly from the Nordic past.
Thus it was quite natural that our Scandinavian colleagues should
take the decisive initiative for redeeming the nlany "Hindukushologists""
from their "splendid isolation". Under Professor Morgenstierne as
the chairman an Executive Comn~ittee,consisting of H.Siiger,
K.Ferdinarld and L.Edelberg, the last one acting as secretary, sent
out invitations to the first Hindu-Kush Cultural Conference to be
held at Moesg&d between the 10th and 18th of November, 1970.
The list of scholars invited is gi\-en at the end of this volume;
almost all participants gave one or even more lectures, a n d , it
may be added, each took lil~ely part in the discussions. All of
0
us still remember the happy di~ys of Moesgard, and we will remain
thankful for the generous and cordial reception which was given
to us ill this charmillg country. It was a particularly rewarding
experiellce to meet, among the participants, friends from Afghani-
stan altd Pakistan, men of year-long esperiellce in the studies Ire
share, alld others from these countries who had become experts o\-er
more recellt years. They all helped us to formulate the resolutioll
which was passed at tlie end of the Collferellce and concerned the
future of Nurista~l and the adjacent areas. It was understood that
nothing could be done effectively wi-thout the agreement and the
active help of the Governments o f Afghanistan and Pakistan. It was
equally accepted that in the future a great part of research work
and documentation would pass over into the hands o f people at the
universities and museums of both countries directly concerned.
T h e final resolution was sent as a letter to the Secretary
General o f the UNESCO. The letter is included i n this volume.
Shortly after the Conference L.Edelberg began with the preparat-
ion for presenting the scholarly results. Participants were asked
to submit their papers as abstracts or their final versions and t.o
put at editor's disposal photographs in order to form a substantive-
l y illustrated volume. It was considered whether or not to include
the contents of the discussions during the sessions.
Most of the participants followed his advice and gave their con-
sent to the procedure proposed.
After some time participants were informed that partly due to
financial restrictions such a representative editing as originally
planned would not be feasible. Instead each member could ask at his
0
own cost for Xerox copies o f the papers available at Moesgard for
his personal use and should feel free to publish his contribution
elsewhere.
The present editor understands this position perfectly well. The
Conference had been s o extremely rewarding because it gave a snap-
shot of the situation of research on one and the same complex in
several countries of quite different standards. Thus some articles
were of a rather general character, others were original contribut-
ions to particular problems. Some of them were r a w material, but
undispensible for farther research. Some remained still short sum-
maries without footnotes, others had been enlarged to substantial
articles with the full scientific apparatus.
Except for the trained linguists, most of the authors were high-
l y individualistic i n rendering proper names. All articles were in
English, but also in the handling of this language individualistic
attitudes could be observed. The discussions, too, were on an un-
eken level, sometimes, f'or a full understanding, a personal knowledge
of the speaker would have been necessary; sometimes parts of the dis-
cussion made no more sense because the text of the paper had been
changed for the purpose of publication.
Despite all these adverse circumstances, should it be permitted
that the material gathered during the course oT the Conference
would not be put to the disposal of the whole community of scholars?
Even participants would be deprived of the posail~ility to refer to
a published text, as the hope of having each individual article
~ u b l i s h e dirldependantly evidently was nil. Too many scholars who had
the chance to work in Nuristan and the adjacent areas are atill
"breeding" their unpublished field notes. And what is perhaps even
worse, there are many manuscripts only privately circulated amollg
privileged friends. I too feel guilty in this respect. Finally
our Scandinavian friends had succeeded in inducing at leaet some
of us to put some of our results out on the table. Should we now
be allowed to bury our hoarded informations again safely in the
secrecy of our institutes?
This would have been all the more deplorable as the actual value
of the Conference proceedings turned out to be even higher than
could be realized at first sight. Once the papers would be arranged
according to regions and their problems, the actual scholarly pro-
gress in the various lines of research would become quite readily
intelligible.
In this situation I proposed to my Scandinavian colleagues to
publish the papers in Germany, and this offer was accepted. As
L.Edelbergts initiative had started the whole project, he should act
as co-editor guaranteeing a certain degree of continuity.
However, the scope of this volume does not fully correspond to
the concept our Scandinavian friends had in mind. Partly, this is
due to the regrettable fact that here, too, financial resources are
more and more restricted. I got the help of the South Asia Institute
in Heidelberg which agreed to accept this book in one of its series,
though this institute is committed to many other projects of publicat-
ion. But we can make a virtue of necessity.
1. Of course, one cannot deny the fact that the content of this
volume is not at all homogeneous. As I have mentioned we have in
many cases preliminary reports showing us the momentary standard of
progressing studies. Therefore a quick and inexpensive way of
publication is adequate. This was made possible by using modern
photomechanic techniques and preventing the inclusion of too many
illustrations. As it appeared, however, that in the case of
Edelbergts papers these would be difficult to understand without
any illustrations, the rule here was broken and plates were added
with the financial help from Danish institutions.
The fact should not be obscured that the authors have a quite
different scientific background. Some of the best informed used
therefore a rather naive system of transcription. I do not think
it appropriate to "correct" them like an academic tutor. In cases
where i d e i l t i t y w i t h wellknosnl t e r m s i s e v i r t c i l t , t h i s i s n o t e d i n t h e
i ~ l d e x . I n a l m o s t a l l c a s e s t h e 1Silglisll t e x t i s p r e s e r v e d f o r t h e
same o b v i o u s r e a s o l l .
3. 1)urirlg t h e C a l f e r e ~ l c eM r s . J a r l e t P o t t g a v e a s l l o r t ~~~~~~~~~~y of
t h e h i g l l l y v a l ~ ~ a b lmea t e r i a l c o l l e c t e d by a C h i t r a l i p r i n c e , Sllahzada
Hussam-ul-Mulk. F o l l o w i n g t h e a u t h o r m y t l l o l o g i c a l t e x t s from t l l e
K a t i s s e t t l i n g i n U r t s u i l were i ~ ~ c l u c t ei dr l a c h a p t e r s i m p l y c a l l e d
I t K a l a s h mythology". I went b a c k t o t h e o r i g i n a l t e x t p r e p a r e d by
t h e a u t h o r f o r p u b l i c a t i o n w i t h t h e h e l p o f M i s s Audrey B o o r n e ,
b u t dl-opped t h e p a r t s o u t s i d e t h e s c o p e o f t h i s v o l ~ u n e (Khowar F o l k
S t o r i e s n ~ i dP r o v e r b s ) . The r e s t was d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e s e p a r a t e
p a p e r s c o r r e s p o t l d i r l g t o t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s anlong whom t h e i n f o r m a t i o n s
were c o l l e c t e d . Mrs.Pott h a s w r i t t e n a s h o r t appelldix g i v i l i g t h e
b i o g r a p h i c d a t a o f t h i s a d m i r a b l e mall who h a s l a i d t h e f o ~ u n d a t i o ~ l s
on which a l l f u r t h e r s t u d y o f C h i t r a l i f o l k l o r e w i l l r e s t .
0
4. No c o m p l e t e r e ~ l d e r i n go f t h e p a p e r s d e l i v e r e d a t Moesgard
wns cnrteavoured beyoild t h e ilurnber o f c o i l t r i b u t i o i l s alrerrcty g a t h e r e d
by L.Edelber-g. Some a r t i c l e s which w e r e d i f f i c u l t t o u n d e l - s t n n d
o
w i t h o u t t h e s l i d e s o r t h e t a p e - r e c o r d i n g s we c o ~ l l dh e a r i n Moesgn1-d
were suppr-essetl. I n t h e e n d , a f t e r some l l e s i t a t i o u , I could not
a c c e p t t h e p u b l i c a t i o l l o f any p a r t s of t h e d i s c u s s i o n .
I carlrlot e x p e c t t h a t a l l w i l l be happy a n d c o i l t e n t w i t h t h i s
s o l u t i o n , b u t I hope t h a t t h o s e o f u s who h a v e s t i l l t o p u b l i s h
t h e i r m a t e r i a l w i l l be s t i m u l a t e d t o do s o - by a g l i m p s e on t h e
p r e l i r n i i l a r y r e p o r t s o f o t h e r s d i s c l o s i i l g s o n ~ a l ~uyn s e t t l e d p r o b l e m s .
 LANGUAGES O F NURISTAN AND SURROUNDING REGIONS

Ceorg M o r g e n n t i e r n e

The Hindu-Kush r e g i o n - a t i n y s p e c k i f you l o o k a t a map o f A s i a -

p r e s e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n i t s western p a r t s with Nuristan ae t h e centre,
a n u n u s u a l l y l a r g e number o f i n t e r e a t i n g c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s , some of
them r e s t r i c t e d t o one o r a few t r i b e s , o t h e r e more o r l e s s common
t o t h e whole a r e a .
Not o n l y t h e i r a n c i e n t r e l i g i o n and t r a d i t i o n s , their social
o r g a n i s a t i o n , t h e i r wooden a r c h i t e c t u r e and c a r v i n g , e t c . , but a l s o
t h e i r l a n g u a g e s d i s t i n g u i s h t h e N u r i s t a n i s from t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of
t h e s u r r o u n d i n g v a l l e y s , which had been c o n v e r t e d t o I s l a m a t a n
e a r l i e r date.
T h e r e i s no n e c e s s a r y c a u s a l c o n ~ l e x i o ~between
l the various
c u l t u r a l a r c h a i c f e a t u r e s of t h i s whole a r e a . They a r e r a t h e r due
t o t o p o g r a p h i c a l f a c t o r s and t h e r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n o f t h e c o u n t r y .
It goes w i t h o u t s a y i n g t h a t t h e i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f t h e s e narrow
m o u n t a i n v a l l e y s , r e m o t e from t h e g r e a t t h o r o u g h f a r e s , a n d n o t a l l o w -
i n g t h e u s e o f h o r s e s f o r r i d i n g o r of pack-animals, has contributed
t o t h e s p l i t t i n g up i n t o a l a r g e number o f l a n g u a g e s and d i a l e c t s .
For a g e s t h i s a r e a h a s been a haven o f r e f u g e f o r t r i b e s from more
f e r t i l e and i n v i t i n g l o c a l i t i e s . L o c a l m a t e r i a l and r e l i g i o u e
c u l t u r e h a s , o f c o u r s e , i n f l u e n c e d t h e terminology of t h e l a n g u a g e s ,
b u t h a s n o t a f f e c t e d t h e i r s t r u c t u r e and i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p .
With t h e e x c e p t i o n of B u r u s h a s k i - Werchikwar i11 Hunza - N a g i r and
Y a s i n , which h a s no k~lown r e l a t i o n s anywllere e l s e , and which h a s l e f t
b u t few t r a c e s of i n f l u e ~ l c eon t h e i r n e i g h b o u i - s , a l l t h e o t h e r
l n ~ l g u a g e sb e l o n g t o t l l e I n d o - I r a n i a n brancll of Indo-European. Tho
o l d e s t k l ~ o w lI - e p r o s e ~ l t a t i v e so f I n d o - I r o ~ ~ i a anr e t h e l n ~ l g u a y e so f t h e
Rigvoda i n I l l d i a a n d o f t.he A v e s t a ill I I - ~ which
I ~ , were s t i l l a t t h e
b e g i n ~ l i ~ lof
g t h e l a s t m i l l e n n i ~ u nB.C. n o t Inore d i i ' f e l - e n t from one
a l l o t l l e r t h a n t h e S c a ~ l d i ~ l a \ - i al ~
a~r l p i ~ a g eosf 0~11-d a y s .

I r a l l i a ~ rl a l l g t ~ a g e sAre , ho\ve\?el-, fouild o n l y on t h e f r i n g e s o f t h e

areas ill questioll. Nortll of t h e Hindu-Kush I r a l l i a l l d i a l e c t s o f a n
R ~ ' c I ~ L \ ~t cy p e a r e s p o k e n 011 t h a Pamil-s and i n B a d a k l ~ s l l a ~ l . Ollly 111 a
few p l a c e s s ~ n a l lg r o u p s o f inm~igl.ants ha\-e c r o s s e d t h e Hindu-Kush
b a r r i e l - i n t o C h i t r a l and G i l g i t .
I n r e c e n t t i m e s P a s l ~ t oh a s p e n e t l - a t e d i n t o t h e Hilldo-Kusll \ - a l l e y s ,
011 t h e Kturar alld Pech r i g h t i l l t o N u l - i s t a n . I3ut t h e g r e a t b u l k o f t h e
languages are either of a purely Indo-Aryan type, or belong to the
Kafiri group, with which I shall have to deal separately below.
Indo-Aryan and Iranian can corlveniently be distinguished b y a
few striking phonemic features: An Indo-Europeall palatal k' as in
Latin decem, 'ten' ( 2 pronounced as k) results i n Sallskrit palatal
-
s h , as in dasha, but in most Iranian languages in 5 (dasa). Indo-
European 5 is retained i n Sanskrit, but h a s , in most positions,
changed into 1 in Iranian, thus Sanskrit sapta 'seven', Iranian
hafta. This example also shows that 2 , 4,If became fricatives
(f,g , l&)before other consonants in Iranian, a s , e.g., i n thrayo
' three ' , Sanskrit trayas.
I shall be using the term Dardic about the Hindu-Kush languages
I
of a purely Indian type, reserving the name Kafiri for a group of
languages with which I shall be dealing separately below.
But Sir George Grierson, the eminent editor o f the Linguistic
Survey of India, in his pioneer book "The PikZca Languages o f North-
Western 1ndiat12, believes that Dardic (including Kafiri) "are neither
of Indian nor of Eranian origin, but form a third branch o f the
Aryan ( = Indo-Iranian) stock, which separated from the parent stem
after the branching forth o f the original of the Indian languages."
Some years later, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.VII1, he somewhat
modifies his views and considers that Dardic (including Kafiri) forms
a separate group within Indian.
Grierson bases his opinion on the fact that the Dardic languages
have, to a great extent, retained Sanskrit phonemic features which
had already changed in the Middle Indian languages, such as the
distinction between three sibilants and the groups st,sht(sk). But
this argument would also force us to assume that modern Icelandic
ought to be separated from the rest of the Germanic languages on
account of its many archaismes, or that the Logodurese dialect of
Sardinia is not a true Romance language, because it has retained the
'hard' pronunciation of Latin, e.g. in kentu 'hundred'. There i s ,
indeed, nothing in the Dardic languages wl~ich cannot be derived from
Old Indian.
Grierson's views were easily excusable in his time, when our
knowledge of Dardic and Kafiri was extremely restricted. It is more
surprising that some distinguished scholars, relyirlg on Grierson's
authority, should still maintain them, when much more, if very far
from satisfactory, materials have been made accessible.

1) Since ill this connexion it cannot be misunderstood, I shall use

the name Indian for what is usually called Illdo-Aryan.
2) Griersoil 1900.
 Quite recently Professor Braj B. Kachru, in his classification of
?

"Kashmiri and other Dardic Languages",I has given an altogether muddled

picture o f the actual situation, full of grave mistakes, which I feel
to be m y duty t o warn the non-specialist reader against. T o give
only a few examples: H e includes among his Kafir-group languages,
as well Wai-ala as Waigali, although these names denote exactly the
same language, adding as a separate item 5ts sub-dialect Zhonjigali.
Similarly was?-veri is only another name for Prasun. Not only does
h e take several Dardic languages to be Kafiri (note especially Pashai
and ~alasha-pasha(!)), but h e also includes Gujuri, which is not at
all Dardic, but belongs to the Indian languages of the plains.
It will be convenient to retain the term Dardic for the group of
i n many respect archaic languages of the Hindu-Kush, although it is
difficult t o draw a n exact border-line between them and the rest o f
the north-western Indian languages.
The south-easternmost Dardic tongue is Kashmiri. North o f it we
find Shina, with several dialects, in Gilgit and adjoining parts of
the upper Indus valley. A n archaic offshoot is Phalura, spoken in
some eastern side-valleys of Lower Chitral, closely related to which
is Sawi i n one village further down on the Kunar.
A number o f dialects on the Indus below Shina and in the upper
parts of Dir and Swat, Torwali, Bashkarik, etc., are usually grouped
together as Kohistani.
2
The main language o f Chitral is Khowar, in many respects the
most archaic o f all modern Indian languages, retaining a great part
o f Sanskrit case inflexion, and retaining many words in a nearly
Sanskritic form. Khowar possesses a rich treasure of folksongs and
tales, and i n recent years some books have been printed in Urdu
script.
Historically closely connected with Khowar is Kalasha, spoken in
parts of Lower Chitral, especially in the western side-valleys.
Some Kalash still retain, as the last pagans o f the Hindu-Kush,
their ancient religion, but it seems to be dying out. Accorditlg to
their traditions the Kalash once occupied Chitral right up to Reshun,
but have been driven back by the Khos, advancing from the Sorth.
In the Kunar valley, on both sides of the Pakistani-Afghall border,
Gawar-Bati is still spoken in a few villages. Related dialects a r e ,
or were till recently, spoken in the Pech valley, in Kingalam (at
the ope~lirlg of Waigal) and higher up in the side-valley of Grangal.
A dialect of the Gawar-Bati type is fourld also j.11 S!l~~rnasht,in a

1) Kachru 1969, pp. 2 8 5 ~ 9 .

2) i. e. , the language of the Kho tribe.
- 3 -
side-valley of the lower Kunar, surrounded by speakers o f Pashai.
A language of a type having affinities with Kohistani to the east
is Katarkalai in the hills north-west o f the confluence between the
Kunar and the Pech, and till a few years ago it was spoken also in
Wotapur on the Pech, just above Chagha Sarai.
Pasha(v)i is split u p into a large number o f widely differing
dialects, extending from the lower Kunar and its side-valleys through
the middle P e c h , Laghman, Alingar, Alishang, Tagau and Nijrau, right
up to Gulbahar, and till recently also i n parts o f the Panjshir.
Pashai is the last remnant of the language o f Hindu-Buddhist civilizat-
ion of ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ a ~ha &
m ~- a akand
a, ~ a ~ i s h adriven
, u p into their mountain
valleys by comparatively recent Pashto speaking invaders. The
Kurdari Pashais on the middle Pech seem to have remained pagans near-
ly down to our times.
There remains to be mentioned the still unknown dialect of Shemul,
in the uppermost part of the Darra-i Nur. I t is impossible to decide
to which group of neighbouring dialects it belongs.
It may be added that Tirahi, also a language o f a Dardic type, is
spoken by a few old people south o f the Kabul river, between Jalalabad
and the Khyber. The Tirahis were originally driven out o f Tirah, on
the Pakistan side of the border, by the Pashto speaking Afridis.
Special problems arise regarding the languages spoken i n Nuristan,
for which I shall retain the now traditional name Kafiri, although
the Nuristanis have a l l , especially since the time of Abdurrahman's
conquest but some of them also before, been converted to Islam.
There are four, o r , perhaps, five, Kafiri languages:
A. Northern Branch.
1. Kati group, consisting of the closely related dialects of:
a) West Kati in Ramgal and Kulam on the upper Alingar, and i n
Kantiwo (Ktiwi in their own language), a side valley o f the upper
Pech.
b ) East Kati i n the upper Bashgal valley, with Bargramatal as
the most important village, and in a couple o f villages, founded by
pagan refugees from Bargramatal i n the 189Oes, in the Rumbur and
Bomboret valleys in Chitral, above the Kalash.
c) Kamviri in Kamdesh ( ~ o m b G o m )and other villages in the lower
Bashgal valley, with settlements also in Lower Chitral. A few
villages in the central part of Bashgal speak a transitional dialect.
In general a) and b) are more archaic, especially as regards the
preservation of postvocalic surd stops. On the other hand c) pre-
serves certain unstressed vowels which have been dropped in West
and East Kati. Thus, a), b) kto 'knife', but c) karo from *kato.
Also the vocabulary of c) presents some peculiarities. Dut a ) rrncl C )

agree in forming the present with 2 , as against 11) t, as in a),c)

-
kunum 'I d o 1 , b) kutum.
Kamviri has been thoroughly studied by Richard F.Strand, and Qazi
Ghulam Ullah has written a grammar and a vocabulary of his mother
tongue .
2. Prasun (was;)' is spoken, with slight dialect variations, in a
valley at the top of the Pech. In its origin it can be shown to be
closely related to Kati, from which it has adopted many loan-words,
some of them quite ancient and more or less phonetically assimilated.
But in its isolation it has undergone a number of striking sound-
changes, giving it an aspect very different from that of the rest of
the Kafiri languages and making it quite incomprehensible to its
neighbours.
Thus 2 has become 1, groups of consonants + r have been assimilat-
ed, and, most strange of all, an initial stop has in many cases been
lost. Examples are Aplk 'name of a passt: Kati Paprok; (Y)ipa
'Kantiwo': Kati Ktiwi ( :'*Kitwi), with to 2, as in c(i)pu 'four':
Kati ctwo; ulyum 'wheat' : Kati gwn. There are also many morphologic-
al innovations, and the vocabulary contains a number of archaic words
unknown from other Kafiri languages.
Especially characteristic of Prasun is the hypertrophy of
localizing verbal prefixes, demonstratives and adverbs, defining
minutely the exact direction of an action or the place occupied by
the object within the &, which was at the same time the home-
valley and the whole world of the isolated Prasunis. Similar
features have been developed also in other Kafiri languages, especial-
ly in Kati, but nowhere else to such an amazing degree.
Prasun has been the object of a thorough study by Georg Buddruss.
B. Southern Branch.
3. Waigali in the side-valley of the Pech which is now usually called
2
Waigal, although this is originally the name of its uppermost village.
The dialect variation within this comparatively small valley is re-
markably great. A recent offshoot of Waigali is ZamySki, spoken in
~ a m ~ a k(~indalam),
i south of Kandai on the middle Pech.
East of Waigal, in the hills close to Katarkalai, we find Gambiri
(Gemiri). The vocabulary is very similar to that of Waigali, but the

1) I retain this Kati name of the valley and the language, the local
one being Was:(-Gul) 'The Wasi-(valley, or world)'. The Pashto
name is Parun.
2 ) The local name is Kalashum (Kalagum) and that of the tribe Kalasha
(Kalasa). A connexion with that of the K a l a e in Chitral is un-
certain and at any rate difficult to account for.
morphology, eve11 if or a decidedly Kafiri type, differs s o much that
it is perhaps rather to be taken as a separate language.
4. As11ku11, wit11 slight dialect variations, i n the mountains between
Pech a~ld the upper Alingar, and i n the large village of Wama on the
Pecl:. It has close affinities with Waigali, but must be reckoned as
a separate language.
5. Finally there is Dameli in a single village i n an eastern side-
valley of southernmost Chitral, between Mirkhani and Arandu. The
vocabulary contains a large number of words o f a Kafiri type, but
since its morphology is rather different, it is difficult to decide
whether it ought to be taken as a Kafiri language strongly influenced
by Dardic, or as a Dardic one which has adopted a greater amount o f
Kafiri words than any other Dardic language.
The problem facing us is now: D o w e have sufficient reasons for
assuming the existence of a separate Kafiri group. As stated above,
all those languages which have been classified as Dardic i n this
paper, are of a purely Indian origin, while retaining certain archaic
features which have been lost i n the languages o f the plains.
Kafiri, on the other hand, is characterized by features which as
far as I am able to s e e , cannot be accounted for as derived from
Old Indian, but which indicate that Kafiri must have branched off i n
pre-Vedic times. They are mainly o f a phonemic nature, the morphology
of Old Indian and Old Iranian being so similar that w e cannot expect
to find traces of original differences having been carried down to
modern Kafiri.
I can here give only a f e w examples illustrating the various
points i n which Kafiri differs from Indian i n its phonetical develop-
1
ment.
1. The Dardic languages have retained the aspiration o f surd stops
and affricates ( k h , t h , ~ h , c h ) ,
while the aspiration of mediae has been
given up by some of them, evidently in relatively modern times, or
has been replaced by a special tone. Kafiri has given u p all traces
of aspiration at a very early, pre-Vedic date.
2. In most East Indo-European languages, the so-called satam group,
original palatal resulted in a palatal or dental sibilant sh,s.
~ h u Sanskrit
s ~ dasha 'ten'; shatam 'hundred' : Avestan -
dasa; -
satam.
But in genuine Kafiri words a dental affricate ts has been retained,
e.g. in Kati duts 'ten', Prasun leze (from l e t s - , cf.cpu-lts 'four-
teen'; Waigali & 'dog', Dameli tsuna, cf.Sanskrit shun-, Avestan

1) For further documentation cf.Morgenstierne 1945, 1 9 2 6 , 1929.

2) Cf. above.

- 6 -
-
sun-. This ts must represent an intermediate stage between the
original k' and the sibilants s h , s , just as in Old French cent
'hundred' was still pronounced with an initial affricate z, from
which modern c. Also Indo-European **I resulted in Kafiri 2,
Sanskrit has (clch, as in Kati, Waigali, Dameli &- 'to come',
but Sanskrit a-gaccha-.
3. In some cases Kafiri ts goes back to Indo-European palatal '11'
+ s, Sanskrit kq and Avestan elas in Kati, Ashkun its,Waigali
-
ots 'bear1 : Sanskrit ckqa-,Avestan arsha-. But Sanskrit k p may
also go back to velar k + s , while Kafiri and Iranian distinguish
between these two groups. Thus, e.g. Kati, Waigali m a ~ i'honey',
cf. Sanskrit mzkzika-, Avestan makhshi- 'fly, bee'.
4. In Sanskrit an Indo-European palatal and a secondarily palataliz-
ed g both result in j,while in Kafiri, as well as in Iranian, they
are kept apart as respectively Kafiri (d)7,and j/zh, Iranian 2 and J.
Examples are Kati & 'knee' : Sanskrit jzriu-, Avestan zEnu-, but
1
Kafiri 'bowstring' : Sanskrit and Avestan j(i)yZ-.
5. On the other hand Sanskrit distinguishes the corresponding
aspirated sounds from the non-aspirated ones. But palatal *g'h
resu1t.s in h, e.g. 1x1 hima- 'snow', just as secondarily palatalized
* ~ ( ~ ) in
h m- 'to kill'. Kafiri agrees with Iranian in having given
up every trace of aspii-ation, while retaining the distinction between
Kafiri dzim, Iranian zirna- ("g'himo- and Kafiri *&-, Iranian jan-(
* gwhen- .
6. Kafiri retains dental 5 after 1, in which position not only Indian
and Iranian but also some other East Indo-European languages change
it into sh/g. Cf.Sanskrit fig-, Avestan mfish- 'mouse', but Kati
musa. This is an extremely archaic trait, the implications of which
I shall be returning to.
The -vocabulary of Kafiri agrees more with Indian than with Iranian.
But Kafiri has for thousands of years been exposed to the influence
of the neighbouring Indian languages, adopting a large number of loan-
words from them. In many cases it is difficult, or even impossible
to distinguish between words inherited from a common source and such
borrowed at an early date from Indian, mainly Dardic. As might be
expected the Indian influence is stronger in the Southern Branch of
Kafiri than in the Northern, more isolated and remote one. Thus, to
give just one example, Waigali dssh, Ashkun dus 'ten', but Kati duts,
Prasun leze.
Ancient Iranian loanwords are extremely rare. I know only one,

1) Some Kafiri dialects have even retained the extremely archaic form
g , without any trace of palatalizatioll.
viz. Kati namoc 'prayer1. But the vocabulary of Kafiri contains a
number of words known from Iranian, but not from Indian, without
there being any possibility of their having been borrowed from Iranian.
We must remember that till quite recently Kafiri was not i n contact

-
with any important Iranian language.
Kati &- ((*=-)
I shall give only a few examples:
'to s e e 1 : Avestan va8n-; Kati kats- 'to look' :
-
Avestan kas-; Kati ew 'one1 : Avestan azva-, but Sanskrit *-;
Kafiri kand- 'to laugh1 : Iranian xand-; Prasun yase 'belt' : Avestan
y8h-.
There are even a few Kafiri words of apparently Indo-European
origin, which ars known neither from Indian nor from Iranian. One
example is Kati piitsi 'pine1 : Greek peGkE. Another, which Professor
Hamp has drawn attention to, is Kati z, Waigali z,
etc. Imilk',
which can be derived from *dzara-, in its turn going back to Indo-
European *pala(k)-, cf. Greek aala(kt-), Latin lac (('glakt-). There
may be some difficulties in accounting for the exact original format-
ion of the stem, but Hamp's derivation is certainly possible and
seducing.
It is not surprising that words of Kafiri origin are to be found,
not only in Dameli, but to a less extent also in Dardic languages
such as Gawar-Bati, Kalasha and Khowar.
It is not my intention in this brief survey to try to trace the
earlier history and migrations of the Kafiri speaking tribes into
their present homes. Some local traditions seem to point to the
upper Pech valley as their homeland at some stage of their history.
I f these traditions are to be relied upon we must assume that the
Southern Branch was the first to separate from the Northern one.
There are some indications of the Waigalis having at one time extend-
ed their territory towards the North-East right into the lower Bashgal
valley, before the arrival of the Kam tribe. This might perhaps ex-
plain that Khowar orts 'bear' which must be a Kafiri loanword, has
-o as in Waigali e,
not as in Kati, Ashkun (and Kalasha)=.
At any rate the Kams must have left for Eashgdl while the Kate
tribe still remained in the Kantiwo area, before part of it going
west into Kulam and Ramgal and another part towards upper Bashgal.
But our knowledge is so scanty and so uncertain that it would be
mere guesswork to try to form any hypothesis on this subject, or on
the ethnic and linguistic relationship of the earlier stratum of
inhabitants of Eastern Nuristan.

There are still prominent scholars who refuse to consider Kafiri

as constituting, or at any rate embodyiilg important elements belong-
ing t o , a separate branch of Indo-Iranian. They evidently prefer,
 =-
although none of them has, to the best of my knowledge, taken up the
problem in detail, to believe that Sanskrit h in hima- and ha6
for unknown reasons split up into Kafiri and j/zh, resulting in
a kind of mimicry of the original Indo-Iranian distinction. And they
are willing to accept that Sanskrit &I and & as well as in some
instances kc, merged into Kafiri s,
while Sanskrit &I returned into
dental after u, but remained after r! They must also assume that
the Kafiri words mentioned above (such as 'kand- 'to laugh') and
several others have been borrowed from some unknown Iranian source,
although there is n o evidence for believing that Kafiri had, till
quite recently, been in contact with any Iranian language except the
culturally and politically unimportant Munji north of the Hindu-Kush.
I must admit that I find it impossible to share this view.
To me it seems far more probable that Kafiri goes back to the
language of an advance-guard of the Indo-Iranian invaders. And I
do not find it so very surprising when sometimes historical develop-
ments prove to have been much less simple than the models we in our
comparative ignorance have been forced to construct.
One problem which I find it very difficult to solve, is whether
the "ur-Kafirsttseparated from Indian in pre-Vedic times, or if they
branched off already before the final separation of Indian from

A-Ri
Iranian. A s a simplified model we may either assume

A
Indo-Iranian Indo-Iranian

Indian

Iranian Kafiri Iranian Kafiri Indian

The retention of 5 against u g in as well Indian and Iranian might

count in favour of the latter hypothesis, but is to my mind not an
argument strong enough for making a final decision.
We may perhaps be allowed to indulge for a moment in fancies about
how wonderful it would have been if a Kafiri Rigveda or Avesta had
come down to us. It would, I feel sure, have solved many puzzling
problems about the development of Indo-Iranian - and certainly have
raised new ones!
But we ought rather to be grateful that at least some scraps of
information are still available to us about a Language retaining
pre-Vedic elements.
 And, apart from this purely linguistic interest, the Kafiri
languages form a n important l i n k i n that chain o f interesting traits
which characterize the cultures of Nuristan, and r e n d e r the study
of this remote area s o fascinating.
 A KAFIR ON KAFIR HISTORY AND FESTIVALS

Knut Kristiansen

The manuscript from which the following chapters have been select-
ed, begins with a warning to the readers:
"This story of mine is so painful that everybody who hears i t ,
will have his heart brokentt.
Then follows the title:
"My heart-moving and lamentable story, compiled by Shaikh Abdullah
Khan Sahib, a native of the country of Kafiristan, at present re-
siding in Jalandhar Camp.It
A little more information is given on p . 7 7 where the author gives
his genealogy - not a very long one according to Nuristani standards,
only 5 generations, but introduced in proud words:
"My family is known by the name of the Royal (-1 Jandaran
Branch, upon which other branches of the Kattes are dependant
... My genealogical tree is as follows: Sardar Maru, Sardar
Shit, Sardar Janu, Sardar Kun, Sardar Kashmir, this humble sinner
Shaikh Abdullah Khan,It
with a later addition in purple ink:
"Sardar Azar" .
I first thought his Kafir name was Araz. Readers of Urdu manu-
scripts will know that dots are often placed where they do not belong
I am very grateful to Mr.Schuyler Jones for having corrected this
misreading. He tells me that in Chitral he met the son of the author
of this manuscript who told him that his father's name was Azar. In
the following I shall use this Kati name.
Azar was the son of Sardar Kashmir, the Kati chief who in 1896,
after the conquest of Kafiristan by Abdurrahman, fled from Bragan~atal
in the Bashgal Valley and settled with his followers - some 600 - in
Brumotul in Chitral. His paternal uncle was Maru, identical with Kbn
MBrd mentioned by Robertson as being the chief of all Bragamatal
Katis. llKdnMdr& is not only the hereditary priest, but appears to
be the undisputed chief of the tribe, a place he has obtained mainly
through the aid of the Mehtar of ChitrB1, Amdn-ul-Mulk, who was also
his son-in-law. With the help of this ally, eight or nine years ago,
he defeated the Ghazab Shah faction and caused its chief to flee from
the country. Peace now prevails, but the two households are not yet
on visiting terms. Khn Mdrh has very few other enemies; he has killed
them all."'
The conquest of Kafiristan by Abdurrahman is well known from
Afghan sources. I would like to add one more description of this
event: A z a r t s own words about what happened to his family. Having
given his genealogical tree he continues (on p.77) with a descript-
ion of olden days:
"All these chiefs have during their reigns ruled over the four
tribes with great force and pomp. During their reigns the subjects
lived in such peace that each man sat as a king in his own house.
The subjects, thriving through the rain of their grace, understood
that their rule was beneficent. During their reigns there was really
a protection of the subjects i n as much as not more than one fourth
of the land revenue usual in other countries was taken, and that also
(only) after one year. Therefore the subjects were very devoted to
their rulers who guided and sympathized with them.
During a period of 1800 years the subjects have not in any way
been opposed to their kings nor distressed, and have not started any
rebellion or mutiny ...
(p.78) And from the first generation until the third nobody
attacked them, and they did not attack anybody."
I shall leave out some family disputes which took place during
this third generation, when Sardar Janu divided his kingdom into four
parts among his four sons Pazil, Kun, Bodur and Karlu. About Kun,
his grandfather, Azar writes:
"Kun governed his kingdom with the utmost diligence and zeal. He
had four wives. One of them was childless. The second had one son,
the third had three Ehildren and the fourth had borne four sons."
(P.79) ... "After Kun's death his second widow's son2 also died.
And ... the son of the fourth widow, my revered father Sardar Kashmir,
was appointed chief. And Sardar Maru was charged with the admini-
stration of the country. The rest of the brothers were appointed
to the commands of the country. But they were all of one mind.
While they were in office, one tribe which always used to oppose
them, and whose name was Imshen, made an attack upon them, but was
defeated. In this strife both parties suffered losses of the high-
est order. And on account of this their military strength was
weakened and also their number was reduced.
During this interval Amir Abdurrahman Sahib Bahadur, ruler of
Afghanistan, attacked the country. After much fighting he defeated
them, and the slaughter and bloodshed was so great that rivers of

1) Robertson 1896, p.305.

2) His name was Mamrot .
blood were running. The readers themselves can imagine how many
heroes and devotees laid down their lives (p.80) as sacrifices for
the honour of country and people. When they found that they them-
selves were weak and did not among themselves understand the strength
of aggression of the ruler of Afghanistan, they agreed upon the
following counsel:
The Nawab of Chitral is an ancient friend. It is desirable to
send Sardar Maru to him to make an arrangement with him about getting
protection (+%%m-%m) until we can free ourselves from the claws of
the Amir.
With this intention they dispatched Sardar Maru to -(
4) the Nawab of Chitral. On arriving there he told his story. But
on account of illness the Nawab Sahib delayed in giving him an answer.
He became destitute and had to return to his own country.
Then Sardar Kashmir together with many followers started by the
other road which leads from Chitral to Bragamatal and arrived at the
valley of Bomboret. On their arrival there Sardar Kashmir's com-
panions, his own brother M a r u 1 s sons and relatives numbered in all
about 600. Sardar Maru did not manage to reach his won home because
the Amir's forces captured him on the road and sent him to Kabul with
a military escort.
(p.81) When they arrived i n Kabul, these people embraced the
Islamic creed. And they remained in custody in Kabul for their
lifetime.
The five remaining brothers and the relatives of these two chiefs
who were left in Kafiristan, agreed to surrender to the Amir. They
embraced Islam and began to mind their own affairs.
My thoughtful readers may notice that ill one instant God Most High
manifested himself so greatly that having enlightened the paganism
of the very hard-hearted idolators, he accepted them into the pro-
tection of Divine Light, and in the idol temples the calls of Divine
Light prevailed.
The Nawab of Chitral and the British Government showed compassion
towards Sardar Kashmir and those people who had come with him to the
Bomboret Valley in Chitral, and bestowed upon them the tenure of
some land for their support. They chose liberty in that place. Three
years had passed since Islam was embraced by the subjects of Kafiristan.
Then all sections agreed to rebel. They killed all the judges and
magistrates present there and invested the army of the Amir of
Afghanistan in one fort.
(p.82) The Amir got angry at this and sent a large army. It
arrived in Kafiristan by the Jalalabad route and subdued the whole
of the country. After the victory Amir A b d u r r a h a n , ruler of
Afghallistan, ordered a five dayst general slaughter. He demolished
and burnt all the forts and great towns.
After this victory the people belonging to the ancient families,
i.e. the relatives of Sardar Kashmir and Maru, left their own country
in dread of the Amir Sahib and came as refugees to Sardar Kashmir in
Chitral. They gave up the creed of Islam and again chose their (old)
religion. And till now they have in Chitral remained faithful to
that religion ... As far as i n their power they do not even allow
anybody to become a Muslim. But the people of the remaining four
sections which after the rebellion did not give up Islam, have become
such confirmed Muslims that perhaps such firm Muslims are rare i n
any country. "
Later note in purple ink: "It is quite true that the light of
Islam which is found among these new Muslim shaikhs, is perhaps
not to be found in Arabia and Turkey."
(p.83) "It is a matter of regret that Sardar K a s h i r ' s brother
Maru who was in custody in Kabul died there three years after the
insurrection. After that Amir Abdurrahman summoned Sardar Kashmir
to Kabul, saying: "Embrace Islam, come back to your own country
and settle there i n peaceu.
When this order arrived there , through the mercy of God Most High,
he became illuminated by the Muhammedan light, broke the chains of
idolatry, became participating of the bounty of Islam and left foi.
Kabul. But Fate did not allot to him the food and drink of Kabul.
He enjoyed the intercession of the Prophet. Accordingly, before he
arrived at his place of destination, he became a martyr by the hands
of his family's enemies on the road. He was buried in Kafiristan.
Sardar M a r u t s other brothers and relatives remained established
in the Romboret Valley in Chitral and stuck to their ancient religion.
After the Amir Sahib's victory the courltry whose earlier name was
Kafiristan, received the name Jandih-i Islam ("sacrificers of life
for Islamu). And the two sections were called Safidposh and
Siyahposh. They are still settled there and are known by these
names ..."
Additional note in purple ink: "The country has now become known
by the name of Jadid-ul-Islam."

