Verbal Extensions in Bantu: (The Case of Swahili and Nyamwezi)

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Verbal Extensions in Bantu:(the Case of Swahili and Nyamwezi)

Article · January 2002

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Abdulaziz Yusuf Lodhi


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Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002, pp 4-26 ISSN 1650-2019
Dept of Oriental and African Languages, Göteborg University

Verbal extensions in Bantu *


(the case of Swahili and Nyamwezi)

Abdulaziz Y. Lodhi
Department of Asian and African Languages
Uppsala University
abdulaziz.lodhi@afro.uu.se

1. Introduction, purpose and definition

This short paper attempts to provide an introductory description of the


phenomenon of verbal extensions in Bantu languages with special reference to
Swahili and Nyamwezi (Kiswahili and Kinya’ngwezi). My definition of the
term ‘verbal extension’ is wider than just consisting of the concept of ‘verbal
derivation’, and it includes “all the post-radical or pre-final elements of a verbal
stem” as tackled by Miehe (1989: 23).
One of my colleagues, Ahrenberg (1982), has discussed at length the
question of verbal derivation in Swahili, analysing both Ashton (1944) and
Polomé (1967). He also emphasises the tendency for derived verbs to develop
special senses, but it is not within the scope of this brief paper to cover the wide
field of idiomatic usage.
The comparison of verbal extensions is made here between Swahili and

* This study is based on a seminar paper presented at the Dept. of Asian and African
Languages in December 1985, after field work conducted in June/July 1983 in a Nyamwezi
speaking immigrant settlement near Kizimbani, Zanzibar. In the preparation of the paper I
have freely used the phraseology of the authors consulted. The text would be over-loaded
with redundant notes and quotations if I were to be particular about this practice. Hence
references are given only where I have found it meaningful to do so.
E. Jonsson (1949) has been taken as the main source for the Nyamwezi material as it is
the most widely used handbook by Scandinavians and easily available too. For Swahili,
Ashton (1944) has been referred to for similar reasons. Additional data on Nyamwezi has
been supplied by Mr Kidumla Kamagi Kidumla of Stockholm, a native speaker of
Kinyang’wezi; and the Swahili material has been verified personally by the present author as
a native speaker of Kiunguja/Kiswahili. I would also like to extend my gratefulness to
Professor Thilo Schadeberg (Leiden) for his very useful comments and my colleagues Mr
Julian M. Kimaro (Tanzania) and Mr Mwandawiro Mghanga (Kenya) for much data on
Chagga and Taita respectively. Some more data and comments were generously offered by
members of the Comparlingafric forum, especially Karen Van Otterloo and Maddalena
Toscano.
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 5

Nyamwezi mainly because Nyamwezi, the second largest ethnic language of


Mainland Tanzania, has historically influenced Kiunguja (the basis of Standard
Swahili) more than the other languages of eastern Africa have done. Many
Wanyamwezi people embraced Islam quite early and assimilated with the
coastal Muslims, participating more than the other inland groups in the
Zanzibari/Swahili caravan trade, plantation economy and later also dairy
farming. They have thus made a notable contribution to the development of the
Swahili society and culture, both linguistically and materially.

2. Verbal extensions in Bantu languages

The following verbal extensions have been identified in Bantu languages by


various authors of which Doke (1943) gives the longest list. The names of the
verbal extensions are mostly taken from Doke.

2.1 Passive

This form indicates that the subject is acted upon by an agent. It is not treated in
Bantu as a “voice” opposed merely to the “active”. Apart from the Passive of the
Simple, there are Passive forms of the Applied/Applicative/Prepositional,
Contactive, Conversive/Inversive and Causative extensions. In Zulu even the
Associative or Reciprocal extension has a Passive extension, e.g. -bonana (see
one another) > -bonanwa (be seen mutually), and the Passive itself has a
Reciprocal extension, e.g. -bona (see) > -bonwa (be seen) > -bonwana (be seen
mutually); but very few verbs have these methods of formation and in such
cases there are no apparent differences in meaning. The passive reciprocals and
the reciprocal passives are used only with Class 17 (locative) markers, e.g. in
Zulu (Doke 1963: 138): Kuyazondwa lapha (There is mutual hatred there),
Kwabonanwa emfuleni (There was a seeing of one another at the river). This
possibility occurs also in Kifuliiru (J50), Nyamwezi and the neighbouring
languages with certain restriction. Generally there is no semantic difference in
the two variant forms of the passive.
The Passive is indicated by the post-radical/pre-final element (suffix) -wa,
-ewa, -iwa or -ibwa, and in a few cases by -o, e.g. in Chagga. Some Bantu
languages are known to have lost the Passive form, instead, as in Ngala and
Ngombe, the Stative extension with the suffix -ama is used.

2.2 Neuter

This form indicates an intrasitive state or condition, or a capability. It is


conveyed by the suffix -ka, -ika or -eka. In exceptional cases it appears as -akala
6 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

or -ahala in Zulu and Sotho respectively. It is also referred to as Stative by


Ashton (1944: 214, 226). Additionally, -ikana and -ekana are used to form the
Stative extension.

2.3 Applicative

This extension indicates that the action is applied on behalf of, towards or with
regard to some object. Its post-radical element is -ea, -ia, -ela, -ila, -ena or -ina
according to the established rules of vowel harmony and nasal stem. Frequently,
this extension acquires a specialised meaning and is then lexicalised. In the
conventional grammars, this form is called the Applicative, Applied or
Prepositional. In Chagga -iya is affixed even to verbs ending in -ua, e.g. -ondua
(take away) > -ondiya (take away from), -vungua (open) > vunguya (open for
someone, open with something).

