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Lucas Astrology and Numerology

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 John S. Lucas, Astrology and Numerology in Medieval and Early Modern
Catalonia, Leiden – Boston: Brill, 2003, XXVIII + 207 pp.
Meir Bar-Ilan
Bar-Ilan University, Israel

The book under discussion is a new edition of a book originally printed in Catalan in
15th century Spain. The book, Astrology and Numerology in Medieval and Early
Modern Catalonia, by John S. Lucas, is a manual for numerologists and astrologers
concerning how to “calculate” one's name and draw his future (=prognostication) out
of the name’s numerical representation. Most of the book, some 140 pages, is a
reprint of the original edition in its original Catalan, together with a critical English
translation and notes. Since I am not familiar with Catalan, I am permitted to say
solely as a layperson that Lucas’ work appears to be on a high scholarly level. He has
contributed not only to the study of incunabula, but also succeeds in providing a good
“introduction” to the use of astrology and numerology in the high Middle Ages in
Spain.

The book begins with a foreword from David J. Viera on the role of astrology in 13-
14th centuries Aragon and is supplemented with a bibliography on the subject. The
first chapter is titled: ‘Prognostication at the Dawn of the Renaissance’. Chapter 2
describes the ‘Genres of Prognostic Material in the Catalan Language’. Chapter 3
evaluates ‘The Present Edition’ (known editions, content, divisions, sources, linguistic
features, provenance and more); following which is the original book with English
translation, the Apparatus Criticus, a facsimile reproduction, a Catalan – English
glossary, references and the index. No doubt, the book was written by a highly
qualified scholar.

While the role of astrology in Europe is more or less known to scholarship, the role of
numerology is still uncharted territory. Numerology to us moderns seems more the
interest of contemporary celebrities than a field of academic-level study. For this
reason we are indebted to Lucas for providing such a book and thereby exposing
numerology to the many historians that have doubtfully ever discussed the subject in
scholarly circles. While modern scholars are interested in the lives and works of the
scholars of former generations, and contemporary doctors may write on ancient
medicine, there is no contemporary astrologer or numerologist who is interested in his
professional predecessors – needless to say they cannot say much about their
profession’s origins. This, however, is a book by a modern historian who knows that
what matters is not necessarily limited to what is highly esteemed today, and therefore
includes in his studies what was highly esteemed in the past. This is a book on
intellectual history, regardless that some may raise doubts upon whether numerology
ought truly to be considered “intellectual”.

The book raises a variety of questions and provides a fresh view on the role of
esoteric knowledge in Europe in general and Spain in particular. It is hoped that more
scholars will find an interest in the book and review it from their own angle.
However, hereafter only three themes will be discussed:
1. Astrological Magic
2. Jewish background (Jewish Astrologers; the difference between Gematria and
Numerology; Secreta secretum)
3. A Hebrew source of Numerology: The Book of Asaph the Physician

1
1. Astrological Magic

A few years ago there appeared a book about astral magic practiced among Jews in
Spain in the Middle Ages.1 In reviewing that book, I claimed that there is no such
concept as “astral magic” and that this term is either an oxymoron or an anachronism
or both.2 In other words, the phrase “astral magic” was invented to anachronistically
describe intellectual history. It is important to emphasize that astrology was
historically considered to be a science just as magic was considered to be a way of life
in practice. Both systems differ from the contemporary understanding of science, but
this difference does not permit a modern writer to join two different systems as
though they were one. Moreover, astrology was utilized in order to “know the future”
in advance and was not used as a technique to change one’s life, as magic claimed to
do. The witch of En-Dor in I Samuel 28, for example, foretold to King Saul his future,
in a similar fashion that magicians have forever revealed the future to their listeners,
but this text does not allow an understanding that the witch was an astrologer.3 While
it is true that in the Middle Ages there were a few magical practices that were meant
to be carried out at particular times, or even under a specific star, it is clear that those
who were involved in magic were not involved in astrology, and vice versa. That is to
say that there were two different systems, one based on science and the other on
religion; and these two systems had two different goals.4

People in the Middle Ages were familiar with both astrology and magic, of course,
but no such concept of “astral magic” has ever existed, except in the writings of
modern scholars. Now, in the book under discussion there is a sub-chapter on
“Astrological Magic” (pp. 32-43). Against the above backdrop of academic dispute
this sub-chapter was read, precisely in order to discover if anything may have been
overlooked or misconceived on the subject, by myself or by any other.