Georg Morgenstierne met Azar in Chitral in 1929 and bought the

manuscript from which I have made these selections. It has 139 pages,
beautifully written in nastatliq characters. The language is Urdu,
which Azar had learnt in India. His style is remarkably clear except
where he tries to write in the high style of Urdu. His orthography
is generally correct. Still the manuscript makes difficult reading.
First because it is water-stained. Secondly because it has been
corrected - at least twice - by the author. The date is not certain.
There are references to events which took place in 1908. This is a
terminus post quem. A marginal note on p.118 seems to indicate that
corrections were made the same year. Other corrections - in purple
ink - must be considerably later.
The book falls in two parts: pages 1-83 - a description of the
Katis, their customs, religion and history, and pages 85-139 - an
autobiography, dealing mainly with the author's life in India.
I have already described the title page. Following this there is
a dedication (Azar uses the English word):
"With great respect and veneration I dedicate this book to My
Honoured and Powerful Dear Patron, the Pride of the English Nation,
His Honour with Exalted Titles, Captain A.A.James, Sahib Bahadur, of
the 29th regiment stationed in Jalandhar Cantonment, in the shade of
whose kindness this afflicted one, from the year 1898 and up to this
moment, has with much luxury and comfort received support - (I
dedicate the book) to his renowned and highly esteemed name, the
reputation of which has, through the praised-one's military services,
established itself in the military world of all India, - with heart-
felt yearning, which is always surging like the Ocean.
I f (this dedication) is accepted, what honour and nobility (will
be mine)!
The humble author. l t l

As far as I know A z a r t s manuscript is the first book ever written

by a Nuristani. Its background is given in the second part: his
autobiography. We hear nowadays so often ugly stories about ugly
imperialism. In A z a r t s story there are no ugly imperialists, only
a sympathetic doctor of a Panjabi regiment, captain Harris ( ? Urdu:
H-y-r-s), his kind sister, and captain James to whom Azar dedicated
his book. Captain Harris brought young Azar from the village of
Burdun to Drosh as his servant. When he had to leave India for China
during the Boxer Rebellion, he entrusted Azar to his sister who took
him to Kashmir and wanted to bring him to England. Azar, however,
did not want to go. His only friends were in the regiment, and he
says: "To be separated from them would be to have the bandage taken
from my wounds and to have salt sprinkled in them". Instead he is

1) I am grateful to Mr.Ralph Russell, Reader ill Urdu in the University

of London, for valuable assistance in translating this passage
(letter to Georg Morgenstierne, dated 13/10 1966).
employed by captain James with whom he stays till 1908 when the book
stops.
During an illness - maybe we should call it a nervous break-down
or a religious crisis - Azar makes up his mind to become a Muslim.
In his new surroundings he must have felt that he was losing his
identity. Living as a Kafir in India, far away from his own people,
from the social life of his tribe, from Gish and ~ m r g ,was impossible.
Here is a somewhat abbreviated version of his conversion to Islam:
(p.lO1) "I said to captain James: Since I have been spending
my life in your service, I would like to inform you that I wish
to become a Muslim. I want a couple of hours leave.
Then he inquired: Are you becoming a Muslim by your own free
will or through conversation with somebody?
I said: With none. It is because to my mind the Muslim religion
is good. I have thought and meditated upon every religion. To my
mind the Muhammedan religion is the best of all.
Captain James said: Will your family not be dissatisfied and
will they not quarrel with you?
I answered: For one thing I am independant and can take care
of my own gain and loss. And for another: after death neither
parents nor relations will be with me. There will be the Court
of the True King."
Then captain James sends a letter to doctor Harris, who writes
back that if Azar becomes a Muslim by his own free will, without
any compulsion, it is all right. Finally Azar goes to the imam of
the mosque and is converted to Islam. He writes about it in his
own peculiar style:
"I removed the rust of my unbelieving and the blackness of my
heart and was made a devotee of Islam. And my heart shone like
a mirror! I'
After his conversion Azar went on leave to Chitral where he tried
to convince his tribesmen in the Bomboret Valley of the excellence
of Islam. He also sent petitions - first to the Government of India
and then to the Emir of Afghanistan whom he met in Lahore - about
the sad conditions of his tribe. He was promised an answer, but
there never came one from Kabul.

The first part of the manuscript is of course the most important

one. It is a description of the Kati society of the Upper Bashgal
Valley immediately before the conquest by Abdurrahman. Azar did not
know English so his description is independent of Robertson's. From
where he got the idea of writing his tribe's ethnography is unknown.
I do not know if there exists such books in Urdu from the 19th
century. In any case, Azar has written a book rather unique in itu
kind. He has nlnnaged to arrange his material in n most useful survey
of Kafir culture.
Georg Morgenstierne has published some pages from A z a r l s manu-
script.' Some years ago he also gave a lecture on it in the Norwegian
Academy of Science, but this was in Norwegian and has not been
published. A new, complete translation - the result of a seminar in
the Indo-Iranian Institute of Oslo - will soon be printed with the
Urdu text in transliteration. I have chosen chapter 19 as a specimen.
It deals with festivals. Much of this information will be found in
Robertson's "The KBfirs of the Hindu-Kush", but not all. I have pre-
pared a translation in what I believe is Azar's own style, without
embellishments of any kind:
(p.46) Festivals

Like other peoples, such as Hindus, Muslims and Christians, (the

Katis) have their own fixed series of festivals. According to their
rules there are five big festivals each year, and besides some smaller
ones. The five festivals are:
1.Gish Namuch, 2.Nilon, 3.Ishtri-chal-nat, 4.Giche, 5.Munvon.

Gish Namuch. This festival comes at the beginning of spring and lasts
for eighteen days. During the first fifteen days music is played in
the evening. Their intention is to worship and render service to the
idol Gish and to worship the arrival of the New Year.
(p.47) In short, during the first fifteen days only they play
music in the evening. But during the last three days they dance as
well in the morning as in the evening on the dancing-ground which
has been prepared in advance in a certain place. In this dance the
very highest chiefs and noblemen take part. Also their deblo12 takes
part in it together with them and delivers a sermon on the worship of
this idol. And all the people put on their best dresses. But the
common and poor people are not allowed to take part in this dance.

-
Nilon. When sixty days have passed from the Gish Namuch the Nilon
festival is celebrated during the time of real heat. It is like this:
This time there is a festival of twenty days, During the first two
weeks, after supper has been taken, dancing and singing, which is
considered to be a kind of puja, take place in honour of all the gods
on the dancing-ground on which a long and broad stage has been built.
Music is played, and the puja takes the form of a musical performance.

1) Morgenstierne 1933.
2) Priest.
 (p.48) During this (festival) there are n o compulsory regulations
regarding dress. Ordinary (clothes) are sufficient. Nor are there
any regulations regarding those who are admitted. Whoever wants to
join in, can do so. When two weeks have passed, then for four or
five days they splash one another with water, just as Hindus splash
each other with colour during the Holi festival, and they soak (each
other's) clothes (in water). During the last three days there is a
dance, resembling that mentioned above, on the dancing-ground both
morning and evening. And the very best people put on their finest
clothes and take part in it. This is also supposed to be a puja to
their idols. Further at night every man has the very daintiest food
prepared, each in his own house, and distributes it among the others.

Ishtri-chal-nat. This festival comes forty days after the Nilon.

The season is late summer, and it lasts for three days. During these
there is dancing morning and evening in the manner mentioned above.
The dress and the ceremonies of the dance resemble the before mention-
ed ones, and food is distributed in the same manner.

(p.49) Giche. This festival comes one hundred days after the Ishtri-
chal-nat and lasts for twelve days. During the first seven days
people dance at night. Afterwards, on the eighth day, they all go
out, far away, to fetch wood. The sticks are of pine, deodar, etc.
Next day they break off and bring branches of juniper. When these
branches have been brought home, they fumigate with them.
On the fourth day, at night, they bake loaves, each weighing ten
seers. And they are baked in the name of the god s.At night,
after twelve o'clock, in every house they pour some ghee, etc., on
the loaves. Then they throw a little ghee, juniper twigs and some
bits of this bread into the fire and worship. They mention also the
names of the other gods in whose name the loaves have been baked and
worship them in the same way.
(p.50) When they have eaten the loaves, they make figures o f their
cattle (cows, goats, sheep, etc.,) from the thin willow twigs. From
them are also made two shepherds. The meaning of these images is
this: This is our cattle, and these are the shepherds. Then they
take the images of the shepherds and the cattle and put them at the
place which has been made in order beforehand. And in front of the
door they pile up a shelf with brackets and place the images on it.
Their intention is to make a kind of petition to God Most High. They
also entreat the idols (saying): We shall get a kind of cattle which
resembles that belonging to the idols. After that every man paints
on the walls of his own house pictures of horses, cows, goats, etc.,
with black colour which they have collected in the course of the
twelve days. And every man makes this according to his rank as it is
their custom from olden days.
(p.51) On the fifth day they take the branches which have been
previously collected and cut them up. From them is made, separately
for each man, a bundle which is from 15 to 2 0 feet long. For womerl
and children it is from 6 to 1 0 feet long. A bundle of branches is
made in the name of every person - male, female and child. And a
pregnant woman builds one for her unborn child too. In every house
so many bundles are made as there are persons. When they have made
these bundles, they bind the remainder of the very thin willow twigs
together with intervals of 1 1/2 foot, and at the upper end they
bind juniper twigs for burning. At night they first give a feast.
Then they make a loaf of bread in the name of every single god for
the sake of worship. At twelve o'clock in the night a puja is made
in the manner described above in the name of the idols for whom the
loaves have been made. But let it be remembered that for this puja
no loaf is made in honour of the god =. After the puja all the people
go to sleep.
(p.52) At three o'clock in the night all people awake. First sf
& they put on very fine clothes. And first of all people the deb101
puts fire to the bundle of twigs in his own house and goes out. And
with loud voice they shout such such! This is a word of benediction
in their religion. Afterwards they remain in the village for rather
a long time. Then they go to the altar of the idol Disain - the
deb101 and the pshul first, and after them all the menfolk. When all
the people are assembled there, they worship the before mentioned idol,
accompanied by the deb101 and the pshu, who now becomes unconscious,
and the deity speaks through him in an occult way. Then the pshu
mentions the name of the person whose bundle of twigs is the longest
and whose worship is agreeable to the goddess. He takes the bundle
belonging to that person, brings it to the door of the idol and
raises it there. And he takes (the bundle) from about two or four
persons, not from more.
( ~ . 5 3 ) Apart from this the pshu tells what kind of offerings are
agreeable to the deity and explains it to the people. On this
occasion the deb101 and all the people, standing with folded hands,
entreat the pshu, and he entreats the deity. Before her all the

1 ) 'The shu also is their established (religious) guide. Whatever the

t
n
aw
(
pi
t
ie
d to) reveal, is charged upon him. He becomes ml-
conscious, and in this state the commands (of the gods) become
audible to him. And then the pshu proclaims the commands to the
people'. (p.71-72).
people tell their needs and receive the answer to (their prayers)
through the medium of the pshu. Afterwards he regains consciousness,
and the offerings to this idol are concluded. And people discharge
their obligations in presenting the offerings imposed upon them.
During this time they all go on singing and playing without musical
instruments ( ? ) . At dawn they return to their homes. Till the men
come back, all the women go on singing at the dancing-ground. Not
until the men have returned home, the women go back home from the
dancing-ground. And the men get together at the dancing-ground and
dance. For quite a long time music is also played as an accompani-
ment. And everybody moves about, eating and drinking. When they
have eaten and put on very fine clothes, they dance the whole day
accompanied by music. When evening comes, they are all back in their
houses and their day (of festival) is ended.
(p.54) Seven days after this event everybody makes (images of)
cattle and shepherds from willow chips. And when they, each in his
own house, have worshipped the gods, they make a fire and throw (the
images) into it. This festival is held in winter, just as the Divali
of the Hindus.

M a r ~ o n . ~This day (of festival) comes at the beginning of summer, in

the last days of the month Chait. It takes place twenty days before
the first festival and lasts only one day. The arrangement is as
follows: At early dawn the women rise and prepare food. About
10 o'clock in the morning the food is brought to the graveyard.
There they throw a little food, water, ghee, sweets, etc., at the
images of their own relatives and ancestors. The idea is that it
reaches the deceased. The remainders of the food they divide amongst
themselves in that very place and return home. On their way back
they sing on the road songs which are rather melancholy.
(P.55) When they reach the village, they enter the dancing-ground.
The songs which are sung there are chiefly deriding the men, and the
men feel ashamed on account of them. So they all assemble and ask
the women to stop the frolic and ask for pardon. Then the women
stop singing and go home. When they come home, everybody eats food.
When they have eaten, the men put on the dancing dress such as they
have been wearing during the previous dances and go to the dancing-
ground. There they perform music together with dances. And they
sing the songs about their fathers, grandfathers and great-grand-
fathers which they had sung at their death. And the heirs of the

1) Whereas Munvon, p.46!

deceased whose songs are sung, bring milk, wine, etc., and all sorts
of fruit and distribute them amongat them. The idea of this is that
(the food) reaches the deceased (ancestor) whose name is mentioned.
( p . 5 6 ) Apart from these there are a few quite amall festivals
the description of which would be too lengthy. They are therefore
not described (here) ...
"
 NATIVE ACCOUNTS OF KOM HISTORY

Richard F. Strand

Traditions of the Kom tribe provide a picture of ethnic dis-

tributiolls in eastern Nuristarl (Kafiristan) prior to 1890. According
to these accounts, some of which are corroborated by accounts from
other neighboring tribes, ethnic distributions were rather different
some fifteen generations ago than they are now.
The traditions state that the diverse ethnic groups of Nuristan
were once concentrated in the middle Pech basin of central Nuristan.
The Kom inhabited the village of Kam6tol in the side valley of Kamg61.
The K$to, Mum6, and Biny6 inhabited the hamlets of Kust, Mum, and
Buni, respectively. Ktivi , S+U ( ~ a m a ,) and Kalasum (the Vaygal basin)
were then inhabited by ancestors of the present inhabitants. In
eastern Nuristan the jagi occupied the present site of Kamdesh, and
the Vay extended as far east as Ku? (~ot~a).
Although the chronology is indeterminate in many cases, major
tribal movements apparently occurred in the following order. The
Ksto moved from KYst eastward to the ~ i a i n ~ aand
l ~ k n u lvalleys,
and over the lowlands of the LanGay Sin valley from the confluence
of the ~ i c i n ~ aand
l Landay Sin rivers to KamG. The jagi retained
the upper slopes of the Lantay Sin valley.
The Riny6 moved from Biini to the present site of ~ i n b r m ,a hamlet
near Kamdesh. They gained much of the cultivable area on the upper
slopes of the right bank of the Lantay Sin, including land bordering
on the present ward of ~ a b G s t 6(the 'East Village') in Kamdesh.
After a surprise attack on Kamsdol by combined forces from ~ a r u ,
Ktivi, and Kalafiim, the surviving Kom families fled Kamg61 and moved
east to the site of the present village of ~ a s k G ,up the Lancay Sin
from Kamdesh. Finding this site unsuitable, they moved to Kamdesh.
The jag:, fearful of the warlike Kom, retired peacefully from Kamdesh
to safer quarters down the valley.
Through a series of wars the Kom encroached on Ksto, Binyb, and
jagi territory until they became masters of the entire lower Langay
Sin basin. The Kgto were left with only two small isolated areas
Ir
around the villages of ~ s t o p mand Dunul, and the Biny6 and jag;
were absorbed by the Kom and reduced to client status. The Kom ex-
panded into the Kunar basin; they intermarried with the Vay inhabit-
ants of K u n and gradually obtained Ku? and eome other villages along
the Kunar. At their greatest expansion they controlled the Kunar
valley from Bargam t o Nagar, but their suzerainty i n this area has
been greatly reduced by the Afghans in recent times.
 INVASIONS PRECEDING THE CONQUEST OF NURISTAN

Wazir Ali Shah

Professor Kakar in his interesting lecture on the conquest of

Nuristan by Amir Abdur Rahman Khan of Afghanistan has given a detail-
ed picture of the whole campaign. During the lecture he has mention-
ed about the invasions of this area prior to the one made by the
Amir.' In this connection I would like to add some informations
to expand the brief mention of relations between the Kam tribes and
the former Rulers of Chitral, made in Mr. Kakar's talk.
1. Chitral's first known contact with an invasion of Nuristan was
made in the beginning of the 16th century when Raja Wai, the
Kalash(-Kafir) Ruler of Bumburet invaded Lotdeh and sacked Burgamatol
bringing back many prisoners including twenty girls. It is said that
he made them dance in the nude which angered the gods who cursed him
and his family.
2. In about 1540 AD the Rais Ruler of Chitral (who was Muslim) sent
an expedition to Kamdesh under the command of Mohammad Beg Timuri
He occupied the valley and got tributes from the Kams in the form of
ghee, honey and other articles. This tribute continued to be paid
to the Rulers of Chitral until 1895-96 when Nuristan was finally
annexed to Afghanistan, and sent even after that for many years.
3. In about 1728, on the failure of the Karn tribe to send the
tribute, Mehtar Shah of Chitral personally led an expedition
to Nuristan and subdued the tribes. Two of his generals were earlier
killed in fighting against them.
4. During the 176O's, Mehtar Khairullah, the Khushwaqt Ruler of
Mastuj who also held Chitral, led an expedition against the
Kams to punish them for supporting Ex-Mehtar Mohtara Shah Katur of
Chitral against him. On his return from the expedition however he
was ambushed near Urtsun by an Afghan force supporting Katur and
killed in fighting.
5. Mehtar Nizam-ul-Mulk of Chitral also invaded the area in 1893-94
on their refusal to pay the annual tribute. He sacked Lotdeh
and brought back over 150 headmen as prisoners, including Ishtaluk.
He and his family were expelled to Badakhshan where they became
Muslims and later returned to Chitral. They were given lands at

1) cf.Kakar 1971, p.186sq. (note by the editor).

- 24 -
Gobor in Lotkuh where his son Jana lived and the family possess
the property to this day. Some of the Mehtars also married in the
family.
6. Following the Afghan invasion in 1896 a large number of the
Karn came over to Chitral and were settled in the upper Bumburet
and Gobor. They were allowed to retain their old religion and
culture, the last Kafir dying in the early thirties. The remaining
however embraced Islam voluntarily and are now called 'Bashgali
Sheikhs ' .
 THE COSMOLOGY OF THE RED KAFIRS

Shahzada Husuam-ul-Mulk

The following notes were from one named Chanlu of Urtsun village
on 30th November 1937 about the mythology of the Red ~afirs.' He
was last person following the old religion, but some months later
he too was converted to Islam. Urtsun is a large village on the
Chitral/Afghan border and was the stronghold of the Red Kafirs
(i.e. Katis) in the pre-Islamic era.
Creation. In the beginning there was only one God. H e created the
earth. It was shaking all the time so he scattered bits of stone
upon the earth. These became like nails and the earth settled.
The surface of the earth was very soft and even. Then God created
a large iron pillar and fixed up the earth on it. The whole surface
of the earth was full of devils, so God created a god and kept him
in concealment and named him Mani. When he became strong he fought
many deadly battles with the devils and killed many of them so that
there was room for human beings on the earth.
After that God created two more gods, the name of one was Bagiz
and the name of the other was Giz. God had created these two gods
to help Him in the creation of all the other gods and creatures.
After that the first human being was created.
God ordered the first human being to perform the sacrifice in
the name of Giz and Bagiz, so a pile of stones was gathered as an
altar, and until this time both sacrifices have been performed in
Urtsun.
Birth of Giz. There was a lady namend Outhiz. She had n o husband
but Imra ordered so Outhiz became pregnant. Giz was in the stomach
of his mother for eighteen months. Giz used to speak to his mother
from the stomach but did not like to come out. Outhiz was very much
teased and entreated her son to come out, but Giz did not obey.
Then Outhiz planted a walnut tree. The tree branched out into
eighteen separate branches; the tree grew rapidly and reached the
sky. The mother told the child in her stomach to come out and see this
magnificent tree because there was no other tree like it in the world.

1) The same man, Canlc, was Morgenstierne's informant in 1929.

Cf. Morgenstierne 1953. Here the correct transscription of the
names.
At last the child came out by bursting the stomach. The child
then sewed up the stomach with a steel needle. Then the child sat
on a chair. He possessed an excellent medicine called &, so the
mother came to life again. This treatment gave the woman new light
and wisdom. The woman saw that the branches of the tree had bent
to the ground, so she put thin iron pillars under them to hold them
up. Eventually this walnut tree produced seven hundred and twenty
maunds of walnuts. Giz gave these walnuts to his army along with
many other nourishing foods. When the army was strong enough he
waged war on Sami. In the battle Sami's wealth was plundered and
many of his followers killed. After this successful war, Giz asked
his people to call him Laymoch (brave man).' During this war Giz
performed some miracles. He hit a rock with his spear which became
a firm mountain which prevented the enemy from passing. I n this
way he escaped pursuit. On another occasion when they reached the
Bashgal river, and were unable to cross it, Giz asked the people to
procure a hornless bull and to sacrifice it. All of a sudden a
stone bridge appeared over the river, and the army of Giz were able
to cross over. On yet another occasion, they reached a great plain.
By this time all their rations had been eaten up and nothing was
left, so Giz pushed his spear into the ground, by doing so all
sweet roots of herbs came out on which the army fed themselves to
the full. At last one day he disappeared from his people. He went
to Parun and bellowed like a bullock, in a beat pasture afterwards
he was heard bellowing loudly in Poroidur and after that he was
seen at the top of a ridge called ~tser.' There also he bellowed.
Since then he was not seen.
The Root of Some of the Religious Ceremonies. Once upon a time there
was a great village at the saddle of Pythasoon in Urtsun. The
people of this village were very wealthy, they had so much milk that
they used big cakes of cheese for throwing weights and on account of
abundance of wheat, they used to make targets out of bread for their
bows and arrows. All the time they were very mean and unreligious.
Instead of sacrificing bullocks and goats they used to sacrifice
cats and dogs.
Once a god disguised himself as an old crippled man and sat by
the spring which gave water for drinking purposes to all the villagers.
The womenfolk who went there to fetch water teased him very much,

1) compare p.67.
2) Edelberg 1972, p.35, mentions the "peak of Azei" towering the
point of junction of the Parun and Kantiwo rivers.
even some of them spat on his face. At last one woman came. She
had only one child. She took him to her house and made good arrange-
ment for his food etc. He asked several questions from the child
and the child answered them correctly. After that he ordered the
woman to bring some water from the spring in a big pitcher. The
man then washed his hands and sprinkled the water three times in
all directions. At each sprinkle he uttered:"Such!" Then he lit
a fire and placed small twigs of juniper on the fire. Then again
he sprinkled with his hand the water saying "Such" all the times.
In this way he showed the woman and the boy the method of sanctify-
ing a place which was polluted by un-religious deeds.
He had with him a stick with two heads. He did not stay with
them to pass the night but went away, but he advised them not to
get out of the room i f there was an earth-quake during that night,
but they could get out at sunrise. "Then search for this stick of
mine, where you find this stick there build a malutsh (altar) in
the name of Giz." So it happened that a very fierce earthquake
shook the village that night. Next morning when they came out at
sunrise, they saw that all the houses of the village were raised to
the ground except theirs. Then these people began to stay in a
cave.
The people from Veron came to raid the village but to their
dismay they found the village destroyed. Except for this house,
there was no other house standing. On entering the house they found
nobody there, but the household utensils were all there. All the
raiding party went away to their village leaving behind only two
men to find out what had happened. Every night they saw a fire
but in the daytime they could not find it. Next night they again
saw the light. That day one of the two men whose name was Bahadur
(brave man) came upon the cave where he fourid the child and mother.
His other companion also came. He wanted to kill the woman and the
child but Bahadur did not allow him to do s o , he said the woman was
his wife and the child his son. After that Bahadur remained with
them. They named the son Dawam. The woman related all the story to
Bahadur, so the three of them started to search for the stick. After
a great search they found it on the saddle of a ridge. They built
an altar at the place. Ever since a small goat is sacrificed at this
altar annually.
Creation of Moni. Imra created Moni out of his o m breath. All the
world was full of devils, he concealed Moni from all other creatures
even from angels. In those days there was s very powerful family of
devils. The head of the family was called Lazoro. They had many
fights with Imra. They were so strong that they captured the sun
and moon.
Imra ordered Moni to go and find out where the sun and moon
were in captivity. Moni went all alone. He spent many days in
search. At last he came upon sixty of the devils in a jungle. There
was a big log. By putting in a wedge into it he separated the two
sides of the log a little. Then he asked the devils to put in
their hands in the split and to pull at it. When all of them put
in their hands i n the split he pulled out the wedge. By doing so
both the sides of the log came together and the hands of the devils
remained caught in the middle. So those sixty devils perished in
that way.
These devils had a mother whose name was Badiluk, she was a very
wise women. She was the first woman to invent the water-mill for
grinding flour. She always lived in that water-mill; when she
saw Moni she was very angry. She did her best to ask pard011 of
Moni. Moni gave her a small jug as a present. This jug was never
full however milk was put into it. Moni told the woman that she
had gained all the wisdom of the earth so to let him know where the
moon and the sun were concealed. She informed Moni that there was
a great family of devils called Dizano. They had their lodgings
in the air. Their fort was tied to the ground with a silk cord,
the cord was so thin that it could not be seen but when the crops
were thrashed on a thrashing floor and the chaff thrown in the air,
the chaff stuck on the string which was tied to the earth. At last
by this tactic means he found the thread. Moni had a brother,
Muskotuk by name. He was an iron smith; he prepared iron arrows
for the bow. After getting the arrows Muskotuk placed them on the
ground, but Moni at once took them up and sanctified them by per-
forming the Itscutt(ttSuchtl?).Moni told his brother that on account
of doing this sinful act of placing the arrows on the ground he had
1
become a "jangerIt (polluted) and had become a human being.
Moni with the first shot struck the thread , but with the second
one the thread was broken and the fort was destroyed to the ground.
To his great dismay he could not find the sun and moon there.
Moni again started on the search. At last he came to the house
of the seven devil brothers. All the brothers had gone for shooting
and the mother was left alone to cook their food. He asked the
woman to give him a refuge, but she said her sons would be very angry

1) Similar motive in the mythical history of the dynasty of Gilgit,

cf.Leitner 1896, p.9f. Supernatural descent of iron workers:
Jettmar 1957.
to find him in the house. Moni told her that he could be very
helpful in performing the household duties while her sons were away.
At last the woman agreed. When the sons returned she went to the
gate-way to receive them and got the loads of her sons and kept
them aside and gave them all possible comfort. This time her sons
had a very unlucky shooting party and could not find any game at
all, but they were promised a game at their house. The mother
pleaded to take mercy and keep Moni with them and said he would be
very useful in performing the household duties. At last they accept-
ed to keep him. They gave him all liberty but asked him not to
open the door of a certain room. When he became very familiar with
the mother, he asked her what there was i n the room. She told him
that the sun and the moon were concealed in that room. I f the
door was opened they would fly and go back to heaven. One day when
they were all out for shooting he pushed his finger into a window
of that room. It pierced through and the finger became golden on
account of the golden light of the sun. He tied u p the finger to
conceal it and pretended it to be wounded. The mother and her
sons broke the stone into pieces which was supposed to have crushed
the finger of Moni.
Moni had found a ball of thread and a bunch of needles in the
house. He learnt that both had a magic i n them. By throwing them
the needles would turn in a thick impenetrable forest and the ball
of thread would become a thick fence which could never be penetrated.
He took both of them with him. One day, when all brothers had gone
for their usual hunt, he broke the window of the room with a kick.
In an instance the sun and the moon reached the sky and once again
all the earth was illuminated. He ran away to escape. When the
devils found the world again illuminated, they chased him. When
they came close, he threw the bunch of needles which became a very
thick forest. The devils started to cut the trees one by one, at
last they finished them all and continued their pursuit. When they
again overgot him he threw the ball of thread which became a very
thick fence. The devils did their best but could not cut the fence.
In this way Moni escaped and reached his destination. Imra was very
pleased with him and gave him great honour. After that the devils
had never succeeded in catching hold of the sun or the moon.
 SOME REFLECTIONS ON A KAFIR MYTH

Georg Buddruss

The story of the liberation of the sun and the moon is attested
in several different versions in the folklore of the Hindukush. But
as far as we know only in the Prasun valley, famous since Robertson's
times for its llreligiousatmosphere" and for the interest of its
inhabitants i n all matters of religious tradition,' this story is
found in a particular mythological context. It belongs to a group of
Itcreationmyths", better called "primeval myths" ("Ur~eitrn~then").
For these Prasun myths tell nothing about the creation of the world.
The world is thought to have always existed. These myths deal with
primeval events at the beginning of time, when man was not yet created
and the "valley" or the "world" (Prasun gul means both "valleyttand
"world") was inhabited only by gods and giants (Prasun ~ z ) It
. was
at that time that the gods, for the most part Mlra and Mlndi, wished
to create men, o r , as the Prasun myths put it "to sow the seed of
mantt. The myths never describe how the creation of man was performed,
but they relate in detail the actions of the gods, whose aim was to
render the "valley" inhabitable by man, how they restricted the rule
of the god o f ice to the winter, how they brought light and water
into the "valley", how they instituted the cult ceremonies of the
Prasun clans by giving them their proper ttidols",and how they in-
vented agricultural implements. All these mythical events, at a
time when life as it is now began, took place in the Prasun valley.
Everywhere in the valley people know and can show the places where
the gods assembled, where they held their councils and where they
taught men. A red streak in a rock bears witness to the stream of
blood that flowed over the stone when MZndi killed the giants who
lived there before man was created. The myths usually contain only
place names from the Prasun valley. Other men and valleys hardly play
any role in them, they are generally outside the mythical worldview
and do not share the intimate contact with the Divine.
The liberation of the sun and the moo11 was one of these primeval
divine deeds. From other 1-ersions of the story recorded by other
scholars in different regions of the Hindukush it might seem that
the sun and the moon for some unknown reason had been stolen from

1 ) Robertson 1896, p.379.

the sky. But my most reliable Prasun informants, especially Nur
Mohammad from Zuzum, who had a keen interest in the religious past
of his tribe and probably still believed the myths he remembered
(he died as a very old man shortly before 19701, insisted on the
point that the sun and the moon had not been removed from the sky
1
I
as they had never been there before.
Here is a brief summary of the main contents of this Prasun myth
as recorded by m e m 2 Formerly the tlvalley"was dark. The sun and the
moon were not yet in the sky, but kept by a giant in a cave or "housett
near the place where later on the village of Pronj (Purunz; S E ~ )
was
founded. The god Mandi wanted to create men. But men cannot live
without light. So Mandi in the shape o f a young boy, went into the
house of the giant and won his and his mother's confidence. The giant
allowed him to move about everywhere, but told him not to touch a
certain door. While the giant was absent, Mandi opened the door a
little and put his finger into the gap. His finger became golden,
and the gold could not be removed. The boy wrapped his finger i n a
piece of cloth pretending to have hurt his hand. The next time he
opened the door a little wider and put his arm into the gap. His
arm became golden, too. Finally, while the giant was absent, Mandi
opened the forbidden door by force. Blinded by the radiant light,
he found a waterfall in the middle of the room, on the right side of
the water there was the sun, on the left the moon. Mandi bathed in
the shining golden water. Then he placed the sun on his right and
the moon on his left shoulder. Mounted on a black horse, he rode
out. The dark Itvalley" suddenly became bright. With a dagger, which

1) Thsituation is now somewhat complicated by the fact that L.Edelberg

has recently published two versions of the myth from Prasun (parun)
which do not contain any clear allusion to the 'IUrzeitttand the
creation of man, either. (Edelberg 1972, No.6A pp.47-54 and No.6B1
pp.54-58). Given the extremely fragmentary character of our know-
ledge of Prasun mythology and the disturbed state of the Kafir
tradition it i s , of course, impossible to decide, whether Edelberg's
informant of 1953/4 had sources different from mine, or whether
he (or the interpreter?) in his Persian rendering consciously or
unconsciously omitted the motive of the "Urzeittt. One of the last
two possibilities i s , I think, at least more probable than to
assume that my informants, relating the myth in their own language,
should have added arbitrarily this particular feature of a pre-
Islamic worldview, which since their conversion to Islam (1896) is
no longer valid for them.
2) My Prasun material, texts and interviews, collected in 1956 and
1970, has not yet been published. But the texts recorded in 1956
were made available in a literary German translation to P.Snoy
for his thesis, where he has made use of this information in a
very careful and reliable way (Snoy 1962). For Prasun texts 54
and 65 of my collection, summarized here, see Snoy 1962, pp.86sqq-
he found folded together in one of the horeeta eare, he killed the
giant' and his mother after a long fight.For Home time MLndi re-
mained with the sun and the moon on his ehoulders in the neighbour-
hood of Pronj. The god MEra came from the village of ~iti5ki (about
one hour further down the valley) and said: 'IIf you keep the sun and
the moon with y o u , what shall all the men do what I am going to
create in my part of the valley? Let me carry the sun and the moon
up to the sky so that all men can enjoy their light and warmth."
MIndi agreed. MEra took the sun and the moon up to the sky, ordered
them to revolve and said: "The sun shall be for the day, that men
may warm themselves, the moon shall be for the night, that the
giants may warm t h e m s e l ~ e s . ~ ~
I do not intend to attempt to give a structural interpretation of
the myth now. Out of several questions which may arise in connection
with this myth only one shall be raised here: What does the water
mean which MSndi finds in the room between the sun and the moon? This
water is just mentioned without any obvious consequence for the
further development of the story. Prasun informants, when asked this
question, seemed to be surprised themselves and were unable to offer
any explanation.2 Could it be that an ancient motive, n o longer
understood, has been preserved here? It is tempting to assume that
in a more original form of the myth not only the sun and the moon,
but also the water were concealed by the giant in hie cave and
liberated by MZindi for the benefit of mankind.
Such a hypothesis does not seem to be entirely unfounded. I f it
is tentatively accepted, the Kafir myth recalls a famous mythical
concept of Ancient India, often alluded to in the hymns of the Rig-
veda (2nd. millennium B.C.). Here the water is locked up by a monster
( V ~ t r a )i n a rock. God Indra slays the monster (and his mother,
Rigveda 1.32) or splits the rock and makes the water stream forth.
Now, very often also the sun is mentioned in this connection, e.g.
(Higveda 1.51.4) "when thou, Indra hadst slain the monster, thou
madest the sun rise up to the sky so that it could be seen". Indrafs
deeds were primeval deeds, for it is stated that he did all this "for
Manut', the forefather of mankind, so that human life could be possible.
In the Rigveda, it makes sense that the sun and the water are liberat-
ed by Indra at the same time, for, according to Vedic cosmology, the