2.4 Causative

This extension indicates cause to do, or cause to be. Its post-radical element
varies considerably from region to region in Bantu Africa. In the Causative
forms, Carl Meinhof’s Ur-Bantu *-a occurs as -esa, -isa, -esha, -isha, -eza or
-iza and -sa, -sha or -za. There are also less common but complicated forms with
the original -ya suffix with labial and nasal stems, e.g. in Lamba -ima (get up) >
-imya (raise), Swahili -ona (see) > -onya (warn), -ogopa (fear) > -ogofya
(frighten). Other rare usages are Zulu -lima (plough) > -limisa (help to plough),
Swahili -la (eat) > -lisha (graze) and Taita -ona (see) > -onya (show). In Chagga
there is an irregular -ra causative suffix, i.e. -lala (sleep) > -lara (cause to
sleep), and in verbs loaned from Swahili the original -sha is retained, e.g.
-torosha (to help someone to escape/elope). The most frequently used causative
particles are -sa/-isa and -sha/-isha in eastern African Bantu languages.

2.5 Augmentative

This form conveys thoroughness, intensiveness, continuousness and/or


persistence. Ashton (1944: 243-6) classifies the Intensive and the Durative as
sub-categories of this form. These ideas are mutually exclusive, but are
frequently complementary. The post-radical elements used here are identical to
some of the Applied, Causative and Conversive forms.

2.6 Intensive

This form indicates intensity or quickness of action. The intensifying element is


Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 7

generally the same as the Causative one but it does not contract as the latter
does, e.g. Shona -naka (be good) > Causative -nakisa/-natsa, but Intensive
-nakisa only. Whereas in Zulu, the Causative post-radical -isa is differentiated
with the Intensive -isisa, e.g. -buza (ask) > -buzisisa (ask insistently). At times
the Applied or the Conversive forms are also used to express intensity.

2.7 Extensive

This form indicates that the action is extended in time or space, or repeated
extensively. Extensiveness is expressed with Intransitive, Transitive and also
Causative verbs, e.g. Lamba has in the Intrasitive extension the elements -aka,
-aika or -auka; in the Transitive -ala, -aila or -aula; and in the Causative -asya,
-aisya or -ausya.
This extension is sometimes called the Durative and is very similar to the
Intensive form. The Applied and the Conversive forms are also used to express
extension or duration.

2.8 Reciprocal

This form indicates that the action is reciprocated, done ‘to one another’. Ashton
calls this the Associative (Reciprocal). The usual post-radical element is -na or
-ana and the extension often takes a conjunctive construction with -na or -no,
e.g. Zulu Ngihlangana nomuntu (I met with a person); compare with the Swahili
equivalent: Nilionana na mtu.
In Lamba there are two Reciprocal forms, one denoting reciprocity between
two bodies and the other denoting reciprocity among/between many/several
bodies, e.g. -lekana (divide into two parts) and -lekansyanya (divide into many
parts/units).

2.9 Associative

This form indicates two or more subjects associated in action. Its post-radical
elements are -akana, -ekana and -ikana. Many Bantu languages employ the
Reciprocal form to denote association. Sotho uses the form -ahana. Ashton calls
this form the Stative or Neuter and distinguishes it from that which uses only the
-na element, i.e. the Associative (Reciprocal).

2.10 Reversive

This form indicates an entire reversal of the action. Known also as the
Conversive, this is still a regularly formed extension where there is a marked
8 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

shift in the rule of vowel harmony, i.e. the root-vowel -e is grouped with the
vowels -a, -i and -u, and not with -o; thus it harmonises with the vowel -u of the
Reversive post-radical instead of -o. The various suffixes are -ua, -ula, -ulula,
-oa, -ola, -olola and the uncommon -uza.
The Intransitive extension (see also § 2.2) -ka/-eka/-ika, etc., becomes
-uka/-uluka/-oka/-oloka, etc., e.g. Bemba -funga (fasten) > -fungula/-fungulula
(unfasten), and Swahili -funga (fasten/shut) > -fungua (unfasten/open).
Occasionally, these same particles are used to form the Repetitive extension
which denotes a repeating or doing over again. This appears to be a subordinate
idea to the Reversive, e.g. Lamba -wyala (sow) > -wyalulua (resow).

2.11 Perfective

This form indicates that an action has been carried on to completion or


perfection. This form is in fact a Reduplication of the Applied element, e.g.
-elela in Zulu, -elela, -ilila, -enena and -inina in Lamba, and -elea, -ilia in
Swahili.
With monosyllabic stems, the post-radical is triplicated in some languages,
e.g. Lamba -fwa (die) > -fililila (be annihilated). But in Swahili the triplicated
form does not exist, e.g. -fa (die) > -filia (be annihilated, die out, become
extinct), and it is intensified with the adverbial mbali, e.g. Walifilia mbali (They
were completely annihilated).

2.12. Reduplication

Reduplication is a common phenomenon in Bantu languages and it is employed


to form either a Frequentative or a Diminutive verb.
The Frequentative denotes that the action is done repeatedly, e.g. Swahili
-pigapiga (strike repeatedly). In Lamba, the monosyllabic verbs are again
triplicated, e.g. -ya (go) > -yayaya (go on and on and on).
The Diminutive denotes a diminution of the action or reduction of intensity,
e.g. Zulu/Swahili -bona/-ona (see) > -bona-bona/-ona-ona (see somewhat). The
Diminutive is also called the Subtractive.