As a matter of fact, the author does not try to explain why he uses the phrase “astral
magic” at all, probably because he does not think anything to be wrong with it.
Indeed, Lucas quotes (p. 39) Albert Magnus (1200-1280), that: “the twenty-eight
lunar mansions are expressly connected with diabolic arts”. Now, the standpoint of a
churchman (and Aristotelian as well) was that astrology and magic come from the
same source, i.e. the diabolic; but there is no need for a modern scholar to adopt such
a concept (unless he proves it). Modern scholarship differs from that of the Middle
Ages, inter alia, in the way it proves theses and makes its cases. Here then, is a
situation where clerical opinion has become modern scholarship, in such a way that

* The writer is the founder of the Association for Jewish Astrology and Numerology.
1
D. Schwartz, Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought, Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan
University press, 1999 (Hebrew).
2
M. Bar-Ilan, ‘(Review of) Dov Swartz, Astrology and Magic in Jewish Thought in
the Middle-Ages, Ramat-Gan 1999’, Kabbala, 7 (2002), pp. 361-384 (Hebrew).
3
On Jewish sorceresses, see: M. Bar-Ilan, Some Jewish Women in Antiquity, Atlanta,
Georgia: Scholars Press, 1998, pp. 114-131.
4
For some parallels between Magic and Religion in Antiquity, see: F. Cumont,
Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, New York: Dover Publications, 1956
(originally: 1911), pp. 182-193.

2
expressly resembles the same syncretism that the scholar has condemned elsewhere
(p. 37).

On p. 40 Lucas presents his ideas concerning astrology and magic, and his words
should be read carefully. He writes as follows:

Astrological magic, broadly defined, encompasses any magical or occult art

that refers to astrological symbolism and professes a belief in the power of the
stars. Astrological magic occasionally treats the planets as deities in their own
right…

Again, the belief in the power of the stars does not necessarily have anything to do
with magic. This is certainly clear for example in the case of R. Abraham ibn Ezra
(1092-1167), who practiced astrology but never magic. However, it should be
admitted that some astrologers thought that “astrology is the basis of magic”, as
Thorndike explained Arnald de Villanova’s (c. 1238-1311) way of thinking.5 Even
then, this concept does not accept “astrological magic” as a compound expression.
One who knows the forces of the cosmos is a scientist, and taking advantage of these
forces, just like flying a plane, is a scientific act. This is applied also to an astrologer’s
acts – during the time when his work was considered to be scientific – being science
as well, not magic. Only a layman might look at a scientist as a magician, much in the
same way that modern people might look at an astrologer. Knowing cosmic forces is
no magic: it is pure science.

Lucas continues by writing about “planets as deities”, though this concept was well
known in Antiquity without any reference to astrology. By doing so it looks as if the
scholar gives his data a misleading description, deliberately or non-deliberately. At
the end of the paragraph he adds the following:

Two of the most common forms of astrological magic are sympathetic and
talismatic.

Again, here is a half-true concept, with regards to magic as well as to astrology. First
it should be made clear that sympathetic magic as well has nothing to do with
astrology,6 and yet the scholar mentions this type of magic; irrelevantly, as it happens.
Moreover, even the use of talismans as “astrological magic” is deceptive since, so far
as I know, one cannot ascribe this practice to astrologers at all, but to healers.7 In
other words, though talismans were used by magicians, this fact in itself does not say
anything about their relations to astrology. There is no text or body of texts, whether
the Tetrabiblos by Ptolemy in the 2nd century, or the astrological treatises written by

5
L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1923, II. pp. 857.
6
M. Bar-Ilan, ‘Between Magic and Religion: Sympathetic Magic in the World of the
Sages of the Mishnah and Talmud’, Review of Rabbinic Judaism, 5.3 (2002), pp.
383-399.
7
H. J. Zimmels, Magicians Theologians and Doctors, London: Edward Goldston,
1952, pp. 137-139; J. Schatzmiller, ‘The Forms of the Twelve Constellations: A 14th
Century Controversy’, Jerusalem Studies in Jewish Thought [=Shlomo Pines Jubilee
Volume], 9 (1990), pp. 397-408 (Hebrew).