1) In my texts it is one giant with seven heads, but according to

.
Edelberg's versions the mother had seven sons.
2) The water occurs also in Edelberg's texts as a "pool" (Persian
hauz )
 1
sun i s thought of a s f l o a t i n g i n t h e c e l e s t i a l waters.
T h u s , t h e V e d i c and t h e l'rasun myth would seem t o h a v e t h e same
basic idea: Human l i f e i s f i r s t o f a l l d e p e n d a n t on l i g h t ( i n c l u d -
i n g f i r e ) and w a t e r . A t t h e beginning of time ( ' l U r z e i t ' l ) b o t h t h e
l i g h t and t h e w a t o r were u n d e r t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f d e m o n i o c a l b e i n g s .
A divirie hero ( I ~ i d r ao r ~ a n d i )overcomes t h e denioii by c u r ~ t l i ~ lagn d
strength. Moll remember h i s d e e d s a n d p r n i s e h i s g i f t s , a s t h e y
owe t h e i r e x i s t e n c e t o them. The Vedic a n d t h e K a f i r t e x t s a s we
h a v e them a r e s o p a r a t e d by more t h a n 3000 y e a r s . Nevertheless, one
may aslc w h e t h e r t h i s s t r i l c i n g s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e e s s e n t i a l c o n c e p t of
t h e two niytha i s duo t o more clranco.
But i t i s o n l y t h i s b a s i c i d e a t h a t t h o two niyths h a v e i n common.
A s t o tho d e t a i l s , tliere a r e d l f forences .
While t l l e riame o f t h e d i v i n e h e r o ill t h e Veda i s I n d r a , h i s nams-
salce ill t h e K ~ f i r 'p a n t h o o l i , I n d r , h a s n o t h i n g t o do w i t h t h i s m y t h i c -
n l complex. But t h i s I s a p o i ~ l to r mliior i m p o r t a n c e a n d may b e a
coiisequeilce o f i n t o r i o r c h a n g e s irnd cleveloptnents wit11111 the Kafir
pantheon. Though t h e riame o f I n d r i s lcnown i n P r a s u n , h e was ob-
v i o u s l y n o t w o r s h i p p e d t h e r e a n d was s a i d t o b e a god o f t h e n e i g h -
b o ~ ~ r l nAshkuii
g people, e s p e c i a l l y i n ~ a m a . I n d r had s p e c i a l c o n n e c t -
i o n s w i t h wirio a n d v i t i c u l t u r e . I n most p a r t s o f f o r m e r K a f i r i s t a n ,
I n d r seems t o h a v e l o s t t h e doniiriant p o s i t i o n 11idra o n c e o c c u p i e d
among a ~ i c l e n tIndo-Aryaii tribes. T h i s p r o c e s s i s porhaps s t i l l r e -
f l e c t e d i n c e r t a i ~ iKat:L m y t h s , w1ler.e I r l d r i s f o u g h t a n d d e f e a t e d by
o t h e r gods l i k e Imra a n d ~ i s h . The
~ r o l e o f t h e Vedic I n d r a c a n i n
many r e s p e c t s bo compared t o t h o r o l e p l a y e d i n P r e s u r l by ~ a n d i . It
l a ~ a t l d i .who 1s b e l i e v e d t o liave l i b e r a t e d t l i e c e l o e , t i a l l u m i n a r i e s . 3
~ & d ii s a l s o i n o t h e r . c o n t e x t s t h e s t r o n g d i v i n e h e r o a n d f o r e m o s t
o f t h e gods i n t h e i r f i g h t n g a i n s t demons a n d g l a l l t s , t h e e n e m i e s
o f gods and Inon. With t h e Vedic I n d r a , Marldi s h a r e s h i s a b i l i t y t o
11
appear ill numerous clhapes nnd d i s g u i s e s . A s d r i t h i s s t o r y he changes

1 ) Vedic s c l i o l a r s d i f f e r a s t o d o t a i l a o f t l l o i r ~ u l d e r s t a i l d i ~ logf t h e
V y t r a ant1 Vnla my.th. 111 t h e o s s e n . t . i a 1 p o i n t s I f.o.l.low t h o i n t e r -
p r o tn.t:Lon give11 by I-I. Liiclors (195.1, osp. v o l . 1 , p p . 1 8 3 - 1 9 5 ) .
2 ) R o b o r t s o ~ llI396, p. 388; Morge~~ t iue r i l o 1 9 5 3 , p.177.
3 ) Uu,L .th:is secnls t o b e Llie c a s o oiily i l l t h o s o u t l l e r i i v i l l a g o s P a g k i
aiid Z ~ l i . , r u n , wlloro t l i c ~latno o f tllo g i a l l t who c o r l c e a l o d t l i e s u n a n d
tlio tnooti wns s n l d t o hnvo bouri EtlporegrA. Dut i n t h o n o r t h e r r l
v i l l n g o s Pro11,j alicl l)own, 1Sspox.ogrii o r ~ i i l i i l - ( w ) ai s tlio riame o f t h o

a r e 1no1-o . i l i s t a n c n s i l l nly ~ n n , t e r i n wllcro

l
.
t n y t h i c n l h e r o wlio 1 . i b s r u t o t l .tlie 1~uni.1larj.esI T l l i s i s now n l s o con-
.C.Lrmotl by rctlelborg ' .r ]lot e~ I'r-om PI-oriJ ( 1 9 7 2 , p. 3 9 , 48 , 57 )
t e x t s I'rom t h e l o w e r
There

v.il.Lagos d e a l w i t h MB11d.i.~w h i l e q ~ i i t c r s i n i i l n r tleeds a r e a l t r - i b u t e d

.Lo 1cspcl-esx-8 i l l t h o u p p e r p a r t o f t h o P r n s u ~ iv a l l e y . T h i s p o i ~ l tneeds
fur1:her c l a r i flcat.i.011.
4 ) c r . 0.g. w.11a11 19G0, p.73.
himself into a boy, h e takes in other Prasun texts various formr,
9.g. that o f a falcon or o f a bull.
A more important difference between the Vedic and the Prarun myth
is the fact that the liberation of the watera, s o prominent in the
Veda, is not mentioned i n the Prasun story or is t o be found in it
only in a rudimentary form n o longer understood, as I have assumed.
Now, a different tradition was current in Prasun about how the first
water came into the ttvalleytt
(or the world). After ~ a r ahad created
the first m e n , h e began to teach them agriculture, and built a mill
which he first tried t o drive with milk. When he failed he asked
the goddess o f water, Lunang, to come down into the valley and drive
the mill. This text h a s been discussed elsewhere.' I f we may apply
tthistoricaltl
categories in this context, it would seem that this
story, as it deals with the invention o f water-mills, belongs to a
ttyoungertt
mythological stratum. It is perhaps a conceivable hypo-
thesis that this myth may have replaced other beliefs about the
arrival o f water among men.
But the main differences between the Vedic and the Prasun myth do
not concern what I consider t o be the nucleus o f its meaning but the
easily separable special setting o f the Prasun story. S O the motive
of the forbidden door or forbidden chamber is entirely missing in
the Veda, but has numerous parallels in Eastern and Western fairy-
tales.2 As a n example I quote from G r i m ' s collection the German
tale about the t t ~ a r i e n k i n d t tThere,
. a poor wood-cutterts daughter
is taken t o heaven by the Holy Virgin. She is told not to open the
thirteenth door. But she disobeys this order and then puts a finger
into the gap. H e r finger becomes golden through the mighty splendour
of the Holy Trinity concealed in the forbidden chamber. The gold
cannot be removed from her finger. The girl is punished for her
disobedien.ce and has t o return to earth.-
The n~otive of the capture and liberation of tho celestial luninaries
o c c a s i o ~ ~ a l l occurs
y elsewhere t o o U 4 As this is often combined with
- -

1 ) Buddruse 1 9 6 0 , pp.200-209.
2) CT. Tawley l921t, p.233 and 1328, p.153. For the horse motive 111
this context cf. also Toporov 1968, p.118.
3) C f .Bolt9 and Pollvka 1.913, vol.1, p.21.
4 ) For the sake of brevity, I refer for arallels t o Hal-va 1938,
g
p.181; Dolte and Polivka, vo1.3, p.28 ; Motive-Indices in Finnish
Folklore Commullications, XXXIX, No.106,p.109.
On the other hand, the Prasun material is in some respects similar
to a myth recorded with a Buddhist tinge by D.Schroder among the
Monguor of the Amdo region. There too we find the situatiorl o f
the ttUrzeitll,the origin of man, water, light, warmth and agri-
culture, and the rise of the lumilzaries from the "black earthttt o
the "blue skytt ( ~ c h r ~ d e1r9 7 0 , especially pp.67, 7 1 , 132, 1 3 4 , 14G).
theft and tricks, it can often be taken to be a "Variante des Prome-
theus-my tho lo gems^^ as pointed out by snoy.' Sometimes the inter-
pretation of related texts is difficult. So ~ o b e r t s o n lgives two
versions of a Kafir myth which seem somehow to belong to our subject,
but may be llinexactlt
as Snoy puts it.3 Here Imra himself without any
obvious reason takes the sun and the moon from the sky.
Without going into further details, it must be admitted that there
are often several possibilities of interpreting the texts, especially
when there is n o mention of an I1Urzeitt1and creation of man, and not
even an allusion to it. So ~ . ~ e n thas
z ~proposed that the Prasun
myth "may be connected with the winter solstice, when Imra is saving
the Sun from the evil demonsf1. The motive of the gilded finger and
arm, one may add, could then perhaps reflect the fact that Itthe first
beam of the rising sun on the winter solstice was to hit a statue of
the god inside of the temple". 5
From my point of view, I need not reject such an interpretation.
The main difference between Lentzfs and my argument seems to be that
in Lentz's opinion the liberation of the luminaries (including the
moon?) was thought to take place annually, while I have emphasized
that Prasun informants have described it as a primeval event. Both
views, however, may not ~iecessarilybe mutually exclusive. It is a
well-known and widespread experience of ethnologists that mythical
events of the beginning of time may be recognized over and again by
man in the recurrent phenomena of nature. Different approaches from
different viewpoints are necessary to contribute towards a better
understanding of the very complex character of the Kafir mythical
tradition, which has come down to us in small fragments only, either
in statu moriendi or after its final extinction as a living religion.

--

(continued) But the liberation of the luminaries from demoniacal

domination is missing in this context.
1) Snoy 1962, p.86.
2) Robertson 1896, p.385-387.
3) Snoy 1962, p.89.
4) Communicated by Edelberg 1972, p.52 note 37.
5) ibid.
 WESTERN PARALLELS TO THE DEEDS OF IMRA

Wolf gang Lent z

The Theses.
a. A number of myt'hological traits recorded during the past eighty
years in the popular oral literature of Kafiristan (Nuristan) about
Imra and his divine and human companions correspond to some features
of the legend of Mithras attested mainly on archaeological monuments
of the first centuries of our era that are found at different places
in Western Asia, North Africa and Europe.
b. Certain features hitherto not fully understood of the Mithraic
monuments receive light from the Nuristan material.

The Argument.
I. In the legend of Mithras we have to reckon with an underlying
epic relation similar to a story or stories of the Kafir deity Imra.
The relationship to other stories of Mithras, their local variations,
and a possible common source of the two traditions require separate
investigations.
11. A Kafir myth concerning the liberation of the sun and moon has
come down to us in eight versions, each of which places the luminar-
ies on either side of a person or animal or object. A corresponding
balanced distribution of light symbols quite common in the famous
Mithraic bull-killing scene, but also in other contexts, is not a
merely formal device - as it seems to have been universally consider-
ed till now -, but indicates that their significance may lie in the
content of the legend.
111. The Kafir myth divides into six phases with theft and force as
leitmotifs, centering round a house, castle or city of the demons and
a magic horse with a weapon in its ear and ending with the ultimate
setting - or restoring - of the function of the luminaries by Imra.
In the Mithraic legend we have to reckon with two camps, a demonic
and a divine one. The bull in the alleged bull-fight with a house as
a transitory refuge of the animal is either a vehicle or a symbol of
the luminaries or one of them. There are intermediaries between the
demons as the primary possessors of light and disposers of the year
and Mithras as the final distributor of time for the benefit of agri-
culture. Other scenes, not only the rock-birth, but also the water
miracle and the hunt, stand in direct or indirect relation to Mithras'
achieving domination over the daily and yearly course of the sun and
moon.

Conclusions.
I f these observations point in the right direction, the character
of Mithraism as an essentially moral appeal to imitate its central
figure in bravery, endurance and self-sacrifice will have to be re -
considered. The prevalence of light symbols point to an identificat-
ion with cosmic powers of the adherents' innermost psychic forces.
The primeval liberation by a saviour and his helpers of the light
gives the hope to an eventual salvation of the souls - a dominant
religious theme of the time.
 IRANIAN INFLUENCE ON THE CULTURE OF THE HINDUKUSH

Karl Jettmar

German ethnologists called the Kafirs a megalithic people

(ll~egalithvolk")l
or Kafiristan a "megalithic centrett2,that is to
say, the culture of the Kafirs was considered as a phenomenon
strictly separated from the great civilizations of Western Asia.
It seemed to be part of a cultural stratum which is otherwise
accessible to us only by archaeology of far back periods (3rd -
2nd millennia B.C.) or ethnography in distant regions (e.g. South-
east Asia and Indonesia). This tendency can be observed even in
recent studies made by Snoy and myself.
On the other hand, indologists tried to trace survivals of the
religion of the Aryan immigrants to India in the folklore of the
mountains. 3
I think such efforts are legitimate. But I would propose to
start from a more cautious hypothesis. I think that every explanat-
ion of the religion of the Kafirs and the Dardic peoples has to
take into regard that the singularity of Kafiristan and other mount-
ain areas indeed is preconditioned by geography but became really
effective when the surrounding lowlands were conquered by the expand-
ing force of slam.^ A bar was laid which was not opened before the
conversion of the mountain valleys themselves. For Kafiristan proper
this means an isolate development between the 11th and the 19th
centuries A.D. Before the 2nd millennium A.D. the exchange of men
and ideas went much easier.
Of course even during this period of separation Kafiristan was
not a closed system, but the contacts were restricted by permanent
warfare with the Muslim world deeply influencing the social system
of the Kafirs.
Accordingly the explanation of the documents of Kafir religion
needs a careful analysis of all information presented by archaeo-
logy and written sources for the spiritual history - Geistesgeschich-
te - of the surrounding areas until the end of the 1st millennium A.D.

1) Jensen 1956, p.178.

2) Baumann 1955, p.370.
3) e.g. Buddruss 1960, p.208.
4) cf. Masson-Romodin 1964, pp.131-223, and especially Lohuizen -
de Leeuw 1959.
This is necessary for the Eastern Dardic areas too. There we should
discern between the main valleys and the backwaters of inaccessible
regions. The isolation was never this complete or this permanent.
Let us now pass over to the special topic of this lecture, the
Iranian influence. I think that many evident parallels between
Iranian and Dardic institutions and ideas are not due to a common
heritage going back into Indo-Iranian antiquity but to diffusion in
the course of a long and complicated symbiosis. I only can illustr-
ate my thesis by a few selected examples.
1. An unexplained detail in the iconography of the wooden statues
manufactured especially by the Kalash tribe is that the rider
1
sometimes is depicted sitting on the back of a two-headed horse.
Originally my idea was that this simply meant a sign of still higher
rank than the normal rider statues. However it is strange to see
that coins of the Kushana period minted i n the name of Kanishka on
the back side have a deity with a Phrygian cap riding on the two-
headed horse. According to the legend o f the coins it is the central
deity of the Iranian pantheon Ahura ~ a z d a h .I~ think this should be
a hint that we have to study the iconography of all coins from the
Saka, Kushana and Hephtalite periods. Perhaps we shall find more
parallels of this kind. 3
2. Many mythical stories of the Kafirs contain the element that sun
and moon were in the hands of giants and had to be set free by
the force and cant of the gods. We are told that Mandi puts sun and
moon on his shoulders and mounts his horse. At I m r a t s request he
hands them over, and Imra makes them wander over the sky. I n Robert-
son's work we find a passage that Imra fixed sun and moon to the
sides of his body and rode on into the mountains. 4
Now I would like to connect this motif with the reliefs on the
memorial steles of several Indian tribes, e.g. the Bhils. In many
cases they show the image of an armed rider over whose shoulders

1) Cf. Shakur, P1.~11/2, for the specimen in the Peshawar Museum.

In fact the animal has two heads and four legs in front, but
then the bodies run together, so there are only two hind-legs.
This may be recognized in a better photograph in the Catalogue
of the exhibition t'5000 Jahre Kunst in Pakistantt1962/63, Nr.
574.
2 ) Cf. Rosenfield 1967, pp.82-83; Duchesne-Guillemin 1960, Pl.VII,
132, 193. When I told this R.Goebl he said that he made the same
observation years ago.
3 ) AS far as 1 see there is no statue of this kind from the Kafir area
proper, but perhaps the Kalash have preserved an iconographic detail
formerly common in a larger area. Cf.Edelberg 1960, and Siiger 19510
4 ) Snoy 1962, pp.86-89; Robertson 1896, p.385 and 387.
sun and moon are placed. Many illustrations of such monuments were
1
A
collected by Koppers. Koppers already saw that the iconographic
details are taken over from more civilized neighbouring peoples:
Rajputs and Gujaras. I am indebted to Professor Hermann Goetz for
the suggestion that such memorials belong to a tradition going back
to the late Gupta period. The first to propagate this mode were
martial tribes entering India from the Northwest, like the Gujaras,
later on disappearing in the big melting pot of the Rajput castes.
In the religious heritage of such groups the solar deity had a special
place.2 Perhaps on such stelae the dead hero was represented in the
shape of Yama. The god Yama was a deity of death on the one hand -
but he was also considered a son of Surya.
We have to keep in mind that on the area of present-day Afghanistan
astral deities played an important role during the later half of the
1st millennium A.D. Sun and moon are depicted as armed warriors in
the frescoes on the walls of the monastery of ~ondukistan.' Even
in the frescoes of Soghdian t o m s such astral deities are rather
frequent.4 Even more important is a passage in an astrological
treatise (Bzhatsa~hitaXI, 61) mentioning that tribes living on the
northwestern border of India like Pahlawa, White Huns and Avaglna
had a special affinity to the mythi.ca1 dragon whose tail is Ketu and
who is said to devour sun and moon periodically, causing eclipses.
This motive is still preserved in the popular traditions of the Gilgit
Agency. We are told that the celestial bodies are swallowed by a
dragon, but they may escape by a cut in his neck. 5
It was always a question how YamarEja could become the central
deity of the Kafir pantheon.6 I propose to look for the explanation
in this very milieu.
3. Already in the beginning of the 19th century, Mountstuart
Elphinstone was told that the Kafirs "drink wine, both pure and
diluted, in large silver cups, which are the most precious of their
. 1953, almost 60 years after the conversion to Islam
p o s s e s ~ i o n s ~ ~ In
such cups were seen for the first time by a European, Lennart Edelberg.
He was able to collect important information about them and finally he
7
could acquire some specimens, now in the museums of Kabul and Aarhus.

1) Koppers 1942, e.g., fig.10.

2) Cf. v.~tietencron 1966, pp.226-272.
3) D'jakonov 1954, pp.147-149.
4) Belenickij 1954, pp.68-71.
5) Cf. Census of India 1931, XXIV, p.323, and Ghulam Muhammad 1907,
p.108-109.
6 ) Morgenstierne 1953, p.163.
7 ) Cf. Edelberg 1965, pp.153-155.
 I want to draw attention to the fact that there is a considerable
similarity between the wine-goblets of the Kafirs and the cups which
appear in the hands of the feasting community on wall-paintings of
pre-Islamic Middle Asia. They can be observed at ~jandgikent.' Even
more convincing are the affinities to the silver and gold vessels
held by the ladies which we see on the paintings o f the south wall
The
of the eastern hall at ~ a r a c h ~ a . ~ men's goblets are somewhat
different.
Al'baum is convinced that such cups used i n Tocharistan i n a
ritual or even religious context3 were highly appreciated and imitated
by the ruling class of the nomadic warriors i n the steppes. A hoard
consisting of such vessels made from embossed silver and gold sheets
""
was found at Malaja Perescepina (near Poltava), one specimen in a
4
nomadic burial in Northern Ossetia.
It seems reasonable to suppose that such goblets were also export-
ed towards the Southeast for the ceremonial use of a nobility of
Hephtalite descent ruling in Gandhara. They were copied by the common
people and were finally brought to the mountains where the tradition
lingered up to the present day.
4. However it must be stressed that these observations do not mean
that all Iranian influences belong to the post-Christian era. In the
Swat valley Stacul was able to give us a chronological sequence
through several millennia by excavating a rock shelter near GhEligai. 5
Four of the periods observed are characterized by pottery with definite
western or northern Iranian traits. According to the chronology of
Stacul they belong to the time between 1500 - 300 B.C. This could
mean that during this span migrations from the West reached in several
waves the borders of the Indian subcontinent. Most of the metal ob-
jects used by Heine-Geldern for tracing the way of the Aryans rather
b
belong into this context.
Some pieces have an Anatolian or Transcaucasian appearence. So we
may ask whether the bands were under chieftains of Thraco-Phrygian
7

origin.' Perhaps it was this kind of military expedition which gave

birth to the myth of Dionysos' glorious ride through Asia bringing

1) D'jakonov 1954, p.104, Tab1.X.

2) Al'baum 1960, pp.126-162.
3) The building where they were observed at ~ j a n d k i k e n twas a temple.
4) Al'baum 1960, p.178.
5 ) Stacul 1967, 1969a, 1969b, 1970.
6) Heine-Geldern 1956. I would like to add other finds, e.g., the
golden stag from the Hazara district (Allchin 1968, p.150) and
the hoard of bronze objects from Dare1 including a trunnion axe
(Jettmar 1961).
7) Cf. Cuyler Young Jr., 1967, p.26.
wine and wine-drinking to the ancestors of the Kafirs.
5. On the other hand highly archaic looking element8 with a specific
Iranian touch may turn out to be recent loans.
In Punyal, one of the Ismailitic enclaves of the Gilgit Agency, there
are collective tombs. Adolf Friedrich discovered a well preserved
'monument of this kind, an isolated building near the village Bubur
with a subterranean chamber for the exposure of the deadbodiee. It
was still in use only 40 years ago. On the other side of the Gilgit
river there were found other vaults in a ruined state.
I could collect addi.tiona1 information during my stay there in 1964.
Publishing the material1 I explained the pecularities by the fact that
Bubur is not far from the mouth of the Ishkoman valley, an important
route of traffic to the Wakhan and the Pamirs. Nearby a hoard of
bronzes was found perhaps indicating an immigration of Sacian groups
during the 1st century B.C. They may have been on the way from Middle
Asia to ~ n d i a . ~Among the Sacian (North Iranian) tribes of Middle
Asia there is a long tradition of collective tombs with freely access-
ible chambers for the decomposure of the deadbodies (parallel to the
Zoroastrian practice), so I concluded that we may consider the Bubur
complex as a survival of this early impact.
0
After my lecture at Moesgard - which forms the basis of this article
- Wazir Ali Shah from Chitral, present at the session, pointed out
that the former dynasty of Chitral, before the line of the recently
deposed Mehtars and perhaps identical with the Sangli dynasty mention-
ed by Hashmatullah ~ h a had
n ~ a vault of quite similar construction.
It was still preserved during his life-time but was demolished because
of its flagrant un-Islamic character.
Now I was told that i n Punyal the first construction of this kind
was made for a man who tried to establish a local rulership only
twelf generations ago, shortly before or after the introduction of
Islamic faith. It is quite possible that such a man copied the royal
institutions of Chitral, among them the burial rites. Punyal had been
under Chitrali dominance several times between the 14th and the 16th
century. The Ismailitic missionaries too came from this direction -
and they had started from the Badakhshan. So it seems possible that
customs which existed as survivals among the Tadjik population had a
rather untimely diffusion into the Dardic area. Further arguments
4
for this thesis I mentioned already in 1967.

1) Jettmar 1967, pp.69-72.

2) Litvinskij 1963, 1964.
3 ) Jettmar 1957 I, p.190.
4) Jettmar 1967, p.71.
 KALASHUM POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

Schuyler Jones

The term Kalashum is used by the people o f Waigal Valley, Nuristan,

to refer, particularly in a political sense, to all the nine villages
of Waigali-speaking peoples. The valley, with a total population of
perhaps 10,000,is in an isolated area on the southern watershed of
the Hindu Kush range in north-eastern Afghanistan. Waigal Valley is
culturally part of a larger area which was called Kafiristan up until
1896 and which includes peoples speaking four different Indo-Iranian
'Dardic' languages.
The people of Waigal Valley trace descent through males and this
system of unilineal descent reckoning is the principle upon which
political groups are formed. Political affiliation, particularly
the degree of obligation to give support, is usually determined solely
by reference to the lineage system. 'Usually' because in 1968 the
first evidence of factionalism was observed and it gave rise to a
political situation in which political affiliation was - for the first
time as far as we know - based upon considerations other than those
of agnatic descent.
Waigal Valley and its tributary valleys are steep, narrow, boulder-
strewn, V-shaped gorges, the slopes of which are covered with ever-
green oak (Quercus ~alut). Most of the villages are located
approximately 6,000 feet above sea level. Each village is separated
from its neighbours by lateral spurs branching out from lofty ridges
and the average walking time from one village to the next is 4-6 hours.
None of the villages can be reached on horseback, nor can donkeys be
used as pack animals.
The majority of the Waigali-speaking peoples have never been out-
side the valley. Each extended family is economically self-sufficient.
There are no shops, markets, or organized systems of exchange in the
valley. Afghan currency, while not unknown, plays no part in the daily
lives of the people. Economic values are expressed in terms of goats
or cows (ten goats equal one cow) or cheeses (two cheeses equal one
goat).
The villages (average 200 households) are supported by an economy
which combines the production of grain (millet, maize, barley, wheat)
on irrigated hill terraces and a system of transhumant animal hus-
bandry (mainly goats, but some cattle and a few sheep) involving a
spring move from winter stables near the villages to high mountain
pastures for the production of cheese, butter, and other dairy foods.
The general pattern is one in which the women are responsible for
grain production, including soil preparation, planting, manuring,
irrigation, weeding, and harvesting, while the men care for the live-
stock and make dairy products.
Each village in Waigal Valley is politically autonomous. At the
village level social control is maintained within the framework of
the lineage system by two institutions: the malavey and the duvey.
The former is a group of men chosen each Spring by village elders
and given, for one year, the authority to deal with certain problema
arising from the various economic activities. The malavey also have
supervisory or regulatory responsibilities in that they coordinate
agricultural activities such as the maintenance of the irrigation
system, harvest of vegetables and fruits, and the movement of live-
stock from one pasture to the next as the season advances.
Village laws (degi gars) are handed down orally from generation to
generation, but may be modified by elders in the light of experience
and altered circumstances. Elders have influence rather than
authority (though in special cases authority may be temporarily
granted to them by senior members of a lineage involved in a dispute)
and disputes are settled by mediation rather than by formal court
hearings followed by the pronouncement of legally enforceable judg-
ments. Each village has its own elders who are regarded as being
influential not merely because of their age, but because they are
wise, experienced, skilled in debate, have a reputation of impartial-
ity, and are renowned givers of feasts. The most outstanding men of
this category are well known throughout the political community - the
nine villages of the Kalashum - and such men may be asked to mediate
in inter-village disputes.
When a dispute arises the men who mediate are called duvey. There
is no group of duvey existing independently of disputes. The number
of men who may act as mediators in a dispute varies from one or two
to perhaps 20 or 30, depending upon the magnitude of the breach and
the level of segmentation at which the breach occurred. Mediators
are usually chosen by the plaintiff and receive no fee.
An examination of the manner in which Kalashum society is organized
to deal with socially disruptive situations focusses on the role of
the mediator in dispute settlement, but an examination of the pro-
cesses involved in restoring social order reveals the equally import-
ant activities of litigants' senior agnates who invariably act in an
advisory capacity and, unlike the mediators, are in a position of
authority vis 2 vis plaintiff or defendant, as the case may be.
The segmentary nature of Kalashum clans and lineages, the ex-
tension of the segmentary principle to include villages and terri-
torial rights, and. the political obligations of membership provide
the individual with security for himself and his property. Kalashum
dispute settlement procedures are designed to minimize the number of
people involved. The political segments based on agnatic descent are
seen by elders as potential blocs which, however much weakened by
internal dissension, must always present to other blocs an appearance
of unity. Success in re-establishing peaceful relations between
opposing groups depends largely upon whether or not mediators can
correctly estimate the kind of settlement that is most likely to gain
the acceptance of both sides. Then, by urging one side to give and
the other to accept, they may succeed in bringing about peaceful
relations. Mediators can propose, not dispose.
The theme of Kalashum society is competition, though it is achieved
by intra-group cooperation. Many disputes requiring mediation are
symptoms of rivalry rather than causes of hostility and dispute settle-
ment often involves competitive feasting between rivals who use the
series of occasions to further their own ends.
Kalashum society is rigidly stratified into social classes. The
atroGan constitute the politically significant and numerically dominant
group within which status can be achieved and rank acquired by engag-
ing in such socially esteemed activities as raiding, where rank is
determined by the number of men killed, or by feast-giving where rank
is determined by the number of named and hierarchically ordered public
feasts that have been given. Rank alone, however, is insufficient to
gain a man political influence.
A socially lower class is that of bari. They are craftsmen, mainly
blacksmiths, jewellers, woodcarvers, builders. Prior to 1896 they
were bought and sold by atrogan. Their houses are separate from those
"
of atrozan. There is no intermarriage, they are not allowed to own
goats, have no rights in pastures, no voice in government, and are
barred from competition for rank.
A still lower class is that of iewala, a second group of craftsmen
who produce baskets, clay pots, and leather goods. The same negative
social and political sanctions apply to both bari and Gewala. It is
only recently that bari men allow their daughters to marry zewala.
The developmental cycle of domestic groups is described as the
Waigali people themselves visualize the process. The resulting
structure, the boundaries of each segment determined genealogically,
is at once a charter for cooperation and a diagram of inter-group
 omp petition and political opposition. It is a structure which can be
examined socially, economically, and politically at a series of levels
ranging from that of the compound family through six generations to the
major lineage segment.
A combination of factors - ecological, economic, political, social -
bear upon the relationship between the size of a lineage segment and
its viability. If a lineage has decreased to the point where it is
too small to function adequately in village affairs - particularly in
matters of feast-giving and the taking of vengeance - it is incorporat-
ed into another lineage. This change is marked by a 'joining together
feastt (eken-tay-dfil). The resulting lineage is known thereafter by
the name of the lineage which absorbed the smaller group.
In marriage both bridewealth and dowry are exchanged, quite sub-
stantial amounts of livestock, goods, and foodstuffs being involved.
Among atrogan bridewealth is approximately 220-250 goats. Bari and
gewala give half as much. Dowry given by atrokan is from 1 to 1 1/2
tons of grain and half a ton of cheese.
Arranged childhood engagements are regarded by elders as the cause
of high incidence of runaway wives. Two factors which operate to
maintain the high rate are the ever-available assistance offered by
sympathetic women who are eager to be involved i n marital intrigue
and cultural attitudes of both young men and women which romanticize
extra-marital affairs and elopement even though such cases are often
terminated by homicide. An unhappily married young woman may be en-
couraged by other women to ran away with another man and her husband
may then be encouraged by his peers to follow and kill them.
Competitive to a high degree, the atrozan of Waigal Valley have
developed their economy far beyond the dictates of ordinary sub-
sistence requirements in order to use the surplus for social rather
than economic purposes. There is an elaborate hierarchy of ranks
possessing scarcity value and open to competition. The attainment
of these ranks is the chief means of expressing rivalry between in-
dividuals and groups within a village, as it is the way to achieve
social and political significance. Each rank position is named and
associated with special symbols and prerogatives. Ranks must be
achieved in strict order, starting with the lowest, and they become
increasingly difficult to achieve as the requirements for each become
increasingly difficult to fulfill.
Earlier, there was a second type of competition for prestige in-
volving a parallel set of hierarchically ordered and named ranks, each
with its own symbols and prerogatives. Achiev-enlent of these ranks
did not involve the economic resources of a group of agnates but de-
pended upon the raiding activities of individuals where succees was
measured in terms of the number of men killed.
Rank attainment is not an end; it is a means to an end, a way of
demonstrating to the community that here is a man worthy of their
esteem. In this sense rank attainment is a political campaign.
Together the nine villages of Waigal Valley constitute a political
community. The political field concept can be used to examine the
relations which each village, independent of the others, establishes
outside the political community. The village thus occupies a focal
point withtwo overlapping political areas: one - the political
community - where the competition is for scarce social and political
resources (prestige, status, influence) and is expressed by feast-
giving, and the other - the alliance - where the competition is for
scarce economic resources (goats, pastures, forests) and is expressed
by raiding. Together these two spheres constitute the political field
of a village. The political community is characterized by a high degree
of stability; the political alliance is subject to sudden changes.
Even though Kalashum villages are politically autonomous, the
political organization at the village level provides a structure that
is congruent with those in other villages and this makes it possible
for the autonomous village to temporarily become an active part of
a larger political unit. When the internal or external threat that
occasioned the coalition has been removed the village returns to its
usual autonomous state. This segmentary system provides the building
blocks with which a larger and more effective political unit may be
built.
There seems to be a limit to the size of political units that can
be held together by this organizing principle. Its optimum level of
segmentation appears to be the village, where strength of agnatic ties
and common interests and rights in territory are strongest. Permanent
villages sharing common territorial boundaries can settle differences
by mediation - either through the efforts of their own mediators or
those from a third, suitably neutral, village. Where the two villages
are of different political communities the leading elders act as
mediators. On a still larger scale of political activity, the villages
of one political community can unite against the threat of aggression
by another. But this seems to be working at the limits of this type
of political organization.
Theoretically, under this priiiciple of combining ever larger units
in opposition to other similar units, the next stage would be the
amalgamation, however temporary, of two political communities in op-
position to a threat posed by a similar force. In practice, the units
 become unwieldy, communications are poor, the immediate interests of
the components (villages) tend to assert themselves over the lees
urgent demands of the coalition and the political conglomerate frag-
ments. The point has been reached where the interests which seek to
hold it together are weaker than the conflicting interests of its
component units.
Kalashum political organization is above all oriented toward
dealing with injuries to individuals which in turn result in the
alignment of opposing groups. It is equipped to deal with political
stress applied to a particular point - any point - in the social
structure. It is suggested that, without modification, it is unable
to deal with political phenomena which, by their very nature, do not
focus on individuals and therefore do not cause a response in which
opposing groups of approximately equivalent strength become political-
ly active. This type of political phenomena is new in the experience
of Waigali elders and its appearance has caused a new form of politic-
al activity to emerge: factions.
Political factions made their appearance in Waigal Valley in the
summer of 1968. Within a year the people of the valley were sharply
divided. Villages, clans, lineages and families were split on the
issues raised by faction leaders. By the Autumn of 1969 the leader
of the faction that seemed certain of winning had been shot to death
by the leader of the less successful side (who was subsequently
killed by the brother of the dead man) and factions had ceased to
exist in the valley, partly because no one had sufficient prestige
or courage to step forward and replace the dead leaders.
In summary then, the Kalashapeople of Waigal valley1 have no
indigenous centralized form of government. There are no 'chiefs',
nor is there a noble family providing hereditary leaders. There is
no position or office of authority. In this society the only
authority is that of the male head of an extended family over the
members of that family. At the village level outstanding individuals
- good speakers, givers of feasts, wise, impartial and experienced
men -acquire influence which can be utilized politically, especial-
ly in the settlement of disputes. This in turn may lead to ever-
increasing involvement in inter-village affairs, which is the main
goal of those elders with political ambitions. The social and politic-
al worth of an individual is directly related to the extent to which
he is asked to act as a mediator in major disputes or give his opinion
on matters of village-wide or inter-village concern.
Mediators receive no fees and there is no other economic incentive

1) Not to be confused with the Kalash Kafirs of Chitral

which might attract an ambitious man. In any case the mere possession
of wealth or its accumulation for increased personal comfort is not
a goal in this culture. On the contrary, an important man (salmanag)
is one who has, among other things, publicly distributed wealth by
giving feasts on a large scale. This may be done to such an extent
that hardship results for the feast-giver and his family. The feast-
giver's gain is that over a long period of years he acquires the
esteem not only of his fellow-villagers, but of all the Kalashum,
provided that he also fulfills societal expectations in a wide range
of other social situations. The direct expression of this esteem is
that disputes and other problems are brought to him in the expectation,
based on past experience, that he will be able to provide workable
solutions. The degree to which he is able to bring the parties in
a dispute round to where they are in a mood to agree to his proposals
is the measure of his influence. His role is the honoured one of
peace maker and as peace is restored in one difficult case after an-
other, so his influence spreads. One listens to such a man. His
opinion carries weight. Such men, by using influence rather than
1
authority, guide the political affairs of the Kalashum.