2.13 Stative

This extension indicates position or posture, e.g. Lamba/Swahili -fisa/-ficha


(hide) > -fisama/-fichama (be in hiding) and Lamba/Swahili -inama (be
bending/bent). Doke (1943) calls this form Stative, whereas Ashton (1944) calls
it Static. Ashton’s Stative is the Neuter described above in § 2.2.
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 9

2.14 Contactive

This form expresses contact. Johnson (1939) uses the term Tenacious for this
form. Its characteristic suffix is -ata/-ta. It is not always identified as a separate
verb form in many Bantu languages, e.g. Lamba/Swahili -fumbata (grasp), Zulu
-namatha (stick, pierce).

2.15 Denominative

This form is made from nouns or adjectives, and though rare, a few verbs of this
type usually occur in each Bantu language. The post-radical element here is -pa
or -mpa; sometimes the longer forms -para or -pala are used, e.g.

Swahili: -nene (fat) > -nenepa (be/become fat)


-kali (fierce) > -karipa (be angry), -karipia (be angry at)
Lamba: -ce (small) > -cepa (be too small),
-tali (long) > -talimpa (be long)
Nyiha: -kali (sharp) > -kalipa (be sharp), and the nasalised emphatic
form -kalimpa
Zulu: -ihoni (shame) > -hlonipha (pay respect)
-khulu (big) > -khuluphala (be stout)
Herero: -re (long) > -repara (be long)

This form is referred to as Inceptive by Ashton (1944: 240).

2.16 Ideophonic extension

This term is used to describe verbs formed from ideophones1 and they are
sometimes called Deideophonic Verbs.
This verbal extension is very common in Bantu and relatively little work
has been done on it. The most common formation is by the element -k a
(Intrasitive), -la/-ra/-na (Transitive), -sa/-sha/-za/-ja (Causative, with bisyllabic
ideophones), e.g. Lamba -awu (of crossing over, taking out) > -awuka (cross
over) > the causative -awusya (take across). The equivalent Swahili forms are
-vuka (go over) and -vusha (take across). In Zulu we get -bihli (of falling apart)
> -bihlika (knock apart) > -bihliza (scatter about), etc.

1 Doke (1935: 118) defines an ideophone as “[a] vivid representation of an idea in sound.
A word often onomatopoeic which describes a predicate, qualificative or adverb in respect to
manner, colour, sound, smell, action, state or intensity.”
10 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

2.17 Remarks

In the foregoing, I have identified altogether 16 verbal extensions in Bantu


languages and given examples from the Southern African languages of Sotho
and Tswana and the Central African Lamba group to which Bemba, the most
widely spoken Bantu language in Zambia, belongs. A few isolated examples are
taken from Nyiha (Malawi), Herero and Ndonga (Namibia), Chaga, Taita and
Swahili.
In the next section, I shall try to treat morphologically each verbal
extension in Swahili at some length and compare it with Nyamwezi in which all
these extensions are not separately identified as it is the case with the other
Bantu languages mentioned in this paper. In this respect, few Bantu languages
are well documented and analysed.

3. Verbal extensions in Swahili and Nyamwezi: a comparison


The comparison of the major verbal extensions in Swahili and Nyamwezi in this
section is based on Ashton (1944) and Jonsson (1949, revised 1954, in Swedish)
which are the most widely used grammars of Swahili and Nyamwezi
respectively. For Nyamwezi, Jonsson divides the verbal extensions into 8 groups
(“Åtta grupper”), whereas Ashton mentions 11 main verbal extensions for
Swahili.

Jonsson (1949: 92) Ashton’s equivalents (1944: 214)

a. Verbform med preposition Applied (Prepositional)


b. Neutrala former av verb Stative (Neuter)
c. Intensifierad verbform Augmentative (Intensive, Durative)
d. Kausala verbfomer Causative
e. Reciprok och reflexiv form Associative (Reciprocal)
f. Verbform med omkastad mening Conversive (Reversiv)
g. Participfomerna Applied (also Doke’s Transitive?)
h. Passiv verbform Passive
i. — Static
j. — Contactive (Tenacious)
k. — Inceptive
1. — Diminutive, Subtractive
m. — Deideophonic

Table 1. Verbal extensions listed by Jonsson (1949) and Ashton (1944)


Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 11

3.2 The applicative/prepositional form

3.2.1. In Swahili, the characteristic post-radical elements are -(l)ea and -(l)ia,
and in Nyamwezi they are -ela and -ila. The rules of vowel harmony are well
illustrated here. For details, see Ashton (1944: 217) and Jonsson (1949: 92-3).

Swahili: -lima (plough) > -limia


-soma (read) > -somea
Nyamwezi: -lima (plough) > -limila
-soma (read) > -somela

3.2.2. Both the Swahili and Nyamwezi Applicative forms are used to express: a)
to do to, for, or on behalf of someone, or to the benefit or detriment of someone
or something; b) motion towards; c) purpose; d) finality or completeness; e)
“why?” with the interrogative nini? or the enclitic -ni; and f) “of oneself, by
oneself” with the reflexive -ji-.
The areas of usage of the Applicative form in Swahili and Nyamwezi are
almost identical; the only exception appears to be in the use of the Reduplicated
or Double Applicative form with the meaning “for” or “for the sake of” which
does not occur in modern Swahili, e.g. Nyamwezi Yesu watuchilia biswe and
Swahili Yesu ametufilia (mbali) (Jesus has died (away) for our sake).

3.2.3. The Reduplicated form is used in Swahili frequently to express finality or


completeness, continuance of an action and persistence in carrying it out, e.g.
-shika (hold) > -shikilia (hold on, hold on tightly, insist).
Ashton classifies this form as Augmentative (see § 3.10 below), in a few
cases with the Causative element -za, e.g. -tosha (suffice) > -tosheleza (satisfy,
be sufficient). The Double Applicative was rare in Nyamwezi, but it is
increasingly used today because of the influence of Swahili.