3
ibn Ezra in the 12th, that may lead a scholar to the proposal that talismans have
anything remotely to do with “astrological magic”. These talismans were evidence of
the deep understanding of the nature of man and cosmos, as well as of the relations
between them. They dealt with how to take advantage of this understand to cure
people. This is science – who said anything about magic?

Furthermore, once the scholar writes (p. 40) that “Sympathetic magic derives from the
Hippocratic-Galenic tradition”, there is no need to refute him; we may only to send
him to read the basic books about the Hippocratic tradition.8

In sum, “Astrological Magic” is a modern concept, albeit derived from the Middle
Ages. It reflects a misunderstanding of both astrology and magic, two systems that the
Church was not fond of. The first one to identify the two systems as one (or, better:
that any magic is Astrology) was Agrippa of Nettesheim, around 1533,9 so this idea is
relatively late (though one can think of Arnald as a predecessor). There is no reason
why a scholar in the 21st century should adopt this concept. It is either an oxymoron
or an anachronism, or both.

2. Jewish Background

The Tractat de prenostication was not written by a Jew, nor was it intended to be read
or used by Jews in particular (and there are no “Jews” in the modern index). It looks
as though the book may have undergone a process of “Christianization”, and
according to Lucas the text under consideration “is a powerful textual witness to non-
Christian forms of future-telling”.10 Meanwhile, he draws attention to the Jews several
times, implicitly and explicitly. He declares (p. 26): ‘Often the ideas of
prognostication stem directly from Jewish or Arabic sources or have been filtered
through them’. With this understanding he mentions the Jews in Catalonia, such as
Nahmanides (p. 57), and discusses Gematria and all sorts of Hebrew books – Cabbala
in particular. Among these books is a Hebrew translation of a book attributed to
Aristotle. Hence, though their particular role is not immediately apparent, it is clear
that Jews are indeed extant in the background. In reading this modern edition it seems
that the scholar included Jews with good reason. Jews were not only part of the
learned society in Spain, but they played a major role in science in the Middle Ages as
transmitters of Arabic books into the Christian realms. They were not only physicians
and bankers, but astrologers as well. While it is true that 19th century scholars of the

8
Wesley D. Smith, The Hippocratic Tradition, Ithaca and London: Cornell University
Press, 1979; Lawrence I. Conrad, M. Neve, V. Nutton, R. Porter and A. Wear, The
Western Medical Tradition: 800 BC to AD 1800, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1995 (rep. 1996).
9
Brian P. Copenhaver, ‘Astrology and magic’, Ch. Schmitt (ed.), The Cambridge
History of Renaissance Philosophy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988
(rep. 2000), pp. 264-300.
10
As a matter of fact, the author of The Tractat mentions several Christian figures,
such as: Virgin Mary (p. 107), St. Martin (p. 103), probably St. Martin of Tours (c.
335-400), founder of the Gallican Church, St. Margaret (p. 109), one of the most
venerated saints during the Middle Ages. For an unknown reason Lucas does not
discuss these figures, not even to provide clues as to the background of the writer.

4
Enlightenment refrained from admitting that Jews were (also) astrologers, today the
tides have turned, and owing to our obligation to scholarship we must describe what
we find and hide nothing, be it the “aberrant” astrologer or numerologist.