1) The fieldwork upon which this study is based was carried out at
intervals beginning in the winter of 1966 and concluding in the
summer of 1970. For further references to published material
on Nuristan see Jones 1966 and 1969. A further study based
primarily on Robertson's 19th century material, is Jones 1967.
Two other articles relating to Waigal Valley are Jones 1970
and 1972.
 PRINCIPLES OF KINSHIP ORGANIZATION AMONG THE KOM NURISTANI

Richard F. Strand

The Kom Nuristani are a sedentary tribe of farmers and herdsmen

who occupy a well-defined territory covering the lower LanGay Sin
basin and parts of the Kunar-Chitral basin in Kunarhl Province,
Afghanistan, and Chitral State, Pakistan. The Kom inhabit several
villages, the chief of which is ~ 6 m b G o m(Kamdesh), located at an
elevation of 2000 m. and overlooking the LanGay Sin near the con-
fluence of the ~ i c i n ~ avalley.
l In 1968 there were 410 occupied
houses in ~ 6 m b G o mwith a total population of 1750.l The total Kom
population is probably slightly under 4000. The Kom speak a Nuristani
language which they call Kamviri; it is one of a group of mutually
2
intelligible dialects which Morgenstierne has called 'Kati'.
Bonds of kinship are the most pervasive social bonds in Kom society.
Kinship (jatrevor), as the Kom conceive it, is the state of mutual
support and good-will which should exist between kinsmen (j6tr).
Principles underlying the types of kin ties in Kom society include
patrilineality, complementary filiation, bilaterality, affinality,
and adoption. 3
Patrilineality. The Kom view any individual as belonging to any
-
one of several 'branches' (cb:) by virtue of the individual's position
in a patrilineal descent system. Out of context a statement like
--
ask6 im6 paco:sta 2 'He is of our branch' may ambiguously identify
a person as a member of a minimal agnatic lineage, a maximal agnatic
lineage, a tribe or other ethnic group, or a caste. On the basis of
the contexts in which such a statement occurs, we may distinguish

1) These figures are based on a census of every household in ~ 6 m b G o m ,

which I undertook in the fall of 1968. The figures given by Jones
(1967: 13) were 'based on informants' estimates' and are in reality
much too high.
2) Morgenstierne 1926, S.40.
The observations presented herein are based on two years of
linguistic and ethnographic fieldwork with the Kom tribe. I re-
sided with the Eon1 from June, 1967 to May, 1969, mainly in the
village of K6mbr.om. My research was partially funded by grants
from the South Asia Program, Cornell University, and from Teachers
College, Columbia University.
I am grateful to R.Lincoln Keiser of Wesleyan University for com-
menting on an earlier draft of this paper.
3) In an extended sense jatrgvor may include the relationships between
affinal or adopted relatives, although in the primary sense
jatr6vor denotes only the relationships between cognates.
two categories of branches: ethnic groups (including castes) and
agnatic lineages.
Ethnic Groups. Each inhabitant of the Kom area belongs to a
particular ethnic group on the basis of his pedigree. A Kom
(fem.K6mi) is any person who is a patrilineal descendant of Kom, the
reputed progenitor of the Kom tribe. Non-Kom residents of Kom tribal
territory include the Saki, who were the inhabitants o f ~ 6 m b G o mbefore
the Kom arrived, the Biny6, who once held considerable territory
around ~ b m b G o mbut were reduced to client status by the Kom, and the
bari, who constitute a n artisan caste of former slaves. These non-
Kom groups own houses and fields within Kom territory, but they do
not own rights to summer pastures.
Agnatic Lineages. The Kom are organized into a ramifying agnatic
descent system. They denote the members of any branch of the ramify-
ing structure by suffixing the term -dare 'agnatic descendants o f f to
the name or nickname of the apical ancestor of the branch. Thus the
Diimudara are the patrilineal descendants of Diimu, the Lansdara are
the patrilineal descendants of a man nicknamed L ~ V Q an^^'), the
~ G : r o - ~ a p i l d a rare
a the descendants of BaGil, son of ~ u : r o ,etc.
Maximal Lineages. Within such a system any male is a potential
node in the ramifying structure, and the agnatic descendants of any
male constitute a potential branch. However, only certain males in
the genealogy are conventionally recognized as apexes of branches,
and their agnatic descendants constitute the maximal lineages of Kom
society. Male members of a maximal lineage call each other tbdbGo
.
! "
lagnatel. Female agnates are called ~ i z i m i'daughters of agnates'
by their male agnates, while they in turn call their male agnates
tatkh;. The maximal lineage is traditionally the fundamental unit
of Kom society, and all t6dbGo are bound by mutual obligations of
support and political allegiance.
Minimal Lineages. Most lineages are further segmented into
minimal lineages. Some lineages, such as the Diimudara, are only
partially segmented according to a 'spinal cord' model. In this
case some Diimudara are also Mbragdara, Maligdara, Tbrugdara, or
GGamny6dara1 while the remainder are 'pure' ~iimkdarawith no sub-
lineage affiliation.' Other lineages, such as the Ga;bgdara, are

1) Jones's inset diagram of the 'lineages of three clans' (1967:

endpiece) does not correctly depict the minimal lineages of the
Diimudara, nor d o ~ sit accurately portray tbe relationships of the
three 'clans' (Cugdara, Garegdara, and Diimudara) to each other.
Figure 1 shows a partial genealogy of_the Kom down to the minimal
lineages. All lineages found in K6mbrom are shown, but some
lineages found exclusively in other villages are not included.
The diagram was compiled from data supplied to me by a number of
fully partitioned into minimal lineages, with no residual members
belonging to a 'pure' line. Smaller lineages, such as the Lapedara
and ~:&dara, have n o recognized minimal lineages.In no case is
there more than one level of segmentation below the level of maximal
I
lineage; sub-lineages are not nested. There is no terminological
distinction i n Kamviri between maximal and minimal lineages; both
are branches (&I, and the members of both are t6dbGo. In current
Kom society the functions of minimal lineages as opposed to maximal
lineages are not clear.
Corporate Functions of Lineages. All members of a maximal lineage
are jurally obligated to give each other support against opponents
from outside the lineage. I f an outsider commits an act which would
make him an opponent (uGt6li) of an agnate, other agnates are supposed
to mobilize themselves into a single group of supporters ( 6 vari 'one
teamt) to confront the opposition. Men may become opponents as a
result of offensive acts such as adultery, assault, or murder, or as
a result of political competition. Although mutual obligations of
support technically extend between all agnates, the performance of
such obligations diminishes as the genealogical distance between
agnates increases, in accordance with the rules for determining
closeness of relationship (see below). Thus i n reality close agnates
are expected to give active support to an offended person, while
more distant agnates are safe from jural sanctions as long as they
remain passive and do not side with the opponents. However, active
support from distant agnates is expected if an outside threat cannot
be met by a smaller group of close agnates, and it is possible for
a conflict to escalate until it involves whole lineages in opposition.
It is the fear of the ultimate confrontation in which all members of
a lineage would fulfill their corporate obligations against all members
of another lineage that motivates the Kom's concern with keeping the
peace.
In rare instances it is necessary for agnates to elect a spokesman

-
(36$t 'elder, leader' ) who is empowered to represent the maximal
lineage as a corporate group. Such occasions occur when major problems

(continued) icformants, the chief-being D%& ~ u n m G iMerak pf

PabiiBtG, K6mbrom; Amirmo: t of Urbrom,_K6mbrom; Ga jepso of ~ r b r o m ,
K6mbyom; Mahmadanifb of Agfiru; Abdfilajon of PitiTil; and Gajsmaro
of Ustr6t.
1) Sometimes persons whg are Garigdara , chgdara, Basky6darpJ ~ i l i p e :-
dara,Ar&dara, or Diimudara will refer to themselves as Purugdara.
However, the lat$.~rdo not constitute a lineage,_because all the
descencjants of PGruk do not call each other t6dbro. Most probably
the p6rugdara were a true lineage some eleven generations ago,
before the emergence of the present-day lineages.
confronting the tribe as a whole cannot be solved through the normal
institutional process of the community conference (pGamvir.i). Decision-
making by lineages (~~at6dbGo:)is a last resort, which accounts for
the infrequency of such corporate action.
Thus maximal lineages emerge as corporate groups only on the basis
of three criteria: (1) their membership is clearly bounded in that
all and only the male members of a lineage call each other t6dbG0,
(2) all t6dbGo have jurally sanctioned mutual obligations of support,
(3) all t6dbzo may on certain occasions be represented by a single
spokesman.
Patrifiliation. Kom lineages do not corporately own land or other
property. Rather, ownership of property and rights to pasture are
held by individuals as provided through inheritance. Joint ownership
of grazing-grounds by close agcates may appear through successive
patrifiliation, in which rights to the same areas are passed from
fathers to sons, but in n o case do rights to grazing areas accrue
solely on the basis of lineage membership.
Inheritance. A man has the right to pass on portions of his estate
to anyone he wants, but it is customary for him to bequeath his
property to his sons. The latter usually receive their portions
(bad6) when they reach maturity, so that the father divides up his
holdings before he dies, I f a man dies intestate, his property goes
first to his sons; if he has n o sons but has a living father, the
property reverts to his father; if he has neither sons nor father,
the property goes to his brothers; i f there are n o brothers, the
property goes to the closest male agnate, where closeness is reckoned
as described below. Two or mor heirs equally close to the deceased
claim equal shares, except that the eldest son usually gets an extra
piece of real property, and the youngest son (by each mother in the
case of plural marriage) inherits the house in which his mother
resides. The numerous disputes arising from conflicting claims to
an inheritance are settled by arbitration (3
karo:sta lpeacemaking1).
Complementary Filiation. Balancing the ties of patrifiliation
which bind a person to his own lineage are ties of complementary
filiation which bind a person to his mother's lineage (mhldara).
-
Mother's brothers (sing. mhm, collective plural mhli, classificatory
terms which extend to all male agnates of one's mother i n her
generation) are expected to give their sisters' children (gapgi)
economic and moral support. Economic support for male gapgis is
institutionalized in the p a ~ u g o ,a bequest of livestock, walnut
trees, or other non-real property given by e s to qgpgis. A man
goes to his mhli one by one to ask for a p a z B g ~ in times of economic
need, usually when he is in the process of obtaining his first wife.
The value of a paqugo usually decreases as the genealogical distance
between mhm and ~ a p 9 iincreases, and distant &
s often turn do-
their ~ a p g i ' srequest. Nevertheless, the fact that a man has the
prerogative to ask a n y mhm for a pagugo is one indication that
the ties of a man to his maldara are viewed as corporate rather than
individual. Reference to a person in sentences like ask6 pa&gdare:
~ a p g i:za 'He is a sister's son of the descendants of ~a&k' also
show the corporate nature of these ties.
Bilaterality. Superimposed on the ties of common lineage member-
ship and complementary filiation are the ties of kinship which bind
individuals to other individuals. From the Kom point of view,
kinship (jatr6vor) exists between any pair of individuals who trace
a relationship back to a common ancestor, regardless of the sex of
that ancestor. By this criterion alone all Kom would have mutual
obligations o f kinship; therefore coupled with the requirement of
a common ancestor is a rule of closeness or degree of relationship
which limits the domain of jatr6vor to a cognatic kindred.
Degree o f Relationship. The distance between two kinsmen is
calculated as a number o f generations that they must count back to
their common ancestor. The distance is measured in 'steps' (&I,
each step corresponding to one generation. I f two kinsmen belong to
different generations, the maximum number of generations determines
the degree of relationship; for example A and A's brother's grand-
child are three steps apart, because their common ancestor is one
generation above A but three generations above the grandchild (Pl.la).
On the basis of this system of measurement the Kom identify the
following concentric cognatic kindreds: 1 - 2 steps distant: bajutu:
jotr 'primary kin'; 3-4 steps distant: tu:re jotr 'close kin';
5-6 steps distant: ~ 6 r u y ujotr 'removed kin'; 7 or more steps distant:
badrigo jotr 'distant kin'. When precision is not required, these
categories are often condensed; so that kinsmen 1-4 steps distant
are called tb:re jotr 'close kin', while kinsmen more than four
steps distant are called badriqo jotr 'distant kin' (Pl.lb).
Allocation of Support. Obligations of kinship extend throughout
the domain of cognatic k i l l ties, but such obligations are jurally
sanctioned only within the agnatic lineage. Thus in cases of corlflict
between two equally distant kinsmen, one being an agnate and the other
n o t , a person is obliged to support his agnate. However, this does
not mean that a person will always support his agnate; he may support
a close non-agnatic kinsman (or even an affine) against an agnate
if he feels that the subsequent jural sanctions against him are not
as important to him as the maintenance of good relations with the
non-agnate. In cases uncomplicated by the jural obligations toward
agnates, one generally expects active support from hie close (tG:re)
k i n , while he cannot rely on the active support of his distant
(badriqo) kin.
Affinality. Affinal ties bind a man to his father-in-law (&)
and, to a lesser degree, to his wife's brother (zami). The strength
of this tie depends primarily on the son-in-law's willingness to
perform various services for his father-in-law. It behooves the
son-in-law to perform well, because his father-in-law is a primary
source of economic support. Indeed, an amiable relationship between
a man and his father-in-law often provides the former with the most
important source of support that he has, especially if he lacks
close agnates.
Adoption. Two unrelated persons of the same sex may establish a
relationship of kinship (jatrsvor) through adoption. After two such
persons undergo a ritual of gift-exchange and feasting, they incur
the same mutual obligations of support as they would i f they had a
real consanguineal tie. Fulfilling such obligations would become
difficult if one's adopted kinsman became involved in a dispute with
one's close real kinsman, and it would appear that the rarity of
intra-village (and perhaps intra-tribal) adoption arises from the
necessity of avoiding potential conflicts of allegiance. However,
adoption between men of different ethnic groups presents n o potential
conflicts of allegiance, and such adoption occurs more than occasional-
ly *
Although fictive ties occur which represent all possible same-sex
dyads of the nuclear family, the brother-brother dyad occurs most
frequently as an adoptive tie. There is a lexical distinction in
Kamviri between an adopted brother from another ethnic group, who is
one's sGli, and an adopted brother from one's own group, who is
called simply br6
'brother' or, if more precision is needed, br6
-
yaGa bro 'a brother who was made a brother'. In the absence of
affinal ties, bonds of sGlivor 'adoptive brotherhood1 are the only
basis for mutual support possible between men of different ethnic
groups.
 A NOTE ON RANK, POLITICAL LEADERSHIP, AND GOVERNMENT
AMONG THE PRE-ISLAMIC KOM

Richard F. Strand

In the course o f m y field research with the Kom Nuristania I was

able to re-examine some of the information on pre-Islamic social and
political structure presented by Robertson in his classic The Kdfirs
--
of the Hindu-Kush. M y informants' account6 of pre-Islamic Kom
society and my own observations of present-day Kom institutions
corroborate much of what Robertson noted.' However, Robertson's lack
of competence i n Kamviri, the language o f the Kom, led him to per-
petrate some serious distortions and omissions of the ethnographic
data, and I would like to clarify his account by discussing two
points: (1) the interrelationship of achieved rank and political
leadership and (2) the formal governmental system of Kom communitiee.
--
Rank and Political Leadership. Before 1896 there were two cate-
gories of men who had achieved formal rank: the 18:moc 'warriors'
and the m-og 'holders of the rank'. Some m-og had further achiev-
ed the rank of mer 'king'.
-
The ~ 8 : m o c . A man became a 16:mo: by killing an enemy from another
tribe. Upon returning from a raid, a man who could produce evidence
of a kill (usually by presenting the victim's severed ear or nose)
was honored i n a special ceremony. Thenceforth he was entitled to a
number of symbols and prerogatives, the exact nature of which was
not agreed upon by my informants. Symbols of 18:moc rank included
braids worn over one's ear and crest-feathers of the monal pheasant
(vaci:mol) worn in one's headdress. At feasts a 18:moz was given
extra portions (E or baQ5) of food, and on raids a high-ranking
16:moE was allowed to carry extra quivers (;tor). Informants did
not profess accurate knowledge of the relation between the number of
men killed and the number of these symbols and prerogatives to which
a l6:moc was entitled. A l&:moc who had killed seven persons was known
as a pup$rimog, but informants could not supply any other terms de-
noting warrior ranks analogous to the nomenclature given by M.Alam

1) Info~mationon the pre-Islamic K O

! comes primarily from D h u
Sunmri Merek, Amirmo:t, and Gajgpso, for whose interest in pre-
Islamic Kom culture I am most grateful. I am also deeply in-
debted to Qazi Ghulam Ullah ( ~ b l k o n )and Gulmb:tkon, who assisted
me throughout my stay in Nuristan.
~ u r i s t a n i lfor the Kalasa of ~ i ; e ~ ~ r a : m .After his death n l6:moa
was commemorated with a pole containing notches ( a v i ~ ) ,one notch for
2
each person killed.
--
The ~ i h o c . A man became a m-og by giving feasts (kap6 or
k a r ~ 6 ~ aover
~ ~ )a period of three years. I n order to sustain the
u
required level of feasting, a prospective miimoc must have had a
minimum resource of 400 goats and sixty cows. Some feasts, called
' "
6 -
: 'mii-dinner1,4 were given only for other miimoc, while other
feasts, of varying ritual significance, were given for the community
at large. A man who had successfully performed the necessary feast-
ing attained a rank of & and was entitled to a variety of symbols
and prerogatives. A man could go through the series o f feasts
several times, each time attaining one more & rank. In the Kom
genealogy there is one man of the ~ i l 5 ~ e : d a r lineage
a named P G ~ ~ U
"
F i v e - G Carmor -- who had undergone the ritual five times.
L
Carmor -- rC u

The jest. Robertson 5erroneously identified the miimoc as llJastll

' w

-
-
(correctly 3egi), but this latter term means 'leader'. A j e g k l s
leadership (36avor) depends upon his ability to muster a body of
supporters (vari) behind him. Kinsmen (especially agnates, who are
jurally obligated to lend support) and neighbors are a n important
source of supporters, but a man must be clever and articulate enough
to persuade others with whom he has no special ties to support him
if he is to be politically successful. H e must also have a reputation
for generosity; even today, a man who does not maintain an acceptable
standard of feastgiving (at funerals or weddings) is subject to
censure, and censure resulting from stinginess is a major hindrance
to acquiring supporters. In pre-Islamic times generosity was in-
stitutionalized i n the & rank, and it is doubtful that a valema
"
'non-miimoc' could achieve a voice in political affairs, unless he was
a li5:rnoE or a religious functionary. No doubt most o f the 3egts whom
Robertson knew were also mihoc, which would account for his failure
to distinguish the two categories and their related functions.

1) Nuristani 1969.
2) According to M.Alam Nuristani a similar pole (da:l), with holes
instead of notches, was erected by a Kalaga man who had killed
twelve men.
3) Robertson (p.460) erroneously used this term, which he writes as
"Kaneash," to denote the aspirants to G rank, but kapeyas(1iter-
ally 'feast-breakfast') denotes only the kind of feast in which
animals were slaughtered in the afternoon and consumed the next
morning (cf.Robertson, ~$451). A 'feast-breakfast-giver' would be
properly called a kapbyas tela. but my informants denied that
there was any special term to denote a aspirant.
4 ) Robertson'sl'Mezhom" (p.459ff.).
5 ) Robertson 1896, pp.449sqq.
 --
The Mer. It is questionable whether the rank ~ o b e r t s o n lcalled
IIMir" (correctly mer 'king1) had the importance that he attached to
it. One became a mer by giving a series of special feasts for the
whole village, after which one was allowed to as king (hence
the prerogative of sitting outside on a chair or stool). Robertson's
observation that the "inner council" of political leaders were, with
the exception o f the el2
all =s3 hardly implies that I1only a
-
Mir can be a member of the Inner Council,If as Jones concludes .4 In
fact there was no formally constituted "inner council11;there were

-
only some 3eg$s who had more influence than others, and it was only
fortuitous that those men whom Robertson identified as constituting
the "inner council" also held the rank of E. Mbrvor 'kingship'
entitled one to prestige, which added to his political capital, but
there were apparently no political prerogatives attached to the rank,
and the ~s did not constitute a formal body of any sort.
Distinction between Rank and Leadership.
distinguish between the formal ranks of l&:rno~, m-oc,
* -
It is important to
and E and
the informal position of jesk. Political leadership was in the
hands of the latter, whose position resulted from personal prestige
combined with an ability to gather supporters. In pre-Islamic times
personal prestige derived mainly from the holding of formal rank,
and such rank was therefore an informal prerequisite to attaining
the status of j e t . Nowadays the rank system has completely dis-
appeared, so that there is no longer a formal basis for prestige;
but otherwise political leadership functions today in much the same
way as it did in Robertson's time.
Formal Governmental Organization. In my earlier paper (this
volume, pp.44-50 ) I have indicated the importance and function
of kinship in Kom social organization. However, the organization of
Kom tribesmen into agnatic lineages does not provide a formal basis
for administering the day-to-day matters that require community
action. Public works and public order are maintained through a
formal system of government in which responsibility for particular
civic activities is vested in three levels of governmental units:
the primary village, the compound village, and the "team".
--
The &om. The Kamviri word gGom 'community' denotes a residential

1) Robertson 1896, pp.472-73.

2 ) Robertson included the "Utah" (correctly utb), or ritual leader,
in his "inner councilt1. The ut6 at that time was not a E, but
his ascribed role apparently entitled him to some of the pre-
rogatives accorded a
3 ) Robertson 1896, p.434.
4) Jones 1967, p.36.
cluster of varying size, from a small hamlet to a city, but in a
more restricted sense &;om denotes a politically autonomous community
which I will call a "primary village". Each primary village hae it8
own mosque, which in addition to its religious function serves ae
the central forum for community affairs. In eastern Nuristan larger
villages are often really clusters of two or more primary villages;
I will denote this type of community as a "compound village1'. ~ 6 m b G o m
is a compound village comprising four primary villages: ~rbGom,
1
CrbGorn, PabGst o , and BaberkGom.
The Sazi. The entire male population of the Kom tribe is divid-
ed into groups of about fifty men each, called sazis 'teams'. Each
-
sazi is conceptualized as a department of a primary village, unless
the primary village contains fewer than fifty men, in which case
residents from two primary villages combine to form one sazi2 In
~ b m b G o mthe communities of ~ r b G o mand 6rbGom have six sazis each,
while PabGsto has four sazis. BabsrkGom, the village of the largely
disenfranchised bari caste, occupies a special position in that it
constitutes one of the six sazis of UrbGom. In Kamviri sazis, un-
like gGoms, are not denoted by place-names.
Membership in a sazi depends on a combination of residence and
patrifiliation. From time to time sazi membership is fixed along
residential lines (although factors of voluntary alliance may also
to a lesser extent enter into the composition of a sazi), so that
the members of each sazi are drawn from roughly contiguous houses in a
primary village. From then on sazi membership is passed from father
to son. A son retains his membership in his father's sazi regard-
less of where he may choose to live after he is no longer a member
of his father's household. A man may even become otherwise fully
integrated into the civic life of a new primary village, while re-
taining his obligations as a member of his natal sazi. Only upon

1) Primary villages which constitute a compound villag? usually are

named by adding a directional prefix to the form -brom (a short-
ened form of & + grom, literally 'at-village'). The directional
prefjx indicates the direction of the named village from the speakec
T h u s U r t r o ~ ('straight- u p - village1) is so named only if the speaker
is in Urbrom-('straight-dcp-village'), but if the speaker is in
~ a b $ ~ t o6rbrom
, beccmes Porbrbrom ( 'up-on-an-angle-village ) and
Urbrom k e c o ~ e sNirbrorn ('downwards-villaget). PabG?to ig a;so
called Cirbrom ('upwards-village') ic the speaker is in Urbrom
and Pb:brorn if the speaker is in Urbrom. To avoid confusion I give
the name2 o$ the p r i m a ~ yvillages of K6rnbrorn as if the speaker
were in Vrbzom. Baberkrom literally means lbari-villagel,and it
adjoins Urbrom.
2 ) F O example,
~ residents of the-hamlets of AgGru and jamjorm form
one sazi, and the men of Bin6rm are combined with some of the
men of KamG to form one of the three sazis of KamG.
the formal reorganization of a sazi, which requires the approval of
all its members, may a man change hie sazi hffiliation. -
Sazls are
formally reorganized when demographic processes produce an imbalance
in their size, or when two men of different sazis agree to trade
-
sazi affiliations. Such reorganizations tend to redistribute the
composition of sazis along residential lines, in that men who trade
affiliations or men who leave a larger sazi to join a smaller one
are usually those with the fewest residential ties to their other
-
sazi-maies.
Functions of Governmental Units. Each governmental unit has
particular functions associated with it. It is the responsibility
of the citizens ($;am:) of each primary village to make decisions
regarding the establishment of laws (&) affecting the residents
of the primary village and to supervise the maintenance of those
public constructions, such as the mosque and the primary irrigation
channels (gGam6;), which pertain to the primary village. Decisions
affecting the governing of the primary villages are made at community
conferences (g;amviri), usually held at the mosque, under the leader-
-
ship of various local jegts.
At the level of the compound village decisions are made affect-
ing the entire community, such as the regulation of agricultural
and grazing activities and the formulation of policy toward the
Afghan government and toward other tribes. Interested citizens from
the entire compound village make such decisions in community con-
-
ferences under the leadership of those jegts who have taken it upon
themselves to preside over the particular issue.
The sazi is a decision-making body to the extent that its members
must decide on the selection of some of their numbers to fill the
roles of "magistrate" (dl , (pals), military conscript
sentry
(palth), and sazi leader (sazimalak). Otherwise the sazi functions
as a work-group which has a turn to maintain the local mosque and
which must repair an assigned stretch of the federally-built road.
The organization of Kom tribesmen into sazis serves the Afghan
government as a convenient system for gathering head taxes, military
conscripts, and road repairmen.
-
The Forerunner of the Sazi. The modern sazi system, with its
sazimalaks and its integration into the Afghan system of administra-
tion, is a post-conquest invention,' but the sazi, as it functions
in Kom internal government today, existed in pre-Islamic times under

.
1) Informants stated that the Kom sazi is equivalent to the Afghan
kand6y
the name of gur.
- Informants stated that membership was residen-
tially and patrifilially based, just as is sazi membership today.
Undcr Afghan rule the &
s were reorganized, and the change of name
was undoubtedly connected with changes in the function of the in-
stitution. We do not know all the functions of the pre-Islamic
-"
gur; one function was to act as a unit for the distribution of meat
at the numerous public feasts,' and another was to provide a unit
from which one & was selected.
Recruitment of the Ur6. The powers of the formally selected
village magistrates to enforce certain laws of the primary or com-
pound village were outlined by ~ o b e r t s o ni~n his description of the
tIUrirtt(correctly I&),but he said nothing about the basis for
their recruitment. Other investigators have speculated that the
-
urds were formally elected representatives o f each lineage3, but
such speculation is unsupported by field research.' Under the
current sazi system one man from each sazi is chosen annually by
his sazimalak to be an I&. The sazimalakls choice must be un-
animously approved by the members o f the sazi; i f n o t , the sazimalak
chooses another man for approval.5 M y informants did not attest to
the existence of any formal leader of the pre-Islamic analogous
to the modern sazimalak, and it is doubtful that the modern system
of selection had an exact analogue i n pre-Islamic times. However,
my informants unequivocally asserted that in pre-conquest days one
-
ur6 was chosen from each @, just as today16so that the was
clearly a representative of a residential unit rather than a descent
group.
Residence and Descent in Kom Government. Among the Kom local
government organized solely around descent groups would lead to an
imbalance of power in which larger descent groups would dominate
smaller ones. To avoid such a situation some aspects of social

1) M.Alam Nuristani informs me that a cognate institution existed

among the pre-Islamic Kalaaa.
2) Robertson 1896,p.435sqq.
3) Jones 1967, p.22.
4) Among the Kalata of ~ i G e ~ ~ r aan
: manalogous institution of
magistrates, called malavre:, is recruited on the basis of
lineage affiliation (M.Alam Nuristani, personal communication).
5 ) Because of internal discord and pressure from the local Afghan
government, the institution of the is now defunct. At their
most recent selection ($967) the K6mbrom & s were chosen from
the village at large (braf6mz:) rather than from each sazi
(~assl:) .
6) Robertson states that the ur6s were chosen by Itthe Jast and
the people presenttt (P.437)rand there is no evidence to support
Jones's implication (z967, p.23) that the selection of the t&s
was solely up to the jests.
 -
control were vested in the urhs, who represented group8 of equal
size (the &s), while other aspects of social control and the
power to enact laws were vested in the entire citizenry (i.e.,
adult males) of a primary or compound village through the institution
of the community conference. Community conferences and the se-
lection of the &
s
-
were influenced by political leaders (3egts),
whose descent groups formed the nuclei of their constituencies.
Thus the total Kom political system was in a sense bicameral, with
residence and descent complementing each other.
This system persists in a modified form today, the major change
being that the institution of the & has now virtually disappeared
under pressure from the Afghan government. Those areas of social
control which were formerly under the jur-isdiction of the &
s
have largely broken down, and enforcement of remaining local laws
is now carried out by vigilante groups led by various jegts.
During the time of my fieldwork (1967-69) the sazi ceased to play
a part in formal social control, so that total responsibility for
formal social control now resides at the village level. I shall
reserve a fuller discussion of the present system of Kom political
leadership and government for a later publication.
 A. Raziq Palwal

Kafirologists are aware of the hierarchy or ranking system in

Kafiristan, which is described by George Scott Robertson and
Muhammad Abdullah alias Azar. This paper is based on the two mention-
ed sources and my own data from Wama and Bagramatal.
There are ranks achieved by homicides and feasts of merit and
others attained only by lavish offerings. First I shall mention
the ranks in Wama, secondly Bagramatal, and finally in Kamdesh.
1. Social Ranks in Wama.
1.1. -
Yali: For attaining this rank the man killed twenty goats
and four oxen for the feast and served cheese, ghee, bread and wine
to the people of his own village.
1.2. Malada: Beside his own tribe the man invites three other neigh-
boring tribes. Each of the four tribes make its own symbolic flag.
It is a cross to which a shirt is worn and a silver cup inverted on
top of the vertical pole. Daily fourty goats are given to the people
of each flag for three days, or 120 goats for six meals. At the end
each flag receives one ox as a gift.
1.3. Batur: When a man kills eight enemies and gives eight triumphal
feasts, he becomes batur. In each feast he kills twenty goats and
four oxen. The homicides and the feasts are scored on a post erect-
ed before his house.
1.4. Sulani: I have only the name of the fourth rank.
It is said that each of the ranks can be repeated once or several
times.
2. The Social Hierarchy of the Katis.
2.1. &: This title means owner, master or rich man. Whenever a
man owns four hundred goats he is given the title after feasting the
villagers. The privileges and symbols of this rank are that the
female members of his family are allowed to use baskets and shoulder
strings woven out of goat hair rather than the ordinary plant fibres.
2.2. Leymach: After a warrior has killed an enemy and given a feast
to the people then he is honored with a turban cloth which he wears

1) The following is the summary of a paper published in the AFGHANI ST*^

journal, Vol.XXIIll, 1969, pp.14-27, and read at the Hindu-Kush
Cultural Conference on 13th of November 1970, at ~ o e s ~ a r dAarhusl
,
Denmark.
around his neck. Besides, he wears a s,
the feathers of peacock
or golden bird in his head-dress, as a symbol of the rank. His privi-
leges are to take a greater share of the sacrificed animal's meat
and to sit on chair out of house.
2.3. Aramuch: The man who is a candidate for this rank kills thirty
goats once and distributes its meat raw. In winter he feasts his
villagers once for seven days and again for five days in the Giche
festival. After this the man is considered aramuch, his son arakur,
and his daughter araji. According to Azar, the symbol of this rank
is a chain; one end of this chain is fixed to the head and another
end reaches the waist o f the man. According to my informant, this
chain-emblem, sturi, is worn around the waist by the araji as all
Kalash girls do it too.
2.4. Paramach: The man who has achieved this rank wears the
shtam shtargit, an emblem made of a long strip of thick woollen cloth
which is decorated with embroidery and the designs of cowry shells.
Another symbol of this rank is a thick round fillet which is also
embroidered and cowry-shelled upon.
2.5. Shuramach: This rank is received exclusively by a warrior. As
a symbol of this rank, the man wears a few bells around his waist
and his wrist, or fixes it to his hand stick, and according to Azar
around his neck. This emblem is called pengney kshtu.
2.6. Sunvnay-Ara: This rank is also achieved by homicides. The man
becomes a candidate for this rank by announcing that he will commit
homicides. His ears will be pierced and a narrow stick of some special
wood, called brum, is placed in the holes of his ears. I f he succeeds
in fulfilling his wishes (in the course of a definite ~eriod?), the
wooden piece i n his ears is ceremonially replaced by a golden ring
and the man becomes sunvnay-ara. In case of failure the wood re-
mains in his ear and he is called brum-karo. Such a man is con-
sidered inferior, in spite of his richness. The symbolic privilege
of sunvnay-ara is that he is allowed to wear, beside the golden ring,
a sort of embroidered shoes with fringes of ibex-hair. The shoes
are called kaj-vutsa and are put on for dancing.
2.7. sunashista: The candidate of this rank kills thirty goats for
the god of wealth at his temple, Bagisht-ta. Then for nine days he
distributes uncooked meat among the families of his village. Again
for nine days i n the Autumn he serves food twice a day to all the
villagers, male and female. Once again in the Giche festival, he
feasts the villagers for nine days. With the completion of these
rites he then wears three golden rings in the upper part of his ears
which are pierced beforehand. Thenceforth he is entitled sunashista.
2.8. Mimach: A man who intends to attain this rank, goes to misa,
a secluded place up in the mountain. There he stays thirty days
during which time he is not allowed to come down. There he shaves
his beard. For twenty days he feasts the ranked men of his village.
During one month he kills daily thirty goats and distributes their
raw meat among the villagers. Then he feasts all the people for
seven days in Giche, and for five days in 2. After all the re-
quired rites of mi one golden ring is put in his ear which makes him
mimach.
2.9. Shtitsurinam: When eighteen mi feasts, as described above, are
given to the villagers, then the man achieves the title of shtitsu-
rinam. Some men have given 30 - 40 -
mis and one has given a complete
round of twenty continuous mi feasts, which means that he has served
food to all the villagers throughout the year.
Beside meat, there are also served bread, cheese, butter and fruits.
This rank is not easy to be received by numerous people, but only by
very few.
2.10. Majga: The man who presents one cow to every family of his
village is entitled majga. With doing so he is praised even after
death.
2.11. Maj-sa-maj-gum-ashali: Whenever a woman presents one skin-sack
full of wheat to every warrior of her village i n one time and the
same amount in another time, she gets that title. As a privilege
of this rank, she can sit down on chair outside of her house. Other
people do not have this right of using chairs out-door.
2.12. E:All -
the kafirologists know that Uta is the priest.
Besides, this priestly position is also a social rank. In fact,
all the ranks are semi-religious. Because, all the homicides and
the feasts are actually religious acts which are performed for the
sake of worship and purity. The more a man has gone through such
rites, the more he is apt to undertake religious functions. This
is especially true in the case of *. Although inheritance has a
significant role i n the matter, homicides and feasts of merit cannot
be ruled out either. On holding the office of priesthood, uta
immolates sixty goats to Disani. The privilege he acquires is that
he is allowed to drive his flock three days later than the other
people to the summer pastures and bring it down three days earlier.
Others are fined for doing so.
2.13. Damana: This is a series of feasts which an uta has to perform
when a son is born to him. As a first rite, he gives about forty-
five kilos of wheat to every = in office. In the second damana,
one ox is killed at the Valatsa ceremony, when the child and its
mother come up from the seclusion house to the village after the
-
lapse of twenty-one days. At the third damana feast, uta kills three
oxen or goats instead, At the final damana feast, food is served
for all men over twelve years of age. In addition to this a little
more than three kilos of butter are presented to each warrior. The
performance of these rites, I think, on the one hand, add to the
prestige of e,
and on the other hand, sanction the future of the
infant. However, damana is considered as a rank by my informant
which is acquired by the distribution of some four kilos of wheat
among all the warriors.
It is obvious that the information so far described is quite
meager and fragmentary. We have learned about several names of ranke
and of the rank-symbols, but very little or nothing about the cere-
monies of their achievement. In order to complement this deficiency,
I recommend on the one hand Robertson's elaborate account of the
matter which is only for two ranks. On the other hand, I discern
Robertson's data for the identification of other ranks almost equi-
valent to some of those described above.
3. Social Ranks among the Kam.
The following is a tentative analysis of Robertson's material in
respect to the Kafirs' ranking system. He explicitly speaks of two
ranks, the Jast and the K. The former is a general title which is
given to every elder or senior person as Jisht-Ju, senior daughter
or Ur-Jisht is senior =. Thus the title Jisht or Jast means only
elder or chief, and it is not a rank in particular. Some of the
proper ranks could be those of the following titles:
3.1. Leymach: It appears to me like Robertson has confused the term
ley-mach with that of the ley-manchi. The latter means 'good man',
which is an attribute opposite of diger-manchi, 'bad man'. Robertson
himself writes: "He had a famous record of homicides, and was em-
phatically what the KAfirs describe as 'le manjit - that is, a good
man. There was n o single tribesman who would not say of Utah, 'le
manjizl, !He is a good man;. ..
To my understanding, the first
sentence of the remark signifies more ley-mach rather than ley-
-
manchi.
versa.
Obviously, a leymach could be a ley-manchi but not vice

3.2. S-ajina: Robertson has properly pointed out this rank.2 It

seems to be the equivalent of sunashista or any of the ranks symbol-
ized by golden rings.

1) Robertson 1896, p.140.

2 ) Robertson 1896, p.460-
3.3. Mezhom: It is probably signifying the rites at Misa, which
lead to the rank of mimach. At the Misa ceremonies ranked men and
chiefs are feasted. Also Robertson says that at the Mezhom feasts
tribal headmen or jast are entertained. He writes: "As the number
of the Jast is limited, an array of seven male goats and one bull
is sufficient for each dayfs entertainment
3.4. -
Mir: This Arabic term is politically used in the meaning of
an autocrat in power in a small area or tribe who pays tribute
either to another stronger mir or directly to the central govern-
ment. Among the Kafirs the
prominent man of a certain group.
= =
is not an autocrat but rather the
There are four among the Kam
people who form the parliament of this tribe.
The man who wants to become a mir has to be a jast at the first
place and then give lavish feasts to the people at three annual
festivals of Nilu. After fulfilling the conditions the person either
man or woman can receive the title of e.
Sanowkun might be also such a rank but there is no clue for its
possible identification. Beside kaneash, the candidate(?) and
sharaufte, the ranking symbol(?), there are other facts, pointed
out by Robertson, which symbolize most probably different ranks.
These symbols are the carrying of gun, spear, sword, shield, or
bell attached to the hand stick, as well as the wearing of different
dresses and/or ornaments. All these are different prestige symbols
2
which everybody is not allowed to wear.

1 ) Robertson 1896, p.459.

2 ) Robertson 1896, pp.105, 185, 207, 282, 434, 439, 449-73, 523-251
633, 627.

- 68 -
 NOTES ON KALASH FOLKLORE

Wazir Ali Shah

Introduction. In spite of considerable research by eminent historians

and scholars and students of human sciences the origin of the Kalash
tribe is so far shrouded in mystery, beyond the general statement that
they are of the Aryan stock.
The Kalash themselves claim to have descended from the 16th and
youngest son and daughter of Adam, who were married to each other and
first settled in Tsiam. They believe that God had kept Bumburet and
the two other Kalash valleys as His special preserve but gave it to
their ancestors as they were otherwise not willing to marry each
other. This belief is manifested by the occasional 'emigration' of
Kalash women from the Kalash valleys as a protest against continuous
rains.
It was generally believed by the locals as well as foreign histor-
ians and researchers that the Kalash were the aborigines of Chitral
and that they descended from the Greek soldiers of Alexander who
were left behind in these valleys during his march on Northern India
through Eastern Afghanistan. Records relating to Alexander's campaign
in the Hindu-Kush region, south of Chitral, speak of skirmishes with
pagan tribes with customs and beliefs similar to those of the Kalash.
But it may be borne in mind that the Kalash alone were not pagahs at
that time. The entire Afghanistan, particularly its eastern parts,
were inhabited by pagan races and the Kho (and maybe several other)
tribes of Chitral were also following a culture with customs and
beliefs very similar to that of the Kalash and other pagan tribes.
1
A number of scholars including G.A.Grierson and Ghulam Murtaza
have suggested that the Kalash were inhabiting the area between
lower Bashgal valley and Chaga Sarai (in Afghanistan) for about
three centuries. In the 10th or 11th century A.D. they were pushed
northwards into Chitral by the Bashgali Kafirs, who in their turn
had been forced to leave their own valleys by other strange tribes
from the West.
It is still a mystery as to from where the Kalash came to lower
Bashgal, and 'Tsiaml from which the Kalash themselves claim to have
come has not been historically located by anyone.