3.2.4. In a few cases in both Swahili and Nyamwezi, the Applicative form
conveys a Conversive meaning (see § 3.7.3), e.g. -hama (move away, emigrate)
> -hamia (move in/to, immigrate), -nuka (smell bad) > -nukia (smell good).

3.3 The stative/neuter form

3.3.1. The characteristic post-radical stative element is -ka with the same
principles of vowel harmony applying here as in the Applicative form. The
secondary elements are -eka, -ika, -leka and -lika, e.g. Swahili -fanya (do) >
12 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

-fanyika (be done), -sema (say) > -semeka (be said), -twaa (take) > -twalika (be
taken), and -tembea (walk) > -tembeleka (be trodden).

3.3.2. In Nyamwezi the Neuter is built in 3 ways: a) Verbs with final -la have
the Neuter post-radical -ka, e.g. -kenagula (destroy) > -kenaguka (be destroyed,
break down); b) Verbs with the pre-final vowels -a, -i and -u take the final -ika,
e.g. -tina (cut down/off) > -tinika (be cut off), and -binza (break off), > -binzika
(be broken);2 and c) Verbs with the stem vowel -e or -o has the final -eka, e.g.
-nona (sweet) > -nonya (sweeten) > -noneka (be sweet/sweetenend).

3.3.3. In Swahili the final -la has disappeared, and identical forms are in -waka
(to burn, be burning), -choka (be tired), etc, where the simple forms -wala and
-chola do not exist any longer.

3.3.4. Both the Swahili and Nyamwezi Neuter forms are used in the same way,
i.e. to express state without reference to agency, and to express potentiality. In a
few cases, potentiality in Swahili is expressed also by the suffix -lika, e.g.
-pasuka (split/tear) > -pasulika; as in Skati lake limepasuka (Her skirt is
split/torn) and Kitambaa hiki hakifai, chapasuka rahisi (This cloth is no good, it
tears easily/It gets easily torn).
Furthermore, in about half a dozen cases, Swahili uses -ikana or -ekana
with the potential meaning, e.g. -pata (get) > -patikana (be available), -ona (see)
> -onekana (be visible). These additional forms do not seem to occur in
Nyamwezi, but are found in several other languages in eastern Africa, e.g. Taita
-patikana (be available) and -wonekana (be seen/sighted).

3.4 The causative form

3.4.1. The earlier old Bantu Causative post-radical -y a has undergone


assimilation with certain final consonants in the verb stem in Swahili, and to a
lesser extent in Nyamwezi. However, in the Causatives of both languages,
various forms of causation, obligation, intensity of action, force, permissive and
compulsive ideas, etc., are intimately connected with the context. The following
sound changes occur in the causative suffixes in Swahili:

p+ya > fya -ogopa (fear) > -ogofa (frighten)

2 The Augmentative/Extended form of -binza with the final -gula follows rule a) e.g.
-binzagula (break into pieces) > -binzaguka (be broken into pieces).
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 13

t+ya > sa/sha -takata (be clean) > -takasa (be clean)
-pata (get) > -pasha (give)
-pita (pass) > -pisha (let pass, make way)

k+ya > sha -kumbuka (remember) > -kumbusha (remind)

w+ya > vya -nawa (wash hands) > -navya (help to wash hands, etc.)
-lewa (be drunk) > -levya (intoxicate)

n+ya > nya -ona (see) > -onya (warn)

l+ya > za -lala (sleep) > -laza (make sleep, lay)

2 vowels + ya > za -jaa (be full) > -jaza (fill) -jaza (fill)
-legea (be loose) > -legeza (loosen)
-tulia (be quiet) > -tuliza (console)

3.4.2. Some verbs with -p-, -t-, -k- and -n- take the particle -isha or -iza:

-lipa (pay) > -lipisha/-lipiza (pay back, take revenge)


-kata (cut) > -katisha/-katiza (interrupt)
-weka (keep/put) > -wekesha, -wekeza (install)
-nena (say) > -nenesha/-neneza (force to speak)

The verbs -pata and -pita have also the variants -patisha and -pitisha; however,
alternative forms have developed special meanings and usage,3 e.g. -pasha moto
(heat, warm up something), -pasha habari (give/pass on news); -pisha njia
(make way, let someone pass); -pitisha sheria (pass a law/decree). Similarly,
from -ona (see) we get -onya (warn) and -onesha/-onyesha (show).

3.4.3. Loaned nouns and adjectives also take the final -isha in the Swahili
Causative, e.g.4

Arabic: bahati (luck, chance) > -bahatisha (guess, try one luck)
tayari (ready) > -tayarisha (make ready, prepare)

3 The question of the semantic values of the verbal extensions must be left to a separate
paper.
4 For details on the extension of Arabic loan verbs see Lodhi (2000a: 115-120; 2000b).
For the extension of Indic and Persian loan verbs, see Lodhi (2000a: 121).
14 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

English: pasi/-pasi (pass, noun/verb) > -pasisha (pass a law, make a


pass in football)
Indic: chapa/-chapa (print, noun/verb) > -chapisha (print, publish)
Persian: sefidi/-sefidi (white/whiten) > -sefidisha (have something
whitened/polished/cleaned)

Swahili has also at least one double causative from the Arabic loan adverb sawa
(properly) > -sawaza (put something properly) > -sawazisha (to balance, adjust,
equate).