However, for the author to mention Cabbala was a mistake. At present no numerology
can be ascribed to this body of work, nor to the Zohar or Abulafia. Furthermore, it
seems that Lucas has misunderstood the role of Jews as converts. That is, his
mentioning of the writings of Arnaldus (Arnau) de Vilanova (pp. XII-XIV; 9-10, 19n.
and more) as a precursor of The Tractat, is not particularly impressive. Arnald (c.
1238-1311) held the chair of Medicine in the University of Montpellier; a physician,
alchemist and astrologer who served popes and kings, he was one of the most learned
people in his times.11 However, when Lucas adds that Arnald knew Hebrew (and
Arabic) and was influenced by the Cabbala, one wonders if this person was not
perhaps a Jew who had converted to Christianity. Indeed, in those days there would
have been no school for a Christian to learn Hebrew; and furthermore historical
records in fact point to the possibility that Arnald came from a Jewish family. If this is
the case, it is possible to delineate the chain of tradition in numerology. Jews probably
were involved in Numerology but not necessarily those that were in the main-stream
of the Cabbala, rather Jews who moved from Judaism to Christianity, taking with
them Hebrew and Arabic traditions making them Christian. The Inquisition banned
Arnald de Vilanova’s books. Perhaps this was in response to his questionable
background, in addition to the suspicions of their inclusions of magic.

2.1 Jewish Astrologers

In Jewish studies today, as it has been for centuries, one is supposed to know not only
his Rabbis, but also his Rabbis’ Rabbis. In the 18th century HIDA (R. Haim Joseph
David Azulai) wrote a book on the lives of past Rabbis; many more Rabbis would fill
the pages of any encyclopedia. Jewish physicians, on the other hand, are less well
known than Rabbis, and it is no secret that Jewish Astrologers are far less known still.
Now, the foreword to our book, written by David J. Viera mentions a number of
Jewish astrologers, in particular those who served in the courts of King Pere III
(1336-1387) and King Juan I (1387-1395) of Aragon. Included are Juce of Osca, Isaac
Nafusi, Vidal and Bellshom (=Shem-Tov) Efraïm, and others (pp. XV-XVI). Viera
also draws attention to an astronomical multi-language book in which Hebrew (along
with Catalan and Latin) played a role. Lucas himself mentions (p. 27) Bonjorn
(=Yom-Tov), a Jewish astronomer who was born in Girona in 1333, unknown, so far,
in Jewish sources. Hence both scholars, Viera and Lucas, are aware of the Jewish
background in astronomy and astrology in Spain in the Middle Ages.

In modern studies of Jewish history these astronomers and astrologers are almost
completely ignored, not only because of the many languages involved in order to
decipher their works, but also because of the disgraced name astrology has acquired.
Except for a few astrologers, such as R. Abraham ibn Ezra, who is still studied until
this very day (though not for his astrological merits), very few astrologers are known

11
On the achievements of this scholar, see: L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and
Experimental Science, New York: Columbia University Press, 1923, II. pp. 841-861;
III. pp. 52-84.

5
from Medieval Jewish Spain. Only recently has research regarding the contribution of
Jewish scientists in Spain begun. This research is pertinent predominantly when
esoteric knowledge is part of the discussion.12 Though this is not the place to fill out
the list of the Jewish astrologers in Spain, one name in particular stands out, as it
demonstrates the depths of the Jewish background in Spanish astrology in just the
way that both scholars, Lucas and Viera, perceive the subject.

R. Isaak b. Baruk ibn Albalya (1035-1094) was one of the most learned Rabbis in
Cordoba in his time and was appointed there as Nasi. He wrote a commentary on
difficult issues in the Talmud and was also learned in Greek wisdom (=philosophy).
The Muslim king al-Mu‘tamid (1069 – 1091) appointed him as an official in his
residence and palace, where he consulted him in the science of astrology.13 Thus, as
early as the 11th century, one of the leading figures in Jewish Spain was a Rabbi who
was also an astrologer. With such figures among the Jews at so early a date, the
impact of Jewish astrologers in the later centuries is foregone. Hence what is needed
now is a better knowledge of all Jewish astrologers in Spain, the better to reevaluate
the Jewish role in astrology in the Middle-Ages.