1) Murtaza 1961.
Kalash in Chitral. According to Grierson and Ghulam Murtaza, and
also supported by Morgenstierne, the Kalash tribes arrived in south
Chitral valleys via Bashgal and Arandu and pushed the then resident
Kho tribes (also pagan) further north. The area controlled by them
extended up to Reshun (about 40 miles above Chitral), while it is
not certainly known whether the Ojor valley and the Lotkuh valley
were also subjugated by the Kalash. The famous 'Luli' song of the
Kalash however mentions celebration of the Joshi festival in the
Lotkuh valley from Shoghor to Gobor and even across the border into
Badakhshan but does not mention Ojor or Arkari. No detailed historic-
al date, legendary or otherwise, however exists about the Kalash rule
in the lower Chitral beyond the fact that Kalash rulers lived at
Balahisar at the southern tip of present Chitral town, and the chief
bridge over the Chitral river near the present Qila was built by the
Kalash rulers.
Reference to Kalash rulers at Chitral proper is available only in
respect of the last one, named Bulesing, who is said to have been
defeated and ousted from Chitral proper by the Rais invaders in
1320 A.D.
Further south, in the Kalash dominated areas of Drosh, Biori,
Urtsun, Swir, Birir, Bumburet and Rumbur too, no legends or stories
are available regarding the Kalash rulers except for the last one,
named Raja Wai of Bumburet, who was also defeated and subjugated
along with his people a few years after the fall of Bulesing.
It may be mentioned here that until the Islamization of the Kho
tribes in Northern Chitral, both the Kalash and Kho tribes seem to
have had local headmen known as 'tAsakalslf
(Turki: aqsaqal), who
acted as local chiefs, and there were no central authorities as
kings, neither among Kalash nor Khos. The only known pagan chiefs
among Khos are Bahman and Su-Malik. Bahman is known for his war
against the Arab invaders, but the only fame attributed to Su-Malik
is the grandeur of his feast to the people arranged by him in anti-
cipation of his death.
It would therefore be safe to assure that no Kalash kingdom exist-
ed in the area dominated by them. There were only local chiefs or
Asakals in the big villages like Chitral, Bumburet, Shishikuh etc.
The brief domination of Lower Chitral by the Kalash however came
to an end in the early part of the 14th century and the Khos, now
converted to Islam, steadily penetrated southwards during the Rais
period. In the course of hundred and fifty years the entire area in
the main valleys and large parts of the side valley of Shishikuh
were converted to Islam.
 BY the end of the 19th century the only secluded valleys where the
Kalash remained i n their pagan condition were Birir, Bumburet and
Rumbur. These valleys and the people thereof were set aside a8
personal preserve and property of the Mehtars who protected the
Kalash against jealous mullahs and landgreedy nobles to the present
day. They were however required, in return for this protection, to
pay certain special taxes as jizya and perform certain labour work,
particularly as household servants bringing fuel etc.
With the advent of Pakistan, the Kalash have been freed from the
special taxes and forced labour and are treated in the same way as
the Muslim inhabitants and the only tax they pay is ushar, i.e.,
one tenth of land products which is payable by all subjects of the
state.

I. Religion and Beliefs. The Kalash religion is a mixture of

idolatry and ancestor worship. They also believe in fairies and try
to appease them by sacrifices. Their idolatry is however of a
different kind than that of Hindus and Buddhists. Whereas among the
Hindus the incarnations of God, like Rama, Krishna, Vishnu etc. are
worshipped and idols resembling these incarnations are made arid
preserved, the Kalash do not have any such idols which are believed
to resemble in form any of the deities they consider sacred. Instead
usually special shrines are set up at places, and wooden horse-heads
are fixed on either side of the sacrifice place. These shrines are
similar in shape for all the various gods and deities such as
Mahandev, Sajjigor etc.
They believe in a supreme God which they call by the name of
Dezau, i.e., the Creator. He is believed to be Creator of the
Universe and protector of life and property. Incidentally there
is no shrine for Dezau, and the animal offering is made at open
spaces.
Below Dezau are the other deities who are supposed to be advisers
or ministers of the Creator. Sacrifice places, shrines, are Set up
for them in various places with wooden horse-heads fixed on either
side of a small walled structure. Here they offer sacrifices of
sheep, food, milk products and dry fruit at different occasions and
Pray to the deity for protection against diseases, flood, rains and
for protection of cattle and crops.
The more important deities are Sajjigor (in ~ w n b u r ) ,Mahandev
and Ingao (in Bumburet), Warin and Praba (in ~ i r i r ) ,and Balumain
who belongs to Bashgal but comes to the Kalash valleys once a year-
The Kalash believe in life after death and place charity above
all as the means of entering paradise.
 Though the Kalash give considerable importance to showing con-
sideration and respect to the souls of their ancestors and try to
glorify the dead by giving feasts at their death and raising wooden
effigies in their memory and also by giving food to people as well
as sacrifices to gods on their behalf, and even keeping food in or
near their coffins, there are n o definite instances of their
worshipping the effigies of these ancestors or asking for their aid
i n worldly matters. All their efforts are directed towards 'settling
the uneasy souls of the ancestors' by charity on their behalf.
11. Customs. The Kalash according to themselves have n o particular
religion of their own. Their religion is the dastur, i.e., customs
which they follow. Any infringement o f this dastur is considered
negation of the religion and thus they continue to cling to their
dastur. The dastur or customs vary somewhat from valley to valley
and from village to village but the principles are essentially the same.
Thus the ceremonial dances on festivals, the marriage rites,
ceremonies on birth, reaching of puberty, the ceremonies on death,
the bashaleni system, the sacrifices and offerings on various
occasions like seasonal festivals, ploughing, seeding, threshing,
collection of grapes, making of wine, and other similar customs are
at the same time the dastur and religious faith of the Kalash.
It is therefore evident that right from the birth o f a Kalash to
his death he has to live in a particular way, dress in a particular
manner and perform certain functions. Failure to do s o takes him
out of Kalash fold. One simple example would be that i f the Kalash
woman only give up the traditional head-dress ( k o ~ e s i )she leaves
the Kalash fold. Similarly if she ceases going to the bashaleni
during monthly course or for child-birth she is n o longer a Kalash.
A lot has already been said and written about the Kalash customs
and it would be repetition to mention these here again. Among the
beliefs of the Kalash some interesting items may however be mention-
ed:
1. The Moon. Black spots on the moon are believed to be goats. It
is said that once the moon came to land on the earth and some shep-
herds with goats and dogs went over it. While they were there the
moon rose up toward the sky and thus they are still there and can
be seen when the moon is full.
2. Eclipse. It is believed that eclipse of moon occurs when it is
attacked by a tiger (sher) who is a brother of the moon. The moon
is said to have taken possession of sher's property as a result of
which there is constant friction between them. The eclipse o f the
sun is believed to forecast about the death of a notable person.
3. Rainbow. The rainbow is believed to be the shadow of a one-eyed
g-iant. The shadow becomes visible when he leaves one spring (he
lives by springs in the high hills) to go to another one.
The house which is encircled by a rainbow is feared to face a
calamity and the owner hastens to make sacrifice of a goat to avert
the danger.
4. The Milky Way. This is believed to have been created by dust
raised due to a race contested by the horse and the cow. The cow
is said to have cursed the horse as a result of which it cannot do
jugali, i.e., ruminate like cow or camel. The horse also cursed
the cow and therefore the feet of the cow were split in two.
5. Thunder (dera-lang). Thunder occurs when the fairies play polo
and other horse games among themselves in the sky. When they strike
each other with lances, they create lightning.
6. Earthquakes. Earthquakes occur when the flies scratch the back
of the ear of a bull on whose two horns the world is placed.
The Kalash throw some oshniru wheat flour (kept aside for sacri-
fices) into the fire immediately after occurrence of earthquake.
This sacrifice is known as thumanda.
7. The Land. It is considered pure (oshniru) and sacrifices are
offered for its fertility.
8. Stars. Two small bright stars are known as Laila and Majnun,
a pair of lovers.
-
9. Lakes. The lake on top of Durike-An (~uriko-Chhat)is considered
to be the abode of sacred deities and fairies. People approaching
it are warned of their reception by the fact that those favoured
find it calm and peaceful. But those in disfavour find it rough
and they see a red bed in the middle with fairies or spirits on it.
Such person may face some misfortune or may die on the spot.
10. Weather. Bad weather is caused when maloshes (deities1 shrines)
and other oshniru places are approached by unpure things like women,
eggs, hens, etc. Occurrences are detected by the dehars, who some-
times in a state of trance advise offerings and sacrifices for
purification of those places.
11. Aerolites/Meteors. These are believed to be istorio-rich
(stools of the stars).
12. Ingao. He is one of the advisers of Dezau but does not like
beating of drums. His shrine is at Batrik where dance is done at
Chitirmas. No drums are beaten as it is feared that if drums are
beaten Ingao will flee away.
13. Cattle Epidemic. Cattle epidemic is attributed to approach of
men and women guilty of adultery to the sacred places and cattle
houses. The dehar goes into trance and points out the culprits. The
culpable woman is required to touch a k i d , which is then killed and
burnt, and its ashes thrown away. The epidemic is thus controlled.
14. Small Pox. I n case of emergency of small pox in the house,
ishperi with milk is immediately offered, and bread and butter dis-
tributed among the elders. This is to welcome Small Pox so that it
is mild and not fatal. At the end of a week, another ishperi as a
farewell to it is offered.
15. Barrenness. The cure for barrenness among the Kalash is killing
and skinning a goat and putting the woman inside the skin while it
is hot. More she-goats or sheep are killed to continue the process.
The women are also taken to the hot springs i n Lotkuh.
16. The Soul. The soul leaves the body and walks around while the
man is asleep. Whatever the soul experiences the man sees it in his
dream. The soul of a dead one usually wanders in the same places
where the person, when alive, used to go about.
In case of violent death by murder, wild animals, child-birth, the
soul usually remains at the same spot where death occurred.
17. Fairies and Spirits. The fairies and spirits usually stay in
remote areas far from human habitations. In case a person approach-
es such an area and by error (unknowingly) stumbles against them or
tramples their children they get angry and harm the person.
Evil spirits do not actually enter a person's body. Actually
the spirit is outside, but influences (hypnotizes?) the person so
that he acts and talks in the way desired and directed by the spirit.
The fairies, spirits etc. usually collect at some specified places
at noon (greuish) and it is at this time of day that people walking
in remote areas come into contact with them and are harmed.
18. Violent Death. People murdered or killed by wild animals are
shahid. A woman dying in child-birth is also a shahid (martyr) and
she is buried in a separate graveyard.
The death of a woman during menses is considered a special dis-
aster.
19. Evil Eye. Some people are known, by experience, to have the
'evil eye' and if they admiringly stare at a child or cattle illness
or other misfortune befalls them. The dehar discovers it by going
into trance and advises remedy. The remedy consists of smoke from
a burnt portion of the evil-eyed man's ponoku (rags round his feet).
The earth under the feet of the evil-eyed is also obtained and
thrown over the victim.
20. Protection against Evil Spirits. Iron is considered a good
protection against evil spirits. A small piece is therefore in-
variably attached to the amulet made of threads tied round the neck
of the affected person.
21. Chamakh Bohtu (white stone which creates light when struck) ie
also considered very useful to ward off evil spirits.
It is believed that when somebody sees an evil spirit he should
strike it with the chamakh bohtu once only. The spirit will say:
"Strike me once more!' but he should be answered: "My mother gave me
one breast only at my birth. So I strike only once.tt The evil
spirit will then die. But if it is struck twice, the spirit will
become alive again and harm the person.
22. The amulets or charms against diseases etc. are made up of a
number of threads joined together. The important part of them is
the knot or knots at short spaces. These knots are tied by the
amulet-maker for protection against evil epirits or particular
diseases, and each knot requires a special izum.
The izum is acquired by the wise man in this manner: While asleep
he sees two animals or insects (or snakes etc.) talking to each
other. On waking up he remembers the talk and uttering it to him-
self he repeats it with his face and eyes towards the hearth (not
seeing nor talking with other people), and makes up his mind to use
this izum against any particular ailment he may like. Thereafter he
can use the iztun against that particular ailment whenever required
and utters these words under his breath while tying the knot.
23. Mourning. When death occurs in a family the relatives do not
shave - do not wear new or clean clothes - do not dance - women do
not use the small cap under the kopesi - do not do make-up nor use
antimony. The mourning period ends at the next festival following
the death of the person.
2 4 . Snakes. The chief remedy for snake bite is the charm and amulet
with the particular izum for snakes. Also blood-letting is a usual
remedy. A kid is killed and its bowels are placed over the bitten
Part of the person.
The snake runs to water immediately after a bite. If the victim
reaches the water first the snake dies.
A snake living in a house for very long protects the family
members against outsider snakes which may attack them.
2 5 - Animals. Horse was created first of all animals and was used
Balumain for riding.
The cat is a friend of man. It once severed the head of a snake
which had entered the bosom of man for protection against fire and
then tried to bite him. They went to the cat for adjudication. The
Cat pretended deafness, asked the snake to come out and speak loudly
and when it did so cut its head off.
The eagle (brizbar) is considered sacred and not killed. It is
believed to have scratched markhor drawings on a sacred rock near a
malosh (in Rumbur).
26. Farming. A month before ploughing bulls or oxen are collected
at a place where most ploughing is done. Milk is sprinkled on the
oxen as well as plorp, and prayers chanting 'warash Karit('make 'the
bulls strong as hawkst) is done.
At seeding time a person known for being of good omen makes a
sacrifice of a goat at the shrine of Mahandev, sprinkles blood on
the seed, his own and others, before seeding is done. Offerings are
also made at the fields by farmers individually. At reaping and
threshing too, offerings are made and the first five seers of grain
are kept aside for sacrifice purposes.
When a kash (granary) is opened, the first few seers known as
osion are purified at malosh and then eaten by the family and not
given to outsiders.
27. Cattle Protection. The protection of cattle for winter period
up to Chitirmas is that of Sorizan and from Chitirmas to Pul (autumn)
is the responsibility of Goshidai. Offering is made to Goshidai at
Joshi, and to Sorizan at Chitirmas.
28. Secret Son%. The song sung at the time of chan lengeik dance
('leaves movingt) at Joshi is a fairy dance and the text is secret.
It is known only to one person in the village and he transfers it
to one of his sons when his time comes. It is believed that when
this song and dance is on, the fairies also come and join the
dancers. Usually on this occasion a young oshniru boy goes to the
roof-top of a nearby house and sprinkles milk into the air as if to
welcome the fairies.
29. Girls' Puberty. When a girl goes to bashaleni for the first
time, her family or friends take ishperi (milk and fruit) to her.
In general it is due to the above mentioned reason, that the
Kalash have managed to uphold their age-old customs on birth, marriage,
death and all other aspects of life on earth in spite of increasing
Muslim influence from all sides. I f the customs had not a religious
basis they would have modified them long ago to conform with the
customs prevailing among their Muslim neighbours.
111. Festivals. Chief Kalash festivals are Chilimjusht or Joshi,
Utchal, and Chitirmas besides some minor festivals of lesser
importance.
Chilimjusht is celebrated for three days in mid-May and Chitirmas
in mid-December. Both are common to all the three valleys. Utchal
is popular in Bumburet and Rumbur while Pul is a special festival of
Birir. Enough has already been investigated and recorded regarding
these festivals and in certain cases the festivals have been covered
with recordings and filming.
It may be mentioned that the dances and songs which are part of
the festivities have had important religious or dastur basis in the
past. In the course of time the Kalash have lost the real spirit of
the particular dances, and in respect of some of the so-called
!sacred1 ones it is only the tune which is sung while the actual
text, the knowledge of which came down from a particular person to
his descendants, generation to generation, have been forgotten.
However the 'elders1 still pretend to know it (and as they have to
say it under their breath they can continue to pretend without fear
of detection), while the tune is chanted by all.
These festivals are also the only means by which the Kalash con-
tinue to hear and talk of their ancestors and their past. As such
they are the soul and life blood of Kalash culture, dastur, or
religion, whatever one may like to call it.
IV. Costumes. As stated above the costume used by Kalash men and
women is a part of their dastur or religion. The menfolk have under-
gone considerable change in their dress and one cannot distinguish
a Kalash from a Kho. But the main emphasis is naturally laid on the
dress of the Kalash woman. The long black gown with the belt in the
waist (and of course with a small bell suspended behind) and the
head-dress with cowrie shells and other buttons studded thereon and
the colourful feathers are essential if at all the woman is a Kalash.
V. Verbal Arts. The Kalash world abounds with verbal arts such as
myths, legends, folktales, proverbs, sayings and poetry. It would
however require a lifelong research work to make a useful collection
and a pre-requisite to it would be a mastery of the language. I have
however only a small collection of some Kalash mythology and legends
which are mentioned below:
Myths
1. Sajjigor. The Rumbur deity Sajjigor originally lived in Bashgal.
During one of Kalash Chief Raja Wails raids into Bashgal, he made it
h m v n through the traditional betan (dehar) that, as Bashgal was soon
to become Islamistan, Raja Wai should take him to Kalashgum and set
UP his shrine (nishani) to that valley. Raja Wai was provided with
a bow with two arrows, one tied with a red string and the other with
a black string. He was directed to throw the arrows and set up the
shrine at the spot where the red threaded arrow fell and to set UP
bashaleni where the black threaded arrow fell. Raja Wai did accord-
ingly and after long search by his men the spots were detected in
R~unburand the shrine and the bashaleni were set up near the small
saplings where the red and black arrows were found stuck. These
saplings have now grown into giant fir-trees and it is forbidden to
touch them with axe.
Sajjigor is also said to have foretold Raja Wai about the extinct-
ion of his family due to the sin of adultery committed by him with
his own daughter.
2. Mahandev. Mahandev is considered somewhat lower in status than
Sajjigor. It is said that both Mahandev and Balumain roamed the
Bashgal and Kalashgum valleys and had no specific areas allotted to
them. Mahandev who was cleverer than Balumain coveted the Bumburet
valley. He once betted with Balumain that they would go for hunting
and sleep on the mountain. On getting up in the morning whosesoever
face was towards Bashgal should go there permanently and whoseso-
ever face was towards Kalashgum should live there. In the morning
Mahandev awoke early to find his face towards Bashgal while the face
of Baluniain, who was still asleep, was turned towards Kalashgum. But
he managed to move Balumain's face towards Bashgal without waking
him. When he got up he was facing towards Bashgal and had therefore
to go and live there permanently.
The dehar who disclosed to the people about Mahandev's permanent
stay in Bumburet, advised a wooden horse-head be affixed at a place
near Gromun and a small stone also placed there. I f Mahandev agreed
to the spot the small stone would be replaced by a large one. In the
next morning the small stone was found nearly a mile away and in its
place a large stone was seen lying at the same spot. Both these
stones are still visible.
3. Balumain. As stated above Balumain, an adviser of God, is living
in Bashgal after having lost the bet with Mahandev. He however comes
to Kalashgum once a year. He comes on horseback. It is believed that
once dogs barked at his horse near Kandisar village when he was corn-
ing for Chitirmas festival. He hit the dogs with the whip with the
result that there was lightning which burnt part of the village.
Legends
The majority of legends revolve round Raja Wai, the last independ-
ant chief of the Kalash who lived at Batrik in Bumburet.
Raja Wai once went for hunting and returned late at night. He
entered his house over the side wall and incidentally came into a
portion of the room where his young daughter was asleep. He is said
to have lost control of his senses on seeing his young beautiful
daughter and slept with her. In the morning he felt repentant and
took an ox to the shrine of Mahandev for sacrifice to clear his sin.
Mahandev is said to have rejected the sacrifice by turning away his
head (i.e., the wooden horse-head). Incidentally Raja Wai h e w of
Mahandev'S own love affair with his cousin and mentioned this through
-
the dehar.
fice.
Mahandev is said to have relented and accepted the sacri-
It was therefore allowed from that time that if a Kalash
married his ninth cousin, he should purify himself by offering a bull
or an ox to Mahandev.
Raja Wai thereafter ordered that no man should sleep with his wife
nor any girl be given in marriage in his kingdom. This law remained
for three years and was removed only when his daughter and other women
went before him and remonstrated. He then ordered the removal of the
law and ordered all should go to bed with their wives in the same
night. As a result of it 180 boys and as many girls were born nine
months after this. The boys were particularly strong and healthy and
they grew up soon to be stalwarts. When this group became fifteen
years old Raja Wai took them along with others to invade Bashgal and
subdue the rebels. He captured many rebel villages and brought back
loot and prisoners. The girl prisoners from Bashgal were made to
dance naked which act was disapproved by God and the dehar told him
that his doom was near. Accordingly soon after this most of his
family members died. There was none in his family to succeed him,
and the Rais soon subjugated the Kalash in Bumburet etc.
Bulesing was Kalash Chief at Chitral proper and was defeated and
driven away by the Rais. He and his brother Khavizogh and their kin
fled to A y u n and settled at Arkhal near Saban. After some time they
led an expedition to invade Bumburet and snatch it from Raja Wai.
During the night the party left for Bumburet but as it was pitched
dark, after walking through Ghochharkuh for a long time, they reach-
ed back A y u n and thinking it to be Bumburet carried out a massacre
killing their own kinsmen, women and children. In the morning they
found out the error, and on the advice of the dehar, went to Bumburet
where Raja Wai forgave them and gave them some lands at Brun. Khavi-
zogh however stayed on in A- till his death. Bulesing lived at
Brun for some time in peace but again rebelled against Raja Wai. He
incurred the chief's displeasure by skinning alive one of his cows.
Raja Wai got help from the Rais of Chitral and attacking Brun
massacred the entire family and kin of Bulesing. Only one person who
had gone to Birir escaped.
Folk Tales
There are a number of folk tales, about wars, fairies, brave acts
and romances. Tile famous romance is that of a young man who fell in
love with his sister-in-law (younger sister of his wife). The story
remains alive in the classic song known as 'Daginai1 sung at Chilim-
jusht .
Another story is about seven persons (three women and four men)
from Brun who escaped a massacre of their tribe by a certain Udalak,
a descendant of Raja Wai. The seven persons hid in a cave near
Birir-Nisar for some time during the course of which the girls
became pregnant though they were near relatives. A giant came there
and throwing the single innocent boy out, closed the cave with the
six culprits shut therein. The spot is known for abundance of honey-
bees which collect there in large numbers.
Another folk tale is about a blind old woman of Majam in Bashgal
and her young nephew. She is said to have made regular sacrifices
to Praba while the others ignored it and even disrespected the god
by killing a dog at his shrine. The result was that flood washed
away the entire locality and the old woman and her nephew were the
only survivors. The boy was favoured with supernatural powers with
the aid of which he killed a giant in Birir and took most of the
lands there. His descendants hold the lower parts of Birir.
Other stories are also current about this boy, whose name is
Bangulai. It is said that his goats, which were many, moved in the
sphere from one pasture to another. Once he passed by his sister
without noticing her. She cursed his cattle, as a result of which
all the goats turned into stones which are seen even now i n upper
Birir.
Bangulai is also known to have been favoured by the god with 600
markhors born from his own goats following mixing of wild markhors
with his she-goats. These markhors he gave away for sacrifice to the
gods and gave a feast to the village. People of one village demanded
their share of feast in form of living markhors which were handed to
them. This however displeased the god and the markhors ran away to
the hills. The descendants of Bangulai are respected for being the
tribe which sacrificed markhors to God and are known as 'Sharakat
Nawai'. Tinge1 of Bumburet is present elder of this tribe.
Shurala, a nephew of Bangulai, is also attributed with supernatural
powers. Markhors mixed with his she-goats and so he got markhor kids.
He is also said to have been provided with food, wine and walnuts by a
white-headed old man, throughout the winter in his yommshali and on
return home in spring found out that his own stocks at home were finish
ed. His wife told him a white-headed servant employed by him had taken
away their rations every evening for his - Shuralats - consumption.
 KALASH MYTHOLOGY

Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk

1. For the origin of Kalash see "The Khfirs of the Hindu-Kushl'

by Robertson and "Kafirs and Glaciers" by Schomberg. The Creator
1
is called Tezaw or Khodei.
2. There are many angels who perform different duties.
3. -
Baro -
Mine is the largest of the Malush or Dow (Malush means
the Great and is also used for 'sacrificial altar1). He lives in
Siam. He comes only once a year during Chitrimas celebrations in
winter from December to January lasting 40 days. The Kalash confine
themselves inside their homes and lead a sort of hibernating life.
For this period they store their provisions and firewood, etc., so
that they don't have to go outdoors for anything. Being the eldest
of the Dows he is able to help in all kinds of ways: in matters
of health, wealth, happiness and arable crops. Goats, rams and
small animals are sacrificed at his Malotsh. Whenever he comes
he rides a horse and those angels who accompany him also ride horses
of different colours .
4. Maha Dew (The Mighty Dew -Dew and Dow is synonymous and refers
to a giant or a cruel spirit). He is also a senior Dew (maha means
'big ' in Sanskrit). His Malotsh is always in attendance. Every day
one could approach him by offering the sacrifice of a bullock or a
goat. In autumn when many goats are slaughtered in his Malosh,
Moslems - even people in the village of A y u n (neighbouring Muslim
village) - receive shares of the sacrificial meat. Maha Dew is
petitioned for all needs. A Betan is invoked who can prophecy.
He is said to have access to God and can petition Him on behalf of
the people.
5. Ingaw is a Dew who is entrusted for good crops. The people offer
the sacrifice of one coloured animal before the seeds are sown.
Betan will prophecy at his Malotsh about the crops.
6 . Kotshomai: She is the goddess entreated by men on behalf of
women. Children are requested from her. Her sacrifice is a she-
goat.

1) For identification or at least better rendering of the names

cf .Schomberg 1938, Morgenstierne 1947, 1953, and Siiger 1956-
7. z:
He is the Malotsh for breeding goats. The sacrifice for
him is offered while leaving for the summer pastures and on return
to the valleys in the autumn. It is said that once a man had lost
his ram and while searching for the goat the man found him on the
hillside led by a shadow. The shepherd did not see the actual
person but followed the shadow to Veran village. There the shep-
herd came into a large room where all the Dews were sitting. When
he named his ram, Saradanz, the gods did not return it to him but
gave him a stone to be placed in a Malotsh and told him to entreat
the stone if any goat was lost. Anyone who offers sacrifice in that
Malotsh will find his goats. The name of the shepherd was Masen.
8. Shigan: When the children of a daughter of the village are
ill, then the Betan will offer a sacrifice to Shigan.
9. Istogosh Dew: When Small children wear clothes for the first
time, a goat is sacrificed. The blood of the goat is allowed to
flow over the child's forehead. After this act of 'baptism' he is
recognized as a Kafir.
10. Prabaro is a Malotsh in Birir where the Kafirs go at Chitrimas.
11. Grimor was a wise man named Bagorai. Once his goats went astray
and when the goats did not return his daughter went in search of them.
Finally she found the goats i n a place called Away. But her father
was not with his goats. The shepherd told the girl that her father
had concealed himself in the ear of a greenish goat. She was annoyed
and began to curse, and on account of this Bagorai turned into stone.
He declared that anyone who lost his goats should make an offering
to him addressing him as Grimor. His shepherd's name was Kasawer
and he has another Malotsh where offerings are made.
12. Warin: Once there lived an old lady in Bashgal (the land of Red
Kafirs now converted to Islam), who had an only nephew. The in-
habitants of that village were very wicked. The nephew's name was
Ratharie and the name of his aunt was Sondi. The people of the
village were sacrificing dogs and cats instead of goats. The old
lady asked her nephew to borrow a small goat and make the sacrifice,
and to plaster the Malotsh with leaven flour dipped in the blood of
the sacrificed animal. Then Warin appeared in the form of a man
and was well pleased with the nephew and told him that on that night
a severe earthquake and storm would hit the village and that he should
not come outside. When these events occured, the boy and his aunt
did not leave their house. On the next day they found that the whole
village had been destroyed. So they left the village and while they
were crossing a pass Warin again appeared before them. He gave them
three arrows: one arrdw was tied with red thread, the other with
black thread and the third with white thread. They were told that
where the white arrow hits the ground a village should be built, where
the black hits the ground a Batshaleni (wooden house for segregation
of women who are menstruating or who have just given birth to a child),
and where the red arrow strikes the ground a Malotsh should be erect-
ed. By this time the aunt was feeling thirsty and asked for water.
When Warin poured out the water it became golden sand. With this
golden sand the nephew bought all the land in Birir valley (the
smaller of the Kafir valleys in Chitral still inhabited by Black
Kafirs). The aunt was given a ring; when she looked through the
ring she could see Warin who gave directions for sacrifices. Even
to this day the ring is used. The nephew was given a bow. So today
when Mathsokaik (taking omens) is performed, the men use the bow and
the women use the ring. When the bow shakes, the answer is yes ,
otherwise it is 'nof.

Some Other Beliefs. When Adam was created by God, a woman was treat-
ed from his left leg. In those days only vegetable foods were eaten,
so men were not distinguished from women. An angel brought two small
pieces of bread, one piece for the man and one for the woman. When
they had eaten the pieces of bread the man recognized the woman and
the woman recognized the man. They begot seven sons and seven
daughters who were born in seven pairs, there being a son and a
daughter in each pair of twins. The fourteen brothers and sisters
married each other although they did not marry their own twins.
Three of the sons abducted the wives of their brothers. The children
of these three sons became Kafirs, while the children of their four
brothers became Believers. So the story of abduction comes down to
this day among the Kafirs.
2. Formerly the Believers built Batshaleni houses for their women-
folk where they were segregated during menstruation and for 40 days
after giving birth to a child. After seeing these houses the Kafirs
adopted the custom too. Later on the Believers gave up the custom.
3. Kafirs believe in Hell and Paradise. Any person who does a good
deed will go to Behesht (Paradise) after death, while the wicked will
be burnt in Hell (~uzath).
 DIZILA WAT!

Peter Snoy

On the 6th day of the Kalash Winter Festival, which in 1955

lasted from the 9th to the 23rd of December, the Kalash of Bumboret/
Chitral make 'sooth-drawings' in their ceremonial houses. The main
motives are wild and domesticated goats but other domesticated
animals, for example cows and dogs occur also. Wild animals, which
are dangerous for the domesticated ones and for human beings are
portrayed as well.
The reason for this custom, the Kalash informants said, was that
they make these drawings in memory of a happening in the past. In
'very olden times' human beings - Kalash -, animals, fairies, and
deities lived together. Then some incident occurred which resulted
in a separation of these beings. Three versions of this incident
are told: 1) The human beings left from their own free will.
2) Other Kalash came and drove the Kalash, who were already there,
away. 3) The fairies drove these human beings away.
Anyway, the result of this incident was, that animals and human
beings became separated from the fairies and deities and turned
into rock pictures and stone statues in a place far away i n the
mountains. In order to keep this happening alive i n the minds of
the people the Kalash make yearly sooth-drawings, but they also
consider these sooth-drawings useful for the increase of animals.
The ceremony of the following night (from the 6th to the 7th
day) is also concerned with this happening. They form figures out
of dough of animals and human beings, which are baked i n an open
fire. This is done in all houses by all people. There is singing
and laughing, but whistling and shouting are forbidden, in order
not to drive away the spirits of the ancestors which are expected
to come to the villages during the Winter Festival. The ritually
clean boys make a rather big male goat out of baked dough in the
stable and bring it to the ceremonial house where it is put on the
board of the rear wall together with all the other animal figures.
As soon as the first signs of morning are observed the boys start
to shoot at the big male goat figure with small bows and arrows.
At the moment the figure is hit and smashed all the boys start
shouting, rush out from the house into the village lane knocking
at all doors and run up the valley for some distance beyond the
 village boundery. They are driving away the wild animals, they
informed US -
In autumn 1970, when A.R.Palwa1 and I visited the Kalash, we ask-
ed whether it was possible to go to that place where in those older
times animal and men had turned into rock pictures. Only a few of
the villagers said that they had seen this place. Sumal Beg from
Krakal finally agreed to show us the place. We went up the valley
of Bumboret to the place where several side valleys come together
to form the valley of Bumboret. There we turned aouth into the
valley of Otrok. The summer pastures of this valley are nowadays
used by Kho-people from Ayun. Formerly the pastures belonged to the
Kalash. About 8 km inside this valley on the steep barren eastern
slopes there is a wall of rocks, partly broken down. This place is
called Dizila-wat, which means 'stone of creativeness1. In the
debris at the foot of this rock there are stables and shepherds1
huts, and quite near to them on a few large boulders there are rock-
engravings. The pictures are not very deeply chiseled and are of
different age what can be seen from the weathering. Mostly wild
goats are depicted with ornamentally drawn horns (just in the same
ways as the Kalash apply it for their sooth-drawings). Human be-
ings are depicted also, two of which were relatively large.
Sumal Beg who could not find these boulders immediately, said
spontaneously after discovering them: IBalumain has made it1. He
also mentioned that on the wall of rocks there were more pictures
because those boulders we saw had fallen down. We climbed these
rocks but we were unable to discover any more pictures.
When we talked about the folkloristic background of these pictures
Sumal Beg told us that Balumain, one of the highest deities of the
Kalash who visits their valleys during the Winter Festival takes
those animals, driven away in the above mentioned ceremony, to these
boulders and turns them into pictures, while the animals themselves
are sent further west to a place in Waigal (Waigal was just a far
away place for S-a1 Beg. Balumain is living there, he told).
Sumal Beg also mentioned that in 'olden days' the Kalash ran up to
this place when driving away the wild animals. When asked about
those rock pictures which we wanted to find when started our little
Journey -
the rock pictures in the above mentioned happening of
older times - S-a1 Beg told me that these pictures were not there,
they were far away in the mountains, nobody had seen them So far*
The secrets of one of the beliefs of Kalash religion could not
be disclosed. But all the information collected indicated that the
term 'hunting-magic' for an interpretation of the rock pictures in
this area was wrong: wild goats, as the main object of rock engrav-
ings, can be found all over the Hindukush area, and usually these
engravings are concentrated in specific places. One of the most
famous is Saymaly Tash in Ferghana. The information collected from
the Kalash shows us that these rock pictures are made by goat-
breeders, which the Kalash are, in connection with a certain ceremony
and a certain myth.
In the Gilgit Agency, a story was told about Shiri Badat, a
legendary king and a rather mythical being, which must be mentioned
here as a parallel. Shiri Badat was a Lord of all animals. In
large stables he kept his goats. Once a holy man came to him as
a guest. But Shiri Badat did not want to butcher any of his goats
for him. Instead he killed a dog for his guest. When the meal was
served the holy guest said: 'Chu', and immediately the slaughtered
dog stood alive on the plate. And at the very moment all the animals
of Shiri Badat ran away from their stables and live now as wild
animals in the mountains. Shiri Badat, however, roams about and
chisels rock pictures of goats. During the nights of midwinter
one can hear his hammering.
 THE JOSH1 OF THE KALASH
Main Traits of the Spring Festival at Balanguru in 1948

Halfdan Siiger

During a field research among the Kalash in 1948 the local leaders
of Balanguru gave me permission to attend the great spring festival
called Joshi. For some weeks Lamtson, the old leader of the festival,
had given me much valuable information of what was going to take
place. Lamtson had inherited this position as a leader from hia
father and could be trusted to be the person best acquainted with its
proceedings and contents. In that way I came to know many things in
advance which were later supplied when I , on permission from Lamtson
and other important men, had got the opportunity of attending the
main proceedings on close hands. My limited knowledge of the language
enforced me to collect my information by means of Mr.Wazir Ali Shah,
Secretary to His Highness the Mehtar of Chitral, who acted as a very
thorough and interested interpreter. Lamtson, my main informant,
came to understand the intention of my work and was eager to give
all expected information about the culture and religion of his own
people, in which he took great pride. But in spite of an informant's
Cooperative mind one cannot expect him to view the problems from the
investigator's point of view. Consequently, many facts may not have
been recorded with all desirable details and others may have been
neglected. That is inevitable. On the other hand, my personal
attendance at the main performances to a certain degree made up for
these defects; but as several minor functions sometimes were going
on at the same time, I lost the opportunity of observing some of
them. However, I think the material is so comprehensive that I may
Present a survey of the main traits of the Balanguru Joshi of 1948-
On another occasion a comparison with the observations made by other
investigators will enable us to produce a more general survey of the
Joshi of the Kalash people. 1

1) The present survey of the Joshi festival deals only with my own
results obtained during my field research. Professor Morgeilstierne
has given a highly valuable account of the Joshi festival of 1929
( M ~ r ~ e n s t i e r n1947).
e For further information on the Kalash the
reader is advised to consult Jones 1966, especially pp.103-108-
The present author is indebted to Professor blorgenstierne for

.
kind help and advice concernir~gthe spellillg and translati011 of
Kalash words and sent elices
 From a social point of view the Joshi occupies a particular
position, attracting people from all over the valley and the neighbour-
ing villages and hamlets. It is my general impression that the K a l a ~ h
being of a kind and communicative disposition, like to meet and come
together. In this respect the Joshi, being celebrated when the
winter is over and the pleasant springtime has come, offers a splendid
opportunity.
There can be no doubt that the men, whose obligations it is to
perform a great number of ceremonial duties, play a predominant part
in the festival. The old Lamtson was, as mentioned above, the official
leader who from his father had inherited the position as supreme
organizer. Next to him come a number of elderly men who bring offer-
ings to Mahandeo on behalf of their families and lineages. The goat-
herds have a busy period with many minor ceremonial obligations at
the goatsheds and at some holy places. The young virgin boys, called
on-jesta-much, who have the privilege of slaughtering the goats,
assist in this way at all sacrifices of goats.
The numerous dances are open to all members of the society, men
as well as women, and it is obvious that they enjoy partaking in them.
Only old folks and the very young do not dance, but sit or stand
around the dancing ground as eager onlookers, and those who can
frequently join in the singing and clap their hands i n time with the
steps of the dancers.
The Joshi has, however, also a social aspect of a more private
and intimate character. Visitors from neighbouring villages and
hamlets stay with their relatives or friends during the Joshi, and
it is the custom on the morning and forenoon of the 10th day of the
festival to receive whoever it may be in the homes, so that the
Joshi in this way offers a welcome opportunity for smaller private
parties.
I have been told that the above mentioned customs hold true for
all other Kalash areas where the Joshi is still being celebrated.
It is therefore no wonder that the Joshi stands out as the most
happy Kalash festival and that the people are seized by eager and
joyful expectations as the time for the celebration approaches. The
only other festival of the year which can be compared to the Joshi
is the Chaumos, the great winter festival. I never got the opportun-
ity of attending the Chaumos, but it is my impression from what I
have learnt that the numerous cultic activities, the songs and the
dances of the Joshi which deeply touch the hearts and minds of the
people give an emotional prominence to this festival.
Being a genuine Kalash festival the Joshi excludes the presence
of all adherents of Islam and consequently visiting Moslems carlllot
~articipatei n any activities of the Joshi. I myself got the per-
mission to participate because 1 could explain that I was not a
Moslem bat a Christian and because I , on being questioned, could state
that I had never been subject to the rite of circumcising.
In the wide sense of the word the Joehi covers a series of
activities spread over a number of consecutive days. These days
may be divided into three main periods or phases: the preparatory
or initial phase, the great night of the offerings and sacrifices,
and the final phase of songs and dances.
During the first phase, amounting to nine days, the goat-herds,
living in the goatsheds, cannot visit their homes, but must stay
permanently in the goatsheds. They are busy cleansing the goat-
houses and the utensils; some utensils must be used for one year
only, being discarded at this time when a new one is being made.
The goat-herds also clean and wash themselves thoroughly. rhe
entire purpose of these activities is to make everything oshniru,
i.e., ceremonially clean.
Then they go to the shrines of Mahandeo and Sajigor and decorate
them with branches o f holly oaks. On returning to the goatsheds they
milk the goats, using the new and ceremonially clean implements.
The ninth day is a busy day for the goat-herds. In the morning
they decorate the goatsheds with branches of holly oaks and eat
cheese, prepared from milk from the first day. In the afternoon
they go to Shingmou, the hunters' horn altar, situated below the altar
of Mahandeo. They remove the old branches from Shingmou, decorate
it with fresh branches, cleanse the surrounding ground, and bring an
offering of mulberries and walnuts to Shingmou.
Then the goat-herds collect on the ground in front of the
Jestakhan and sing some songs in praise of Dramui, a great hunter
who lived in olden times. He was said to have erected the Shingmou
which he decorated with the horns of the markhor as an offering to
Mahandeo.
These songs deal mainly with the markhor. One of them tells how
in Springtime they migrate high up in the mountains, become fat and
dance so eagerly that they stir up a cloud of dust over the Bahuk
lake belonging to the Suchi, and taboo to human beings. In between
are songs of the Joshi, the flowers of springtime, and a short love
song. The last song is important from a historical point of view,
because it refers to olden times when Chitral proper was under the
sway of the Kalash and mentions some places where they celebrated
the Joshi, e.g., the present Belnisar, Drosh, Shishiku, * ~ u n ,and
other.
Although short in time the second phase of the Joshi represents
the religious climax o f the festival with numerous sacrifices of
goats accompanied by prayers for the welfare of the people. This
phase begins shortly after midnight of the 10th day and lasts until
next morning. Due to the fact that a great many activities take
place during these few hours, I shall concentrate on some main
points.
Shortly after midnight two virgin boys, standing at the Shingmou,
begin to beat two drums thus heralding the auspicious events and
summoning the men from far and near. Soon the flames from numerous
torches create a phantastic scene, illuminating the valley. These
torches are carried by men who in long processions head for the
altar of Mahandeo. The leading men of the processions offer cheese
to the Jestakhan and to Mahandeo and sacrifice goats or kids to
Mahandeo using the ancient prayer: I1Molavate deva .1I.