3.4.4. The Causative -sa occurs in Old Swahili, e.g. in the Kiamu dialect, where
-pita (pass) > -pisa, and -soma (read) > -somesa. The Kiamu term mapisi
(history, the past), and the rarely used wapiseo (ancestors), found in several
northern Swahili dialects, are also derived from this verb.

3.4.5. In Nyamwezi, the assimilation of -ya is less marked and the Causative
form is more easily derived than in Swahili, e.g. verbs with the final syllable
-ba, -da, -ha, -ma, -na, -pa and -ta all take the suffix -ya in the place of the final
-a, e.g.

-huba (lose ones way) > -hubya (make one lose the way, mislead)
-ganda (get thin) > -gandya (make thin)
-luha (suffer) > -luhya (victimise, make suffer)
-goma (strike, rebel) > -gomya (cause/lead rebellion/strike)
-nona (sweet) > -nonya (sweeten)
-lipa (pay) > -lipya (cause to pay, demand)
-bita (pass) > -bitya (let pass, take round)

3.4.6. The post-radical -ka in Nyamwezi is realised as -cha or -sha, e.g.

-seka (laugh) > -secha (make someone laugh, amuse)


-daka (be angry/provoked) > -dacha (make angry, provoke)

3.4.7. The post-radicals -ga and -la are realised as -ja, e.g.

-oga (take a bath) > -oja (wash/bathe someone else)


-sanga (meet) > -sanja (unite)
-lala (sleep) > -laja (lay someone, put someone to sleep)
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 15

The Applicative forms in Nyamwezi also take the Causative -ja, e.g.

-ogela (swim) > -ogeja (row forward)


-lemela (refuse) > -lemeja (forbid)
-pindila (go around) > -pindilija (surround)
-bitila (pass by) > -bitija (take something by passing some place)
-bitilila (go too far) > -bitilija (take something/someone too far away)

3.4.8. There are some rare Transitive/Causative formations in Nyamwezi, e.g.

Intransitive Transitive Causal (causality emphasised)

-gwa (fall) -gwisha (fell) -gwishija (fell down, cause to fell


down, tear down)
-gwa (fall) -gwasha (fell) -gwasija (fell down, cause to fell
down, tear down)
-ng’wa (drink) -ng’sha (to water) -ng’wishija (cause to be watered)

3.4.9. A very interesting use of the Causal -isha post-radical is with the
Nyamwezi verbs ‘to be’ and ‘to have’ when expressing negation, e.g. -gaya (not
to exist) > -gayiwa (to miss, not to have), -gayisha (undo, cause not to exist).

Ngayiwa minzi ng’wifipa (I have no water in the container)


Minzi gagaya ng’wifipa (The water is not in the container)
Ngwana wagaya (There became/was born no child)
Nkima ng’wicha ng’wana (The woman got a miscarriage/The woman did
not get a child)
Nkima wagayisha ng’wana munda (The woman forced the foetus out of the
womb, i.e. she caused/made an abortion)
Mfumu wang’wisucha ng’wana (The medicine man caused a miscarriage/
The medicine man caused the child not to be born)

3.4.10. The post-radical -nza is realised as -nja in the Nyamwezi Causative, e.g.
-shiminza (walk, wander) > -shiminja (cause/force to go/move).

3.5 The static form

3.5.1. In Swahili, the post-radical -ma expresses a stationary condition or one of


inactivity. In a few cases, the simple form of the Static extension is archaic or
has died out, e.g.
16 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

-funga (tie, bind, shut) > -fungama (be tied/bound in a fixed position)
-shika (hold) > -shikama (be held tightly)
-ina (bend, archaic) > -inama (stoop, bend down, be bent)
-zala (drown, archaic) > -zama (sink, drown, be immersed)
-tala/-tira (look, archaic) > -tazama/-tizama (look at, gaze upon, examine)

3.5.2. More frequently, the Static -ma takes the Associative extension -na, the
two particles together expressing a state of inter-dependence or inter-action, e.g.
-fungama (be in a fixed position) > -fungamana (be interlaced, allied), and
-shikama (be in a state of holding) > -shikamana (hold together tightly).

3.5.3. Jonsson does not identify this verbal extension in his study of Nyamwezi.
Nevertheless, several entries in his verb-lists (p. 108-111) prove the fact that
both the -m a and -mana post-radicals do exist in Nyamwezi, however
uncommon they may be. The following verbs taken at random illustrate the
occurence of the Static forms in Nyamwezi:

-asama (gape, open ones mouth); cf. Swahili -achama


-eshema (be breathing)
-inama (bend down); cf. Swahili -inama/-inamika, keep oneself bent,
be bent towards
-ipama (stumble)
-iduguma (be complaining)
-ikoma (be differing, be broken into parts)
-ikomanya (separate from, Causative of Associative-Static)
-ikomelega (take revenge, Causative-Applicative)
-ikomolega (make/be friends again, Causative-Conversive)
-umana (be fussy over something)
-umagana (be narrow-minded, be stubborn)

3.6 The contactive (tenacious) form

3.6.1. The post-radical -ta in this extension expresses contact and/or indicates “a
culmination, the final conclusion and settlement of a process” (Marconnès 1931;
quoted by Ashton 1944: 237), e.g. Swahili -kama (squeeze) > -kamata (take
hold of, arrest), and -fumba (shut/close e.g. a door) > -fumbata (enclose with
hands/arms), -kumba (pull towards oneself) > -kumbata/-kumbatia (embrace).
In a few cases, the simple forms of the Contactive verbs have been lost, e.g.
-ambata (adhere to, stick to) < *-amba, but > -ambisa (to glue/paste), and
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 17

-guruta (smoothen with a press, mangle clothes) < archaic *-gura (stretch,
straighten, lengthen).