Summing up this discussion, it is hoped that in the future scholars will collaborate to
build a list of all the Jewish (and non-Jewish) astrologers and numerologists that
played a role in Spain, either in the royal court or in Jewish society.

2.2 Gematria and Numerology

One of the issues discussed by Lucas is Gematria (pp. 56-58). However, it becomes
apparent that neither he, nor most other scholars, knows the difference between
Gematria and Numerology. All use these names as if the methods involved were the
same. Therefore, there is a need to explain these methods and to clarify the
differences between them.14 Now, Gematria is an old technique derived from a period
where there were no specific characters for numbers (numerals), and letters stood for
numbers. At its core, letters or words are taken for numbers, then these numbers are
“converted” to other words. The system came from Greek civilization, known as
isopsephy, though some scholars think it came from Mesopotamia.15 It is still often
employed in Jewish circles to this very day. At any event Jews used Gematria from
the first century BCE, and Christians used the same method, either from their
Hellenistic or Jewish backgrounds. In the Talmud there are dozens, if not more,
calculations of Gematria, so when one comes to the Middle-Ages there is no need to
derive Gematria from the Cabbala since it had already been in use by that time for
more than a millennium. True, in the High Middle-Ages one can see more types of

12
D. Romano, ‘The Contribution of Spanish Jewry to the Sciences’, H. Beinart (ed.),
Moreshet Sepharad: The Sephardi Legacy, Jerusalem: Magness, 1992, I. pp. 190-
206 (Hebrew).
13
Abraham ibn Daud, The Book of Tradition (sefer ha-Qabbalah), translated by: G.
D. Cohen, Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1967, pp. 80-81
(Hebrew section: p. 60). The book was written in 1160-1161.
14
Hereafter the discussion is based on: M. Bar-Ilan, Genesis Numerology, Rehovot:
The Association for Jewish Astrology and Numerology, 2003 (Hebrew).
15
K. Barry, The Greek Qabalah: Alphabetic Mysticism and Numerology in the
Ancient World, York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, Inc. 1999.

6
Gematria, but there is nothing new in the actual method. Hence, Gematria can be
described best as a type of number-based word play.

However, numerology is something else. Numerology is the sphere in which numbers

take on symbolic meaning. Sometimes one realizes that numbers do not have the
meaning of quantity but rather of a quality. A modern Hebrew example of this is in
the usage of the number 10 when saying: “That man is 10” Though this is colloquial it
is clear to the speaker and to the listener, depending upon culture,16 that here 10
stands not for quantity (e.g. “He is ten years of age”), but for quality: 10 denotes
excellence. The modern scholar should certainly ask himself: How did 10 come to be
identified with excellence? But this is obviously an issue beyond the scope of this
discussion. What is clear is that sometimes even today numbers may be symbols for
some kinds of quality (or meaning).

There are numerologists who predict the future by taking one’s name and converting
it to a number that, according to them, characterizes one’s personality and future.
Once the numerologist reveals one’s number, with the help of a table he can yield a
prognostication. Such a table appears on p. 62 (96-97). At one point in his discourse
Lucas searches for Jewish sources for this type of Gematria, though he concludes that
he was not able to find any (p. 58). The reason for this lack is clear: the table deals
with numerology and not with Gematria. To show the difference between the systems
it is enough to merely steal a glance at the table, where letters are made equivalent to
numbers. The table shows that C, D and R equal 4, B and L equal 2 (which does make
sense), and K, Q and X equal 20. If M equals 12 and N equals 22, but no letter equals
5, it is clear that this is no Gematria at all but some kind of numerology of unknown
source.17

Summing up, the whole discussion undertaken by Lucas (pp. 56-58) is superfluous,
and the main difference between Gematria and numerology is missing. While the
reader might consider this statement a harsh criticism of the scholar, the truth is that
the criticism is not necessarily leveled against Lucas, but rather against the whole
field of Jewish Studies. When the scholar went into wonderland looking for Jewish
material he didn’t find one because former scholars preferred to write on (what they
considered to be) normative Judaism while ignoring any kind of popular or non-
Rabbinic Judaism.18