Afterwards the members of the individual processions collect in

small groups, roast the sacrificed animals over a fire, and enjoy
a common meal.
About dawn the groups dissolve, and the men proceed to their
homes together with friends and relatives from neighbouring villages.
In the homes they meet with their wives who in the morning go to the
goatsheds and fetch milk which they are now permitted to drink. They
spend the hours from morning and up to about noon with happy parties.
--
The third phase of the Joshi, covering a couple of days, is devot-
ed to numerous songs and dances on the dancing ground. The people
appear in their finest dresses, some have put flowers in their head-
gears, and a few men carry ancient ceremonial spears or axes. Hour
after hour they sing and dance to the beat of drums with only short
intervals between the songs. I counted more than twenty songs, long
and short, very different in contents.
The songs do not seem to be arranged in any specific order except
for the fact that the last song is long and impressive. There are,
however, some recurring subjects which can be used for grouping the
songs according to themes.
One group deals with hunting, the hunter's experiences, and
especially with those of the above mentioned great ancient hunter
Dramui. Another group gives expression to the delights of spring
and summer with its beautiful flowers and abundant food. As with
many other peoples, springtime and love seem to be associated to the
Kalash. The old themes of human love in its various aspects occur
now and again, ranging from the pleasures of ordinary love-making
to sincere courtship. A tragic love song, said to have been composed
at the times of the early Rai Mehtars, occupies an important position.
During his stay at the mountain pastures a young goa*erd yearn0
constantly for his beloved girl who lives with her parents down in
the village. By making bonfires he regularly signals his love to
her. On returning to the village at the time of the autumn festival
he learns that she has died recently. In despair he goes to the
dancing ground and sings the tragic story of their love, hastens to
her coffin, and kills himself beside her dead body.
A couple of songs which might be called memorial war-songs are
of an impressive character. Said to date back to the days of the
Kalash king Shalah Shah (i.e., some time before A.D. 1500) they
glorify the conquest o f some major places of Chitral, e.g. Asmar,
Bailam, Birkot, Drosh, the castle of Chitral, etc. These songs
and dances are violent and warlike, recollecting the days of brave
deeds and the Kalash sway of Chitral. A similar memory of glorious
bygone times can be found in some songs enumerating the places where
the Kalash people in pre-Islamic days celebrated the Joshi festival.
During one of the dances which is devoted to the Suchi, Lamtson
murmurs a secret song which the Suchi taught a former dehar who
afterwards gave it to Lamtsonls father. In this song the Suchi
recall the olden times when the Kalash people made offerings to the
Suchi all over Chitral.
Summarizing the main traits of the Joshi it is obvious why this
festival is so endeared to the people. The Joshi marks the turning
point from winter to summer, from the period of scanty food to that
of Sufficient, sometimes even abundant food. The snow and ice of
the winter often isolate the individual villages, but now the
People can meet again and enjoy the feeling of being a close
community. In order to understand the particular depth and strength
of these experiences they must, however, be viewed in connection
with the religious aspects of the Joshi.
Each of the three great consecutive phases of the Joshi, the
initial, the sacrificial, and the festive, are dominated by different
Sods and legendary beings whose presence and activities endow the
Particular phase with spectacular characteristics.
The local centres of the initial phase are the goatsheds, inhabited
by the goats and the goat-herds. The legendary beings are here
Surisan and Goshedoi, the former ruling the winter season, the latter
the summer season. The goat-herds ceremonially replace the symbol
of Surisan with the symbol of Goshedoi, in this way initiating the
s m m e r season of abundant milk and cheese.
 The activities of the second or sacrificial phase are characterized
by a magnificent local concentration on the altar of Mahandeo,the
great god to whom the individual minor groups of people sacrifice
their goats. The invoking persons are the leading elder men who
pray for the fundamental blessings of human life, and the responding
mythological being is Mahandeo, the divine bestower of blessings.
The activities of the third or festive phase are displayed on the
dancing ground. The actors are the whole of the local community,
men, women, and children, who for several days dance and sing.
Having obtained the blessings of the second phase they n o w rejoice
in the festivities.
The mythological beings occasionally involved in this last phase
are the Suchi, or spirits, of the great mountains. Some dancers may
be visited by a Suchi and therefore dance in a trance or go unconscious.
It is also to the Suchi of the great mountains that some ceremonies
are performed during one of the dances.
As for the entire community, the festival exhibits a revived state
of happiness reaching deep down into their hearts and giving rise to
profound and manifold emotions. The contents of the songs reveal a
wide scope of psychological experiences such as: happiness of spring-
time, food and hunting, love in its various aspects, pride in the
memory of victorious battles and individual brave deeds etc. Final-
ly it may be emphasized that the people is carried by a sincere
and strong conviction of the Joshi as a genuine and distinctive
Kalash festival.
 THE HARVESTING FESTIVALS OF THE KALASH IN THE BIRIR VALLEY

A. Raziq Palwal

There are three festive rites at the time of collecting fruits

and harvesting crops. The first one is the ceremony of inauguration
or Dhen, the ceremony of taking off the prohibition on plucking
fruits and crops; the second one is the Prun festival which marks
the separation or rather the end of the fruits collecting and the
beginning of the crops harvesting; finally, the ceremony which
marks the end of field work is performed.
At the Dhen ceremony two goat kids are sacrificed to Praba, a
deity. After this the collecting of fruits begins. Walnuts and
grapes are collected and stored. Wine-making is finished. The
shepherds who were away with flocks in the mountain-pastures since
the Chaumas of last December return by this time.
Then the Prun Labre , which lasts five nights, begins. During
the Dhen and the Prun occasions people wear new clothes if they
can afford. On the evening of the first day the young women gather
grains from each house while singing the song of Budalak, the virile
shepherd. The main line can be translated as follows: "He drinks
pots of milk from white goats of the high mountain^.'^ The grain is
ground at the water-mill in Aspar, the upper village of the lower
part of Birir. Here people drum, sing, and dance for two nights.
The following two days rejoicing takes place in Bisale, the next
upper village. On the fifth day action begins early in the after-
noon. Elder sisters and mothers have made flower caps for their
Young sisters and daughters. These youngsters are dressed as shep-
herds and the flower caps, suhalek, are put on for them. Cheese
in bread is given to each of these dressed figures to carry it along
with them. Then they dance along with the grown-up people. Out of
a sudden the flower caps of the young girls are carried away by the
Youths to the &, the central traditional dancing arena of the
whole valley. Men and women all follow them to this place which is
situated high up on a cliff. There the people from the upper and the
lower valley both get together and dance. After a few rounds of
collective dancing the young girls again dressed with their flower
caps each dance in single but all at the same time. On this occasion
the youths from the lower and the upper valley pick up the girls'
flower caps and race to the holly oak tree which stands up on the
mountain side. Then all women retire to seclusion for quite a while.
On their return they halt at the entrance of the dancing arena and
murmur a secret song. After a few rounds of dancing the festival
reaches its end.
In the following days people are busy with harvesting maize,
millet and wheat. When all the grains are stored and field work
is finished, then the flocks enter the valley. At this time they
sacrifice a male goat to Mahandev.
 CHITRAL FOLKLORE

Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk

1ntroduc.tj.on
Every country in the world has its own fairy tales and all peoples
have at some time or other believed in the existence of fairies and
other supernatural beings.
It would have been inconceivable if a beautiful country like
Chitral had not had its share in this culture. The fairy tales of
Chitral are numerous and their collection would require much time
and energy, but I will be content here if I can write about the
different types of fairies and jinns in which the Chitralis have
believed in the past and to which they have also ascribed certain
natural phenomena. Perhaps these beliefs are remnants of some
ancient cult which was prevalent in these parts before the advent
of Islam. So the investigation of these fairies may throw some
light on the religion and culture of ancient times.-
In former times Chitral was very scantily populated, and com-
munication between villages was extremely difficult. In addition,
Chitral is a land of high mountains which are difficult to climb.
There are about twenty peaks over 20,000 ft. above sea level. Many
of these peaks are covered with perpetual snow and glaciers. For
this reason those regions where human feet had never stepped were
considered to be a good abode for fairies, etc. Even the tall chinar
trees (type of maple) which could not be climbed, offered good houses
for fairies.
A s fairies and human beings were often close neighbours, they
were sometimes on good terms with each other, but at other times
they were on bad terms and had to be guarded against. Doctors may
ascribe certain 'fitst to hysteria or epilepsy. But those who were
experts in knowing the fairies, could treat the complaints and get
rid of the fairies by techniques which are, to some extent, similar
to methods of treatment offered by psychiatric medicine to such
Patients today. I am sure that a knowledge of these older techniques
will be of interest to those who are experts in this art, and perhaps
particularly to psychotherapists.-
My contributions concerning the religion of the Kalash tribe and
the Katis settling in the Urtsun valley of Southern Chitral are
separate articles of this book.
I n the meantime I have finished a study on different aspects of
the traditional culture of Chitral which will be also published
in English.
I have already mentioned that one o f my main reasons for writing
this account in its present form, is the hope that it may contribute
material for those experts, such as ethnologists, who are more skilled
than I am in tracing the links between different cultures. In this
way we may be able to increase our knowledge of bygone cultures which
include not only the ancient cults and customs o f the peoples of
Chitral, but also the relation between their culture and the
civilizations which extended from the Far East to the Greek kingdoms
of the Mediterranean Sea in the west. The study of the rise and fall
of civilizations, and particularly of those cultural elements which
persist, allbeit in changing form, through time, despite modern in-
novations, has a special satisfaction of its own. It is also an
essential part of our understanding of contemporary social life which
is still one of the least explored of the sciences, although it might
be thought to be one of the most important.
I greatly appreciate the efforts of Miss Audrey Boorne who helped
in preparing the script.
This paper is dedicated to Mrs. Janet Pott who has a deep interest
in the culture of Chitral. She has presented a summary o f my material
to the Hindu-Kush Cultural Conference and has taken an active part in
publication of the manuscript.

Fairies
Fairies are called pari. They are believed to be very beautiful
persons. Their stronghold is in Tirich Mir (the highest peak in
Chitral over 24,000 ft. high) where the king of the fairies has a
golden palace. On Boni Zoom (another peak in northern ~ h i t r a l ) ,and
on all other high mountain peaks, they have their forts and palaces*
They are not ordinarily visible so they c,an visit villages secretly
and carry away the nourishing part of different edibles and fruits,
and for this reason one has to perform certain acts to safeguard
one's interests.
Sometimes they fall in love with other fairies of the opposite sex
and marriages often take place between them. Sometimes, unintentional-
l y , a person may injure their children by walking over them, and Just
as among human beings they may enjoy teasing people and giving trouble
to them. People possessed with fairies can foretell the future and
make prophecies.
 Like human beings they are of both eexes. The daughters of higher
status fairy families are called mer zury and are supposed to be very
beautiful.
Markhor and ibex are the cattle of the fairies. In each gol
(ravine or narrow mountain valley) there is a shepherd called
tshawan (shawan). Previously all shikaris ('hunters') used to know
their names, because without entreating them they would not allow
any shikari to shoot the goats of the fairies.
The entreatment of a fairy was called tehentjik (shinjik).
The fairies were addressed as n a n ~ i n i('mothers'). One would say,
"Oh mother adopt me as your son and I request you to give me one of
your goats. Be kind and treat me as your guest." I remember the name
of the tshawan of Besti in Arkari valley. She was named Nokhtehi
-
Wow (meaning 'ugly old lady'). There was a juniper tree at the
entrance to the side-valley and one had to tie a small piece of
cloth to its branch, then place a little gunpowder on a stone. Some
small pieces of cake were also placed on different stones, the fairies'
share. This act was called ishtareik (menaing 'special offering').
It was believed that by doing this the fairies would be pleased and
make the shikar ('hunt') a success.
If the fairies were displeased they would drive away the game.
Many shikaris relate personal stories that when they aimed at an
ibex or markhor ('mountain goat') they saw a woman. But when they
lowered the gun from their shoulders, they saw again the ibex or
markhor. After repeating this act several times, the hunter who
knew that this was a fairy returned without firing at it. But those
who fired at such game, usually died later of stomach pain. The gun
is also said to misfire in such situations.
Sometimes after killing game late in the afternoon, a shikari
had to spend the night alone on the mountain. When the fairies were
displeased they called on each other, and very often one fairy would
get into the body of the dead markhor and the animal would temporari-
ly come to life again. The fairies did this to frighten the hunter.
It was a common belief that the fairies also had control over the
weather. They caused rain and gales. If it rained for many days
then a kind of offering was made to the fairies: ghee (melted butter)
was put on some pieces of bread which were covered by burning char-
coal. The smoking dish was placed in the rain. This act is called
--
wor drek (lperfume to give', 'incense').
In many places on the tops of high mountains small natural lakes
can be found. There are large stone slabs on the banks of the lakes.
These are the bathing and washing places of the fairies. If stones
are thrown into these lakes the fairies will get furious and cause
rain and hailstorms. The same phenomena are observed when the wild
flowers are plucked on such heights.
Fairies can very often get into the forms of snakes, cats, markhors
and other animals. Therefore one should be careful before killing or
injuring these animals.
It is said that Katur, the founder of the ruling dynasty of Chitral,
had a fairy wife. There are daughters and grandchildren from her even
living today. Because of this relationship the fairies rejoice or
mourn when a sad or happy occasion occurs in the Chitral Palace. The
sounds of fairies beating drums or weeping can be clearly heard on
such occasions. When fighting broke out, fairies could be seen and
heard marching with their bands of musicians.
Khangi ('The Domestic One1): In every big house or fort a fairy lives
who is called khangi. It never harms anybody; on the contrary it
protects the inhabitants from other harmful fairies. Very often it is
seer1 going from one room to another.
In some houses it is heard most of the time beating the rice grain
to clean off the husks. At other times it is engaged i n crashing
apricot stones to extract the kernels.
In olden days after dinner some food was placed in the kitchen
for the khangi. I f this food was not left there, then the khangi
would hide utensils or knock on the door all night long and not allow
the inhabitants to sleep.
I f a peaceful snake was seen in a storeroom or other rooms, it
was suspected to be a khangi. So instead of killing it a bowl of
milk was presented to it. I f the snake drank the milk there was
every reason to believe it to be khangi.
Halmasti ('The greedy fast dog'; verbal meaning 'lightning').
The halmasti fairy is a celestial dog. Its colour is dark red,
the legs are long and thin and the muzzle is pointed and long.
It visits the place where a child is born or a dead person is
washed before burial. Thus both places should not be deserted for
seven nights and people should sit there all night. In the case
of a birth, the sitters sing; in the case of a burial, the watchers
read the Holy Book at the ablution place. It is harmful for a
newly born child to be left alone.
Jashtan ('The Funny Little Fairy', a pixie):
Jashtans belong to a dwarf family of fairies. In autumn one could
see the fires of jashtans in Chitral village over on the Tshadock
hillside. A light would be seen which was split into ~ I Y Obeams,
then increased into hundreds and moved about the mountain in lines.
Then all of a sudden the lights would disappear one by one, but
just as suddenly the lights would appear again. These lights are
also seen in many other places, but always on dry hillsides where
marsh gases do not exist.
It is said that jashtans live inside the houses in summer, and
in the autumn when people come in from outeide to live in the rooms,
they celebrate a festival called jashtan dekeik ('The gathering of
jashtans' for departure). In this festival all the corners of the
house are swept, including the walls and ceilings. People say:
"Winter has come. Go to Kalkatak and Nagar (which are comparative-
ly warm places) in Southern Chitral. There are grapes and walnuts
there. What will you do here? Go to those places."
In the evening of this festival, very small cakes of bread are
baked and placed upon stones by the roadside so that the jashtans
may eat them on their journey south.
Jashtans, it is said, are very fond o f their caps. If by chance
a person gets hold of a jashtan's cap, the jashtan fairy will become
a devoted servant of that person and do all kinds of services for
him or her. For this reason little boys like to get hold of a
jashtan. At dusk in the jashtan dekeik festival, children try to
catch a jashtan, and it is said that if one wears only one shoe, puts
-
surma - a black collyrium - in one's eye, turns up the trouser of
one leg as far as the knee, and remains bare-headed, then it is like-
ly that one will see a jashtan. In this way the children try to
catch a jashtan, on the eve of the jashtan dekeik festival.
Pheruthis (verbally meaning a hissing among smouldering ash):
Pherutis is a very tiny fairy. She always stays near the fire-
place. If she is displeased she will cause the fire to burn poorly-
Smaller articles missing from a room are supposed to have been
taken away by this fairy.
Murghathipi is a bird fairy. It is snow white, and has no bones
in its body. For this reason it is impossible to catch it as it will
slip out of one's hand. It makes a noise: 'tshiq - tshiq' (zhic -
zhic). It will tease men by flying around them and twisting their
testicles. But it is afraid of women, because they threaten to tie
this fairy with their plaits. It is a bad omen to see a murghathipi.
Khaphesi is deaf and dumb. It lies over people when they are asleep-
One feels the heavy burden of its weight and cannot move Or call for
help. Certain places are notorious for the visits of khaphesi.
-
Dew (means a giant and also a resinous wood used for torches):
DOW is a devil. It lives in caves and wildernesses, and very
often appears in the form of fire. This fire can fly for great
distances. Sometimes it follows travellers at night keeping at a
fair distance from them. He is supposed to have one or two horns.
People who suffer from paralysis are in reality harmed by these
devils. Such people are referred to by the term dowardiru ('one
struck by a dow').
There are some special places where dow are supposed to live.
Many travellers see them at night i n those places.
Bohten Dayak ('Stone-Throwing air^'):
In several places stones are sometimes thrown at random. Although
the stones are fairly large yet they do not seem to wound or harm
anyone. As this is not the ordinary work o f a mischief-maker, people
are convinced that it is the act of a fairy, Bohten Dayak. These
acts occur very often. Sometimes it is possible to get rid of this
fairy by charms, etc.
Ch~unurDeki ( ' Iron Legs ' ) :
It is a devil horse which inhabits certain localities quite close
to villages. Its legs are said to be made of iron and for that reason
when it gallops along the clanking o f iron is heard. It frightens
by running beside travellers for some distance.
-
Gor (witch): There are two kinds of gors: one is an ordinary woman
who is a gor when she becomes a witch. The second is a kind of
devil and is also female.
The devil gor has a red complexion. Her eyes are vertically set.
The breasts are very large and pendulant. One of these she throws
over her shoulders, while the other hangs in front. Her heels point
forward, the toes backward. Gor devils are said to be very ferocious
and will eat any person up with whom they come face to face. But if
someone asks her to take him as his mother, then she will pardon
and spare him. In many stories the Kor wow ('old witch') is mention-
ed. It is believed that gor wow own enormous vegetable gardens in
the far end of the earth. These are so extensive that the waters of
all the rivers of the world are not sufficient to irrigate these
vegetable beds. It is in this way that rivers dry up.
-
Gor witches are very common in the Punyal district of the Gilgit
Agency. They are called den or rue in that area. Generally they
cannot be distinguished from ordinary women as they live like house-
wives. However, when someone dies these gors look ill and vomit.
Women who show these symptoms are suspected to be gor. During the
night they go long distances in parties and suck the blood of some
lonely person who usually dies one or two days later. The old ruler
of Punyal, Raja Akbar Khan, himself related many stories of his en-
counters with gors. Once when he was alone saying his afternoon
prayers, a party of twelve gors attacked him whom he killed with hie
sword.
There is a simple test for recognising a gor: if she is asleep, a
small blade of dry grass should be placed on her body; should ahe
be a gor she will moan under its weight. It is said that a gor
feels the straw as if it were a heavy load. Gors were very common
in olden days.
Bar Zangi ('The Huge Monster1):
-
Bar zangi is a giant with an enormous body. It inhabits wilder-
nesses and caves. Bar zangis are mentioned in many stories. Their
strength is superhuman. They eat mostly roasted meat, and can be
watched roasting the whole of a donkey at one time.
When they come to their abode after a human being had been there
they say: "What a bad smell - I smell the scent of a human being!"
In many stories the hero is mentioned as having a wrestle with a
bar zangi. It is said if the head of a bar zangi is cut off, it
will produce a new head and declare that the first head was not its
real head. He can perform this act six times, but on the seventh
time he will produce a head made of pumpkin. Should this pumpkin
head be cut off, the bar zangi dies and cannot rise again.
In stories the arrival of a bar zangi is described as preceded
by wild winds, hailstorms and a rain of stones, etc. If a bar zangi
smells the scent of a human being it will exclaim: "If I find you,
I will devour you without dropping your blood on the ground and your
breath will not rise to the sky!"
Nang ('Cyclops'):
Nang is also a giant. It has only one eye and this is situated
on its forehead. Its abode is under water in natural lakes, where
it owns big castles and gardens. It also has a lot of wealth in large
treasuries of gold and precious stones. In stories it falls in love
with some princesses. Very often it captures a prince and makes it
a condition of his deliverance that he shall bring the Nang to his
beloved princess.
Usually fairies, jinns, etc. are referred to as berio zandar,
meaning 'outsiders'. This term is used in contrast to human beings.
Qalamdar is a general name for all jinns; it has a fearful ugly
connotation and may resemble a fakir. Hoq is a name used to frighten
children. Kyadarakh is yet another name given to them. When they
are referred to in a light way they are called jinspins. The term
-
balah may also be used for a troublesome one.
Sometimes fairies carry away human beings. It is said that they
take the person to their castle on Tirich Mir (the highest peak in
Chitral valley), or to some other high mountain. The abducted person
is then brought before a fairy king or queen. Two bowls are present-
ed to him, one filled with blood and the other with milk. The fairies
do their best to induce him to drink the blood. They threaten him
with death and torture should he refuse to drink. He who drinks the
blood will become invisible like a fairy and will henceforward lead
the life of a fairy. On the other hand, should he drink from the
bowl of milk instead, he is rejected and is generally found in some
obscure place, unconscious.
I hope it will be of some interest to record here some of the
encounters which have occurred with these fairy beings in the recent
past. These are not "fairy stories" but actual experiences.
(1) The great Ismaili (Agha Khan's Followers) Pir ('Saint') of
Barandis village in Gilgit Agency, had a qalamdar as his domestic
servant. His name was Mirza Kachat. He did all the cultivating,
harvesting, and bringing of firewood for the Shah (respectable word
for 'saint') of Barandis. Whenever he was asked to bring sugar, tea,
and cloth, he managed to produce them in a very short time from far
away cities. Mirza Kachat was fond of riding. If some guest came
to visit the Shah, Mirza Kachat used to take away his horse at night
and gallop it the whole night, so that the next morning the guest
would find his horse drenched in sweat. Mirza Kachat ate one full
load of bread together with a cooked goat. The Shah sent this
berio zandar (see above) with his daughter to Mulkho in Chitral
where she was married, and for several years Mirza Kachat served in
that house in Mulkho. Everybody knows about Mirza Kachat in Chitral.
(2) Once upon a time a berio zandar took up its abode at the
junction of the two rivers above Chitral village. This place is
called Gankorini ('the windy place'). He used to address travellers
who were alone by name and when the traveller answered, the zandar
overtook that person and killed him. On account of this, travellers
considered it lulsafe to pass by that place in the early morning and
during the night. So the villagers of Singoa (Singoor is a village
near this junction) were in great trouble.
There happened to live a very brave man in Singoor village.
As there is a shortage of water in this village, the brave man
asked for two extra shares of water from the villagers if he were
able to kill the zandar. The villagers agreed to this proposal.
SO the man took a large knife and a piece of rope and rode on his
horse to that place where the zandar lived. He gave instructions
in his house that they should let loose his hounds as soon as they
heard the sound of his horse galloping. Then he went to the place
of the zandar and as usual the zandar called him and he answered:
llcome along and ride behind me." So the zandar jumped up and sat
behind him on the saddle. He tied the zandar firmly to himeelf and
galloped off towards the village; at the same time he thrust hie
large knife into the belly of the zandar. When he came close to the
village, his two hounds came out to receive him. He put down the
zandar, half dead, and the two dogs finished him. Next day the
villagers found the carcase of a donkey on the spot where the zandar
had been eaten up by the dogs. The extra share of water enjoyed by
the descendants of this brave man is a testimony to this event.
(3) Once upon a time a fellow was crossing Shandur Pass.
(About 10,000 feet high and lies on the border of Chitral with Gilgit).
It became dark as he reached the top of Shandur, so he went to a
small hut to spend the night. While he was lighting a fire he noticed
that the body of a dead traveller was lying on the floor of the hut.
Gn hour later he saw a zandar enter the hut, its body covered with
black hairs. It had huge teeth and an angry face. It began to eat
the dead body, every now and then glancing at the new traveller who
was spending the night in the hut. By midnight the traveller heard
the sound of some other being approaching the hut, and quite suddenly
his dog, whom he had left behind at home, entered the hut. Now both
the man and his dog fought the zandar who fled away into the darkness
followed by the dog. The following day the dog was found dead next
to the carcase of a magpie.
(4) 4 brother of the Hakim of Shishikoh (a remote valley) was
once carried away by fairies when he was strolling by the riverside.
As people imagined that he had been carried away by the river, they
searched in vain all along the river bank. Several years later a
fellow called Tzong from the village of Shishi was also taken away by
fairies. After a few days he was found unconscious in some thorny
bushes. When he recovered he informed the mother of the Hakim that
he had been taken to Tirich Mir by fairies and there he had met her
son who was now married to the daughter of Katur (the first of the
Present royal family of Chitral) born from a fairy wife. Because of
the advice of the La1 (noble man) he had refused to drink the cup of
blood which he had been offered, and so had been sent back and
thrown into the thorny bushes where he had lain unconscious until the
villagers found him. He related this story to the relatives of the
Hakim.
(5) Once upon a time there lived a man in a solitary house in
Mulkho (a district in upper Chitral). His friend, a brave man called
Moghol Khan from another village, learnt that his friend was serious-
ly ill and desired very much to have a last look at him. So Moghol
Khan went to his friend's house immediately, arriving there as dusk
fell. He found that only a few moments before his arrival his
friend had breathed his last. Except for the dead friend's wife
there was no one else present. So Moghol Khan sent this woman to
the nearest village, 10 miles away, to inform the people that her
husband was dead. Meanwhile he made a fire and stayed alone in the
room with the dead body. All went well until midnight when all of
a sudden the dead man rose from the bed and began to wrestle with
him. After some struggle Moghol Khan managed to throw the dead body
onto the bed again. But a few minutes later the dead body again
rose up and it took some time to get it back onto the bed. So this
time Moghol Khan kept the door of the house open i n case o f another
attempt of the body to rise and fight with him. After a while he
again heard the sound o f the dead body trying to get up. So at
once he ran out of the door but to his surprise he saw the dead
body following him. Instead of running along the path Moghol Khan
ran through an irrigated crop field, periodically sinking knee-deep
in the mud. The dead man was following him through the mud. How-
ever, Moghol Khan managed to gain a furlong's distance on the body,
but he did not venture to return to the house but continued along
the road to the village. On the way he met the people who were
coming to the dead man's house. By this time it was morning. When
they came to the house they found that the deceased's legs were
covered with mud and they saw the footprints of the two men in the
field which proved that Moghol Khan's report was true.
There are many such events which are known to the people of
Chitral. These stories help to strengthen their belief in the
existence o f fairies and other supernatural beings.
Betan.
In olden days there used to be persons who knew to communicate
with fairies and spirits. They were called betans and could get
into a semi-unconscious state of trance accompanied by wild gestures.
If asked any questions while they were in this state, the fairy in
them would make prophecies which were often correct.
A betan could get into this semi-conscious state at will, although
generally some ceremonial acts were performed before inducing him to
go into that state. The trance state is termed betan ungeik (verbal-
ly meaning 'betan getting wild1). It is said that a betan cannot
assume the state of trance in a polluted place. So first of all
the trance spot must be purified (oshniru) by offering the sacrifice
of a he-goat. After this juniper branches are burnt on a fire; flour
and ghee (melted butter) are likewise burnt on the fire, as incensee
Some water is sprinkled, out of a pot, on all sides by the betan him-
self. During these ceremonial acts the betan is engaged in reciting
certain 'hymns' while the smoke from the sacrificed goat and the ghee
and the flour falls on his face. After this, amid wild gestures and
utterances, he makes his prophecies.
A well known prophecy was made by a betan to Sardar Nizhm-ul-Mulk
(an exiled prince of Chitral) during his stay in Gilgit. Qn the
night when another prince, Shir Afzal murdered his nephew, Afzal-ul-
Mulk, the present ruler of Chitral, a betan announced in Gilgit that
a bull had been slaughtered in Chitral and was being skinned in front
of the Chitral fort.
There are still betans among the Black Kafirs (Kalash), but they
are not so efficient as in olden days. Formerly betans used to
exist all over Chitral and Gilgit Agency.
Disease Due to Fairies.
Bohtuik (hysteria phobia): It is believed that fairies get into the
bodies of human beings. Sometimes this is because they have fallen
fn love with that particular person. But very often they do it to
revenge some injury inflicted on them or their children by the
person whom they later possess. Possession by a fairy shows itself
in fits. When a person has a fit he acts differently: some people
acquire extraordinary strength so that even three or four persons
cannot control their wild movements. Others become talkative and
even speak other languages than their own, or recite the Holy Quran
and passages from other books. In the case of some people two or
three different fairies may possess them. They enter them at dif-
ferent times. Their habits and talk can be differentiated one from
the other. Each one relates a different story about himself. Some
of them are believers in God and religion, whereas others are non-
believers. Some always speak the truth, others are liars. Women-
folk very often fall victims but sometimes men also Suffer- Young
People more commonly get into fits than old people.
Mergi (epilepsy): Mergi is also accounted for by fairies. It is
thought that Mergi is deaf and dumb so that any amount of chanting
hymns, etc. will not be effective. The victim will not talk nor
respond to the efforts of the pari khan (the spiritual healer who
can cure hysteria). The same kind of fairy is Kodakan who attacks
infants and is often the cause of their death. Doctors think that
they have died on account of constipation. There are people who are
well versed in writing charms, etc. for such children, or for
romance in grownups.
A pari khan means one who knows fairies and is usually an expert
on autosuggestion. He also writes charms, prepares talismans and
is consulted about obscure ailments and matrimonial dysharmony.
Pari Khameiek: The art of ordering the fairies to present themselves
is called pari khameiek. The person who is expert in this art is
called pari khan. The learner has to undergo a lot of tortures and
hardships, e.g., very often he must recite a certain book late at
night, sitting in a spot surrounded by water, The initial step is
to take guidance from an expert. During periods of practice some
horrible apparitions may be experienced by the novice. Sometimes
lions may attack him or a flood may appear to threaten from the
river, or, again, a host of armed men may seem to be going to kill
him, or a ghost may appear. I f the novice shows fright and attempts
to leave the deserted place, he will not only forfeit the chance of
perfecting his training but very often, in addition, will contract
some deformity as well.
Some of the lessons are performed in graveyards or in remote
forests. An expert can call fairies at will and request them to
bring things for him. But the expert has to observe certain re-
strictions, otherwise there is constant danger that the fairies
may harm him.
Demik: To treat a person who suffers from hysteria is called demik.
There are several stages to the treatment:
(a) the patient is made to sit in front of the pari khan who
recites some words which send the patient into a fit.
(b) the pari khan will then enquire about the whereabouts of
the fairy.
(c) the pari khan will interrogate the fairy and try to elicit
his reasons for entering the body of the sick person.
(d) the pari khan requests the fairy to leave the body of the
sick person.
(e) If the pari khan does not succeed in this request, he will
make oaths against the fairy. The fairy himself will falsely give
oaths in the name of God but he will not give oaths in the name of
Suleiman and his finger ring.
(f) If this cursing should also fail, then the pari Khan will
punish the fairy with charmed sticks.
($1 In the final stage, the pari khan will make an effigy of
a small human figure in kneeded flour. Then he will take a knife
and, after reciting some charms, will order the fairy to quit or
otherwise lose his ear. If the pari khan cute off hie ear the fairy
will shriek, but if he resists the limbs of the effigy are chopped
off one by one with the knife. If the fairy goes away, so much the
better; but if he insists on staying, then the pari khan will final-
ly kill him by cutting the neck off the figure so that the patient
is rid of the fairy once and for all.
It is said that times when the affecting fairy is etrong and cruel
then during such a procedure either the patient may die or the pari
khan who attempts its removal may meet an ill fate and die mysterious-
ly. It is be1.ieved that a pari khan tames a number of fairiee or a
chief fairy and through them performs various jobe. A pari khan
could be of either sex.

Superstitiona in Chitral
In Chitral., as in all parts of the world, superstitions are common.
However, contact with other peoples and religions, as well as educat-
ion, have lessened the belief in such superstitions. Knowledge of
them will help to understand some tendencies of the people. It may
also help in tracing the origin of the people if compared with super-
stitions of other countries.
Some of the superstitions may have been created to prohibit
children from doing some harmful or awkward acts. Similarly, some
of them induce people to perform useful acts. Others may be remnants
of some ancient cult which might have existed in pre-Islamic times.
Whatever the origin of these superstitions, they have come to be
accepted as general taboos.
1. If you see a fox while going on a journey you will be success-
ful and gain profit and favours.
20 While going on a journey or entering a house after a journey,
one should look on the face of a lucky person called pathakin. On
such occasions, if one looks on the face of a man whose hairs are
turned upward, called pharnach, one will suffer all kinds of bad
luck.
3. On similar occasions, dogs and cats should not be allowed to
come in front of a person, as they are apt to cause bad luck if
seen first.
4. While leaving for a journey, the right foot should Step out of
the house first; if the left foot steps out first, this will induce
bad 'luck.
5. The room from which one leaves on a journey should not be swept
on the same day, no= the carpets and furniture removed from it on the
same day. If this taboo is not kept, the journey will last for a
very long time. To avoid this misfortune one should make sure that
the carpets and furniture are removed some time before the departure
of the traveller. Perhaps this superstition was invented to prevent
the loss of articles if they were gathered together in haste.
6. On Friday, one should not make a journey towards the South.
7. Tuesdays and Saturdays are not propitious for journeys. If
one goes on either of these days, the journey will be full of mis-
haps.
8. The star Mercury (Murikh - in Chitrali) is a very unlucky star.
I f this star is before one, the journey should not be made.
9. Some days in the month are unlucky for commencing journeys and
should be avoided.
10. If it is impossible, for some reason, to avoid an unauspicious
day, then the traveller should go out the previous day for some
distance along his route and place some of his goods, or at least
his walking-stick, on the path, and then return to spend the night
in his own house. This is called safar nisik ('simily of a journey').
By doing this, his journey may be counted from the previous day, and
so one can bluff the evil spirits.
11. When the traveller steps outside his door, some dust should be
collected from under his feet. This action will ensure his safe re-
turn.
12. As soon as thtraveller has set out on his journey, a bowl filled
with water and containing some green twigs should be set outside the
house. This will ensure that the journey will be successful.
13. Ashes should not be thrown out of a house immediately after
someone has set out on a journey. This would cause misfortune.
14. Until the traveller reaches his destination, n o one should
comb their hair, as this would attract bad luck for the traveller.
15. Doors should not be closed after a traveller, because the
closed door is an unlucky omen.
16. Similarly fire should not be extinguished just after departure,
because the extinguishing of a fire spells r ~ ~ i n a t i oof
n the house.
Marriage Superstitions.
1. The bride should prepare tsotsp (a kind of malted pudding)
just before leaving her father's house. A little of the pudding
should be rubbed against shero thun ('the venerable pillar') 1
2. The bride should pay homage to shero thun as well as to gulkhan,
the hearth.
3. The mother of the bride should not leave the room to say goodbye-

1) Cf. Hussam-ul-Mulk and John Staley 1968, p.102f.