3.6.2. In Nyamwezi this extension is uncommon, but it functions as in Swahili.


In the few cases it occurs, its simple forms have been dropped out of usage, e.g.
-isha > -ishita (get a cramp, be contracted, e.g. of a muscle), and -ga > -iguta (be
satisfied with food; lit. be full/filled; cf. Swahili -shiba).

3.6.3. The enclitic -to sometimes used in Swahili is defined by Ashton (p. 158)
as an adverbial, e.g. in the proverb Ukitema kuni, temato! (If you cut firewood,
cut it well!, i.e. If you do something, do it well!). Thus Naona raha (I am
enjoying) > Naonato raha! (I am enjoying very much!), and Nafurahi (I am
happy) > Nafurahito! (I am extremely happy!).
The -to enclitic in Swahili is met with in poetry usually written in the
northern dialects. It is probably derived from the Contactive -ta and is rarely
used in modern Swahili. It is almost non-existent in Nyamwezi.

3.7 The conversive form

3.7.1. This form conveys the opposit meaning to that expressed in the root, and
is also spoken of as the Reversive. Here in Swahili, the general rules of vowel
harmony have been modified so that the vowel -e of the stem of the simple form
harmonises with the vowels -a, -i and -u, and not with -o, as is the case with the
other extensions. The Conversive element here is the vowel -o or -u and appears
as pre-final to -a, -ka, -sha and -za, i.e. the Conversive may appear in the Simple
indicative, the Stative/Neuter and the Causative environments, e.g.

-tata (tangle, complicate) > -tatua (disentangle, unwind)


-funga (close, lock) > -fungua (open, unlock)
-ziba (stop up, cork) > -zibua (uncork)
-tega (snare, entrap, catch) > -tegua (remove a snare, sprain)
-choma (pierce, prick) > -chomoa (extract, draw out)
-tandika (spread out) > -tanduka (become gathered up)
-angika (be suspended from above/on a wall) > -anguka (fall down)
-angisha (have something suspended up) > -angusha (fell down,
let fall, throw down)

3.7.2. Nyamwezi employes the particles -ola, -ula, and sometimes -ila:

-tunga (bind together, imprison) > -tungula (unbind, make free)


18 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

-hamba (plant) > -hambula (uproot, draw up)


-zenga (build, construct) > -zengula (pull down, demolish); cf.
Swahili -jenga, and archaic -jengua
-inga (go out) > -ingila (go in, enter); cf. Swahili -ingia
-somba (bear, keep with oneself) > -sombola (give back, retale a story)

3.7.3. The suffixes -ila and -la in both Swahili and Nyamwezi are rarely found
in the Conversive. In Swahili, however, it is unduly classified as a sub-category
of the Applicative form (see § 3.2.4).

3.8 The inceptive form

3.8.1. This extension is resorted to in a few cases in Swahili to indicate a state


entered upon, and it is expressed by the suffix -pa, e.g.

-ogopa (fear); cf. woga (cowardice), mwoga (coward), mwogofu (terrified


person)
-nenepa (get fat, of perons); cf. -nene (thick, fat), unene (thickness, fatness)
-lapa (be gluttonous); cf. -la (eat), mlafi (greedy/gluttonous person), ulafi
(gluttony)

3.8.2. The Inceptive extension does not seem to exist as a distinct form in
Nyamwezi, but certain verbs suggest its existence in an assimilated state. The
-pa suffix is rarely encountered, e.g.

-kogoha (fear, become frightened)


-liha (become long/high)
-luha (suffer)
-haba (be poor) > -habipa (become poor)

The plosive -pa is reduced to -ha in most cases through loss of the bilabial initial
-p- in an intermediate aspirated form -ph- found in archaic speech.

3.9 The associative form

3.9.1. This form is generally called the Reciprocal, but in addition to reciprocity,
its characteristic element -na expresses other aspects of association such as
concerted action, interaction and inter-dependence or disassociation. Generally,
the Associative of the Simple, Applicative or Causative forms expresses
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 19

reciprocity or concerted action, whereas the Associative of Static or Contactive


expresses interaction and inter-dependence, e.g. in Swahili:

Simple: -piga (hit) > -pigana (fight)


Applicative: -imbia (sing to) > -imbiana (sing to one another)
Causative: -pendeza (please) > -pendezana (please one another)
Static: -shikama (be in a state of holding) > -shikamana (being in a
state of holding together)
Contactive: -ambata (adhere to) > -ambatana (adhere/stick together)
Conversive: -fumuka (become undone, of weaving/sewing, etc.)
-fumukana (disperse, of pearls, beads, etc.)

3.9.2. Nyamwezi also uses the -na as its characteristic Associative element but
less frequently than in Swahili. Thus -lemba (cheat) > -lembana (cheat one
another), -lumba (thank) > -lumbana (thank one another), and -kolwa (hate) >
-kolwana (hate one another).

3.9.3. With some verbs, instead of the extension -na, a phrasal construction with
the reflexive marker -i- is employed in Nyamwezi, e.g. -togwa (love, like) >
-itogwa ng’wenekele (love/like onself) > -itogwa benekele ne benekele (love/like
one another), and kutula (to hit) > kwitula ng’wenekele (to hit oneself) > kwitula
jenekele na jenekele (to hit one another, to fight).
Interaction or Inter-dependence is clearly marked by the -i- (Swahili -ji-)
reflexive in the Associative form, e.g. Nyamwezi kuguna (to help) > kugunana
(to help one another), kwigunana (to help one another in a group), and
kwigunana benekele na benekele (to help one another - 2 persons only). These
forms are comparable to the Swahili kusaidia, kusaidiana, kujisaidiana, and
kujisaidiana wenyewe kwa wenyewe, respectively.