16
It should be noted that not all the cultures take 10 as quality. For example: “Ich
habe eine Freund, er Zehn ist” makes no sense in German since the culture doesn’t
take 10 for excellence.
17
It looks like a Catalan adaptation of Arabic numerology (since G=3 and Z=8).
18
Another concept of the scholar should be refuted, and that is the concept of
“magical numbers” (p. 17). This is a misconception since numbers are not divided
into magical and non-magical ones. Some of the numbers represent certain qualities,
and only Numerologers (modern scholars not necessarily included) do know these
qualities.

7
2.3 Secreta secretum and other Jewish books

In his discussion of the precedents of The Tractat de prenostication, Lucas picks up

Secreta secretum, a medieval book attributed to Aristotle.19 This pseudo-Aristotelian
work is known today from more than 500 MSS, but the scholar discusses the Hebrew
translation since it is more “complete” than the other versions (pp. 54-55). The text
was printed and translated into English by M. Gaster almost 100 years ago.20 A word
or two should be added in its regard. The book is a compilation of several topics; it is
readily apparent that many hands contributed to the present text, so there is difficulty
in discussing the way it might have been ‘originally’ presented. The content of the
book is unsystematic, but it includes all sorts of advice to kings on how to rule. Also
included is a numerological prognostication: how to know in advance what army will
win the battle. It is simple: one just has to calculate the names of the fighting generals
according to a numerological system given in the book, and it will become apparent
who is to win.

When the author of The Tractat gives the computations 1-9, 1-8, 1-7, 1-6 etc., and he
treats 1-9 and 9-1 as the same value, it becomes evident that the author’s system is
very near – though not identical to – the method employed by the author of the Book
of Creation (Sefer Yezira).21 The author of that book showed his ability to compute
the different options in making Hebrew words out of only two letters. While the debt
of the author of The Tractat de prenostication to Pythagoras is clear,22 it should be
noted that the authors of both the Book of Creation and Secreta secretum borrowed
additionally insights from later, Neo-Pythagorean thinking.

As for the Book of Creation, the idea that the author is reliant on Pythagoreanism is
far from being new,23 and since that book deserves to be discussed by itself elsewhere,
the subject will not be dealt with here. However, concerning Secreta secretum, its
debt to Pythagoreanism is almost explicit. First, in chapter VIII (par. 58) the relation

19
There are several books attributed to Aristotle, see: L. Thorndike, A History of
Magic and Experimental Science, New York: Columbia University Press, 1923, II.
pp. 246-278. In this pseudo-Aristotelian corpus, in Jewish circles, was Kitab al-
Istamakhis (known to Maimonides, Guide III:29). See: Ch. Burnett, Magic and
Divination in the Middle Ages, Aldershot, Hampshire – Burlington, Vermont:
Variorum, 1996, ch. III. Two more books were: 1) Sefer HaTapuah (Ch. B.
Friedberg, Bet Eqed Sefarim, Tel-Aviv 1951, p. 1114 = De pomo); translated from
Arabic by R. Abraham b. Hasdai, HaNasi (Barcelona 13th c.); 2) Bet HaZahav (vid.
Maimonides’ Responsum [to R. Shmuel ibn Tibbon], Leipzig 1859, 28d), probably
of Alchemical nature.
20
M. Gaster, ‘The Hebrew Version of the Secretum Secretorum’, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, 1907-1908 (a booklet: English XVII + 52 pp.; Hebrew 33 pp.).
Reprint in: M. Gaster, Studies and Texts, New York: Ktav, 1971, II, pp. 742-813; III,
246-278. The text was divided to 135 paragraphs; hereafter the discussion relates to
the paragraphs number.
21
I. Gruenwald, ‘A Preliminary Critical Edition of Sefer Yezira’, IOS, 1 (1971), pp.
132-177.
22
Lucas, pp. 50, 133, and see index p. 206.
23
P. Mordell, ‘The Origin of Letters and Numerals According to the Sefer Yesirah’,
JQR, 2 (1911-1912), pp. 557-583 (esp. p. 579).