 ~f she leaves the room the daughter will not be happy in her hueband's
house .
4. After saying goodbye to her mother, the bride should not look
back, otherwise she will frequently come back from her hueband'e
house to her father's house with grievances.
5. The first person who takes a bite out of the ieperi banu
(1.e. the bride or the groom) will have the upper hand throughout
their married life. Isperi banu is the first meal during the
wedding - equivalent to a wedding cake.
6. If either the bride or the groom puts a corner of the other's
garments under his or her foot during the course of the marriage
ceremony, that person will be the stronger during their married
life.
7. If the bride's hands and feet are washed and if she then
sprinkles the water in the four corners of the house, she will have
a happy and successful life in that house.
8. When antimony shows quite black in the eyes, this is because
he or she is loved by somebody. (Antimony powder is used as a collyri-
Un.
9. The bride should carry some millet and sugar with her to her
husband's house, so that she may have many children like millet and
be happy like sugar.
10. The bride should not be allowed to remain aloof least fairies
take her.
11. For the same reason, the groom should not be allowed to go
out of the house for seven days.
12. If a bride or bridegroom had the habit of eating from cooking
pots (i.e. licking the pots), it will rain at their marriage
procession.
Superstitions about Shikar (Hunting).
1. Before going on shikar the tshawan (fairy) of the particular
valley should be entreated (tshintik), otherwise this fairy acting
as shepherd will not permit game to be killed.
2* Some pieces of bread and gunpowder should be placed on stones
at the mouth of the valley. These are offerings for the fairies*
The act is called ishtareik.
3. While tying a stripe of goat's skin round one's foot and leg as
a sort of legging (taching) one should not talk of botik ('to tie')
but should say polik ('to wind'). If the hunter uses the word botik
his luck will also be tied and he will not be able to shoot the
game.
4- As soon as game is shot, the hunter should immediately sing
shoru, a song in praise of the kill, otherwise he will not be able
to kill game in the future.
5. Anyone who shoots batkhar, an animal so young and small that
ears and horns are still of equal size, will not be able to shoot
another animal for many years.
6. If, after shooting an animal its tongue hangs out of its mouth,
this is a sign that the hunter will kill another animal i n the near
future.
7. If over a period of time the hunter is unsuccessful i n shooting,
he should prepare a cake of such a large size that h e , with his
rifle in his hand, is able to pass through a hole made i n the centre
of the cake. The cake should then be distriblited. After this act
his bad luck will vanish.
8. It is better to bring the body of the shot animal to the house
at night and enter by the back door. This is done so that no one
should see the animal and thus harmful publicity and the evil eye
will be avoided. Publicity will prevent the hunter from killing
shikar in future.
9. Should the hunter see a hare while setting out for shikar, he
will not be able to shoot anything that day.
10. Saturday is thought to be a propitious day for hunting.
11. Sometimes fairies assume the shape of markhor or ibex. In such
cases, the gun will misfire or when the hunter aims the animal will
disappear, or the hunter will see a woman instead of a markhor or
ibex. In any event, the hunter should not fire at the animal be-
cause if he does, it will bring illness or misfortune.
12. If one sees i n a dream a funeral, a snowfall or if one shakes
mulberries from a tree, this augurs a good shikar on the following
day.
13. I f one bites one's tongue, this augurs a good shikar.
14. If something one is swallowing gets into the trachea and one
coughs, this is a sign that one is going to eat shikar meat.
Superstitions about Children.
1. If a child sweeps the ground, a guest will come.
2. I f a boy hits the ground with a stick or bangs his foot on the
floor several times, his mother will die.
3. I f a child bends down and looks between his or her legs, a
visitor is expected.
4. I f children do not approach a sick person, this means that the
person cannot be expected to recover but will die of that illness.
5. Anyone who has lost many children, should allow a bunch of hair
to grow on one part of the head of his living child or children.
 6. If a baby does not sleep, it is because he is expecting someone
to come in to the house.
7. While a child is being wrapped in swaddling-clothes for sleep,
nobody should leave the room as otherwise the one who has left
will take away the sleep of the child and the child will not have a
sound rest.
8. If a baby yawns, fingers should be placed over its mouth lest
a fairy should enter it.
9. When a baby weeps it is said that he is having a dream in which
a fox tells him that his mother is dead, but then he suddenly re-
members that a short time before he has sucked milk from her breast,
so he laughs. This is the explanation of babies laughing and weep-
ing.
10. If a baby looks at his or her hands, he may get ill.
11. Should anyone die in the neighbourhood, some black marks
should be made behind the ears of children.
12. A weapon made of iron should be placed under the pillow of a
newly born child, lest a celestial dog called Halmasti should enter
the room and harm the child.
13. As soon as a child is born, a fairy who causes kodakan (fits of
convulsions) sits over the smoke-hole of the room in which the child
lies. If people do not keep awake in that room both night and day,
this fairy will attack the infant.
14. I f a baby is taken on a first journey some small cakes should
be carried with him. One cake should be placed by the side of each
stream the travellers pass. When this is not done, a fairy attacks
the baby.
15- When a child hiccups, it is said that he is working and is
thought to be a good sign for the recovery of the child if he happens
to be ill..
16. If a childls first words refer to his father or brother, it is
said that the next child will be a son; if he refers first to his
mother or sister, then the next child will be a daughter.
17- If children are born to several couples in the same month, the
Parents of the respective children should change their headgear
when they see each other for the first time after the birth, or
else the babies willhave boils.
Superstitions about the Body.
If the right eyelid twitches, this is a sign that a relative of
the father will come to the house.
2* If the left eyelid twitches, a maternal relative will come-
3- If the left hand itches, one will give something t~ others.
4. If the right hand itches, one will receive something from
others.
5. I f the right ear is irritating on a cloudy day, then the clouds
will clear up.
6. If the left ear is irritating, this is a sign that clouds will
gather.
7. If one's lips are sore, this is an indication that one's be-
loved will come.
8. If one feels some irritation of the lips and nose, this is a
sign that someone will die.
9. Itching of the soles of the feet indicate that one will be
going on a journey.
10. Irritation of the jaw indicates that a child will be born to
a man.
11. If the right ear is hot, somebody is praising that person.
12. If the left ear is hot, then somebody is speaking against
that person.
13. I f the comb falls out of one's hand, a visitor is expected.
14. If a woman's hair becomes knotted, this means that some man
is feeling the absence of the woman.
15. If a woman combs her hair on Sunday, her brother will die.
16. If a woman combs her hair on Wednesday, her husband will die.
17. If she combs her hair in the evening, her mother wil.1 die.
18. If one looks in a mirror at night one's life will become
shorter.
19. If one bites one's tongue, one will get a lot of meat to eat.
20. If one's nose itches one will get meat to eat.
21. If one snores it is thought to be a good omen.
22. I f one has an extra finger this is considered to be lucky.
23. If the first toe of a man is longer than the others, this
man will have the upper hand over his wife.
24. If the second toe is longer than the others, then the man's
wife will have the upper hand.
25. If all toes are of equal size a man is lucky.
26. If a woman's eyes are very white or blue, she is not reliable.
27. If two persons should by chance stretch their hands to eat
one thing, they will live until the following year.
Superstitioils about Illness and Death.
1. If a patient yawns or sneezes it is a sign of recovery.
2. If an animal is sacrificed after leading it thrice round the
bed of a sick person, then the sick person will get better.
3. If while a person is dying one of his eyes remains open, this
means that he i s awaiting the arrival of a loved one.
4. I f while digging a grave a large stone appears, this is a sign
of bad luck for the dead.
5, If a dead body is left unburied in open ground, it will rain
for a long time. This is called nashli.
6, If some portion of the shroud of the dead person is found in
its mouth, this means that some other person i n the family will also
die soon.
7. The house should not be swept for at least three days after
death.
8. No furniture o r other articles should be removed from the
room in which death h a s occurred, least some other person should
die in that house.
9. When t h e house is swept for the first time after a death, an
appropriate person should perform this duty (a rayat, i.e., a
slave 1.
10. The sweeper should not sweep with his broom towards the front
of another person, a s this would be a sign that others would be
swept out o f t h e house. S o the sweeping should be done backwards.
11. The sweeper should have hard stone, for example a flint, in his
or her hand while sweeping.
12. In t h e place where the dead body is washed, a piece o f iron
should be buried s o that nobody will die in succession.
13. After a funeral party has left the house, a nail should be
hammered i n the lower panel of the door t o prevent another funeral
taking place t o o s o o n afterwards.
14. I f a grave i s dug i n a n e w spot this fact will invite others
to die and be buried n e a r the same place.
15. I f anyone dies o n Friday, h e or she will escape interrogation
until the Resurrection.
16. Dying on Tuesday or Saturday is not good and such persons are
thought t o be unlucky.
17. In t h e evening the souls of dead ancestors come t o the house
so the doors should not be closed at that time.
18. Just before burying a person, cooked food called tsar or
ushtrukh should be given to the poor. It would either be cooked
rice or curry and bread and distributed among the poor-
19- Friday nights after death, cooked food should be sent to
the mosque for t h e sake of t h e dead relative.
20. On the third w e e k of the month of Ramazan (the month of fast-
ing) cooked food should be offered to the poor for the sake of the
dead.
Superstitions about Animals.
1. I f a dog has a round mark over each eye, no ghost will enter the
house of his master.
2. I f a dog makes a weeping noise this is a bad omen.
3. A white spot on the forehead of a horse is not a good sign.
I f , however, the spot is a large one or so small as to be covered
by a thumb, then it is not important.
4. When three legs of a horse are white at the ankle, this is a
bad sign.
5. The crying of cats presages the death of a sick person.
6. Sllould a cock crow late in the afternoon, it should be slaughter-
ed lest the owner die.
Superstitions about Rain.
1.. If the names of seven bald persons are written on a piece of
paper and this paper hung outside i n the rain, the rain will stop.
2. A piece of flint stone from the grave of a martyr should be
placed in the fire. When it gets hot it should then be thrown on
the roof of the house. This will cause the rain to stop.
3. If one holds one's breath and writes "K" (an abbreviation of a
prayer in which "Ktl occurs forty times) forty times and hangs the
paper out in the rain, the rain will stop.
4. The names of seven unbelievers should be written on a piece of
paper ar~dplaced in a fire so that it is burnt slowly. This will
also stop the rain.
5. As rains are thougllt to be caused by fairies, in order to
invoke them one should place some scraps of bread and ghec on a plate
and put some charcoal over it. When the smoke rises from this the
fairies are pleased and stop the rain. This is called wor drek
(incense).
6. When on rainy days the sun shines for a short time, any person
who is born at that time should burn the sunlight with a hot iron
to get rid of the rain.
7. I f the sky clears up at night and a few stars appear, these
stars should be counted and given into the charge of a blue-eyed
person.
8. If old graves are plastered it will rain.
9. When stones are thrown into some natural lake on a mountain
top, it will rain.
10. If certain flowers are plucked on high mountains, it will rain.
11. Charms may be tied round the neck of a frog which is kept in
water to produce rain.
12. It is said that a woman devil churns milk in the sky in a
pitcher. The pitcher falls down and rolls on the ground, that
makes the rumbling noise of thunder.
13. Lightening is the lashing of the clouds by angels.
14. If a dead body remains unburied (i.e., uncovered by earth)
this causes rain.
Miscellaneous Superstitions.
1. If a person works on embroidery during either of the two &-&
the needle will prick into the eye of dead relatives. (Ids are
Muslim 1.eligj.o~~
festivals at the end of the month of fasting and
later at the time of pilgrimage to Mecca).
2. If anyone who urinates on a road, smoke will come towards him
whenever a fire is made.
3. If a fire makes a noise while burning, there will be a quarrel
in the house.
 ANNEX: SOME NOTES ON PERSONALITY AND ACHIEVEMENTS
OF SHAHZADA HUSSAM-UL-MULK

Janet Pott

The Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk is the grandson of Mehtar Aman-ul-

Mulk who ruled Chitral for half a century up to 1892, and the son
of Mehtar Shuja-ul-Mulk who also ruled for many years.
He has held high office in the Government of Chitral, and as
Chief Secretary to the Mehtar - the hereditary ruler of Chitral -
he visited Afghanistan and many Indian States before settling in
Drosh as Governor of that Chitrali province.
During the last forty years, the Shahzada has done much to improve
the conditions of the people of Drosh, by certain alterations in
legal rights and by extensive irrigation schemes which brought fresh
land under cultivation and made possible the installation of a small
hydro-electric plant in Drosh.
Besides being a capable administrator and a benevolent landlord,
the Shahzada has many interests, including sport and horticulture,
but above all he is a scholar, well-read in Western as well as
Eastern cultures.
Khowar, the regional Chitrali language, was largely oral until
the Shahzada developed it as a written language and wrote a Khowar
text-book for schools. He spent five years in translating the Holy
Koran into Khowar.
For many years he has studied and taken a great interest in the
archaeology and history of Chitral and in its culture through the
centuries.
As he explains in the introduction to his collection of Chitrali
Folk-lore, it is his desire to preserve the traditions and mythology
of his country and to bring them to the notice of interested people
beyond the borders of Chitral which have led him to the collection
and publication of the Chitrali Folk-lore, Proverbs and Customs and
of the Kalash Mythology.
The Kalash are a group of people living in Western Chitral who
have adopted the Moslem faith but continue to practice their original
and much older poly-theistic religion ar~d customs. Their beilefs were
once much more widely spread, and some of their customs, perhaps
unconsciously, continue to be used in the rest of Chitral.
Although I have personally only had a brief opportunity of visit-
ing Chitral and meeting Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk, I share in his
interest in the preservation of the culture of this unique district,
and I also share in his delight in telling traditional stories to
one s grandchildren.
Some years ago, my daughter and son-in-law John and Elizabeth
Staley spent several months traveling and studying in Chitral and
Gilgit, and received warm hospitality from the Shahzada and from
many other Chitralis. I joined them for a brief trip to Chitral
in 1967 and one of my happiest memories of that titne was the visit
we paid to the Shahzada. With great courtesy and charm he received
us in his beautiful old palace at Drosh, gave us refreshment, told
us something of his work and of his country and showed us the fruit
trees and plants growing in his idyllic garden.
Since then, members of his family have visited me in London, and
the suggestion came that these stories might be published in Englieh.
It was a great disappointment that owing to ill-hoalth the
Shahzada was unable to accept the invitation to the 'Hindu Kush
Cultural Conferencet at Moesgaard in Denmark in 1970, where these
papers were presented.
 THE FUTURE OF NURISTAN AND KALASH AREAS

Wazir Ali Shah

Various gentlemen including Mr. Yusuf Nuristani have spoken on

this subject and have touched almost every aspect of the problem.
I have not much to add to it but at the same time would like to invite
your attention to some basic facts and problems faced by the people
of these regions.
As you know the Hindu-Kush region which is the subject of this
conference is a remote area lying at the meeting-place of the front-
iers of several countries. In the past, when they were small independ-
ant principalities they followed their own way of life which was
based 011 the local conditions. In the first half of this century
these areas were absorbed by larger countries, but even then as these
larger countries were not fully developed and were not in a position
to take development projects to the remote corners of their domains
(which the Hindu-Kush region is), the people of these areas went on
living as they lived before.
In the recent past however great changes have come over the entire
continent. With the advent of Independence, Pakistan, like other newly
independent and developing countries, has been taking rapid steps
towards developing the land and the effect has even reached the remote
corners around the Hindu-Kush. Similarly Afghanistan has been aiming
at improving the lot of its people all over the country and the effect
of new civilization has reached its own backdoors in the Nuristan
area. These countries have also been able to increase the tempo of
their development and progress as a result of generous help and assist-
ance rendered by friendly powers in Europe who have been rendering
help in money, material and know-how to all the developing countries
partly for political reasons (to win over friends) and partly on
humanitarian grounds.
1

Thus it will no longer be possible to stem the tide of change in

these regions and it is evident that change may mean, rightly or
wrongly, to turn villages into cities, to make roads, schools, hospit-
als, to wear modern style clothes, to make better homes with running
water, electric lights and so on. The old culture and traditions of

1) The only ambulance in Chitral is a gift of the Queen of the Nether-

lands.
these areas were however founded on the basic concept that the new
benefits of the civilized world or developed world did not exist there
and they had to have their own solution^ for their problem^. It would
]lowever be impossible to expect of a Nuristani or a Kalash to continue
to live in their old smoky houses, to burn the 'deodar1 wood for
light, to refrain from sending his children to school or to avoid go-
ing to the village dispensary for treatment. But then if they atart
taking advantage of the new benefits, the old culture is likely to
suffer. The witch doctor would go out of business, the young ones
will go to school instead of to pastures, a fireplace will have to be
fixed instead of the traditional Ikumal1 (opening in the ceiling) in
Kalash and Kho houses. These are just a few examples and it is
evident that with the advent of developed society and the availability
of modern facilities the entire way of life of the people of these
areas will undergo a great change.
In view of the above I would suggest that instead of "protectingu
the culture and traditions, which the people can decide for themselves,
we should concentrate on the preservation of certain historical, re-
ligious and other cultural buildings along with their contents so
that some trace of the old culture, houses and religious shrines etc.
will remain for the world as well as the changing people themselves,
after they have entered and gone far towards modern progress. As an
example I would mention the Old Tovm in Aarhus which the Danish
Government has maintained.
I would further add that both Pakistan and Afghanistan are develop-
ing countries and have not enough resources to undertake such schemes
on a large scale in a truly scientific way as is required in such
cases, because they are obliged to meet the problems of the present
day much more urgently than the preservation of old traditions and
cultures. The conference should therefore request UNESCO and other
official bodies to extend help to the Governments of Pakistan and
Afghanistan in ttlese efforts by donations in cash and equipment and
know-how. Similar help can be given by universities and other
foundations .
 THE NURISTANI HOUSE
(P1.2 -.a)
Lennart Edelberg

This l e c t u r e w i l l deal with t h e craftsmanship of t h e bPr1 ( t h e

c r a f t s m e n o f N u r i s t a n ) f o r which I h a v e t h e d e e p e s t r e s p e c t .
S i n c e 1948 I have c o l l e c t e d m a t e r i a l f o r a d e s c r i p t i o n of Nuri-
s t a n i b u i l d i n g s a s a w h o l e , b u t h e r e I s h a l l c o n f i n e m y s e l f t.o t h e
N u r i s t a n i house; show what i s t y p i c a l i n s p i t e o f many v a r i a t i o n s
, -.
and a r g u e f o r t h e e s t a b l i s l u n e n t o f t h r e e main t y p e s :
h o u s e , t h e WAIGAL h o u s e a n d t h e BASHGAL h o u s e ( P 1 . 2 a ) .
t h e PAR-UN -
The t y p i c a l h o u s e e v e r y w h e r e i n N u r i s t a l l i s t w o - s t o r e y e d . The
u p p e r f l o o r c o n i p r i s e s n main room (&), t h e r o o f o f which i s
s u p p o r t e d by f o u r d e c o r a t e d wooden c e d a r p i l l a r s a r o u n d t h e f i r e
place.
-
I n Parutl and i n Waigal t h e s e p i l l a r s a r e e l a b o r a t e l y c a r v e d
a s t h e y were t o o i n B a s h g a l i n 1 8 9 0 . l 111 the centre of t h e roof
o v e r t h e f i r e p l a c e i t i s conlmon t o f i n d a smoke-hole b u i l t u p
according t o t h e d e s i g n which i s b a s e d on wooden
'lanterrl-type'
squares placed d i a g o n a l l y withill each o t h e r (PI. 4 )
2
.
The e n t r a n c e t o t h e i s o r d i n a r i l y the only entrance t o the
house. The l o w e r f l o o r , w h i c h s e r v e s a s s t o r e room, i s e n t e r e d
through an opening i n t h e f l o o r ill a c o r n e r of t h e G.T h i s
opeiling i s u s u a l l y c l o s e d w i t h n t r a p d o o r .
The t y p i c a l w a l l o f t h e (found i n a l l t h r e e a r e a s ) i s b u i l t
o f h o r i z o n t a l l o g s ( W a i g a l i : bail';) k e p t i n p l a c e by v e r t i c a l p o l e s
(Waig.: Y i k ~ i ) which
, a r e a l i t t l e s h o r t e r t h a n t h e d e p t h fro111 f l o o r
t o ceiling i n the and on b o t h s i d e s o f t h e w a l l s t u c k tllrougll
all u p p e r nlid l o w e r wooden clnrnp w i t h two l l o l e s (Waig. : ~lalcuy' ii),
whicll h a v e been i n s e r t e d h o r i z o l l t a l l y i n t o t h o w a l l s o t h a t t h e i r
two e~lclsp r o j e c t from t h e w a l l . Tlie w a l l niay c o ~ l s i s te n t i r e l y of
l l o r i z o ~ i t n lwooden l o g s o r t i m b e r s b u t u s u n l l y ill p l a c e of every
s o c o ~ l dl o g t l l o r e i s n l n y e r 01' s t o ~ l e sc11ld I I I L ~ ~ .

111 Unshgul tllo u s e ol: v e l - t i c n l p o l e s stuclc t h l - o ~ t g l lwoodell clnrnps

i s r a r e torlny ( P 1 . 5 below) ns ~t I I I L ~ S ~llavo bee11 i l l tlio tirnc o f
Robel-Lsoli, s i ~ i c ehe d o e s llot t l e s c r i b o it.

2) ' 1nlltel.ll-type c e i l i n g s ' , whi.cli were u e v e r 111enl1tt o be u s e d ns

s m o k e - h o l e s , wel-o p o p u l n r 11s d e c o r n t i o ~ l i r rlinliy
~ p n r t s of C e ~ l t r a l
A s i a i'ronl t h e citves o f Unrninl, rrlid ' r ~ u ~ - l l u n ~(Wnllg lg IIsuil 1.956) t o
t h e o r l l n t e c e i l i l ~ g.ill tlle 1 1 1 1 1 1 o f Sripi-onle I l ~ l l - n ~ o li ~l ky I'okillg
(She11 'I'surlg We11 - Ao ISli-ll1i11g 1 9 5 7 ) .
 he walls o f the l o w e r store room is nearly always built of .tones.
work is not the responsibility o f the berI, but in done by the

I
/ A solution, which may very justly be called constructive, has
peen found to nearly all t h e architectural problems of the Nurimtan1
house except for that o f t h e access to the entrance. Thim accemr is
ueually clumsy and quite haphazardly built (P1.31, probably because
of the need t o be able t o remove it in a hurry i f an enemy im
approaching. 111 other w o r d s , the Nuristani b;rI have neither invented,
nor imported t h e idea o f the drawbridge. I f a Nuristani ever saw a
drawbridge, I think he would clap his hands and exclaim: "That's the
thing we have always neededl"
-
PARUN. The P a r u n house presents the plainest type. It can most easily
be studied in Pashki (P1.2b), which ia built on a steep rlope, so
that all rubbish slides down the mountain, whereas the rubbish
accumulates i n t h e narrow lanes between the housen in villages like
Dewa, Pronz, and Shtiwe, which are built in the middle of the valley.
These last three villages, therefore, form real tipes with the bases
1
I
of the houses underground.
To reach the entrance of the am; - in Pashki you need to climb the
usual Nuristani l ~ d d e r(a tree trunk with steps hewn out by an adze)
from the ground t o a rather improvised verandah outside the upper
floor.
In Dewa, P r o n z , and Shtiwe the houses frequently are apparently
three-storeyed because some kind o f walled room has been arranged
around a wooden louver over the smoke-hole. In such cases you enter
2
the 5
from t h e (original) roof by means of an indoor ladder.
Between the four supporting pillars and the roof of the two
heavy horizontal beams are inserted. I n Parun (and in ~ a i g a l )these
two beams run parallel w i t h the entrance wall.
-
The Parun am; sometimes have additional pillars nearer the entrance
wall. The beam which they support follows the same direction as the
two main beams.
WAIGAL. The Wnigal house is principally constructed in the same
fashion as the Parul house with the exception that the always
exactly square and has never more than four pillars and, what is very
inlportant, these four pillars reach from the floor of the lower
(ateramgai) to the ceiling of the upper. Ollly the upper part
Of pillars - the part which is visible in the ;;me - is elaborate-

1 ) Edelberg 1972.
2 ) Motnmedi -
Edelberg 1 9 6 8 , fig.7-
ly carved.
Thus the ateramgai has eight pillars, four of which support the
horizontal division between the two storeys, and the above-mentioned
f ~ u rthat support the heavy beams that - as i n Parun - run parallel
with the entrance wall carrying the roof of the whole building.
In Wama, which in this article for convenience is included in the
Waigal area, we find a rectangular verandah outside the entrance and
of the same breadth as the G. The outer edge of this platform is
supported on the cliff by long poles.
But somewhere in the village of Wama and nearly everywhere in the
Waigal valley this platform forms the roof of a panelled hay store
(berimgai) outside the ateramgai (P1.3 and 6). The lower edge of
the hay store is supported on the cliff by long poles. The entrance
to the berimgai is from the ateramgai. But in the harvest season an
opening in the panelled lateral wall of the berimgai is temporarily
arranged so that the access will not be too difficult for the women
who want to bring their hay into the hay store.
The access to the verandah is remarkably primitive and surely not
imputable to the skilful bZri of Waigal. To slip round the corner
of the & from another roof or from the cliff and over to the
verandah you have to tread a little diagonal bridge, which represents
the climax of what the Nuristani can arrange just at random.-

A sillgle house in each village in the Waigal area has a roofed

verandah outside the z. These houses are called kantar & (Pl.
7 and 8). The kantar & was in Kafir time the house of the priest
(uta). The roof of the verandah is supported by pillars that are
extremely elaborately carved and furthermore carry four-headed
capitals in the shape of rams' heads with ammon-horns or similar
design.
BASHGAL. The typical house of the lower ~ a s h ~ a lhas
l an % with
2
four octagonal wooden pillars.
The special feature of the Bashgal house is that the two beams
under the roof run a t r i g h t a n g 1 e s to the entrance
wall and traverse the roofed verandah at the same level and together
with the uppermost beams in the lateral walls. Here they are support-
ed by a row of pillars with very fine decorations and by the ornament-
ed front structure of the house.

1) Bashgal belongs to the ~ a m v i r iand Eastern Kati area. I never

went farther north than Papruk and never visited the Western Kati
area drained by the Ramgal, Kulum and Alingar Rivers.
2) cf. Robertson 1896, p.486.
 ~ ~ ~ a r e n tthis
l y feature is not very old.
Robertson writes1 about
the Bashgal house: "From the lateral walls of the apartment two
large beams cross over, and are mainly supported on the top of the
hearth pillars".2 If the lateral walls are those to the right and
t o the left when you enter the E , which hardly can be doubted,
the above description corresponds to the constructions we have met
with in Parun and Waigal.
The typical walls of the in Bashgal are built without the
use of pik1{ and nakuyta. The wall is actually built exactly as
in the time of ~ o b e r t ~ o n :
"It
~ is usually well built, of cedar
timber, and rubble stones embedded in mud mortar. The timbers,
fashioned with the axe4 alone, and roughly morticed together at
the angles of the building15 form a series of wooden frames upon
and between which the masonry is built."
It is characteristic of house-building in the Bashgal area, that
up to five houses can be built together simultaneously , 6 constitut-
ing a kind of tlsuper-house"giving room for several households
within the same family. If the owner cannot afford to build the
decorated verandah immediately the house may stand unfinished, the
beams of the roof projecting into the open air for years.-

-
The kantar kgt of the Waigal area, about nine in number, in my
opinion represent the most genuine and outstanding features of
Nuristani architecture, whereas the ltsuper-houses'tof Bashgal re-
present the most sophisticated style of building within that part
of Asia.
It is tempting for me to go on and describe the extravagant carv-
ings of the Waigal house and the sophisticated solutions invented by
the Bashgali bZrI when constructing the details of the big verandahs
found in Kamdesh and other big villages, but that would exceed the
limits of this lecture.

1) ibid.
2, This is to a certain degree confirmed by the illustration to face
page 213 in Robertson 1896.
3 ) Robertson 1896, p.484.
4 ) Robertsonts 0- picture (to face p.488) shows a carpenter at this
kind of work, but using the a d z e.
5 ) This is an important point.
6 , The houses c a n be added together successively, too-
 THE TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE OF NURISTAN AND ITS PRESERVATION
Clan Houses and Temples

Lennart Edelberg

Nuristani v i 1 1 a g e s are of outstanding interest by the way

they fit harmoniously into their natural environmen< the steep
forested mountain ridges of the Hindu-Kush.
The Nuristani h o u s e s are unique because o f their fine
architecture and as examples of the meticulous solutions of an
artisan's problems which even enable the houses to withstand the
frequent earthquakes of this unquiet geological zone. Furthermore
they are beautiful, ornamented as their timbers are with excellent
carvings, the style of which differs from one valley to the other.
Many of the houses in Nuristan are so old that they date from the
Kafir time, e.i., before 1896, when the population still was very
isolated and worshipped their own gods and goddesses, some of whom
had Arian names.
All the Kafir t e m p 1 e s have apparently been destroyed and
their appearance is thus only known to us through the descriptions
and pictures in Sir George Scott Robertson: "The Kafirs of the
Hindu-Kush" .
But the houses of the Kafir priests (in the following text called
''clan housesll until such time as we may know more about their funct-
ion) have in several cases been preserved to the present. Certain
religious ceremonies were performed inside them, and we know that in
the clan houses in the Parun valley a wooden idol stood behind the
hearth between the two hindmost of the four carved pillars which
support the roof. One of these statues, the Kafir goddess Disni,
from the clan house of Disni in the village Shtiwe has been saved,
thanks to the care of Mr.Palwa1 and Director Ahmad Ali Motamedi, and
is exhibited in the Kabul Museum. 1
The Disni clan house in Shtiwe was demolished in 1963, but as
already mentioned, other clan houses do still exist. The biggest
one is the Mara clan house in Shtiwe, which is connected with the
village tower of Shtiwe, the last existing tower in the Parun valley.
The other six towers, which were all well preserved until 1954, have

1) KK 11 A , cf.Motamedi - Edelberg 1968.

now been completely destroyed.
The Mara clan house and its tower is a cultural heritage which
ought to be preserved. The house is private property. Whether the
same is true of the tower is still unclear.
Actually the whole village of shtiwel is characteristic of old
parun and remarkable by its low, compact outline dominated by the
rnarkhor-horn-decorated tower. Studies should be undertaken to find
out whether the village itself could be saved as a national monument.
We can already foresee that this cannot be done successfully unleee
steps are taken simultaneously for developing rural life in Parun
valley. This includes sanitation of the underground rooms of the
houses (approximately 50). If life in Shtiwe is not made more
attractive, we risk emigration, but without a population which loves
its village, the village will turn into a ruin.
In the Waigal valley the problems are probably easier to tackle.
Here we find two categories of clan houses: The kantar am; (only
recorded from Zhonchigal) about the function of which we know ex-
tremely little, and the kantar kGt. The kantar kot was - as in Parun -
the house of the priest (uta). As the kantar kots are private
property, a number of them have survived, and not been burned or
ruined like the temples. The first kantar kot which was recorded
is in Berimdesh/Bergele in Waigal village.2 This k ~ n t a rkgt is a
double house and between 1964 and 1970 the owner reatored the left
In doing so the old carved pillars and panels were used.
Architecturally the kantar kots differ from ordinary Waigal houses
by having a r o o f e d verandah with a row of carved pillars and
a panel wall with shutters opening out towards the valley. The carv-
ings of the verandah pillars and the four pillars in the room behind
the verandah (this room is called &) are most unusually because
of their deep incisions and decorations showing human-like faces.
The pillars of the verandah are with capitals carved with two oppos-
ing sets of ram's or gbatls heads.
4
You cannot see these capitals without thinking of the capitals of
Persepolis. Another typical feature of the kantar kGt is a richly
carved, perforated plank supporting the shelf (or the upper and lower
shelves) on the back wall of the &.
1) Altitude 2.600 metres. Shtiwe is situated 300 metres above the
timber line.
2 ) Investigation by Edelberg 1964 (still unpublished).
3 ) "Left'' when standing in the verandah with your back to the inner
room^.
4, A similar fresh pillar (copy?) is in the Kabul Museum. Cf ~A-Dupree
- L-Dupree - Motamedi 1964, p.80 no.25.
 Thc studies of the function of the kantar kots have only just
begull.' So we do not at present know whether an idol was situated
beliiild the hearth in Kafir times. 1 doubt it. But apparently the
house had a religious function and was the place to which the
villagers would go i f they wanted to make a binding agreement or
decision.
The kalltar kot in Waramdesh/Prainta in Waigal village is a
double house. It is situated on the steep mountain side and the
view from its verandah down over the lower village (Berimdesh) and
the wild, forested Waigal valley is beautiful beyond description,
even by Nuristani standards. The house lies a little apart from
other houses, what means less fire-danger in the long run.
Both houses consist of the verandah (x)
which goes uninter-
rupted across the front of both houses. On the back wall of the
-
kr-6 (i.e. the front wall of the K )there are two doors each
leading to an G. The roof is flat. The lower floor consists
of two hay rooms (berinigai) under the and two store rooms
(aterimgai) under the two @. The entrance to the aterimgai is
from a corner of the & through a trapdoor i n the floor. The
entrance to the berimgai is from the aterimgai. The walls of the
-
am; and aterimgai are built from timber and stone, the walls of the
-
kro and Berimgai are panel walls. Under the berimgai this kantar
-
hot has another store room, and - probably - a toilet room, both
of timber and stone walls.
I f the roof of this kantar kot could be made waterproof to modern
standards, the whole spacious block could probably be suitable for a
local museum and a modest, but most attractive rest-house. The
1 e f t house, which seems to be unused for the time being,2 is
fit for museum purposes. Here objects showing interesting aspects
of Kafir and Nuristani culture could be exhibited. An accession's
register, a copy of which should be deposited in the Kabul Museum,
should be kept here. Unique objects should n o t be kept here,
but moved to the Kabul Museum. The of the right house is
suitable as a rest-house for tourist parties up to four visitors
or eight visitors in summer and autumn, when it is pleasant to sleep
in the krij.

1) Investigation made by Jones 1969. Results will be published in KUML*

2 ) In 1970, interviews with prominent persons of Waramdesh were taken
about the prospects here mentioned.
 PRESERVATION OF THE ARCHITECTURAL TRADITION IN NURISTAN

Erik Hansen

It is common by heard that we cannot stop development, and it is

probably right in so far as every living society is constantly
developing; if not it is in stagnation. There was a development from
the older stone age to the neolithic times which most of us would
call progress. It was also a development, and we might say a good
one, when the Roman Empire succumbed after having reached a high
degree of material welfare (for a certain class of people) based on
an extensive exploitation of a great part of the world.
We cannot stop development, but today, and that is characteristic
of our technological achievements, there are many possibilities of
influencing it - if we are wise enough.
The great potentials of the so-called industrial development which
is now touching more or less all the regions of the world, also Nuri-
stan, are on one side the movement of farm workers from the villages
to the towns with such consequences as slums, pollution and isolation
of the individual, on the other side establishment of secondary re-
sidences and tourist accommodations in the countr-. implying dis-
figuration of natural beauties and of harmonious settlements integrat-
ed in the landscape. We know all too well the disastrous consequences
of such a development from the western industrialized countries, what-
ever it is a Greek island, a Danish village or a small town in the
Roman Campagna: the original harmonious community deserted by the
young people, dissolution of the social pattern, loss of the popular
traditions and decay of the architecture not more being kept in re-
pair. In the next stage of this development we find acquisition of
the old houses by townspeople attracted by the beauty of the country-
side, the calm and the sane air, but people who has not the cultural
qualifications to live in the houses and still less to maintain them.
That means degradation and even loss of the architectural tradition.
Finally - as the old houses are not sufficient - the construction of
villas and hotels, roads, parkings and souvenir shops settled in the
attractive surroundings, are bringing along all the bad taste, noise
dirt of the towns resulting in the complete distruction of what was
originally the reason to go to the country. We can observe some stage
or other of this decline in nearly every village of the western Europe-
The state of thillgs is not much different in the villages where the
original population is remaining, profiting by some local development.
The results of the economical progress are in general not used for
real requirements but for status symbols: the chief of the jungle
village is the first to paint his hut, the inhabitants o f the medi-
terranean fishing hamlet prefer the variegated confusion of plastic-
colours for the traditional cheep white-wash of their houses, and it
is told that the first peasants in Denmark who installed water-
closets in their farms didn't use them but continued to relieve them-
selves in the cow-house as before.
In Nuristan we can now see the first windows with glasses made in
the fabric in Chaga-Saray and carried up on the back. It means
probably that the Nuristanis find their houses dark inside, but it
is also a sign of welfare that they can afford to buy Itmodernlt
windows, and it is certainly a presage of the decline of the whole
architecture, for such prefabricated windows don't fit into the in-
genious timber buildings as it is cutting all the logs and thus
destroying the connection of the whole construction. And since the
fault is scarcely attributed to the window s o much desired, but to
the house, we will soon see the whole building tradition degenerate
and eventually the wood, the stone and the clay replaced by concrete,
bricks and lime-mortar, as it is already the case i n Chaga-Saray.
As there is n o tradition here for construction with these materials,
we may easily foresee moist and badly isolated buildings, over-
populated as they are more expensive, and following decrease of the
health condition, briefly: slum.