3.10 The augmentative form

3.10.1. Augmentation in Swahili includes various degrees of thoroughness,


intesiveness, continuousness and persistence. These ideas are mutually
exclusive, but are frequently complementary. The post-radical elements used
here are identical to some of the Applicative, Causative and Conversive forms.

3.10.2. In Swahili the following forms are encountered:

-epa (dodge) > -epua (remove)


-songa (press) > -songoa (press out, wring)
20 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

-nya (rain) > -nyesha (fall in torrents)


-nyamaa (be quiet) > -nyamaza (be very quiet, shut up)
-ua (kill) > -ulia (kill off, exterminate)
-potea (be lost) > -potelea (be lost for ever/completely)

The Augmentative implication (thoroughness, intensity, continuation, extension,


persistence or duration) is dependent on the basic meaning of the root and the
form of the verb which is extended, e.g. -sikia (hear) > -sikiza (listen) > -sikiliza
(listen attentively).

3.10.3. In Nyamwezi, Augmentation is conveyed by the Conversive -gula and


the Applicative -ila. The Causative particle is not used in this sense, e.g.

-binza (break) > -binzagula (break into pieces)


-tunga (bind) > -tungagula (bind tightly)
-koma (hammer/nail in) > -komagula (hammer/nail in hard)
-simba (dig) > -simbila (dig deep) > -simbilila (dig deep down); cf. Swahili
-chimba > -chimbia and -chimbua (to dig deep into something,
investigate thoroughly)
-suma (sew) > -sumila (sew on/up/together)

3.10.4. Sometimes both Nyamwezi and Swahili use Reduplication of the verb
stem to convey Augmentation or Continuousness, e.g. Nyamwezi kuyela (to
wander) > kuyelayela (to wander about/around), and Swahili kutanga (to
wander) > kutangatanga (to loiter).

3.10.5. The complex suffix -aga commonly found in Eastern Bantu (but not in
Swahili, except for in the Kingwana dialect of Swahili) expresses the “habitual”
aspect or frequency, generally expressed in Swahili by the use of the hu-
tense/aspect marker, e.g. Nyamwezi kuenda (go) > kuendaga (often/usually go),
and Swahili kwenda (go) > huenda (often/usually go).

3.11 The subtractive form

3.11.1. Generally in Swahili a Subtractive meaning is implied by Reduplication


of the verb (Ashton 1944: 316-317). We have seen the Augmentative function of
Reduplication in the foregoing (see § 3.10.4) in both Swahili and Nyamwezi. It
is not enough to give only the individual verbs and their extensions; complete
contextual sentences would illustrate this better, e.g. Swahili Alimpiga (He hit
her), Alimpiga sana (He hit her badly), Alimpigapiga (He hit her here and
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 21

there/several times), Alimpigapiga tu (He hit her only gently), and Mtoto huyu
alialia kutwa kucha (This child whimpers day and night).
In Nyamwezi too the Reduplication of the verbform has both Augmentative
and Subtractive implication depending on the context: kulya (to eat) > kulyalya
(eat a little all the time), kugema (to try) > kugemagema (to try a little/not
enough), and kulima (to plough/farm) > kulimalima (loosen the surface, scratch
the soil).
With monosyllabic (short) verbs, in Swahili the whole infinite form is
repeated instead of only the verb root as is generally the rule, e.g. Swahili kula
(to eat) > kulakula (to eat continuously, a little now and then, at short intervals),
Nyamwezi kulya > kulyalya, and Taita kuja > kujaja.

3.12 The passive form

3.12.1. Most Swahili and Nyamwezi verbs, in the Simple and derived forms
(except for the Neuter/Stative and the Associative) may be put into the Passive,
e.g. in Swahili:

Bantu roots with -kata (cut) -katwa


different vowel -tia (put in) -tiwa, -tiliwa
environments -twaa (take) -twaliwa
-chukua (take away) -chukuliwa
-pokea (receive) -pokewa, -pokelewa
-ondoa (remove) -ondolewa

Arabic loans -dharau (neglect) -dharauliwa


-fikiri (think) -fikiriwa
-jibu (answer) -jibiwa
-samehe (forgive) -samehewa

English loans -rekodi (record) -rekodiwa


-rikodi (record) -rikodiwa
-repea (repair) -repewa, -repelewa
-riniu (renew) -riniuliwa
-taipu (type) -taipiwa

The animate agent of a Passive is preceded by the conjunction na, whereas an


implement/instrument is preceded by kwa, e.g. Chakula kililetwa na Juma (The
food was brought by Juma), and Chakula kililetwa kwa gari (The food was
brought by car). There are of course idiomatic exceptions, e.g. Nilikwenda kwa
22 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

gari (I went by car), and Nilikwenda na gari (I went by/with my own car).
Monosyllabic verbs generally take -iwa suffix, e.g. -fa (die) > -fiwa (be
bereaved), and -la (eat) > -liwa (be eaten), but -pa (give) > -pewa (be given),
-pawa in Old Swahili and its Northern dialects.
Occasionally in Swahili, a Passive idea is expressed by the Associative
-kana, e.g. -ona (see) > -onekana (be seen).