8
between the numerals 10 and 4 is stated. The Hebrew text is a bit dubious, and the
English translator likewise suffers from not knowing basic Pythagoreanism. However,
the text should be read as follows: “..since 10 is 4 in sum, while 4 summing-up (its
former) 1, 2 and 3 to 10”.24 That is to say that 1+2+3+4=10;25 hence we have here a
Pythagorean Tetractys, a number that is produced by the placing of small stones to
create a triangle.26 According to a very simple equation [(n+1)*n/2=total], if one
knows the last number in the triangle the sum of the triangle may be known as well.
Thus we see there is a strict relationship between 4 and 10. This connection between
the two numbers seems spurious to the modern eye, but it should be noted that Philo
discusses it while explaining the Ten Commandments,27 and R. Abraham ibn Ezra
used this connection as well. Hence there is contained in the composition Secreta
secretum a unique concept of mathematics, which underlines its connection to
Pythagorean thinking.

Another possible connection between Secreta secretum and Pythagoreanism is found

in chapter XI: a chapter on physiognomy, the art of “deciphering” human character
based on facial features. Though there are good reasons to see this chapter as a later
addendum,28 it comes from the same tradition of the amalgamation of ideas from
philosophers, physicians, astrologers and scientists (later to be considered as
magicians, alchemists, healers and so on). At any event, this physiognomy was
historically attributed to Pythagoras (Iamblichus, 255?-333; de vita Pythagorica 17),29
and any text with such scientific knowledge should be attributed, one way or another,
to Pythagorean circles. In sum, Secreta secretum exemplifies a blend of many sources
with special emphasis on Neo-Pythagoreanism (as well as pseudo-Aristotelian
works),30 of the same temper as that known already in some Hebrew texts. This text
should be taken into account while viewing the Jewish background of Catalan and
Spanish books on Numerology and Astrology.

24
In Hebrew the root slm that denotes “complete” (or: summing) is also “perfect”,
which led Gaster to mistranslate the text as: “for ten and four are perfect numbers”.
However, these numbers are not perfect, since the perfect numbers are: 6, 28, 496,
8128 (more numbers were discovered from the 16th century onward).
25
This idea enabled Philo to explain some cases in the Torah. See: Horst R.
Moehring, ‘Arithmology as an Exegetical Tool in the Writings of Philo of
Alexandria’, Society of Biblical Literature, Seminar Papers Series (1978), pp. 191-
227 [=John P. Kenney (ed.), The School of Moses, Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press,
1995, pp. 141-176].
26
Johan C. Thom, The Pythagorean Golden Verses, Leiden – New York – Köln: E.J.
Brill, 1995, pp. 174-177.
27
Philo was considered by Clement of Alexandria to be a “Pythagorean”. See: Horst
R. Moehring, supra.
28
Gaster, p. XIII
29
G. Scholem, ‘Ein Fragment zur Physiognomik und Chiromantik aus der Tradition
der spätantiken jüdischen Esoterik’, Liber Amicorum: Studies in Honour of
Professor Dr. C. J. Bleeker, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969, pp. 175-193; G. Scholem,
Devils, Demons and Souls: Essays on Demonology (Edited by Esther Liebes),
Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 2004, pp. 246-301 (Hebrew).
30
Angus G. Clarke, ‘Metoposcopy: An Art to find The Mind’s Construction in the
Forehead’, P. Curry (ed.), Astrology Science and Society: Historical Essays,
Woodbridge – Wolfeboro: The Boydell Press, 1987, pp. 171-195.

9
3. A Hebrew early source to Numerology

Lucas did a great deal of work to expose the sources of his book, and one must admit
that though he did a very good work, the sources of this science are still sparse and far
from elucidated.31 The aim of the following discussion is to draw attention to a
Hebrew source heretofore unknown in this field. The source should add to our
understanding of the history of numerology.