Afghanistan who is conscious of its cultural heritage and has

given proof of this attitude by a generous contribution to the
salvation of the monuments of Nubia some years ago, and by large
annual grants for conservation of the historical monuments in the
country, is from this year in possession of an important instrument
for preservation of the cultural heritage: a protective inventory of
monuments and sites, consisting of index cards, one for each monument
or site, giving information of the dates, appearance, construction,
state of conservation, dangers and possibilities of preservation of
each building, besides a documentation in form of photographs and
measured drawings. Here is in the first turn thought of the great
historical monunients, but nothing would be more natural than to
extend the interest to outstanding examples of the traditional
architecture, and it would be most importa~zt if all the scholars
who are travelli~ig in Nuristan would help to con~plete the index
cards for this part of the country, giving thus the responsible
authorities a summary of the architectural values included so that
 they can intervene in time, by protective meaeures, acquirement.
restrictions.
In this way it would be possible to save some of the most important
examples of Nuristani buildings, and this should in any case be done.
But no governmental interference would be able to preserve a whole
village, if the houses are left and not maintained, or if the archi-
tectural tradition necessary for the repair or the renovation is
dying out. The proper way to protect the old architecture in Nuri-
stan and its culture as a whole, would therefore be to keep the
tradition living by making the existence in the villages more
attractive, that means by giving the inhabitants part in the advant-
ages they seek in the towns: a less drudgery existence, medical care,
education, cultural activities, or with other words by favoring a
harmonious development of the villages without the unbearable back-
sides of the towns, and that is still possible in this unspoiled
privileged site. Thus the preservation of the traditional architect-
ure is first of all a question of agriculture, forestry and cattle-
breeding. Irrealistic would somebody say, but do the monotonous
work in the fabrics, the polluted atmosphere, the mental diseases
and all the other social problems in the urban agglomerations belong
to the realities wanted for by mankind?
A project of this kind can neither be realised through government-
al prescriptions nor through large-scale expert assistance, but only
through the initiative of the population itself guided by advisers
whom they know and in whom they have confidence, and who on their
side know the region and are able to consider it from an ecological
point of view - in the widest meaning of the word.
With this purpose one would propose a small group of scholars, for
instance an all-round natural-scientist, an ethnographer and an
architect, to work together in Nuristan for one year with the follow-
ing programme :
1. to make the inhabitants conscious of the values and the coherence
of their own culture and discuss with them the consequences of
eventual changes;
2- to help them to develop simple methods for improvement of their
agriculture, forestry, cattle-breeding and eventually also the
architecture (if windows or toilets are wanted, study the
possibilities to integrate them in the tradition);
3- to make a survey of vegetation and of animal life, registrate
cultural traditions and objects, and study in general the
relation between man and nature;
4. to establish a long term plan of development for the regi0n
 a cultural, social and economic point of view taking in account
all the interfering factors and with regard to the general
development of the country.
In a world of violent alteration, under the expanding industrializ
ation and urbanisation, the suppression of the traditional cultures
means not only the loss of artistical, natural and social values,
but also the loss of experience and knowledge of mankind acquired
through thousands of years. Nuristan is still one of the parts in
the world where one can study the skill of man to create a high
culture within the limits of a savage and capricious nature. An
examination of the possibilities for such a culture to survive in
our times would have a general interest for all the countries in the
world, also the most industrialized, where traditional cultures are
disappearing.
Having created a technology which constantly affrighten us with
unforeseen consequences, such a study might help us to find the
deeper values in our existence.
 H I N D U - K U S H CULTURAL C O N F E R E N C E
MOESGARD 1970

10th - 18th of November

Chairman: Georg Morgenstierne, Professor,

Charlotte Anderaenvei 1 9 , Oslo 3 , Norge
Executive Committee:
Halfdan Siiger, Professor, University
of Rrhus, Denmark
Klaus Ferdinand, Head of Dept.of Ethnography,
University of firhue, ~ o e s ~ g r d ,
DK 8270 Hbjbjerg, Denmark
Lennart Edelberg, Conference Secretary,
DK 6760 Ribe, Denmark
Participants:
Georg Buddruss, Professor Dr., Johannes Gutenberg-Universitat,
D 6500 Mainz, Postfach 3980, BR Deutschland
G. Fussman, 2 rue Raymond Bougeot, 21 Chenove, France
Karl Jettmar, Professor Dr., Sudasien-Institut der Universitat Heidel-
berg, D 6900 Heidelberg, BR Deutschland
Schuyler Jones, Ass.Curator, Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford, England
Hasan Kakar, Professor, Kabul University, Afghanistan
Knut Kristiansen, Research Assistant, Indo-Iransk Institutt, Oslo
University, Norge
Wolfgang Lentz, Professor Dr., d 3550 Marburg, Rotenberg 22A,
BR Deutschland
Morten Levy, Keeper of the Danish Folklore Archives, Musicological
Section, Birketinget 6, DK 2300, Copenhagen S , Denmark
Ahmad Ali Motamedi, Director General of the Antiquities of Afghanistan
Kabul Museum, Kabul, Afghanistan
Paul Rovsing Olsen, Keeper of the Danish Folklore Archives, Musicolog.
Section, Birketinget 6, DK 2300 Copenhagen S , Denmark
A.Raziq Palwal, Kabul University, Afghanistan
Janet Pott, Mrs., 56 Addison Avenue, London, W.11, England
Georges Redard, Professor Dr., Jungfraustr.26, CH 3005 Bern, Suisse
Noor Ahmad Shaker, Dr., Director of the Linguistic I n s ~ u t e ,Da
AdabyEt Pohandzey, Kabul University, Afghanistan
WaZir Ali Shah, Government Treasurer, Chitral, Pakistan
Peter Snoy, Dr., Sudasien-Institut der Universitat Heidelberg,
D 6900 Heidelberg, BR Deutschland (formerly ~ a b u l )
Richard F.Strand, POB 3124, Kabul, Afghanistan
Ahmad Yusuf Nuristani, Kabul Univer&y,Afghani~tall
and as guests:
C.Syrach-~arsen, Dr.agro., Forstbotanisk Have, DK 2920 ~harlottenlund,
Denmark
Erik Hansen, Arkitekt, Kunstakademi Copenhagen, Denmark
 LIST OF LECTURERS AND CONTRIBUTORS

November, 11th

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF KAFIRS' MYTHOLOGY

Dir. A.A. Motamedi

THE KAFIR LANGUAGES

Prof. G. Morgenstierne

KAFIR MUSIC
Mr. Morten Levy/Mr. P. Rovsing Olsen

November, 12th

HISTORY
Asst.Prof. Hasan Kakar: The conquest of Kafiristan 1896
Asst.Prof. R.F. Strand: Native accounts of Kam history
Mr. A.R. Palwal
Mr. Wazir Ali Shah

THE NURISTANI HOUSE-TYPES

Mr. Lennart Edelberg

CHITRALI & KALASH HOUSES

Mrs. Janet Pott

November, 13th
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
Asst.Curator Schuyler Jones
Asst.Prof. R.F. Strand

CLAN HOUSES AND TEMPLES

Mr. Lennart Edelberg

PROTECTION OF VALUABLE BUILDINGS

Architect E. Hansen
Dir. A.A. Motamedi

SYMBOLS OF RANK
Mr. Schuyler Jones

RANK AMONG THE KATI, WAMAI & KAM

Mr. Palwal
 November, 14th

I R A N I A N I N F L U E N C E ON T H E CULTURES O F THE HINDUKUSH

Prof. J e t t m a r

THE M A N U S C R I P T O F ABDULLAH: K A F I R LAWS & CUSTOMS

R e s e a r c h A s s t . K. K r i s t i a n s e n

FOLKLORE
M r s . Janet P o t t

L I F E ON T H E MOUNTAIN P A S T U R E
Mr. A . Y u s u f N u r i s t a n i

November, 16th

WESTERN P A R A L L E L S TO T H E DEEDS O F IMRA

P r o f . W. L e n t z

T H E J O S H 1 F E S T I V A L O F T H E KALASH AND I T S R E L I G I O U S IMPORTANCE

P r o f . H. S i i g e r

MYTHOLOGY
P r o f . 6. B u d d r u s s

KALASH MYTHOLOGY
M r . W a z i r A l i Shah

KALASH F E S T I V A L S
D r . P e t e r Snoy

HOLY KALASH P L A C E S
M r s . Janet P o t t

November, 17th

KALASH F E S T I V A L S
M r . A.R. P a l w a l

THE FUTURE O F T H E N U R I S T A N & KALASH AREA

Mr. Klaus Ferdinand
Mr. A.Yusuf N u r i s t a n i
Mr. W a z i r A l i Shah
Mr. A.R. Palwal

THE FORESTS O F NURISTAN

Mr. L e n n a r t E d e l b e r g
M r . C. S y r a c h - L a r s e n

E T H I C O F MUSEUMS
M r . K. F e r d i n a n d
Dir.A.A. Motamedi
 H I N D U - K U S H C U L T U R A L C O N F E R E N C E
MOESCARD 1970

M. le Secrktaire Ghnbral
Ren6 Maheu
UNESCO
Place de Fontenoy
Paris 7
FRANCE

During the Hindu Kush Cultural Conference at ~ o e s ~ g r d

from November 10th to lath, 1970, different aspects of the culture
of Nuristan and Chitral have been discussed among scholars who
were born and/or have worked in the area. Through an inter-
disciplinary cooperation light has been thrown on many scientific
problems.
The Hindu Kush mountain area is unique in combining primary
forests and harmonious indigenous villages with an architecture
of high artistic value, and languages and traditions having deep
historical roots.
I f the rich cultural inheritance of these areas is to survive
the effects of economic and social change, efforts should be made
to ensure that development can take place in such a way that
advancement and traditions can go hand in hand at every level of
the civilization of these areas.
In our opinion to achieve this the following steps should be
taken :

1. The formulation and implementation of landscape planning,

particularly to prevent further forest destruction and soil
erosion.
2. The preservation of certain buildings of outstanding cultural
value and of archaeological sites.
3. The establishment of local museums in the area, preferably
in buildings of architectural interest.
4. The collection of cultural objects from the areas in question
for traditional museum display in Kabul, Chitral and Peshawar.
5. The establishment of rest-houses and some modest hotels in
houses of the local style.
6. Cultural & sociological studies to be undertaken in selected
areas.
7. To develop, in cooperation with the Ministeriee of Education
concerned, materials for use in the schools of Nurietan and
Chitral s o that children may be taught the value of their
environment and understand that culture cannot develop - not
even survive - without being in balance with nature.

The members of this international conference hereby request

UNESCO to consider or to forward to the appropriate international
institution an application for funds to realize the above pro-
posals, which w e unanimously consider to be urgent, through
cooperation with the governments concerned.
Time is short and therefore we propose that this matter should
be thoroughly discussed in Nuristan and Chitral with local and
government authorities so that early action can be taken.
We, the members of the Hindu Kush Cultural Conference Committee,
being in a position to draw upon the experience of scholars who have
carried out fieldwork i n the areas concerned, willingly offer our
assistance in this matter. More details can be provided for each
of the above proposals.
We request that your reply be sent to the Secretary of the
Conference.

0
Moesgard, November lath, 1970.

Georg Morgenstierne
President /
/ Lennart Edelberg
Secretary
Holmevej 1 8
6760 ~ i b e
Denmark
 NOTES O N T H E PLATES

P1.l: to R.F.Strand: Principles o f Kinship Organization among the

Kom Nuristani.
Plates 2 - 8 to L.Edelberg: T h e Nuristani House.
P1.2a: Nuristani house types systematically arranged.
P1.2b: House from Pashki i n Parun valley (inverted - the door is
actually fixed to the left side o f the door-frame). I n the
floor of the store room there are pits for grain covered
by stone lids.
P1.3: House from Zhonchigal i n Waigal. Note the carved pillars
that run through two storeys and the clumsy access to the
platform in front of the entrance to the K.
P1.4: House from Keshtagrom i n the lower Bashgal area. Note the
lantern-type smoke-hole which is used here and there i n
Parun and Waigal too.
(The sections and plans in P1.2,3, and 4 are all copied
with minor alterations from original drawings made according
to Edelbergls directives by Babamorad Feraghi, Kabul Museum.)
P1.5: Triple-house i n Keshtagrom with a modern addition often
used as guest-house to the left. This type o f room has
been invented between 1953 and 1964. (photo: Edelberg 1964).
~ 1 . 6 : House in Zhonchigal i n Waigal. (photo: Edelberg 1964).
P1..7: The interior of the roofed verandah from kantar $
& in
Berimdesh/Waigal village. It is a double house, therefore
the roof is supported by a r o w of pillars. Note the
capitals. (Photo: Edelberg 1964).
P1.8: The of the kantar & in Berimdesh. The light comes
from the same side as the entrance (outside the picture to
the right). (Photo: Edelberg 1970).
Plates 9 - 1 2 to L.Edelberg: The Traditional Architecture
of Nuristan and Its Preservation (Clan Houses and Temples).
(Photos: Edelberg 1964 and 1970).
Pl.9: The entrance of M a r a 1 s clan house (Kusum clan house) in Shtiwe.
P1.lO: The village tower of Shtiwe. It is connected with the M a r a l s
clan house. It is (in 1970) the last existing village tower
in the Parun valley.
P1.11: The kantar & in Berirndesh/Waigal village. The restored part
of the double house is seen ill the background to the right.
P1.12 : The karltar & in Waramdesh/Waigal village.
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 INDEX

(M = map, P1. = plate)

Aarhus , L~US XI,41,119 Bangulai 80

Abdurrahman, Abdur Rahman 4,11, Barandis 102
12,13,14,16,24 Bargam 23
Adoption 5 1 3 6 Bargramata1,UragamatallBagramata1,
Affiliation 44,46,62 Burgarnatol 4,11,13,24,64,M
Affinality 5 1 , 5 6 Dari 4G,47,52,120,121,122,123
Afghan(istan) IX-XII,3,12-14, Baro Mine s.Balumain
i6,23-26,41,44,51,61,62,69, Barrenness 74
116,118,119,128 Bar Zarlgi 101
Afridi 4 Dashaleni, batshaleni, seclusio~lor
Afzal-ul-Mulk 105 segregation house 66,72,76,78,83
Agnate,agnatic 44,46,47,51,52 Bashgal 4,8,11.,16,27,69-71,77,78,
59 80,82,120,122,123,~
Ahura Mazdah 40 Uashkarik s .also Kohj.stani 3
Akbar Khan 100 Batur 64
Al1baum,L.I., 4 2 . Baumann ,H ,39
Alexander 69 Belenickij ,A.M. , lk1
Alingar 4 , 6 , 1 2 2 , M Belnisar 89
Alishang 4 Berimgai 122,126
Allchin,B.& R., 4 2 Betan = Dehar 77,81,104,105
Am: 1 2 0 - 1 2 ~ , 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 , 1 3 6 ~ P 1 . 3 ~ Bhils 40
~1.8 Biddulph IX
Amulet s.charms Bilaterality 51,55
Ancestor 21,71,72,77,84,113 Bin6rm 22
Anjuman pass IX, M. Binyb 22,52
Antimony 75,109 Biori 70
Ara 64 Birir 71,77,79,80,82,83,93,M
Aramuch 65 Birkot 91.
Arandu 6,70,M. Bisale 93
Arkari 70 Bohten dayak 100
Arrow 2 7 , 2 9 1 7 7 1 7 8 1 8 2 1 8 3 , 8 4 Rohtuik 105
Aryan 42,69,124 Bolte,J., 35
Asakal, aqsaqal 70 Bomboret,Bumburet,Bumboret 4,13,.14,
Ashkun 6,7,8,34,M. i6,24,25,6~,70171,76,78,79~80,84,
Ateramgai,aterimgai 121,122,126 85 ,M
A t s e ~s.Azei Bon religion XI
Atrozan 46,47 Boorne,A., XIV,96
Avagana 41 BOW 83,84
Avesta(n) I X , 1 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Bread,loaf 18119127,64,66,67174183
Ayun 79,81,85,89,M 93,97199,102
Azar (Shaikh Abdullah Khan) 11, BrhatsamhitH l11
12,14-17,64,65 Rrumotul 11,M
Azei 27 Brun 79,80
Bubur 43
Budalak 93
Badakhshan 1,24,43,70 Buddhist XI,4,35,71
Badiluk 29 Buddruss, G.X,5,31,35,39,131,133
Bagisht-ta 65 - - Biini 22
Bagiz 26 ( = ~ a ~ i s h t ) Bulesing 70,79
Bagorai 8 2 ~ ~ 1 bullock
1 , 27,35,37,68,76,79,
Bahadur 28 81,105
Bahman 70 Burdun 15
Bahuk lake 89 Burushaski 1
Bailam 91 Butter, s.also ghee 44,66,74
Balah 101
Balahisar 70
Balanguru 87 Carving 1,46,120-124,136
Balumain 71,75,78,81,85 Cat 27,75,82,98,107,113
Bamian 120 Cattle (cow,ox) 18,44,64,71,76,84
Chaga Sarai 4 , 6 9 , 1 2 8 , ~ Dupree, A.& L., 125
Chanlu, Eanlu 26 Duvey 45
Charms 75 , 106
Chaumos, s.Chitrimas
Cheese 27,44,64,66,90,91,93 Earthquake 28,73,82,124
Chilimjusht, s.Joshi Eclipse 4 1 , 7 2
Chitirmas, Chitrimas, Chaumos, Edelberg, L., X-XIV,27,32,33,36,
Winter Festival 73,76,78,81,82, 4 0 , 4 1 , 1 2 0 , 1 2 ~ , 1 2 5 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 ~ , 1 ~ ~ ,
83 88
1 136
Chitral X , X I V , 1 , 3 , 4 , 6 , 1 1 , 1 ~ , 1 4 Eken-tay-dul
, 47
1 6 , 2 4 - 2 6 , 4 3 , 4 9 , 5 1 , 6 9 , 7 0 , 7 9 , 8 3Elphinstone
, 41
89,91,95,96,98,101,103-106, ~ s p e r e g r a34
117,118,M Eye,evil 74
Chumur Deki ('Iron L e g s t ) 100
Clan 46 ,It9
clan house 124-126,136,~1.9 Faction(a1ism) 44,49
Collective tombs 43 Fairy, pari 71,74,79,84,95-100,
Cowry shells 65,77 i0i-i0~,10~,110,114
Creation 26,31,32,36,71 Family 49,50,88
Cup s.silver cup Feast-giving, f.of merit, 46,47,
Cuyler Yourlg Jr. ,T.,42 48-50,58,59,64-66,68,70,72
Feraghi,B., 136
Ferdinand, K., X I , 1 ~ 1 , 1 ~ ~
Damana 66 Festival 11,17-21,76,87-94,99
Dameli 6 , 7 , 8 , ~ Fire ~ 8 , ~ 4 , ~ ~ , i 0 ~ , i 0 8 , i i ~ , i ~ 0
Dance,dancing-ground 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 0 , Flower cap s.suhalek
72176177,79,88-90,92,93,94 Fondukistan 41
Dardic I X , X , 2 , 3 , 4 , 6 , 8 , 3 9 , 4 0 , Friedrich, A., 43
43,44 Fussman,G., 131
Dare1 4 2
Darra-i Nur 4
Dastur 72,77 Gajjpso 57
Deblol 17,19 Gambiri, Gemiri 5
Deceased, dead bodics 20,43,103, Gandhara 4 2
104,112,11~,115 Gawar-Bati 3 , 8 , M
Dehar (shaman) 73,74,78,79,91 Ghaligai 4 2
Demik 106 Ghee 1 8 , 2 0 , 2 4 , 6 4 , ~ ~ , 1(s.also
05
Demon 'devil',evil spirit,jinn, butter)
cf.also giant 26,28,29,30,34, Ghoru 110
36,37,95110011011102 Ghulam Muhammad 41
Denmark XIII,117,128 Ghulam Murtaza 69,70
Decdar 18,119 Giant 3 1 - 3 4 , ~ 0 , 7 8 , 8 0 , 8 1cf.demon
,
Desi sara (village law) 45 Giche 17,18,65,66
'Devil' s.demon Gilgit 1 , ~ , 2 ~ , 4 1 , 4 ~ , 8 6 , 1 0 0 1 1 0 2 1
Dew (deity,demon) 8 1 , 8 2 , c f . ~ 0 ~ 103,105
Dewa 121,M Gish 16,17,26-28
Dezau,Tezaw, also Khodai 7 1 , 8 1 Gish namuch l7,34
Dhen 93 Giz s.Gish
Dionysos 42 Goat 1 8 , 2 8 , 4 4 , 4 6 , 4 8 , 6 4 , 6 ~ , 6 6 , 6 8 ,
Dir 3 72,74,80-82,84-86,88,90-94,l02,
Disani,disni,disain 19,66,124 104,109,117,125
Dispute settlement 45,49,50,54 Gobor 24,70
Dizano 29 Gods 17,18,19,20,24,26,31,34,71,
Dtjakonov,M.M., 41,42 72,82,91,124
Dog 2 7 , 7 8 , ~ 0 , 8 2 , 8 4 , 8 6 , 9 8 , 1 0 3 , 1 O 7 , ~ o eH.,
t z ,41
114 Gor (witch) 100
Dow 81,99,100 cf.Dew Goshidai, Goshedoi 76,91
Dramui 89,90 Grangal 3 , M
Drosh 15,70,91,116,117,M Greek 8,69,96
Duchesne-$uillemin,J., 40 Grierson, G., 2,69,70
Dumu Sunmri Merek 57 Grimor 8 2
Dungul 22 Gujaras 41
Gujuri 3 , M 91995,107,116
Gul, -gal, -gal, go1 ('valley', Iemaili(6ic) 43,102
resp!world') 5,31,97 Istogosh dew 8 2
Gulbahar 4 Izwn 75
Gulkhan 108
Gulmb:tkon 57
Gupta 41 Jadid-ul Islam, Jandih-i Islam 14
~ u r6 2 Jalalabad 4,13
Jalandhar 11,15
Jandaran 11
Halmasti 98 Jashtan 98,99
Hamp 8 Ja$r6vor (kinship) 51,55,56
Hansen, E., 127,131,132 Jazi 22,52
Harva, U., 35 Jensen,A.E., 39
Harvest 45,93 Jezt, "Jastn, Jisht 53,58,59,61,
Hashrnatullah Khan 43 2,67,68
Head-dress, kopesi 72,75,77 Jestakhan 89,90
Hearth s.gulkhan Jettmar, K., 29,39,42,43,131,133
Heine-Geldern, R.v., 42 Jinn s.demon
'Hell', duzath 8 3 Jones, S., 11,44,50,51,59,62,87,
Hephtalites, White Huns 40,41,42 126,131,132
Hindu 4,17,18,20,71 Joshi festival, Chilirnjusht, Spring
Hindukush Cultural Conference festival 70,76,80,87-92
XI,64,96,117,131-135 Jbtr, kinsmen 51, P1.l
Holly-oak 44,89,93 Juniper 18,19,28,104
Homicide 47,64,65-66
Hoq 101
Horse 18,32,33,35,37,44,71,73,75,Kabul IX,13,16,41,124-126
78,79,81,102,114 Kabul river 4
two-headed h. 40 Kachru, B.B., 3
Hunt, shikar 37,78,90,97,109,110Kafir(s) I X , X , ~ , 1 1 , 1 6 , 1 7 , 2 5 , ~ 1 , ~ 2 ,
Hunter, shikari 89,97,109,110 33,34,36,37,39,40143968,69,81,82,
Hunza 1 124,126
Hussam-ul-Mulk XIV,26,81,95,108, Red K. s.Kati 26,82
116,117 Black K. s.Kalash 83,105
Kafiri 1,2,4,5,6-10
Kafiristan X,11-13,22,34,37,39,
Ibex 97,110 44,64
Im 'medicine' 26 Kakar, M.H., 24,131,132
0
Imra, Imra, Mara 16,26,28,29,30,Kalash (of Chitral) x,XIV,3,4,24,
31133,34,36,37,40 24,40,49,69-80,81-83,84-87,93,
India IX,1,15,16,33,39,41-43,69, 118,119
116 Kalasha (language, of ~ h i t r a l )3 , 8
Indo-Aryan, Indian 2,3,6,7-9,34 Kalasha, Kalasa (people of waigal)
Indo-European 1,2,6-8 5,49158362 '
Indo-Iranian IX,1,8,9,17,40,44 Kalashgum 77, 78 (of ~hitral)
Indr 34 Kalashum (villages of the Waigal
Indra 33,34 valley), Kalasiim 5,22,44-50
Indus 3 Kalashum = waig;li
Ingao,Ingaw 71,73,81 Kam, Korn 8,22,24,25,51,52,55157-63,
Inheritance 54 67,68,136
Iran,Iranian, Iranians 1,2,6-9, Kamdesh, ~6mb;orn 4,22,24,51., 52,60,
39-43 64,123,PI
Iron, steel, 26,27,29,30,74,75, KarnSdol 22
77,100,111,11~,1.14 Kamg61, Kan~gel 22
Irrigation 45,61,116 KamG 22
Ishkoman 43 Kamviri, Komviri 4,5,51,53,571122
Ishperi 74,76 Kandisar 78 -
Ishtareik 97 Kan6, kan6yas "Kaneash" 58,68
Ishtri-chal-nat 17,18 Kanishka 40
Islam, Islamic, Moslim X , X I , 1 , 4 ,Kantar am;
13,14,16,17,24-26,32,39,41-43, Kantar kot 122,123,125,126,136
57158,62,70,71,76,77181,82,891 Kantiuo, Ktiwi 4 , 5 , 2 7 , ~
~ a ~ i s h4a Mahandev, Mahandeo, Maha Dew 71,76,
Kashmir 15 79t81,88,89,90,92,94
Kashrniri 3 Maize 44,94
Katarkalai 4,5,M Majga 66
Kati,ItKatte"XIV,4-8,11,15-17, Maj-sa-maj-gum-ashali 66
34,51,122,M Malada 64
Katur 24,26,64,98,103 Malaja ~ereiEepina42
Ketu 41 Malavey 45
Khairullah 24 Malosh, rnalotsh, malush, malutsh
Khangi 98 28,73,76,81,82,83
Khaphesi 99 Mandi, MZndi s.Mon
Kho 3,69,70,77,85,119 Mara, MZra s.Imra
Khodai s.Dezau Markhor, wild goat 80,85,86,89,97,
Khowar XIV,3,8,116,M 98,110,125
Khushwaqt 24 Maru, ttMBrhKbntt11
Khyber 4 Masson,V.M., 39
Kodakan 105,111 Mastuj 24, M
Kohistani 3 , 4 Megalithic 39
.
Kom s Kam Mehtar 11,24,25,43,71,87,116
~ o m b r o ms.Kamdesh Mer s .mir
Kopesi (head-dress) 75,77
Koppers,W., 41
Mergi 105
ttMezhorntt
-
s .mu20 :
Kotshomai 81 Mi, mu 58,66,68
Kristiansen,K., 11,131,133 MU?;: ('mu-dinnert)58
Kro,verandah 123,125,126 Middle Asia 43
K?toZ Kust 22 Milk 29,35,71,74,76189-91,931102,
Kstorm 22 114
Kgtoki, Kushteki 33, M Mill 29,35,93
Ktiwi, Ktivi s.Kantiwo Millet 44,94J109
Kulur(w)a 34 Mimach, mumoc 58,66
Kulam, Kulurn 4,8,122,M Mir, mer 57,59,67,68
Kun, Koiya 22,23 Mirkhani 6
Kunar 1,3,4,22,23,51, M Mirza Kachat 102
KunarhZ Province 51 Mithras 37,38
Kurdari 4 ~ o e s ~ g rXI,XII,XIV,43,117,131-133,
d
Kushana 40 135,136
Mohammad Beg Timuri 24
Mon, Moni, Mandi, MZndi, Mani 18,
Laghman 4 19,26,28,29-34,40
Lahore 16 Monguor 35
Lake 97,98,114 Moon 72, s.also 'sun and moont
ampa aka 4 Morgenstierne,G., X,XI,1,6,14,15,
Lamtson 87,91 17126,34141,51,70,81,87,131,1327
Langay Sin 22,51 135
Latin 2,8 Motamedi,A.A., 124,125,131,132,133
Lazoro (devil) 28 Mulkho 102,103
Leitner,G.W., 29 Mum6 , Mum 22
Lentz,W., 36,37,131,133 Munji 9 , M
Levy,M., 131,132 Munvon, Marvon 17,20
Leymach,leymoch,l6:mo~ 26,57, Murgathipi 99
64,67 Music 17,20
Lineage 44,45-47,49,51-55,59, M U S ~ O ~29
U ~
62,88 Muslim s.Islam
Litvinskij,B.A., 43
Lohuizen-de Leeuw,J.E.v., 39
Lotdeh 24 Nagar 23,98
Lotkuh 24,70,74,M NagarZhZra 4
Luders,H., 34 Nagir 1
Lunang 35 Nang 101
~ i E i n ~ a22,51
l
Nijrau 4
Nilon 17,18, Nilu 68
Ningalam 3
Ni;eygra :m 62 Punyal 43,100
Nizam-ul-Mulk 24,105 Pythasoon (in Urtsun) 27
Norwegian 17
Nuristan X,XI,XIII,1,4,8,10,11,14,
15,22124,37,44,50,57,118,119, Qalamdar, jinn,lOl, 102
120,121,122,124,126,128,129, Qazi Ghulam Ullah (M6lkon) 45,57
130,136, M Qila 70
Nuristani,M.A., 58,62
Nuristani,Y., 118,131,133
Nur Mohammad 32 Rai, Rais 70,79,91
Raid 48,77
Raja Wai 24,70,77,78,79
Ojor valley 70 Rajputs 41
on-jesta-much 88 Ram s.also sheep 125
Oshniru ('pure') 73,76,89,104 Ramgal, Ramgal 4,8,122,M
Ossetia 42 Rank 46,47,48,57,58,59,64-68
Otrok 85 Rau,W., 66
Outhiz (Utr?) 26 Redard,G., 131
Reshun 3,70
Rigveda 1,9,33
pabhgt6 22,60 Robertson,G.S., X,11,12,16,17,31
Pahlawa 41 34,36,40,50,55,57-59,62,b4,67,
Pakistan XI,XII,3,4,40,51,71, 68,81,122-124
118,119 Rock pictures, -inscriptions XI,
Palwal,A.R., 64,85,93,124,131, 85 $6
132 133 Romodin,V.A., 39
Pamirs l,43 Rosenfield ,J.M. , 40
Panjshir 4, M Rovsing Olsen,P., 131,132
Papruk 122 Rumbur 4,70,71r76,77,78,M
'Paradiset,behesht 83 Russell,R., 15
Paramuch 65
Pari s.fairy
Pari khan 105,106,107 Safar nisik 108
Parun s.Prasun Safidposh 14
Pasha(v)i 3,4,M Sajigor, Sajjigor 71,77,78,89
Pa5hto l,4,5,M Saka, S?cian 40,43
Paski, Pashki 34,121,136,M Salmanas 50
Pastures 45,46,48,52,54,66,85, Sangli dynasty 43
93 119 Sanowkun 68
Patrifiliation 51-54 Sanskrit 2,3,6-9,81
Patrilineality 51 Sardar Kashmir 11-14
Pech s .Prasun Sardar Kun (=Kun) 11,12
Peshawar Museum 40 Sardar Maru , "KQn MQrhtl11,12,13
Phalura 3 , M 14,
Pherutis 99 Saskii 22, M
Pillar, carved p., 120,121,122, Saymaly Tash (~erghana)86
123-125, 136, ~ 1 . 7 ,~ 1 . 8 ~ a z i'team' 60-63
Pir 192 Schomberg,R.C.F., 81
Pjandzikent 42 Schroder,D., 35
Polivka,G., 35 ~ a r us.Wama
Pott,~. , ~ 1 ~ , ~ 6 , 1 1 6 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 1sewala
33 46,47
Praba 71,80,93 Shaikh Abdullah Khan s.Azar
Prabaro 82 Shaker,N.A., 131
Prasun, Parun, Pech 1,3(~asI)5 , Shakur 40
6-8, 22,27,31-36,120-125, Shala Shah 91
136, M Shandur pass 103
Pronz, Pronj, Purunz, SZG 32-34 Sheep, ram, 18,44,71,74r81r82r
121, M 125
Prun festival 93 Shemul 4
Pshu (shaman) 19,20 Shen Tsung-wen 120
Puja 17,18,19 Shepherd 18,20,82,85,93,97
Pul festival 76 Shero thun 108
Shigan 82
Shina 3 Tshawan (shawan), 'fairy shepherd'
Shikar, shikari s.hunt, hunter 97 109
Shingmou 89,90 Tshentjik,tshintik,shinjik 97,109
Shiri Badat 86
Shishiku(h1 70,89,103,
Shogor 70, M UNESCO XII,ll9,134,135
Shtitsurinam 66 Urdu 3,11,14,15,17
Shtiwe 121,124,125,M ~x-6, ttUrirtt
62,63
Shumasht 3 Urtsun XIV,24,26,27,70,95, M
Shuran~ach65 Ushtruk 113
Siam s.Tsiam Uta,Utah,ut6 ('ritual leadert)
Siiger,H., XI,40,56,87,131,133 59,66,67,122,125
Silver cup 41,42,64 Utchal festival 76
Singoor 102
Siyaposh 14
Small Pox 74 Vama s.Wama
Snake 75,98 ~arachsa42
Snoy, P., 32,36,39,40,84,131,133Vay 22
Soghdian 41 Veda,Vedic,pre-Vedic IX,6,9,33-35
Solstice 36
Sooth-drawing 84 Veran 82
.
Verandah s kro

Sorizan, s.Surisan Veron 28, s.Prasun

Spirits,s.also demons, 74,81,84 Vqtra 33,34
104,108
Spring festival s.Joshi
Stacul,G., 42 Waigal,Vaygal, s.also Kalashum,
Staley,J., 108,117 Kalagiim 3,22,44,46,49,50,120,121,
Stietencron,H.v., 41 122,123,125,126,136,M
Strand,R.F., 5,22,51,57,131, Waigali 3,5,6,7,8,44 M
132,136 Wakhan IX,43
Such ('puref) 19,28 Walnut 26,27,80,93,99
Suchi 89,91,92 Wama,Vama 6,22,34,64,122, M
Suhalek, flower cap, 93 Waramdesh/Prainta 126,136, M
Sulani 64 Warin 71,82,83
Sumal Beg 84 Waterfall 32-37
Su-Malik 70 Water-mill 29,93
Sun (and moon) 29-34,36,37, Wazir Ali Shah 24,43,69,87,118,
40,41 131,132,133
Sunajina 67 Werchikwar 1
Sunashista 65,67 Wheat 27,44,66,73,94
Sunvnay-ara 65 Willow 18,19,20
Surisan, Sorizan 76,91 Wine 41-43, 64,72,80,93
Surya 41 Wooden statues 40,72
Swat 3,42 Wor drek 97,114
Swir 70 Wotapur 4, M
Syrach-Larsen,C., 131,133

Yali 64
Tadjik 43 Yama 41
Tagau 4 YamarZja 41
Tawney,C.H., 35 Yasin 1
Tezaw, s.Dezau Yug, giant 31, Bar Zangi 101,102
Thraco-Phrygian 42
Thunder 73,115
Tibet XI zamyiki, Lindalam 5 , M
Tirahi 4 Zandar, also Berio zandar 102,103
Tirich Mir 96,101,103 Zaz 82
Tocharistan 42 Zhonchigal 1 3 6 , ~
Toporov,V.N., 35 Zoroastrian 43
Torwali 3 Zuzum 32,34
Trance 19,20,73,74,104
Transcaucasian 42
Tsar 113
Plates
This diagram illustrates the number of steps
b e t w e e n A a n d h i s b r o t h e r ' s grandson.

/I bedrfpo j o t r

p4ruru jotr

td:rG jotr

bajdtu: j o t r

9 8 7\,6 5 \ , 4
10
1 1 I I h i ( . 3 I\ , d2
11 lo g 8 7'\6 5\\4 3

T h i s d i a g r a m i l l u s t r a t e s b i l a t e r a l g r o u p s o f kinsmen. Each
n o d e r e p r e s e n t s a k i n s m a n , a n d t h e n u m b e r at e a c h n o d e
i n d i c a t e s t h e n u m b e r o f s t e p s b e t w e e n t h e k i n s m a n a n d Ego.
O D

BEAMS
-
PI*7
KILOMETERS
I I I . , ~ HASH - GAL , river L U T KU H . k9y&n pasture Ka shlun s umrn~l 0 CHII'RAI,, town : t o h e r / rum
5 0 5 10 15 20 25
LJORM Lake Do?& pnss 3760 ,5760 mrlers above sealevel * kjUGN. village h a m l ~ l o mixes or Lapw I a z u l ~
N URl STAN (1371) x s l e a ~ i l equnrrq near KCLVIWO

L A N G U A G E S I N N U R I S T A N A N D A D J A C E N T REGIONS. M a p b y L e n n a r t E d e l b e r g (1971).
B o u n d e r s o f t h e l i n g u i s t i c areas a c c o r d i n g to G.Morgenstierne (1973). A b b r e v i a t i o n s :
Dam.=Dameli, G.=Grangali, N.=Ningalami, P.=Persian, Ph.=Phalura, T.=Tregami, W.=language
of W o t a p u r and K a t a r Q a l a , Z.=Zamyaki