3.12.2. The Passive in Nyamwezi has a different set of phonetic rules with
almost no exception, e.g.

a > wa: -mala (finish) > -malwa


-tula (hit) > -tulwa
-bona (see) > -bonwa

ya > yiwa: -haya (say) > -hayiwa


-satya (pain, hurt) > -satiwa
-igwa/igua (hear) > -igiwa

mba > va: -lemba (deceive) > -lemva


-simba (dig) > -simva
-hamba (plant) > -hamva
-yomba (talk) > -yomva

ba > bwa > wa: -koba (search) > -kowa


-iba (steal) > -iwa
-heba (overcome) > -hewa

ma > ng’wa: -lima (plough) > -ling’wa


-tuma (send) > -tung’wa
-soma (read) > -song’wa
-lema (refuse) > -leng’wa
-ipama (collied) > -ipang’wa

Some of the Swahili equivalents are as follows:

Nyamwezi Swahili (Active > Passive)


-mala -maliza > -malizwa
-bona -ona > -onekana (no Passive in -wa)
-simba -chimba > -chimbwa
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 23

-yomba -yumba > -yumbwa (Old Swahili)


-iba -iba > -ibiwa (Passive of Simple -ibwa uncommon)
-lima -lima > -limwa
-tuma -tuma > -tumwa
-soma -soma > -somwa

3.12.3. Nyamwezi allows a Passive extension of the Associative/Reciprocal and


vice versa with plural subjects and transitive verbs. This is not possible in
Swahili. Thus in Nyamwezi: -bona (see), -bonwa (be seen by someone),
-bonwana (be seen by one another), -bonana (meet), and -bonanwa (meet and be
seen by someone).

4. Conclusions

Verbal extensions are a phenomenon more complex than what it appears to be,
and under its seemingly regular system of vowel harmony and assimilation,
there are some complex modifications; and the post-radical elements in several
cases have more than one implication, sometimes contradicting, e.g. the
common Applicative element is used also to express the Conversive, or the
Augmentative and the Subtractive; and the Conversive is also expressed by the
post-radical elements of other forms.
Most of the verbal extension forms found in Bantu are encountered in both
Swahili and Nyamwezi, though not always to a similar extent in equivalent
forms. Swahili and Nyamwezi extensions are more similar than different.
Nyamwezi, having less foreign influence and more Bantu word-stock than
Swahili, naturally posseses a greater number of Simple forms, e.g. -ina (bend)
and -inga (go out).
Verbal extensions in Swahili are well documented, analysed and described;
whereas in the case of Nyamwezi, verbal derivations and extensions are not all
identified or distinguished satisfactorily. Moreover, for both Swahili and
Nyamwezi, more work needs to be done on the tendency of verbal extensions to
develop special meanings, and this aspect needs to be described with complete
and sensible contexts. The question of the productivity of derivation is again not
fully answered. Ahrenberg, Ashton, Polome, Loogman and Miehe have all dealt
with the the problem in some way as far as Swahili is concerned, but much work
is required for Nyamwezi. In this brief paper, the question of productivity of
verbal derivation and their limits have been dealt with only marginally.
Furthermore, the traditional lables Applicative, Conversive, etc., do not
describe well the meanings of the extension morphemes -el-, -il-, -ul-, -sh-, etc.,
and their semantic descriptions may not be correct. In a different kind of
24 Africa & Asia, No 2, 2002

Form Bantu Swahili Nyamwezi


Simple -a, -i -a, -i, -u, -e -a, -i
Passive -wa, -iwa, -ewa, -wa, -iwa, -ewa, -wa, -yiwa
-ibwa -liwa, -lewa
Neuter/Stative -akala, -ahala, -ka, -ika, -eka, -ka, -ika, -eka, -uka
-ikana, -ekana -lika, -leka, -uka
Applicative/Prepositional -ila, -ela, -ina, -ena -ia, -ea, -ilia, -elea -ila, -ela
Perfective -ilila, -elela -ilia, -elea -ilia, -elea, -ilila,
-elela
Causative -ya, -isa, -isha, -isha, -esha, -iza, -ja, -ija, -eja, -cha,
-iza, -esa, -esha, -eza, -sha, -za, -ya, -sa, -sha, -isha,
-eza, -sa, -sha, -za -sa -ishija, -nja
Augmentative (Intensive, -isa, -isisa, -aka, -ua, -oa, -za, -liza, -gula, -ila, -ilila,
Durative, Extensive) -auka, -aika, -ala, -leza, reduplication reduplication
-aula, -aila, -asya,
-ausya, -aisya,
reduplication
Reciprocal/Associative -na, -ana, -akana, -na (refl. -ji-), -na (refl. -i-)
-ikana, -ekana -akana, -ikana,
-ekana
Conversive/Reversive -ula, -ola, -ulula, -ua, -oa, -ia -ula, -ola, -ila
-olola, -ua, -oa,
-uza, -oza, -uka,
-oka, -uluka, -oloka
Static -ma -ma, -mana -ma, -mana
Contactive/Tenacious -ta -ta, -to -ta
Denominative/Inceptive -pa, -pala -pa -pa, -ipa
Ideophonic -ka, -la, -ra, -na, -t-, -m-, -k-, -ch-,
-sa, -za, -sha, -ja -b-, -ng-, -g-, -mb-
Subtractive reduplication reduplication reduplication

Table 2. Post-radical elements of verbal extensions(given preliminarily


in descending order of frequency)

linguistic study, one may be interested in universal semantic categories, and may
thus want to describe how such categories are expressed in a given language.
Such a study demands solving a host of preliminary problems. The present paper
investigates “verbal extensions” as a morphological and not a semantic category,
though I believe the question of verbal derivation in Bantu needs to be addressed
as syntactic and semantic categories.
Abdulaziz Lodhi · Verbal extensions in Bantu 25

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