Aside from Secreta secretum, the only Hebrew text that discusses numerology and
names appears in The Book of Asaph the Physician. Before coming to deal with the
text itself a few words should be added regarding this unusual book. The Book of
Asaph the Physician is still a riddle with regards to the identity of its author, and the
place and time in which it was written.32 For reasons beyond the scope of this paper, it
has been traditionally assumed that the book was composed in the 6th or early 7th
century CE. The author drew extensively from Greek medical sources and translated
them into Hebrew. In one particular instance Asaph uses numerology as a technique
to foresee the wisdom of a proposed marriage. In paragraph 497 Asaph writes as
follows:

If you want to know whether a man and a woman should marry or not:
compute the names of the man and the woman, each by itself, and make them
99.33 If the remainder turns out to be:
11 – marry and love (each other)
12 - marry and like (each other)
13 – marry and they will quarrel
14 - marry and like
15 – will not marry, and then hate each other, etc.34

The text continues with more calculation, and it is evident that the writer was sure that
his reader would know how to make these computations. In the following paragraph
Asaph writes to his reader regarding the case in which a slave runs away from his
master – how may one compute the chances that the slave will be returned? One who

31
L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1923, I. pp. 370-371; 682-683. One should add Martianus Capella
(fl. C. 400). See: K. Barry, The Greek Qabalah (sup. n. 14), pp. 191-193.
32
Few references will be suffice: S. Muntner, Introduction to the Book of Asaph the
Physician, Jerusalem: Geniza, 1957 (Hebrew); Elinor Lieber, ‘An Ongoing Mystery:
The So-Called Book of Medicines Attributed to Asaf the Sage’, Bulletin of Judaeo-
Greek Studies, 8 (1991), pp. 18-25; S. Newmyer, ‘Asaph the Jew and Greco-Roman
Pharmaceutic’, Irena and Walter Jacob (eds.), The Healing Past, Leiden – New
York – Köln, E. J. Brill, 1993, pp. 107-120.
33
That is: the rule of nine. See: K. Barry, The Greek Qabalah (sup. n. 14), pp. 121-
122, 191.
34
The text appeared in: S. Muntner, ‘The Book of Asaph the Physician’, KOROT, 5.1
(1970), pp. 27-68. The translation is from pp. 57-58 and the original is in Aramaic, a
unique case in that book. The text is derived from Ms. Oxford 2138 fol 107 a-b.
This type of computation appears also: Rephael Ohana, Mareh Hayeladim,
Jerusalem 1914, 25b-26a (Hebrew).

10
 really wants to know how these computations were performed can learn the details in
the book under discussion, though there is a gap of almost a millennium between the
Catalan book, written in the 15th century and Asaph’s book

All told, while our scholar mentions Hippolytus (in the third century), as one of the
earliest sources of Numerology, now we can add the name of Asaph the Physician
(who subsequently drew his text most certainly from earlier sources). There is no
doubt, then, that this source, together with the Hebrew text of Secreta secretum, is
testimony to the Jewish practice in numerology in the Middle-Ages, though it still
would be proper to wait until some more glorious stuff of this kind is found.35

Conclusion

This book is a fine contribution to the study of the history of numerology in the
Middle Ages. One should thank the scholar for entering into terra incognito; this of
course is nevertheless the reason that he failed in some minor aspects of his
discoveries. The whole combined issue of numerology and astrology is far from being
the focus of mainstream scholarship. One still wonders to what extent the Jews did
use numerology in the Middle Ages. The problem is that after three generations of
Cabbala scholars it is apparent that none of them have attempted studying the history
of numerology and its affinities to Cabbala. Therefore we will have to wait and see
what will emerge from the many Hebrew manuscripts that are still waiting to be
studied. Hopefully, this book will open a new stage in the study of these issues, and
once again Jews – that is, Judaic Studies – will play a role in the intellectual history of
Europe in the Middle Ages.

35
Erratum: p. 97 instead of "Aires” it should be “Aries”.

11

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